Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 20, 479–502 (2001)

doi:10.1006/jaar.2001.0385, available online at http://www.idealibrary.com on

Politywide Analysis and Imperial Political Economy: The Relationship

between Valley Political Complexity and Administrative Centers in the
Wari Empire of the Central Andes
Justin Jennings and Nathan Craig
Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara, California 93106

E-mail: jmj0@umail.ucsb.edu

Received August 25, 2000; revision received January 17, 2001; accepted February 15, 2001;
published online October 26, 2001

This article tests a model for the political economy of the Wari Empire (AD 600–1000) of Peru. This
model divides the empire into core and periphery zones. In the core, Wari political economy was or-
ganized to extract surplus agricultural production to feed the capital. In the periphery, the Wari strove
to extract prestige goods. We suggest that there is a strong relationship between where the empire
chose to locate its centers in the periphery and the political complexity of the local population in
which the center was placed. We argue that in areas of low political organization sites should be lo-
cated near the geographic center of a population. These sites will tend to function as local administra-
tive centers geared toward the organization and exploitation of the area’s wealth potential. In areas
with more complex political organization sites should be located on the margins of a population.
These sites should have functioned as gateway centers controlling, or at least profiting from, interre-
gional exchange. Our model was systematically tested through the use of Geographic Information
Systems (GIS). The results suggest that much of the variability found in Wari site placement in the pe-
riphery can be explained by differences in local sociopolitical complexity. © 2001 Academic Press

