Rereading the Maps of the Columbian Encounter

Author(s): J. Brian Harley

Source: Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 82, No. 3, The Americas
before and after 1492: Current Geographical Research (Sep., 1992), pp. 522-536
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Association of American Geographers
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 Rereadingthe Maps of the Columbian
Encounter
J. BrianHarley*
Department
of Geography, of Wisconsin,Milwaukee,WI 53201
University
Abstract.Maps of the Encounterhave been
judged bytheagendaofa positivist geograph-
ical historyseekingto reconstruct the path-
ways,landingplaces,and settlements of Euro-
pean explorersand discoverers.They were
studiedlargelyfortheirpracticaluse as tools
of navigation,as aids to wayfindingon land,as
plansfornewcolonialfortifications and towns,
or as publicpropagandaimagesto attractnew
settlersto America.ThispaperarguesthatNa-
tiveAmericanmappingbelongs in the carto-
graphicrecordof the Encounter, and thatEu-
ropean maps of the periodcan be viewedas
statements ofterritorial appropriation,cultural
reproduction, or as devicesbywhicha Native
Americanpresencecould be silenced.Recent
studiesinanthropology, and ethno-
arthistory,
historyidentify a corpus of indigenousmaps
that representvalid "alternative"cartogra-
phies,different fromEuropeanmaps,yetim-
portantinthehistory ofspatialrepresentation.
In Mesoamerica,furtherdecoding of carto-
graphicelementsin the pre-Conquestgenea-
logicaland historical manuscripts maywell re-
quire revisionof ideas about the cradles of
cartographic innovation.Evenin NorthAmer-
ica,wheresuchartifacts are morefragmentary,
thereis a growingsense ofthe universalpres-
ence of mappingin a wide rangeof cultures.
In Colonial America,Indian maps not only
helpedto guidetheinvaders,butIndiangeog-
raphieswere incorporatedinto the fabricof
Europeanmaps thatwould become standard
imagesof Americaformuchof the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries.Therealso appears
to be an ideologicaltransformation in the in-
digenoususe ofmapsas nativepeoplessought
*Deceased20 December,1991. TexteditedbyKarlW. ButzerandWilliamM.
Denevan.
AnnalsoftheAssociation
ofAmerican 82(3), 1992,pp. 522-542
Geographers.
? Copyright
1992 byAssociation
ofAmerican
Geographers
to resist Colonial power with the maps that
were once partof theirtraditionalculture.
KeyWords: Europeanimperialism, indigenouscar-
tographies,colonial policy,religiousiconography,
place-namesand naming,anticipatory geography.
... [in Europe]wee havethe rightof Lawes,the
dignity oftheChristian theforceofArmes
Religion,
. . . Moreover,Europemanagethall Artsand Sci-
ences withsuchdexterity, thatforthe invention
of
maniethingsshee maybe truelycalled a Mother
. . . shee hath. . . all mannerof learning,whereas
othercountriesare all of them,overspreadwith
Barbarisme.
-Gerardus Mercator(1968[1595])
I
HE geographicalexplorationsof Euro-
peansinthefifteenthand sixteenthcen-
turies-togetherwiththe new cartogra-
phythatwas linkedto theseevents-go to the
heartoftheColumbianEncounter. Yetin 1992,
as we observe the 500th anniversaryof
Columbus'sFirstVoyageto America,themood
has changedfromthe Euro-centered celebra-
tionsthatwere a hallmarkof 1892,to one of
criticalreflection.
ForEuropeans,theirearliest
printed and manuscript mapsoftheNewWorld
had become 'super-icons' by the nineteenth
century,visible witnessesto the success of
theirpredecessorsin extendingtheirjustcivi-
lizationand politicaldominionbeyondthe ge-
ographicallimitsof the Ancientand Medieval
world.Indeed,inmanycases, theearliestmaps
thatshowtheAmericashaveacquireda canon-
ical status(Fiteand Freeman1926; Nebenzahl
1990). Such maps have become reifiedsigns
thattend alwaysto say the same thingabout
theheroesofthegreatvoyages(Morison1971,
 Rereadingthe Maps
1974)or theachievements oftheEuropeancol-
onizationin the NewWorld.
In attempting to rereadthesemapsas an act
ofgeographicaldecolonization(Huggan1989),
I takemydirections fromtwocurrent debates.
The firstis about the significance of 1492and
itsmeaninginAmericanhistory. The second is
a debate about the natureof maps and their
historicalclaimsto truthas representations of
theworld.After introducing thescope ofthese
twodebates,I willshowhowtheycan intersect
to contribute to a rereading ofthe mapsofthe
ColumbianEncounter.1 NextI willintroduce an
ethnohistorical perspectiveon sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century mappingoftheAmericas,
and finallyreturn to the Europeanmapsofthe
encounterto revealsomethingof theirideo-
logicalunderpinnings, bothas overtsymbols
of Europeanimperialism and also as a record
of the politicalunconscious.