INTRODUCTION microcosm. Politywide analysis that sys-

Empires are massive, complex, political
entities that present formidable challenges
to traditional scales of archaeological analy-
sis. Since empires extend across political
boundaries, exchange systems, and envi-
ronmental zones, the organization of popu-
lations before they fall under imperial con-
trol will undoubtedly vary from place to
place. Relying on different strategies to take
advantage of these local conditions, an em-
pire will tend to form a “mosaic of control”
(Schreiber 1992:69). In this mosaic, imperial
actions taken in one region may often differ
radically from those taken in an another.
These actions, however, are usually part of
a “grand strategy” of wealth extraction
(after Luttwark 1976). The traditional field
archaeology methods of settlement survey
and site excavation are alone insufficient
for understanding this grand strategy—a
site or region cannot serve as an imperial
479
tematically synthesizes the results of these
smaller scale analyses is also necessary.
This article seeks to demonstrate the value
of such an analysis.
In this article, we present a model for the
political economy of the Wari Empire (AD
600–1000) of Peru. This model argues that
Wari, outside of its imperial core, strove to
extract prestige goods. Based on this model,
we suggest that there is a strong relation-
ship between where the empire chose to lo-
cate its peripheral centers and the political
organization of the local population in
which the center was placed. Sites located
near the geographic center of a population
are argued to function as local administra-
tive centers geared toward the organization
and exploitation of the area’s wealth poten-
tial. These sites should be found in areas of
low political organization. We argue that
sites located on the margins of a popula-
tion, on the other hand, functioned as gate-
0278-4165/01 $35.00
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All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
480 JENNINGS AND CRAIG
way centers controlling, or at least profiting
from, interregional exchange. These types
of sites would tend to be located in areas
with more complex political organization.
Archaeological data on the Wari Empire
remain sparse. A small fraction of the capi-
tal city has been studied and the size and
the structure of the site are still not well un-
derstood. Only a handful of extensive stud-
ies of provincial Wari sites are available.
Our understanding of ancient travel corri-
dors and the location of many important
raw materials remains poor or, occasionally,
nonexistent. We feel, however, that suffi-
cient data exist to begin to understand the
dynamics of Wari political economy. As the
old saying goes, it is better to light a candle
than to curse the darkness. A bit of light can
be shed on the empire by offering tentative
economic models and devising empirical
means of testing them on a politywide
level. In so doing, we hope, Wari studies
can provide insight into the political econ-
omy of other ancient empires.
A MODEL OF WARI POLITICAL
ECONOMY
An empire can be defined as an expan-
sionist state that assumes effective control
over other polities of varying scope and
complexity (D’Altroy 1992:9). The political
economy of an empire is shaped by how
it produces, distributes, and exchanges
wealth (Stanish 1992:11). Although empires
vary tremendously in the ways that they
extract wealth (Claessen and Skalnik
1978; Sinopoli 1994a:165–166), the imperial
strategies employed are usually used to
meet two essential needs. The first is the
subsistence demands of the urbanized cen-
ter of the empire (Johnson and Earle
1987:247). In most cases, a capital develops
to such a degree that it is unable to easily
provide for the subsistence needs of the res-
idents without help from outside producers
(e.g., Schwartz and Falconer 1994:3). Since
some agricultural products spoil quickly
and most are bulky to transport, the area
around a capital often serves as the primary
breadbasket. This is clearly seen in the agri-
cultural core of such empires as the Aztec
(Hassig 1985:133) and Vijayanagara (Sinop-
oli 1994b:226).
We suggest that the Wari Empire also
contained an agricultural core that fed the
capital’s burgeoning, increasingly special-
ized population. By the middle of the Mid-
dle Horizon, the population of the capital
city had risen to at least 10,000 people (pop-
ulation estimates for the city vary between
10,000 and 70,000; see Isbell 1997a:186).
Areas of craft specialization (Gonzalez
Carre 1981:94; Spickard 1983:153–154; von
Hagen and Morris 1998:130) and elite resi-
dences (Isbell 1997a:206) in the city suggest
that at least some of the residents were not
full-time farmers. The capital lies in a valley
whose agricultural productivity, already
massively terraced and irrigated by the
smaller population of the previous period
(Lumbreras 1974b; Isbell 1988:74–75), may
not have been able to sustain a large urban
center (Lumbreras 1974a:163, Gonzalez
Carre 1981:88). It seems likely that agricul-
tural products must have been brought
from outside the valley. Research in areas
surrounding the valley supports this idea
by demonstrating a Wari focus on the inten-
sification of agricultural exploitation in
these localities (Raymond and Isbell 1969;
Isbell 1977; Vivanco and Valdez 1990; Ray-
mond 1992; Browman 1999). We believe
that this region, the area of Ayacuchoan in-
fluence before imperial expansion (Lumbr-
eras 1981:23), provided the surplus needed
to maintain the city.
The second basic need of an empire is the
support and legitimization of the imperial
hierarchy (Brumfiel and Earle 1987:3; Earle
and D’Altroy 1989:187; Brumfiel 1994:1).
This need can be met by a number of means,
several of which are often found operating
within the same society (Blanton
1998:141–148). One of the most prevalent
ways is through the extraction of prestige
items or the conversion of staple goods into
wealth. Since surplus production in the core
 POLITYWIDE ANALYSIS OF WARI POLITICAL ECONOMY
FIG. 1. Wari administrative architecture from the site of Jincamocco From Wari Imperialism in Mid-
dle Horizon Peru (p. 174), by K. Schreiber, 1992, Ann Arbor, Univ. of Michigan. © University of Michi-
gan. Adapted with permission.
of the empire is often primarily geared to-
ward sustaining the urban center, these
goods must be largely collected in the pe-
riphery. As a heuristic, imperial extraction
strategies can be divided into wealth and
staple finance systems (D’Altroy and Earle
1985). Staple finance involves “obligatory
payments in kind to the state of subsistence
goods such as grains, livestock, or clothing”
(D’Altroy and Earle 1985:188). In a staple fi-
nance system, the bulk and potential
spoilage of staple goods (D’Altroy and Earle
1985:188) necessitates a substantial invest-
ment in storage facilities in peripheral ex-
traction centers (e.g., LeVine 1992). Despite
earlier convictions (Rowe 1963:14), scholars
have yet to find compelling evidence for the
use of massive storage facilities in the Wari
Empire.1,* Although it is possible that Wari
storage systems have yet to be identified,
present evidence suggests that the empire
did not use a staple finance system.
Wealth finance, on the other hand, in-
volves “the manufacture and procurement
of special products (valuables, primitive
money, and currency)” (D’Altroy and Earle
1985:188). An empire will generally benefit
by adopting a wealth finance system for sup-
porting the imperial hierarchy. This switch
typically allows for a reduction in transporta-
tion and storage costs since wealth goods
are often less bulky and more durable than
*See Notes section at end of article for all footnotes.
481
staple goods. (D’Altroy and Earle 1985:
193–194). Exchange of metals, obsidian, dec-
orated ceramics, textiles, turquoise, and spe-
cific marine shell (spondylus and strombus)
increase during the Middle Horizon (Burger
and Asaro 1977; Lechtman 1980; Shady Solís
1988). These items, found both in ritual con-
text in Wari administrative centers (Cook
1985, Cook 1992:359; Williams et al. 2000:73)
and at the site of Wari itself (Cabera Romero
1996:88–91, Pèrez Calderón 1995: 85–86,
Gonzalez Carre et al. 1996: 100–102;
Isbell 1985:70), were prestige items for at
least 2 millennia in the Andes. The
increased exchange of these goods, com-
bined with an absence of evidence for state
storage system of staple surplus, suggests
that the Wari organized its peripheral politi-
cal economy around the production and ex-
change of prestige objects.
The means by which the empire ex-
tracted goods from the core and periphery
were undoubtedly variable. As Schreiber
has noted (1992:267), the empire adapted its
strategies to local conditions. A region’s dis-
tance from the core, political organization,
wealth potential, and tolerance to outside
rule largely determined the amount of in-
vestment that the empire would make in
the area. In many regions, the empire chose
to construct imperial sites.
Over 30 sites have been found that con-
tain buildings that follow a rigid architec-
tural canon (Schreiber 1978; Spickard 1983;
482 JENNINGS AND CRAIG
Isbell 1991b). Aspects shared by these cen-
ters (see Fig. 1) include (a) a high, rectangu-
lar enclosure wall; (b) limited access—usu-
ally only one or two entrances were made
into the site; (c) interior divided into rectan-
gular cells that are composed of an open
courtyard flanked by corridors on at least
two sides; and (d) restricted access through
the structure and between cells. The centers
are imposing structures that may have been
designed to appear invincible and bureau-
cratically efficient (Spickard 1983:141). The
centers, however, were not military gar-
risons. They were neither built in defensive
locations nor built or organized to defend
any kind of attack. Instead, excavations at
the centers indicate that the centers housed
a group of elites whose tastes ran more for
feasting and ritual than for battle (Schreiber
1992, McEwan 1998).
A HYPOTHESIS FOR THE WARI
PERIPHERY
This article tests if the locations chosen
for administrative centers fits with the ex-
pectations of our model. According to our
model of Wari political economy, the impe-
rial strategy in the periphery was to extract
prestige goods. This strategy will cause ad-
ministrative sites, if they are established at
all, to be located in significantly different
geographic locations in regard to the local
populations that these sites are situated to
control.
The degree of complexity will largely de-
termine what strategy the empire must pur-
sue when entering a valley. We argue that
Wari sites built in valleys of low political
complexity will be found near the geo-
graphic center of the valley’s population. In
independent villages dominated by a kin-
based mode of production, village leaders
will tend to have difficulty coercing surplus
production on a regular basis (Cobb
1996:254). Another level of political hierar-
chy would therefore be needed to extract
wealth from the region (Schreiber 1992:24).
One of the strategies used to build a politi-
cal organization is to construct a regional
administrative center (Schreiber 1992:24).
According to central-place theory, the posi-
tion of service centers, even in nonmarket
based societies, will tend to be located cen-
trally to the people that use them (Smith
1976:7). Since an administrative center of a
valley functions to exercise political and
economic control over the people of the val-
ley, the optimal location of this site is where
the costs of maintaining control would be
the lowest. The administrative site will
therefore tend to be located near the center
of the valley’s population.
Another imperial control strategy is to
place sites on the margins of valley as gate-
way administration centers. Sites located at
strategic locations on the edges of regions
are ideally suited to the control of interre-
gional exchange (Hirth 1978:37). An admin-
istrative center in this location would tend
to focus more on controlling a valley’s ex-
ternal exchange than the political control of
the valley itself. These “gateway” centers
(after Hirth 1978) should be found in val-
leys of high political complexity. In more
complex societies, elites often actively par-
ticipate in the long distance exchange of
prestige goods (Cobb 1996:258). These
goods are often the major means by which
elite power is maintained (Cobb 1996; Earle
1997:7; Baines and Yoffe 1998:253). In con-
trolling the exchange routes of these goods,
an empire can siphon off a portion of these
resources to feed the appetite of the core. By
adopting these strategies, Wari could
cheaply and effectively control the areas of
high political complexity under its influ-
ence. Administrative centers in areas of
high political complexity therefore will
tend to be found near the margins of valley
as gateway centers controlling long-dis-
tance exchange.
In archaeology, we rarely have the luxury
of studying variables in the way that we
would like. In this case, directly analyzing
the relationship between site location and
 POLITYWIDE ANALYSIS OF WARI POLITICAL ECONOMY
local political organization proved to be im-
possible. We would ideally measure the
distance of each Wari site from the center of
a valley’s population. Unfortunately, we sim-
ply do not know where populations were
during this period for most of the valleys in
which Wari centers are found. Valleys in the
Andes, however, are sharply bound oases
of arable land and permanent settlement in-
terspersed within high puna, mountains,
and desert. Although these nonvalley areas,
especially the high puna, were core compo-
nents of the Andean economy, population
size was very small in these regions and
usually directly associated with valley set-
tlements. The geographic boundaries of these
valleys were therefore used as proxy mea-
surements for the extent of local popula-
tions in our analysis.
In this article, we test the relationship be-
tween administrative site location and local
political organization. In valleys of simple
political complexity, Wari administrative
sites should tend be placed near the center
of the valley. In valleys occupied by more
complex polities, administrative sites
should tend to be located toward the mar-
gins of the valley—further from the valley’s
center. The remainder of this article demon-
strates how this relationship was tested and
what the results of this test were.
DATA: VALLEY POLITICAL
ORGANIZATION AND
ADMINISTRATIVE CENTERS
At least, 20 Wari peripheral administra-
tive centers are found in 11 valleys across
much of modern-day Peru2 (Fig. 2). To pro-
vide an adequate sample to test our site lo-
cation model, all centers, even those that
are disputed, are included in this analysis.
Those centers, however, conclusively
shown to be non-Wari design, such as
Pampa de las Llamas (Pozorski and Po-
zorski 1987:32), El Purgatorio (Pozorski and
Pozorski 1987:38; T. Pozoski personal com-
munication and 1999), and Chimu Capac
483
(Valkenier 1995:279), were not included.
Further, numerous sites attributed to the
empire, such as San Nicolás in the valley of
Supe (Lumbreras 1974b:155), Yanahuanca
in the Pasco valley (Isbell 1988:186), and
Wisajirca (MacNeish, Patterson, and Brow-
man 1975:60) in Huanaco, could not be in-
cluded in this analysis because insufficient
data exist to consider the nature of these
sites.
Data on pre-Wari political organization
were also compiled for each of the valleys
in which administrative centers have been
found. Archaeological literature pertaining
to each valley was examined for this pre-
ceding period, the Early Intermediate Pe-
riod (AD 0–700), and the valley’s political
organization was ranked as either simple or
complex. For our purposes, if a valley’s in-
habitants were organized in a political hier-
archy above the village level, the valley was
labeled complex. If the inhabitants lived as
in independent villages and/or as scattered
agropastoralists, the valley was labeled as
simple. The list below provides a valley-by-
valley account of the data used to assess
valley political organization and identify
Wari administrative centers. The data, in
part, are summarized in Table 1.
Cajamarca–Huamacucho Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. During
the Early Intermediate period, this large
valley was divided into two polities that
were probably organized as paramount
chiefdoms with wide-ranging trade rela-
tions (Ravines 1985:15). The first polity in
the north was centered on the site of Coyor
(Julien 1988:240). The second polity, in the
south, was centered on the site of Marc-
ahuamacucho (Thatcher 1975; Topic and
Topic 1984, 1987).
Huacaloma de Sulluscocha (Julien 1988:265).
A 2.45-hectare site, Huacaloma consists of a
50 ⫻ 25 m rectangular enclosure sur-
rounded by local architecture. In his settle-
ment survey, Julien associates the structure
484 JENNINGS AND CRAIG