1492Historyand 1992Maps: Two
Contemporary Debates
Of the two debates thatframethisdiscus-
sion,the first-aboutthe meaningof 1492,its
consequences,and itsrelevanceto the mod-
ernworld-is the morestrident. The voicesof
revisionare presentlyloudest in seekingto
unmaskwhattheyperceiveto be thefalsecon-
sciousnessof historiography centeredon the
Europeanexperience.Everyoneis in agree-
mentthat1492was a turningpointin history
(McNeill1985),yetthe consequencesare per-
ceivedto be contentious.In thecase ofSpain,
we remember 1492as theyearwhenJewsand
Moorswereso cruellyexpelled,insteadofthe
end of the glorious reconquista. For Mexico,
we are remindednotof its'discovery"butof
its 'invention"(O'Gorman1961). Insteadof a
history of Europeansin America,we are now
concernedwithan ethnohistory (Axtell1981,
1985; Hoxie1988).Insteadof a benigncoloni-
zationofAmerica,we are now invitedto per-
ceive a Europeaninvasionor conquest,with
differentculturesengagedin a struggleof im-
position and appropriation(Jennings1975;
Mignolo1989; Todorov1984). Insteadof Co-
lumbusthe heroicfigure,we now readabout
the Columbianlegacyof environmental de-
structiveness (Sale 1990). Insteadof the peo-
plingoftheNewWorldbyEuropeans,we now
confront the seeds of racismand the enslave-
523
mentand genocide of the Indianand African
peoples (Carew 1988). As Mario VargasLlosa
putsit in a recentissue of Harper's:'Was the
discovery and conquestofAmericabyEurope-
ans the greatestfeatof the ChristianWest or
one of history'smonumentalcrimes?"(1990,
46).2
The second debate is about the natureof
maps.Thoughat first sightitmayseem to have
littlebearingon theeventsof1492,thisdebate
also has thepowerto radicalizethepast.Since
the1970stheteleologicalnotionofcartography
as a scientific
discipline,witha progressive
tra-
jectoryfromthe Renaissanceto the latetwen-
tieth century,has been challenged. This
challengehas come notonlyfroma morehu-
manisticturnin cartography (Wood and Fels
1986; Szego 1987), but also fromother dis-
ciplines,suchas arthistory (Edgerton1987)and
comparative as scholarshaveturned
literature,
to mapsamongother"texts"and formsof rep-
resentation (Boelhower 1984, 41-53; 1988;
Helgerson 1986; Clarke 1988).
Underattackis a standardscientific modelof
knowledgeand cognitionforcartography (Har-
ley1989).In place ofthisassessmentofcartog-
raphyis one in whichall maps, like all other
constructed
historically images,do notprovide
a transparent window on the world. Rather
theyare signsthatpresent"a deceptiveappear-
ance of naturalness and transparenceconceal-
ingan opaque, distorting, arbitrarymechanism
of representation, a process of ideological
mystification" (Mitchell1986,8).
Itisthethrust ofthisseconddebate,coupled
withthecritiqueoftraditional "discovery"his-
tory,thatcan come togetherin a rereadingof
the maps of the ColumbianEncounter.The
pointof intersection is one of historicalcon-
junction: when Europeans were mapping
Americaforthe firsttime,a new paradigmin
cartographywas simultaneouslybeing dif-
fused.The seriesof innovations-insurveying,
instruments, map projections,printing (Wallis
and Robinson1987)-thatcharacterizethe Re-
naissanceand the scientificrevolutionwould
laterlead to cartographic modernity.Theyalso
establishedan ideologicalshiftinwaysofview-
ingtheworld.
ForthenationstatesofearlymodernEurope,
theconsequencesofthenewcartography were
empowering were
(Hale 1971,52-53).Similarly,
itnotforthe new maps,Americawould hardly
haveenteredthe Europeanconsciousnessand
524 Harley
could not have been colonized in the way it
was. We have onlyto comparesome of the
mappaemundiofthefifteenth century(Wood-
ward1987)withthe rediscovered worldmaps
of Ptolemy,completewiththeirgraticuleof
latitudeand longitude,to see howradically
the
rulesof cartographic visionhad changed.This
new"scopicregime"withits"privileging ofthe
visual" (Jay1988)was undoubtedlyan incre-
mentto thetechnology oftheEuropeanpower
in itsfirst
greatage ofexpansionintotheover-
seas world.Itofferedopportunities forthevi-
sualizationof the land notonlyin an intellec-
tual sense but also for its conquest,
appropriation, subdivision,commodification,
and surveillance.As David Harveyputs it, "it
seemed as ifspace, thoughinfinite, was con-
querable and containablefor purposes of
humanoccupancyand action.Itcould be ap-
propriated in imagination
accordingto mathe-
maticalprinciples"(1989,246).
CulturalExchangein Indianand
EuropeanCartographies
The history ofthe mappingofAmericaafter
1492has been written largelyfroma European
perspective.It has been insufficiently recog-
nizedthatgeographiesweremadeand remade
by"a processoftransformation inwhichmem-
bersof boththe colonizedas wellas thecolo-
nizingcultures"enteredintoan interactive di-
alogue (Mignolo1989,94). Such an ongoing
exchange,shapingbothIndianand European
culturesafter1492,has leftfewtracesin schol-
arlyhistoriesof mappingin the "discovery"
period (Cumming1962),3 still less in works
writtenfor wider readerships(Klemp1976;
Schwartzand Ehrenberg 1980).Evena workas
distinguished as FrediChiappelli'sFirstImages
ofAmericacontainsno hintthatthegeograph-
ical loreof NativeAmericanpeoples mayhave
contributed to theearlyEuropeancartography
of America,let alone that maps were being
drawn by the Indians themselves(Thrower
1976).