FIG. 2. Locator Map of the study area showing the 20 Wari administrative sites included in this analysis.
The site of Wari is shown with a pentagon, while Wari Administrative sites are shown as white triangles. The
GTOPO30 digital elevation model is shown with analytical hillshading to illustrate topography. These data are
Lambert-Equal Azimuth Projected with a longitude of origin at ⫺60° and a latitude of origin at 15°.

with Wari by its architecture. The surround-
ing settlement may postdate the enclosure.
El Palacio (Julien 1988:262). A 0.3-hectare
site, El Palacio consists of a large rectangu-
lar compound measuring 70 ⫻ 50 m. The
structure, based on its architectural ele-
ments, is Wari.
Ichabamba (Williams and Pineda 1985:59). A
0.9-hectare site, Ichabamba is a 120 ⫻ 70 m
rectangular enclosure that is identified as
Wari by its architecture. The identification
of the site is based solely on air photos.
Santa Delia (Julien 1988:270). The largest
site found in Julien’s survey, Santa Delia
covers some 75 hectares. Within the site,
several medium- to large-sized rectangular
enclosures are found that, based on their ar-
chitectural elements, are Wari. Julien does
not specify the number or exact size of
these enclosures.
 POLITYWIDE ANALYSIS OF WARI POLITICAL ECONOMY 485

TABLE 1
Pre-Wari Valley Political Organization and Our Predictions for Wari Site Placement

Site Name Valley Name Valley Organization Wari Site Placement

Acachiwa Colca Simple Valley center

Cerro Baul Upper Moquequa Simple Valley center
Cerro Mejia Upper Moquequa Simple Valley center
Collota Cotahuasi Simple Valley center
El Palacio Cajamarca-Huamacucho Complex Valley edge
Honcopampa Callejon de Huallyas Complex Valley edge
Huacaloma Cajamarca-Huamacucho Complex Valley edge
Huaro Cuzco Simple Valley center
Ichabamba Cajamarca-Huamacucho Complex Valley edge
Jincamocco Carhuarazo Simple Valley center
Numero 8 Chuquibamba Simple Valley center
Pariamarca Callejon de Huallyas Complex Valley edge
Pataraya Nasca Complex Valley edge
Pikillacta Cuzco Simple Valley center
Santa Delia Cajamarca-Huamacucho Complex Valley edge
Sonay Camana Simple Valley center
Tocroc Callejon de Huallyas Complex Valley edge
Viracochapampa Cajamarca-Huamacucho Complex Valley edge
Yamobamba Cajamarca-Huamacucho Complex Valley edge
Socos Chillon Complex Valley edge