To help us redressthis "denial of coeval-
ness" (Fabian 1983, 31) and to inject an
ethnohistoricalperspectiveinto the carto-
graphichistory of the Encounterperiod,I will
outline three areas where currentresearch
promisesto enhanceour understanding ofthe
culturalexchangebetweenthefirst Americans
andthenewcomersfromEurope.The first con-
cernstheevidenceformapmaking withinthose
indigenousculturesduringthe periodof early
contact.Thesecond relatesto theidentification
of the hidden stratusof Indian geographical
knowledgein the Europeanmaps of the pe-
riod. The thirdillustrateshow, in some cul-
tures, Indian groups were able to adopt
Europeanuses formaps and to reappropriate
them as tools of resistance in a colonial
struggle.
IndigenousCartographies
GregoryWaselkov (1989, 292) wrote that
"drawingmapswas withinthe competenceof
everyadult southeasternIndian of the early
colonialperiod,"buthiscontentionis difficult
to documentformanypartsof NorthAmerica.
ContactwithmanyNativeAmericancultures-
such as the Inuit-who were in due course
discoveredto have made maps,would not be
made untilafterthe early Colonial period.
Moreover,suchwas the natureof Indianmap-
ping-withgeometriesand conventionsunfa-
miliarto Europeansof the "scientific" Renais-
sance (Lewis forthcoming)-thaton many
occasions,instancesof whatwe mightdefine
as a maptodaywentunrecorded.The evidence
we haveis thustantalizingly fragmentary.
Onlya handfulof mapssurvivefrombefore
1700, the earliest(1602) relatingto parts of
easternTexas(Lewisforthcoming). Our knowl-
edge of Indianmapmaking is thuslargelyof a
textualratherthana graphicnature.Itis found
inthereportsofexplorerssuchas CaptainJohn
Smith,JacquesCartier, SamuelChamplain,and
HenryNorwoodwhentheywere interrogating
NativeAmericanpeoples forgeographicalin-
telligenceaboutthe areas wherethe explorers
intended to penetrate(Lewis forthcoming).
Such maps seem to have been generally
ephemeralproductions, 'scratchedinthesand
or inthecold ashes ofan abandonedcampfire,
sketchedwithcharcoalon bark,or paintedon
deerskin"(Waselkov1989,292).
More extensiveevidence of anothercradle
of cartography independentfromthatof the
Old Wordis foundin Mesoamerica.Whathas
survivedforthisregionis notonlyliterary evi-
dence for mapmakingfromthe time of the
Spanishconquestbutalso (and despitethesys-
tematicdestructionof many documents) a
number of pre- and post-Conquestmanu-
 Rereadingthe Maps 525

scriptsidentifiedas maps.Asan exampleofthe Colonial manuscriptssuch as the Historia

firstcategory,we can cite Cortes's decision Tolteca-Chichimeca(Robertson 1959), the
thathisencounterwithnativemapmaking was lienzo of Tlapiltepec(Parmenter 1982),or the
of sufficientmomentto be mentionedin two Codex Xolotl(Dibble1951; McGowanand Van
ofthe lettershe wroteto Emperor CharlesV in Nice1979),haveforsome timebeen described
1519-20. In the second he relates how in termsof theircartographic characteristics.
Moctezumahad drawnforhim"a clothwithall For the place of cartographyin ancient
thecoastpaintedon it"(Pagden1971,344).We Mesoamericanculture,however,itis especially
cannotdoubt thatCorteswas dealingwitha significantthata similarformof mappinghas
culturein whichtherewere well-established been identifiedin partsof eighteenpre-Con-
traditionsof map making. quest codices.
A distinctivecorpusof surviving mapsin na- Formerly these documentswere described
tivestylereinforces thisinference.The origin largelyin termsof theirgenealogicaland his-
of Mesoamericancartographyin paintings toricalcontent.Recently, a combinationof ar-
such as the muralsfromTetitlain Teotihuacan chaeologicallyrecoveredsettlementpatterns,
(Classicperiod,500-700A.D.) remainsobscure an understanding of locationalterminology ac-
(Miller1973,151-52).To judge, however,from quired throughinterviewswith local Mixtec
manuscripts frombothcentralMexico(Robert- speakers,and insight intothemeaningofplace
son 1959)and the Mixtecarea of southcentral signsand genealogyderivedfromthe Mixtec
Mexico(Smith1973),an artofpicturemapping historicalcodices and otherpictorialsources
had been formalizedby post-Classictimes. (Pohland Byland1990,116), has led to the re-
Thissurvivedintothe Conquestperiod. constructionof the geographicalcontentof
Specialistlinguisticand art-historicalskillsthese manuscripts and its relationshipto the
are requiredforreadingthe maps. Becauseof landscape. Such Mixtec mapping may be
this,the primary tasksof makingan inventory defined as producing "spatial histories,"4
ofthemanuscripts (Glass1975;Glassand Rob- wheretimeand space are projectedonto the
ertson1972; Robertson1972)and of interpre- same two-dimensional plane,and in whichre-
tingthem have been initiatedin disciplines cords of geographicalperceptions,ancestral
other than geography,such as art history migration, and dynastichistoryare combined
(Robertson1959; Smith1973), anthropology, intosingledocuments.Comparativestudyof
and literature(Caso 1949; Leon-Portilla and partsof the variouscodices reveal recurrent
Aguilera 1986; Brotherson1979; Mignolo spatialpatternings of identifiableplace signs.