Viracochapampa (McCown 1945; Topic and
Topic 1987; Topic 1991). A massive rectan-
gular enclosure, Viracochapampa covers
an area of 32 hectares. The site, however,
may never have been completed or occu-
pied. Ceramic sherds associated with
temporary labor camps date the construc-
tion of Viracochapampa to Middle Hori-
zon 2A.
Pampa de Yamobamba (Williams and Pineda
1985:59; Julien 1988:292). A 1.3-hectare site,
Yamobamba is a rectangular compound
measuring 130 ⫻ 210 m. The site’s architec-
ture is Wari.
Callejon de Huaylas Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. In the
1960s, Gary Vescelius conducted an exten-
sive project of survey and excavation in the
region. The notes for the project are fa-
mously lost and only brief summaries re-
garding this work exist (Lanning 1965:140;
Buse 1965:317–333). These summaries sug-
gest that stratified societies populated the
region and the presence of monumental
tombs (Isbell 1997b:195–205), both rich and
poor burials (Larco Hoyle 1966:106; Grieder
1978:45) and large sites with monumental
architecture (Greider 1978; Bennet 1944)
support these claims. Current research in
the region (George Lau, personal communi-
cation and 2000) demonstrates that chief-
dom level societies existed in at least some
areas of the valley.
Honcopampa (Isbell 1989, 1991a). A
densely occupied 3-hectare site is made up
primarily of individual patio groups (at
least 18) and two D-shaped enclosures.
The site is clearly Wari but its architecture
is more reminiscent of that seen in the
Capital City than the rectangular enclo-
sures typical of domestic architecture. Pot-
tery from the site appears to date to Mid-
dle Horizon 2A.
Pariamarca (Williams and Pineda 1985:60).
This 0.96-hectare site is made up of a 120 ⫻
80 m rectangular enclosure. The architec-
ture has been identified as Wari by air pho-
tographs.
486 JENNINGS AND CRAIG
Tocroc (Williams and Pineda 1985:60). This
0.96-hectare site is made up of a 120 ⫻ 80 m
rectangular enclosure. The architecture has
been identified as Wari by air photographs.
Carhuarazo Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. Before the
Middle Horizon, settlers in the valley lived
in 7 small villages and 17 seasonally occu-
pied hamlets (Schreiber 1987:95). With
Wari, the valley became centrally organized
and agriculture was intensified (Schreiber
1987, 1992:143–144). The valley was not po-
litically centralized and no status differenti-
ation within or between villages appears to
have existed (Schreiber 1992:144).
Jincamocco. A 15-hectare rectangular en-
closure, this site dates from the MH1B to 2A
(Schreiber 1992). The valley also contains
three smaller sites from the Middle Horizon
that probably assisted imperial actions.
Cuzco Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. Survey in
the valley dates all major sites to the Middle
Horizon or later (McEwan 1987). The
tremendous rate of natural erosion in the
valley may have buried some early sites
(McEwan 1987:7), and Early Intermediate
Period ceramics have been found in the
soundings and surface collections (McE-
wan 1984:12). No evidence for complex so-
cial organization has yet been found for the
region.
Huaro (Glowacki and Zapata 1998). In 1995,
Julinho Zapata found what appears to be a
massive Wari complex scattered over ap-
proximately 150 hectares. Evidence from
preliminary excavations suggest that a few
of the buildings contain aspects of adminis-
trative architecture. Ceramics date from
Middle Horizon 1B to 2A.
Pikillacta (McEwan 1987, 1989, 1991, 1996,
1998). A massive 47-hectare rectangular en-
closure measuring 630 ⫻ 745 m, Pikillacta
was never completed. Unlike Viracocha-
pampa, a portion of the site was occupied.
Ceramics found at the site date from the Mid-
dle Horizon 1B to 2A (Glowacki 1996:479).
Chillon Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. During
much of the Early Intermediate Period, the
valley was made up of politically indepen-
dent villages that participated in interre-
gional trade (Gonzales Carbajal 1998:56) By
the end of the period, however, the Chillon
valley became part of the Lima polity
(Shady Solís 1982:18). Differences in settle-
ment size and monumental architecture
suggest that the political complexity of this
polity was at least two-tiered (Arguto
Calvo 1984:84; Shady Solís 1989:6; Bruhns
1994:199).
Socos (Isla and Guerrero 1987). The site
contains a number of different structures
over an area of at least 13 hectares. The
largest building appears to be a rectangular
enclosure measuring 180 ⫻ 86 m. Other
buildings also exhibit Wari-derived archi-
tectural traits. The enclosure dates to Mid-
dle Horizon 2B. It is possible that the bulk
of the site postdates the enclosure.
Nasca Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. Survey
work in the Nasca valley suggests that the
valley was organized into a series of small
polities by the end of the Early Intermedi-
ate Period (Schreiber 1999:168). Although
not a centralized state, political organiza-
tion in Nasca was clearly above the village
level (Schreiber 1999).
Pataraya (Schreiber 1999:169). A 0.2-
hectare site, Pataraya is a rectangular enclo-
sure measuring 40 ⫻ 50 m. Ceramics associ-
ated with the site date to Middle Horizon 2.
A small area of domestic architecture lies
immediately adjacent to the enclosure and
may be part of the site.
 POLITYWIDE ANALYSIS OF WARI POLITICAL ECONOMY
Camana Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. Although
the area has not been intensively surveyed,
archeological work in the valley suggests
that it was occupied by the Early Intermedi-
ate Period (Manrique and Cornejo 1990). As
far as current research indicates, however,
there is nothing to suggest anything but vil-
lage-level political organization in the re-
gion during this period (Malpass personal
communication, 1999).
Sonay (Malpass et al. 1997). This 0.45-
hectare site is made up of a rectangular en-
closure measuring 90 ⫻ 50 m. Excavations
at the site uncovered Wari derived sherds
that have not yet been fully analyzed.
Cotahuasi Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. Accord-
ing to survey work on the valley, the valley
was organized into a number of small vil-
lages by the beginning of the Middle Hori-
zon (Chávez Chávez and Salas Hinijoza
1990:18, Trawick 1994:71, and Jennings in
preparation). No site size hierarchy is ap-
parent in the valley and no evidence for so-
cial stratification is known.
Collota (Chávez Chávez 1982:86–89; Traw-
ick 1994:72). The site is made up of two
rectangular enclosures covering approxi-
mately 0.75 hectares. The first enclosure
measuring 90 ⫻ 50 m and the second 30 ⫻
20 m. An associated Wari site contains ce-
ramics from MH 2 and 2A (Jennings, in
preparation.).
Colca Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. The ar-
chaeological work done in the valley sug-
gests that the Early Intermediate occupa-
tion in the valley was most likely confined
to pastoralists and small, independent vil-
lages (de la Vera Cruz 1987:115, de la Vera
Cruz 1988:121–122, Brooks 1998:299).
487
Acachiwa (de la Vera Cruz 1987:97–98).
This 35-hectare site is made up of a rectan-
gular enclosure measuring 500 ⫻ 700 m. Al-
though the internal subdivisions are poorly
preserved, the ceramics are derived Middle
Horizon 2. Some scholars (Schreiber
1992:104), however, dispute the authentic-
ity of the site.
Chuquibamba Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. Survey in
the valley suggests low population densi-
ties before the Middle Horizon (Sciscento
1989, Cardones Rosas 1993). No site size hi-
erarchy is apparent in the sites that may
date to directly before the introduction of
Wari occupation in the valley (Sciscento
1989:275) and no indication for social strati-
fication has yet been found. The existing ev-
idence suggests that political organization
in the valley before the Middle Horizon
was simple.
Numero 8: (Sciscento 1989). This 6.5-
hectare site is one of the largest in the valley
and dates from the Middle Horizon
through the Inka period (Sciscento
1989:206). Among the site’s local architec-
ture, a 40 ⫻ 50 rectangular enclosure stands
out. Although the investigator felt it prema-
ture to classify this enclosure as a Wari cen-
ter (Sciscento 1989:266), architectural de-
tails of the structure are sufficient enough to
include the site in our analysis.
Upper Moquequa Valley
Early Intermediate Organization. Research
in the valley indicates that population den-
sities were low until the advent of the Mid-
dle Horizon (Rice and Wantanabe 1990:26).
During this period, a colony of the Ti-
wanaku State moved in the area to central-
ize the middle portion of the valley and sys-
tematize agriculture (Goldstein 1990:36).
The Wari Empire also established a site in
the upper portion of the valley and sub-
488 JENNINGS AND CRAIG
stantially modified the landscape. Al-
though the relative timing of each polity’s
intrusion into the valley during the Middle
Horizon and their extent of interaction is
still unclear (Williams 1999), political com-
plexity of the region during the Early Inter-
mediate Period did not appear to rise above
the village level.
Cerro Baul (Moseley et al. 1991; Williams
1997). On the summit of an imposing mesa,
this 5-hectare site dates from the MH1B-
MH2A. The site’s architecture consists of
rectilinear structures with corridors and pa-
tios and occasionally structures of circular
or D-shaped form.
Cerro Mejia (Moseley et al. 1991; Williams
1997). Situated on a hill adjacent to Cerro
Baul, this 7 hectare site also dates from the
MH1B-2A. The architecture on the site is
sparser and more poorly preserved that
that on Cerro Baul. Surface remains suggest
that some of the buildings on the site were
rectangular compounds in the Wari style
(Moseley et al. 1991:135).
DATABASE CONSTRUCTION
The imposition and maintenance of im-
perial control, be it by Wari or by any
other polity, is an explicitly spatial prob-
lem. Descriptions and explanations of
whole systems, like polities, should at-
tempt to take into account the activities of
each of the system’s component parts
(Mayr 1984). Politywide analysis must in-
tegrate both local and regional scales of
analysis from data collected by multiple
researchers working on different projects.
Geographic Information Systems (GIS)
provides an information infrastructure
permitting organization of data collected
by independent research efforts and al-
lows systematic analysis at varying spa-
tial scales (Zubrow 1990; Crumley and
Marquardt 1990:73–74). GIS was therefore
used to test the relationship between site
location and valley complexity in our data
set.
The data on administrative centers and
valley political complexity was integrated
into an ArcView 3.0a GIS database. The fol-
lowing steps were taken to construct the
database used to test our ideas about Wari
site placement. First, an elevation model
was obtained and cropped to the study
area. Second, site locations were obtained
and represented in the computer database
as a set of points. Third, valleys were de-
fined and modeled as polygons. Fourth, a
method of determining valley center was
chosen and applied to each valley. Last,
varying measurements of distance from
center to site were determined and com-
pared. Each of these steps is covered in turn.
Map Database
An empire, like Wari, covers an enor-
mous spatial extent. A model of the earth,
covering the entire extent of the polity in a
common resolution and projection, was
needed for this analysis. Fine-resolution
topographic maps covering this expansive
region have not yet been digitized and or-
ganized into a single coregistered database.
Coarse resolution digital elevation data,
however, do exist for the entire Earth and
are available for free over the World Wide
Web [from Earth Resources Observation
System Data Center (EDC) Distributed Ac-
tive Archive Center (DAAC) (http://
edcwww.cr.usgs.gov/landdaac/glcc/glcc.
html)]. These 1-km, or 30 arc sec, data are
part of the GTOPO30 global digital eleva-
tion model. Using a cropped portion of the
GTOPO30 data set fulfills the basic need of
having a consistent Earth model into which
sites can be placed for executing spatial
analysis. The GTOPO30 data have been
widely used for a variety of modeling
purposes including hydrologic analysis
and drainage basin delineation (http://
edcsnw3.cr.usgs.gov/topo/hydro/apps.ht
ml). While the data are not at an optimal
resolution (Kvamme 1990:112), they do pro-
vide the basis for proceeding with a polity-
 POLITYWIDE ANALYSIS OF WARI POLITICAL ECONOMY
wide analysis of Wari administrative center
site selection until finer resolution data can
be constructed.
Wari Site Location
Accurate site location information was
crucial for this analysis. In most cases, site
coordinates were obtained directly from re-
searchers who visited or worked at these
sites. When this was not possible, coordi-
nates have been taken from published
maps onto which site locations have been
plotted. Once values for site locations were
obtained these were entered into the GIS
and represented as a layer, or theme, of
points. Additional attributes about each site
(size, type, previous occupation, and infor-
mation references) were added to the
theme’s attribute table prior to analysis.
Wari peripheral administrative centers that
are included in the analysis are reported in
Table 1.
Defining Valleys
Examining possible variation in how
Wari invested in the construction and
maintenance of control in different valley
systems forms a core question of this re-
search. In order to pursue the problem, it
was necessary to define the spatial extent
of each valley system in which we exam-
ine Wari administrative site selection. A
variety of objective methods for defining
valley limits were considered. However,
objective valley definition was quite diffi-
cult given the broad spatial setting and
the features we wished to model.3 Valley
extents were determined by examining
the physical structure of each valley repre-
sented in the Earth model. An isopleth
map of elevation was constructed such
that isobars representing contour lines
were drawn for the entire region (John-
ston 1998:80; DeMers 1997:258). Contour
lines, or isobars, were then displayed on
top of the Digital Elevation Model. Inspec-
489
tion of the contour lines provided a good
way of representing where valley edges
met with flatter intervalley puna high-
lands.
On an isopleth map, the flatter highlands
are represented by isobars that are further
apart due to the fact that there is less
change across distance (DeMers 1997:260).
Likewise isopleth mapping of steep valley
edges produces closely spaced isobars due
to greater slope. Knowing these facts of iso-
pleth mapping, it was possible to identify
individual contours where the slope within
a polygon was high while the slope outside
of the polygon was much lower. For each of
the valleys, higher resolution topographic
and land cover maps were examined. On
the coast these higher resolution maps were
particularly important sources of informa-
tion on valley extents, since valleys tend not
to produce the deep drainage channels seen
in the highlands. The extent of arable land
as represented on these maps became an
important source of information for defin-
ing coastal valley limits.
Transitional isolines and additional infor-
mation about valley structure were used for
defining valley system boundaries on a val-
ley by valley basis (Fig. 3). This subjective
method of feature definition has precedents
in geography (Clarke personal communica-
tion and 1999). In order to proceed with
analysis it was necessary to make a deci-
sion, and occasionally those decisions must
be arbitrary. We hope to have made our val-
ley definition decision rules explicit, and
we encourage researchers to comment on
how valley extents were defined. If it is pos-
sible to improve the model by modifying
the shape and extent of a particular valley
we are interested in incorporating those
changes.
Defining Valley Center
Once valley systems were defined and
modeled as polygon’s, it was necessary to
develop a spatial point of reference that
490 JENNINGS AND CRAIG

FIG. 3. (a) The topography of the Cotahuasi Valley and the Wari administrative site of Collota. Con-
tour interval of the isolines is 100 m. (b) The boundary defined for the Cotahuasi Valley. The valley’s
centroid is indicated by the circle with a cross. The Wari administrative site of Collota is represented as
a triangle. (c) Dotted contour lines represent distance from the centroid of the Cotahuasi Valley. The
units are in hours walking and the contour interval is 1h. The valley’s centroid is indicated by the cir-
cle with a cross. The Wari administrative center of Collota is represented as a triangle.

could be used to test theoretical predictions spective polygon. Since we wanted to

about where Wari sites are located with re-
spect to the center of each of those systems.
Defining the center of a polygon is a com-
plex geographic problem, and there are a
variety of solutions to the question of
“where is the center of this polygon.” For
this analysis, we computed a polygons cen-
troid using the trapezoid rule with a
weighted mean center (DeMers 1997:195;
Clarke 1995). Using this method it is possi-
ble to have a centroid that is outside of its re-
model centrality within valley systems, cen-
troids were forced to occur within polygons.
Distance from Center
Since our theoretical expectations relate
to the distance Wari sites are predicted to
fall from a valley’s center, we computed
two kinds of “distance from” layers that
cover the study area using the GTOPO30 el-
evation data. First, we computed a raster
 POLITYWIDE ANALYSIS OF WARI POLITICAL ECONOMY
theme such that each cell contains a value
representing the isotropic Euclidean dis-
tance from each valley’s centroid in units of
meters. Second, applying Tobler’s hiking
function (Tobler 1993; Kantner 1997) we
computed a cost surface that represents
space nonisotropically in terms of walking
time.
Aldenderfer (1998:12) has tested Toblers
hiking function by comparing computer
generated travel times to actual walking
trips in the Andean high-sierra and puna
rim region of the Río Osmore drainage.
Aldenderfer’s test walkers included both
indigenous Aymara speakers and North
American researchers. Ten trips were timed
and compared to the same trips modeled
on the computer using Torlber’s (1993) hik-
ing function. Walking trips ranged in dis-
tance from about a half a kilometer to 16
km. Results of Aldenderfer’s tests showed
that the model slightly underestimates
travel times, but that “it appears to be a
reasonably good estimator of travel times
in mountainous terrain” (Aldenderfer
1998:15).
For execution in the Arc/Info GIS pack-
age, Tobler’s transformation can be ex-
pressed using the following formula pro-
vided by Kantner (1997):
T ⫽ D/(6 exp(⫺3.5 * abs(S ⫹ .6))),
where T ⫽ traveltime across a given dem
cell, D ⫽ euclidean distance across a given
dem cell, and S ⫽ slope of a given cell.
This nonisotropic friction surface was ap-
plied in computing a cost distance grid
theme using each valley’s centroid as the
source cells. This resulted in a grid such
that cell values represented distances from
valley centers in units of hours walking.
ANALYTICAL METHODS
After constructing the database, we
needed to develop a statistic that would
allow us to test our expectations about the
relationships between early Intermediate
Period political complexity and the place-
491
ment of Wari administrative centers during
the Middle Horizon. Recall that when Wari
expanded into politically complex valleys,
we expect sites to be located in places that
facilitate the movement of goods back to
the core since the empire is co-opting exist-
ing prestige good exchange networks.
When this is the case, on average we expect
sites to be located further away from the
valley’s center. Likewise, we expect Wari
would have had to develop an administra-
tive infrastructure in those valleys where
the preexisting political complexity was
low. In these cases, we expect Wari sites to
be closer to the center of the valley since
there is a need to establish political and eco-
nomic control over unorganized settle-
ments within the valley.
The metric we developed treats each ad-
ministrative center as an independent case
and relies on differences between ob-
served and expected values in Euclidean
distances from the centroid. For each val-
ley, we randomly generated a 20% sample
of points (R) such that no two points could
be closer than a kilometer. We forced
points to be further than 1 km apart so
that no grid cell within the valley will be
sampled more than once. These randomly
generated points represent expected site
locations if no factors were influencing
Wari site selection.
The random points layer for each valley
was used to query the Euclidean distance
grid theme. The mean values returned
from each (R) set of points was calculated
independently on a valley-by-valley basis.
This produced an isotropic, Euclidean, av-
erage expected distance from the center for
each valley (mR). The points representing
Wari sites were also used to query the Eu-
clidean grid theme returning an isotropic
measure of observed distance from the cen-
troid for each site (W). Each Wari site is
treated as an independent case regardless
of whether or not it was the only site in the
valley. Once isotropic observed and ex-
pected values were computed we sub-
tracted observed Wari distances from cen-
492 JENNINGS AND CRAIG
ter from the expected distance from center
(mR ⫺ W), producing a residual. This resid-
ual, in units of meters, describes how aver-
age expected distances from the centroid
differ from an observed distance from the
centroid within each valley. Positive residu-
als indicate sites that are closer to the center
than expected, while negative residuals rep-
resent sites that are further from the center
than the mean of our 20% random sample.
In order to place all of the sites, dispersed
between 12 different valleys of varying
size, on a comparable axis we divided the
residual (mR ⫺ W) by the square root of val-
ley area (A), which was measured in units
of square meters. Division by the square
root of a valley’s area cancels out any units
leaving a unitless numerical descriptor
(Fig. 4).
Two key data constraints needed to be
taken into account when developing this
spatial metric. First, valley definition was
judgmental and subject to revision. How-
ever, the metric should be relatively resis-
tant to most changes in valley shape. It is
clear that if corrections need to be made to
a valley’s boundaries then location of the
polygon’s centroid will move. This is po-
tentially significant since the centroid
which is a higher order feature forms a
reference point for analysis. However,
changing the shape of a valley system will
also modify where the randomly selected
points can be placed. The distance of
every point to the center will change, but
where a particular Wari site falls with re-
spect to the full range of possibilities
should remain resistant to all except the
most drastic changes in valley shape. Sec-
ond, valley area is not constant some val-
leys are very large and others are quite
small. Any distance metric used to com-
pare valleys of differing sizes must ac-
count for the fact that there is great vari-
ability in the spatial extent of the valleys.
While large valleys will have a much
greater average distance from the center,
dividing by valley area standardizes the
FIG. 4. The distance statistic formula is shown on
the left and a schematic example of a valley is shown
on the right. In the diagram on the right the valley
centroid is represented by a cross, randomly sampled
points are shown as dots, and the location of a Wari
site in this hypothetical case is shown as a triangle. D
⫽ distance from center statistic; R ⫽ distance from
center for a %20 random sample based on area; W ⫽
distance of a Wari site; A ⫽ valley area.
metric controlling for this source of vari-
ability.
It is not logical to apply the distance met-
ric to the nonisotropic cost surface pro-
duced using Toblers (1993) hiking function
because it does not make sense to divide
units of hours by square meters. Therefore
we did not attempt to control for valley
area with the nonisotropic measure of dis-
tance. Differences in walking times could
be influenced by valley area, but expressing
distances in units of hours walking should
provide a useful basis for comparing sites’
distances from center in different valleys.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Results from all distance measures show
a trend for Wari administrative sites in po-
litically complex valleys to be further from
the center than one would expect on aver-
age. Likewise, Wari administrative sites
placed in politically simple valleys tend to
be closer to the center than the mean of our
20% sample. A rank order plot of our dis-
tance metric, whose computation is de-
scribed above, illustrates these trends (Fig.
6a). The cost distance from a Wari site to the
geographic center of a valley further sup-
ports our predictions (Fig. 6b). Application
of Tobler’s hiking algorithm shows that ad-
ministrative sites in politically complex val-
leys are a greater walking time away from
the center than all but one of the sites found
 POLITYWIDE ANALYSIS OF WARI POLITICAL ECONOMY 493