1989).More difficult to resolveis thetardyas- These reappearin the same sequences, either
similation,in partan issue of culturalhierar- withinthe same landscapeframeof hillsand
chy.Maps identified by arthistoriansdid not mountains, or the same positionas definedby
fitthe notionof a "scientific" map as under- the cardinalpoints.Theyare also foundto be
stood by cartographersand geographers comparablyspaced accordingto traveltime
trainedinWesterntraditions. (Pohl and Byland1990). They are essentially
Butto readthemapsfromMesoamerica,we stripmapsrepresenting the pathwaysofan an-
also have to learna new set of cartographic cientmigration throughthe Valleyof Mexico.
rules. The physicalform of such maps- In Mesoamerica,as in otherculturesin the
whether as Iienzos, tiras, or screenfolds-is Old Worldand NorthAmerica,the mapping
verydifferent fromthe sheet, book, wall,or impulseextendedalso to representations of
atlas maps of earlymodernEurope.Similarly the cosmos. To give but one examplefroma
the pictographicconventionsfor signifying complexsubject,the openingpage ofthepre-
places, lackingany separate identifying top- Conquest Fejervaryscreenfoldpresents an
onyms,letalone a label in a recognizablelan- imagethatwould undoubtedlyhave been re-
guage, could not qualifyfor membership jectedas a map,byboththe sixteenth-century
withinthecanonicalclubof RenaissanceEuro- SpanishconquerorsofMexicoand themodern
pean cartography. cartographic historiansof the nineteenthand
Evenso, a recentstudyoftheMixteccodices twentieth centuries.Althoughsocial concepts
(Pohland Byland1990,115) notesthatdespite ratherthan Euclideanspace are represented,
different
beinga "significantly formofinforma- the mappingof cosmic principlesand rituals
tion,"theyare "applicableto spatialanalysis." neverthelessembodied rationalorderingand
526 Harley
carefulmeasurementand oftengeometrically
preciseexecution.A recentdescription ofthe
map notesthat
Inthecenteristheoldgodoffirepresiding over
thewholeimagomundi.Eachofthecosmicre-
gionshas itscorrespondingcolor-red,yellow,
greenishblue,andbluishgreen-andalsoitsown
gods,trees,birds,and otherrelatedattributes.
. . .The fourcosmicregionsare thestageon
whichtime,destinies, and lifeinteract
(Le6n-
Portilla
1991,507-08).
In other words, the artistof the Fejervary
screenfoldhas miniaturizedtheworldto setits
gods in theirappointed place in time and
space.
Itbecomesclear,then,thatin1492mapping
was byno meansaliento theculturesofeither
Middle or NorthAmerica.Since such indige-
nous formsof mappinghad developedin situ
and awayfromanypossibleinfluence fromthe
Old World,we mayneed to reviseour ideas
aboutthelevelsofgeographical awarenessand
representation in AmericanIndianculturesas
a whole.And,althoughthe linksmaybe more
tenuous,we are also simultaneouslyalertedto
thecapacityoftheIndiansto playa sometimes
decisiveroleinchoreographing theearlypath-
waysof Europeanexploration.
HiddenGeographies
Recognition of the existenceof nativemap-
pingtraditions in theAmericashelpsus to ad-
dressthe second researchquestion,thatof an
Indiancontribution to the Europeanmaps of
the New World, anotherneglectedaspect.5
The basic questionis the extentto whichone
can trace the existencein Europeanmaps of
knowledgetransmitted byIndianinformants to
European explorersand mapmakers(Lewis
1986,1987).A good a prioricase can be made
forassertingthatmostEuropeanmaps,manu-
scriptor printed,fromJuande la Cosa's world
mapof1500onward,disguisea hiddenstratum
of Indiangeographicalknowledge.JamesAx-
tell(1987)once reflected on the natureof Co-
lonialAmericawithoutthe Indians:adapting
his question,it is interesting
to speculateon
what European sixteenth-and seventeenth-
centurymaps of Americamighthave looked
likehad thenavigators and explorersarrivedin
an unpopulatedland.Undoubtedly thedetails
on the maps would have been muchsparser
beyondthethintraceofcoastalcontact.With-
out Indiancontributions to thecartography of
the interior,maps of continental scale would
have unrolled farmore slowly in frontof Euro-
pean eyes.