in valleys exhibiting simple Early Interme-
diate Period political complexity.
Differences between Wari sites found in
politically simple and complex valleys is
significant in three measures of distance: (1)
raw untransformed Euclidean distance is
significant at t ⫽ 5.77, p ⬎ 0.0001, while (2)
our distance (D) metric is also significant
(t ⫽ ⫺3.21, p ⬎ 0.0048.), and (3) Tobler’s
cost–distance function is significant at t ⫽
5.35, p ⬎ 0.0001. All three measures indicate
that there is a significant separability in the
distance from center between politically
complex and simple valleys.
These results are promising, but we
would expect valley size to exert influence
on measures of distance. In this population,
four of five politically complex valleys have
larger areas than simple ones (Fig. 5), and
we would expect area to correlate with
measures of distance. We attempted to deal
with the problem of valley size in the devel-
opment of our distance (D) metric dis-
cussed above, and regression analysis
shows that valley area is not the sole source
of variability (Table 2). Holding area as the
independent measure it accounts for about
half of the variability of raw untransformed
Euclidean distance from center (R2 ⫽ 0.52).
Our distance metric (D) factors area out
(Fig. 4), and as we would expect regression
demonstrates that valley area accounts for a
very small fraction of variability when
using this distance statistic (R2 ⫽ 0.06). Area
appears to account for a good portion of To-
bler’s cost–distance formula (R2 ⫽ 0.59),
but the measure has the significant advan-
tage of being in easily interpretable units.
Area and complexity are directionally cor-
related as are distance from center and
complexity. Simple valleys are small and
sites in complex valleys should be further
from the center. Our distance (D) metric,
which standardizes valley area yet discrim-
inates cases well, shows that the greater
distances from center seen in large and
complex valley systems have more to do
with placement of administrative centers
within the valley rather than by the effects
of a valley’s size alone.
Four of the 20 sites do not follow trends
that we would expect. Two sites in complex
valleys are closer to the center than an
isotropically measured 20% random sam-
ple, and two sites located in politically sim-
ple valley systems are further from the cen-
ter than the 20% sample. Sonay, located in
the coastal valley of Camana, and Jin-

FIG. 5. Rank order plot of valley area. The units for the y axis are square kilometers. Valleys with
complex pre-Wari political organization are represented by horizontal lines while valleys with simple
pre-Wari political organization are shown with diagonal hatching.
494 JENNINGS AND CRAIG

TABLE 2 needed to determine what other local con-

Results of Regression Analysis Holding Area as the ditions impacted site placement.
Independent Variable
Despite the four exceptions described
Linear Fit Euclidean distance by above, results strongly matched our predic-
valley area tions. The technique allowed us to test pre-
dictions in 12 local systems that vary
Euclidean distance ⫽ Valley area
Summary of fit
greatly in size over a vast horizontal extent.
R2 0.52 Valley area ranges from less than 200 km2 to
R2 adj. 0.49 over 2500 km2, and the northern most val-
RMS error 12822.51 ley is about 1380 km away from the south-
(D) Statistic by valley area ern most valley. Early Intermediate Political
(D) statistic ⫽ Valley area complexity tends to have occurred more
Summary of fit often in larger valley systems. t- Tests
R2 0.06 showed significant differences in Wari Ad-
R2 adj. 0.008
RMS error 431.15
ministrative site placement depending on
whether they were located in valleys ex-
Linear fit Cost distance by valley area hibiting simple or complex Early Interme-
Cost distance ⫽ Valley area
Summary of fit
diate Period social complexity. Area and
R2 0.59 complexity are correlated, and so it is diffi-
R2 adj. 0.56 cult to tell from the distance measures alone
RMS error 3.32 whether Early Intermediate Period com-
plexity or valley area is a better predictor for
Wari Administrative site placement. Regres-
sion shows that our distance metric was not
camocco, located in the highland valley of correlated with valley area. The combination
Carhuarazo, are both further from the cen- of significant differences in Wari site place-
ter than the mean for a 20% random sam- ment between simple and complex valleys
ple. However, both are about a days’ walk and the lack of correlation between valley
from the center. Pariamarca and Honco- area and our distance metric indicates that
pampa are closer to the center than the Early Intermediate Period political complex-
mean for a 20% random sample for the ity is the likely source of variation in Wari
Callejon de Huaylas, where they are lo- site placement with respect to the centrality
cated. However, they appear to have travel of site location in a valley system.
costs to the center that are similar to other From a methodological and analytical
Administrative sites located in complex perspective these GIS based techniques of
valley systems. It is interesting to note that spatial analysis have the advantage that
the relative positions of Honcopampa and they permit additional analysis of and com-
Pariamarca do not necessarily run counter parisons between the survey results from
to the proposed model. Both sites are lo- numerous independent research efforts.
cated along the boundary of the long nar- This permits examination and modeling of
row elliptically shaped Callejon de Huaylas systems that are much larger than any one
valley. These sites are located in a position person could collect the data to test. These
where travel time from the center, up the same techniques should be applicable to
steep flanks of the valley, is high while Eu- other archaeological contexts.
clidean distance from center is low. It is sig-
nificant to note that both Honcopampa and CONCLUSIONS
Pariamarca are located on the eastern flanks
of the valley, closer to the Wari core. More Imperial conquest and consolidation is a
extensive research in these two regions is complex process that is strongly shaped by
 POLITYWIDE ANALYSIS OF WARI POLITICAL ECONOMY 495