To document in detail the Indian contribu-
tion is a more difficulttask. Three sets of clues
are available as to the presence of Indian
knowledge in European cartography.The first
is the most ambiguous. It relates to the pres-
ence-assumed to be universal-of Indian
guides and interpretersin situationswhere Eu-
ropeans were likelyto have been makingmaps.
Fromthe firstlandfallon 12 October 1492, the
degree of dependence of Columbus and the
other navigators and explorers on Indian
knowledge would have been considerable
(De Vorsey 1978). As early as 13 October 1492,
Columbus was reportingthat he was takingdi-
rectionsfromIndian guides, a practice that be-
came an almost daily routine. Indeed, Indian
men were taken prisoner for the purpose. On
other occasions Indians were kidnapped and
taken back to Europe-by Spanish, English,and
French alike-for longer periods of debriefing
(Jaenen 1976, 12-15). But a specificallyIndian
contributionto the maps eventuallypublished
in Europe is usually impossible to disentagle.
A more explicit source relates to those doc-
umented occasions when Indians made maps
at the request of Europeans. As already noted,
this normallytook place at the immediate site
of exploration in the Americas, but sometimes
captive Indians were interrogatedin Europe. In
his Historyof the Indies, Las Casas relates how
Joao II of Portugal,speaking with Columbus,
orderedthata bowl of beans be broughtand put
on the table. Usingsigns,He asked one of the
Indiansto make a map withthem,showingthe
manyislandsinthesea wherehe camefrom, which
theAdmiral claimedto havediscovered.The Indian
verynaturally and readilyshowed the islandsof
Hispaniola,Cuba, the Lucayas,and othersthathe
knewof,theKing.. . undoingit. . . askedanother
Indianto use the beans and to depictthe landshe
knewto lie in thatsea fromwhichColumbushad
broughtthen. This Indiandiligently and as one
whochancedto showthesameislandsas theother
Indian,also added manymoreislandsand lands,
explainingin his own language(althoughno one
understoodit)all thathe had set forth(Parryand
Keith1984,65).
Similarly,in the Northeast, Jacques Cartier
along the St. Lawrence in 1541 (Quinn and Skel-
ton 1965, 2:723; Ganong 1964, 264-70), Captain
BartholemewGosnold during his voyage to the
Mainecoastin1602(Purchas1965,18:304),and
Samuel Champlainalong the coast of Maine
 Rereadingthe Maps 527

and New Hampshirein1605(Biggar1922-26,I, imageof America,but also of the assumption

335-36),all had maps drawnforthemon one ofEuropeanmapmakers whenconfronted with
occasion or another.The PowhatanIndiansin thistypeof knowledge.
the earlyseventeenthcentury"spontaneously
produced maps on at least threeoccasions" Representation
as Resistance
(Waselkov1989,292). In Mexico,Montezuma
providedCorteswitha map. IntheSouthwest, Thereis a danger,when attempting to write
we know that HernandoAlarcon,traversing cartographichistoryfroman ethnographical
the lower Colorado Riverin 1540, had once perspective, oftreatingthe Indiancontribution
asked an elderly Indian to "set . . . downe in as passivecompliancewithEuropeanrequests
a chartas muchas he knewconcerningthat forinformation, or believingthatthe Indians
river.. ." whichhe didwillingly (Hakluyt 1904, werethe unresponding victimsof the map. By
315).Nativecompetenceindrawingmapsmust assumingthatthe effectsof mappingare uni-
have been a potentially significantelementin directional,we riskthe chargeof an a priori
the mapswe usuallyclassifyas "European." ideologicaldeterminism (Greenblatt1991,4) in
A thirdsourceofevidenceforsucha contri- which nativevoices are quicklysilenced and
butioncan be found in the Europeanmaps theirmapsreplacedbythe"technologically su-
themselves.Sources are rarelylistedon six- perior"territorialrepresentationsofthe politi-
teenth-and seventeenth-century maps, but callydominantcultureof the invaders.How-
just occasionallyan Indian authorityis ac- ever, this is only part of the story.In this
knowledged.The best knownexampleis John section,I willargue thatin some Indiancul-
Smith'smapofVirginia (1612),wheretheread- tures,mapswere partof the intellectual appa-
ers are instructed "thatas faras you see the ratusbywhichthe impositionof colonialrule
littleCrosses on rivers,mountaines,or other was resisted.In generalterms,itis well docu-
places havebeen discovered;therestwas had mentedthattheIndianguidespressedintoser-
by information of the savages, and are set vice byEuropeanswere often"reluctantinfor-
downe according to their instructions" mants when strangerscame to their lands
(Smith'sitalics;Barbour1986,I, 140-41).Like- requesting vitalgeographicinformation suchas
wise, on the map of northeastNorthAmerica the locationof lakes, rivers,mountains,and
sentin1611to Spainbydon Alonsode Velasco othermarkingpointsin the landscape"(Prins
(theSpanishambassadorin London),the map forthcoming).
user is informed, in relationto the detailsin Especiallyrelevantin thiscontextis the evi-
the interior,that"all the blue is done by the dence forthe preparationby Indiansof maps
relations ofthe Indians"(Cumming, et al. 1971, in supportof theirclaimsto land fromwhich
264-67). they had been dispossessed. Like writingin
Intheabsenceofsuchexplicittestimony, we othercolonialsituations (Adorno1986),making
have to proceed throughan analysisof map a map became a conscious strategyof resis-
content.Thisconsistsof identifying "diagnos- tance. From Mesoamerica,where pre-Con-
ticcharacteristics,"
configurations thatsuggest quest cartography was a well-establishedtradi-
an Indianinformant ratherthansolelyfieldre- tion,come numerousinstancesof mapsbeing
connaissance by European explorers(Lewis used in thisway.
1986).Thus in the mapsof Americaofthe six- A changeof contextfromterritorial control
teenthand seventeenth centuries,we can look by the pre-Conquestaristocracy to territorial
for recurrentfeatures such as artificially resistanceon theirpartdid notfundamentally
straightened riversor circularlakes,symmetri- change the formatand styleof mapping.Yet
cal rivernetworks,topographythatis dupli- the purposeof such mappinghad been trans-
cated,or fabulouscitiessuchas Cibola,El Do- formedto become quintessentially Colonialto
rado, and Norumbega.By identifying in this servetheneeds ofa conqueredpeople. Manu-
waydelineationsthatincorporateIndiancon- scriptssuch as the Codex Columbinoand the
cepts of distanceand topography, and byes- Codex Xolotl(Smith1973)can be readas exam-
tablishingtheirculturaland ecologicalpriori- ples of how these changed relationsof domi-
tieswithinthe landscapeof the contactzone, nationand subordination became enshrinedin
somethingcan be reconstructed not only of cartography. Forexample,we can tracein the
the Indians'contribution to the cartographic Codex Xolotltheworkof an Indianaristocracy
528 Harley
seekingto restoreits legitimacy in the Valley
ofMexico.Thisseemsto havebeen a dynastic
historythatis also a cartography, linkinggene-
alogyand territory and servingas proofof an-
cientnobility.
Reassertions of bothnativeterritorial claims
and waysof representation are also foundat
localcommunity level.Amongthemapsofthe
relacionesgeograficas, we can also see thesur-
vivalof pre-Conquestcartographic traditions.6
One explanationcould be a shortage of
mapmakerstrainedin Europeantechniques.
Once theywere made, however,these 'alter-
native cartographies"acquired an indepen-
dence and authority divorcedfromthecircum-
stances of theircreation.While the Spanish
authoritiesbecame suspicious of the legiti-
macyof these maps (Smith1973,170),forIn-
dianpeoplestheyweretheirterritory, standing
as a record of past ownershipand as a
challengeto appropriation bythe colonists.
Such is the relacion geograficamap of
Teozacoalco,a Mixtectownwestof Oaxaca in
the diocese of Antequera(1580).Drawnby a
nativehand, it shows how an instrument of
colonial powercould be reappropriated by a
colonized people. The map is composed of
two distinctparts(Caso 1949; Smith1973,55-
58, 162-71).To the left,columnsof figures,
based on an earliergenealogicalmanuscript,
recordthe history of the nativerulingdynasty
Tilantongo.To the right,the mainmap of the
townis paintedincircularformwitheastatthe
top. Since circularmapshad pre-Conquestor-
igins,even inthiswe see a reassertion ofnative
conceptsof space. The circledefinesthejuris-
dictionalboundaryof Teozacoalco. The semi-
circularappendage at the top representsthe
townof Elotepec,once underthe jurisdiction
of Teozacoalco. While the map also shows
signsof adjustment and acculturationto Span-
ish influence-as in the representation of es-
tanciasand churches-itnevertheless captures
the coexistenceand dialecticof nativeand Eu-
ropeancartography.7
European Ideologies in the Early
Maps of America
It will now be clear thatthe earlyNative
Americanmaps and the European maps of
Americahaveeach been interpreted inthepast
fromverydifferent angles. NativeAmerican
maps have been interrogated fromthe per-
spectivesof anthropology, arthistory, geneal-
ogy,and history. Europeanmapsof theAmeri-
cas havebeen studiedmainlyfroma traditional
geographicaland historicalstandpoint:ques-
tionsposed have tended to concernthe way
maps mayhave underpinnedthe conceptions
ofthe"discoverers"and explorersofAmerica;
how cartographic evidence mighthelp us to
reconstruct the routesand tracksof the Euro-
pean explorers;at theantiquarianintersection
of geographyand map history,it has been
asked how they mightassist in locatingthe
landingplaces of the navigators.8 What has
been missingis sufficientcommongroundbe-
tween such geographicalwork on European
mapsand thatof arthistorians and anthropol-
ogists on indigenousAmericanmapping.In
thislastsection,I shallsuggestthata meeting
placeforthetwodirectionsof researchmaybe
foundin a studyofthe ideologiesthatperme-
ate the maps of both cultures(Harley1988b,
1989). Somethingof the ideologicalnatureof
NativeAmericanmapping,seen as engagedin
a struggleof resistance,has alreadybeen de-
scribed,9so theargument hereconcentrates on
the ideologicalfeaturesof Europeanmapsand
theirroleintheconstruction of a geographical
space in which colonial societies could take
root.