FIG. 6. (a) Isotropic distance measure in a rank order plot where the y axis is produced by applying
the distance metric described in the analytical methods section. In this figure sites that are located in
complex valleys have horizontal hatching while sites located in simple valleys have diagonal hatch
marks. (b) Nonisotropic costdistances in a rank order plot. The y axis is in units of hours walking time
established using Tobler’s (1993) hiking function with the GTOPO30 data set. Sites located in complex
valleys have horizontal hatching while sites located in simple valleys have diagonal hatch marks.
496 JENNINGS AND CRAIG
the local conditions that are encountered
during expansion. Scholars studying partic-
ular sites and areas can only hope to eluci-
date the impact of these local conditions on
their study area. The overall importance of
these conditions in imperial strategies,
however, must be left to conjecture. We sug-
gest that politywide analysis can build on
these local analyses to measure the impact
varying local conditions throughout an em-
pire.
In this case, we considered the effect of
an area’s political organization on Wari’s
imperial strategies. We suggest that the em-
pire developed a wealth finance system an-
chored by a number of administrative cen-
ters. At the time of Wari expansion, a
number of complex societies flourished in
the northern Highlands and coastal Peru.
The long distance exchange of prestige
goods appears to have formed a fundamen-
tal aspect of the political economies of these
polities (Shady Solís 1978:27, Topic and
Topic 1983; Arguto Calvo 1984:84–87). In-
stead of destroying these exchange relation-
ships, the empire co-opted them. Wari ad-
ministrative centers were placed at the
margins of these polities to control their ex-
change networks. The end result was an in-
crease in both the scale of trade and re-
gional economic prosperity that may have
benefited local groups as well (Shady Solís
1982, 1988). Outside of these areas of high
political complexity, the empire encoun-
tered areas settled by independent villagers
and, more rarely, pastoralists. In these
cases, Wari control focused on the develop-
ment and then control of these areas and
their local wealth potential (de la Vera Cruz
1996:150–151). Administrative centers for
these areas tended to be located toward the
center of the population in order to orga-
nize these populations cheaply and effec-
tively.
Over the past 2 decades, research into an-
cient empires has underscored the incredi-
ble variety of imperial practices. Under-
neath and running though these practices,
we sincerely hope, lie patterns. Tantalizing
parallels to the processes described in this
model may exist, for example, in Egyptian
imperial practices in Nubia (Smith
1998:80–81); Assyrian strategies on their
northern frontiers (Parker 1998:379–381);
and the mixed economy of trade and trib-
ute of the Turks, Tibetans, and Uighurs of
Central Asia (Di Cosmo 1999:30–32). With-
out systematic spatial analysis at a polity-
wide level, however, the applicability of
this model to the understanding of other
empires can only be tentative. We hope that
this article has demonstrated the value of
such a level of analysis in the study of an-
cient empires and other macroregional
processes.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We thank David Browman, Michael Malpass, Gor-
don McEwan, William Isbell, J. Scott Raymond, Katha-
rina Schreiber, John Topic, Teresa Topic, and Ryan
Williams for their assistance in the identification and
location of many of the Wari sites discussed in the text.
We also thank Keith Clarke for his feedback on the de-
velopment of our distance metric. This article bene-
fited enormously from the editorial advice of Mark
Aldenderfer, Karen Anderson, Christina Conlee, John
O’Shea, Stuart Smith, Kevin Vaughn, and four anony-
mous reviewers. We thank Katharina Schreiber for al-
lowing us to revise a figure from the site of Jincamocco.
NOTES
1
Evidence for storage capacity above the basic sub-
sistence needs of a peripheral center was long thought
to come from the enclosures of Viracochapampa and
Pikillacta. In these centers, there are massive blocks of
small rooms with raised doorways that have been in-
terpreted as storage facilities (Menzel 1964). The prin-
cipal investigators of these sites, however, now sug-
gest that these facilities never operated as such in any
significant way. Viracochapampa was abandoned be-
fore it was finished and put to use (Topic 1991:151),
while only a portion of Pikillacta’s room blocks were
in use during the site’s occupation (McEwan 1991,
1996). Even the rooms put into use at Pikillacta were
used for a variety of functions and only occasionally, if
at all, used for storage (McEwan 1996:183). While it is
possible that storage facilities of the empire remain
 POLITYWIDE ANALYSIS OF WARI POLITICAL ECONOMY
unidentified in the record, we suggest that the massive
storage and control of perishable, nonprecious goods
may not have served an important aspect in the Wari
political economy.
2
In this article, administrative centers are differenti-
ated from offering deposits and temple centers. A com-
mon practice in Wari studies (Isbell and Schreiber
1977, Schreiber 1992, Cook 1985), this distinction is
based on the different functions of the three site types.
The offering deposits, consisting of intentionally
smashed decorative wares, are thought to have had a
ritual function. Temple centers, such as Pachacamac
and Wari Willka, most likely functioned as pilgrimage
centers and did not, strictly speaking, have an admin-
istrative use.
All sites included in the analysis are treated
equally regardless of variations in site size. In 1978,
William Isbell and Katharina Schreiber suggested
that the Wari empire was arranged into a three level
administrative hierarchy with the site Wari the first
order site, Viracochapampa and Pikkillacta as second
order centers, and the other enclosures as third order
sites (379). Recent work however suggests that Vira-
cochapampa was still under construction when it was
abandoned and contains only limited occupation de-
bris (Topic 1991:152). Pikillacta was also under con-
struction at the time of abandonment and only a
small portion of the site was ever occupied (McEwan
1996:181). We believe that it is likely that these cen-
ters never rose to become true second-order sites in
the Wari administrative hierarchy.
3
We struggled for several months in an attempt to
find more objective means to determine valley bound-
aries. A more objective definition does not seem to be
possible for several reasons. First, the vertical extent of
vegetation zones is not consistent through out the study
area. In general, the northern portion of the study area is
wetter while the southern extent tents to be more arid.
Furthermore, valleys included in analysis are found on
the coast, the highlands, and the eastern flanks of the
Andes. Each radically different environmental zones.
Therefore, horizontal variation in the nature of vertical
ecology would not permit uniform objective valley defi-
nition based on a consistent upper elevation threshold.
Second, another common approach is to delineate
drainage basins through down slope accumulation in
order to define valleys (Johnston 1998:91). Drainage
basin delineation has been explored to some extent with
this earth model. However, given the entities we want to
examine, downslope accumulation modeling is not ap-
propriate. Application of the technique produces polyg-
onal objects that define the limits of basin catchments
rather than valley extents (Johnston 1998:95). For exam-
ple, when the method was applied to our data set catch-
ment basins often included large sections of puna high-
lands. However, we wish to define valleys based on the
limits of arable agricultural land and habitable space.
497
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