As a form of knowledge throughwhich
powercould be exercised,cartography in the
sixteenthand seventeenth centurieswas simul-
taneouslya practicalinstrument ofcolonialpol-
icy, a visual rhetoricfashioningEuropean
attitudestowardtheAmericasand itspeoples,
and "an analogueforthe acquisition,manage-
mentand reinforcement of colonialpower"as
a whole (Huggan1989, 115). Yet neitherthe
signsof ideologynor theirsocial effectsare
simple.I willdrawa distinction here between
the visibleemblemsof cartographic ideology,
whichlendthemselvesto straightforward icon-
ographic analysis, and their "hidden tran-
scripts"(Scoff1990),comprising themoregen-
eralizedand abstractsignsand consequences
of thatideologyand whichformthe political
unconsciousof the map.
Geopoliticaland ReligiousEmblems
EarlyEuropeanmaps of Americausuallyare
geopoliticaldocuments.Above all
stridently
theybearthetracesof theterritorial
movesby
 RereadingtheMaps 529

whichthe colonialpowersofearlymodernEu- tographers explicitaboutthese practices.Mar-

rope soughtto delimit,divide,and assertcon- tinWaldseemOller's largewallmapoftheworld
trolovertheiroverseasterritories. Linesofde- of1507also containsa celebrationof European
marcation drawnon themapsbecamesymbols overseaspower,explainedin the accompany-
as well as recordsof thedivisionof theworld ing bookletCosmographiaeIntroductio (pub-
into different nationalspheres of influence. lishedin the same year),whichstatesthatthe
The prominenceofthe lineof the1494Treaty purposeoftheflagsand shieldson hismapwas
of Tordesillason some maps fromthe early to act as a territorialsign: 'As farmersusually
1500s reflectsthe importancethatSpain and markoffand dividetheirfarmsby boundary
Portugalattachedto itsprovisions. Some maps lines,so ithas been our endeavorto markthe
of the periodsuggestthatthe linewas moved chiefcountriesoftheworldbytheemblemsof
or even falsifiedto favorthe claimsof the re- theirrulers"(WaldseemOller 1507,67 verso).
spectivecountries(Cortesdoand Teixeirada Insuchways,themaphad enabledtheworld
Mota 1960,1:96, 100,104). to be visualizedas a seriesof royalor imperial
The entirecontextinwhichtheCantinomap properties.Old World 'emblems" included
(1502)was made supportsthe contentionthat representations of the papal keys,the Islamic
forcesofimperialideologyand politicaladvan- crescent,the Habsburgimperialdouble eagle,
tage were at work.AlbertoCantino,the Duke and theanchoroftheGreatKhan.On the part
of Ferraro'sagent,had illicitlyobtaineda copy ofthemaprelating to theAmericas, the"fourth
fromLisbonof the officialpadrao (standard divisionof the earth,discoveredby the kings
map of the world). Breachingall policies of of Castileand Portugal," therewere placed,as
secrecy,his own map made the information Waldseemuller (1507,67 verso)wrote,"theem-
concerningthe "discoveries"widelyavailable blemsofthosesovereigns."Discoverywas pos-
amongnationsinterested ingeographical intel- session.
ligence about the Americas(Cortesdo and The cartographic discourseof the sixteenth
Teixeirada Mota 1960,1:7). and seventeenthcenturieswas never solely
Norwas theterritory claimedon mapsonly secular.Manyof the earlyEuropeanmaps of
demarcatedby boundarylines. "Decoration," theAmericasalso proclaima religiousimperial-
inscriptionsrecordingdiscovery,and com- ismas well as a politicalconquest.The world
memorative are all an integral
portraits partof view of Columbusand his Europeancontem-
cartographicdiscourse.The Cantino map is porarieshad been greatlyinfluencedbyearlier
plantedwithnationalflags-Spanishand Por- imagesofMedievalChristian geography.Ifthe
tuguese-as ifclaimingownershipof the new real shape of a fourthcontinentwas now
territoriesand marking out spheresofpolitical emerging,it neverthelessrepresentedthe
influence.Coats of armsof the rulingfamilies workingout ofa divinepurpose.The wordsof
of Europeare also a hallmark of Colonialcar- the Psalm2:6-8, "I willmakethe nationsyour
tography. Bothflagsand coatsof armsmaybe inheritance and theends oftheearthyourpos-
seen as commemorations oftheelaboratecer- sessions," were now being writteninto the
emonies by whichnew land was claimedby mapsofAmerica.On theJuande la Cosa map,
explorers(Stewart1982,13). Also helpingto a compass rose astridethe Tropicof Cancer
validatenationalclaimsto the new territories portrays the Holy Family,while a vignetteof
are names of discoverersinscribedon maps. Columbusshowshimcarrying the ChristChild
On the Cantinomap,we read of Brazilthatit on his shoulders.This is an adaptationof the
was "foundby PedroAlvaresCabral,a noble- ancientimageoftheconvertedpagangiant,St.
man of the Kingof Portugal,"while on the Christopher, as a portrayalof Christoferens,
West Indieswere the "Antillesof the Kingof thebearerof Christacrossnota swiftriverbut
Castille"(Has antilhasReyde castella),"discov- the ocean to the unknownshoresof America
ered by Columbus,who is Admiralof them" (Watts1985,99-107).
(Cortesdoand Teixeirada Mota 1960,1:11). Place-nameson thisand manyothermaps
Later,as on De Bry'smapof1595,allegorical commemorate shrinesof the Virginin Castile,
portraits ofthediscoverers werealso placedin Catalonia,or Italy.Located thus on the new
the cornersoftheAmericanhemisphere, as if land,theyalso became emblemsof religious
adding authorityto European colonization possession.In hisJournal forFriday16 Novem-
(Berger1985,50). Onlyoccasionallywere car- ber 1492, Columbus relates how "in all the
530 Harley
places, islands,and lands thathe enteredhe
alwayslefta cross set up" (Dunn and Kelley
1987,157). Eachnameon the map is a written
recordof an act of territorial consecration.
Similaracts of toponymicpossessionconvey
thesame sense ofappropriation legitimized
by
religion.On mapssuch as JohannesRuysch's
world map of 1508 (Fite and Freeman1926,
28-31),SouthAmericawas namedin the Por-
tuguese fashionnot only 'The New World"
(Mundusnovus)butalso "TheLandoftheHoly
Cross" (Terrasancte crucis).The frontispieceof
Sebastian Lopes's manuscriptatlas (c. 1566,
Cortesdoand Teixeirada Mota 1960,IV,9-14;
Harley1990, 109-111),is a drawingof the
Crucifixion. In the same atlas, much of the
interiorof Brazilis filledwitha pictureof an
Indianfamilyseeminglydesignedto suggest
thatthebiblicalallegoryoftheGardenofEden
had been transplanted intothe Americas.On
some Portuguesecharts,suchas JorgeReinel's
chartof the SouthAtlantic(c. 1534),yetother
emblemsare used to conveybiblicalmean-
ings.The letters"IHUS" inscribedon theneck
of the parchment are the initiallettersforthe
nameof Christ.The fiveblackdots in theflag
of Portugalare thewoundsof Christ.On each
of the compass roses, a cross on the outer
circumference pointsto theeast (Cortesaoand
Teixeirada Mota1960,I,45-46,plate15; Harley
1990,103-05).
It is on the maps of theAmericasproduced
in the Catholiccountriesof Europe-notably
Spain, Portugal,Italy,and France-thatreli-
gious iconography is mostevident.Butitis by
no meansabsentfromthe mapsofthe Protes-
tantnorth.In the so-called'ChristianKnight"
map (c. 1596-94),publishedin CalvinistAm-
sterdamand designedas a piece of anti-Cath-
olic propaganda,we see depictedat the foot
of a worldmap,drawnon Mercator'sprojec-
tion,an allegorynotonlyforthe strugglebe-
tween good and evil at a cosmic scale but,
more particularly, betweenCatholicand Prot-
estant countriesfor the dominationof the
richesoftheoverseasworld(Barber1990).De-
spitetheimpacton cartography ofthegeomet-
ricaland printing revolutions,religiouspersua-
sion was stilla centralpartofthe mapmakers'
agenda. Throughthe rhetoricof such maps,
we can glimpsethe processbywhichEurope
was imposing"itsown image,itsown aspira-
tions,and its own values,on a newly-discov-
ered world"(Elliott 1970,7).
The PoliticalUnconsciousof the Map
Yetmoreelusiveand abstractconfigurations
ofpowercan be readfromthe map in addition
to the moreobviousemblemsof royalpower
or religion. Such configurationsmay be
definedas the politicalunconscious of the
map,in the sense thatwe are recovering from
cartography and itscontextprocessesthatare
usuallyhidden,takenforgranted,and seldom
made explicitin cartographichistories.They
help us to understandmore of the ways in
whichcolonialpowerhas been reinforced and
made legitimate throughcartography. Bycon-
sideringand noticingdetailsthatare normally
unconsideredand unnoticed,I am aimingto
identify a furtherdimensionof cartographic
power,one thatinvolvesan intellectual rather
thana solelypracticalprocessofcolonialdom-
ination.
The firstexample relatesto the givingof
namesbyEuropeansto the landstheyencoun-
teredin the Americas,butwhat,in particular,
about those cases where the Indian names
were retainedby the conquerorsand entered
on a map? Surelythese denote a culturalex-
changeand providean indexof Indiancontri-
butionto mapping?Thismightbe trueat one
levelas alreadysuggested.Equally,however,it
can be arguedthattheveryadoptionof native
toponymsby the colonistswas initially an act
ofappropriation and control.Anarchetypal ex-
ample of place-naming-takenfromColum-
bus's firstletterto the Sovereignsof February-
March1493 and fromthe map accompanying
it-servesto makethepoint.Inthis,a founding
document of the European colonizationof
America,we read:
To the firstislandwhichI foundI gave the name
San Salvador,in remembrance of the DivineMaj-
esty,Who has marvelously bestowedall this;the
Indianscall it "Guanahani."To the second, I gave
thenameIslade SantaMariade Concepci6n;to the
thirdFernandina;to the fourth,Isabella; to the
Isla Juana;and so to each one I gave a new
fifth,
name(Parry and Keith1984,59).
The ideologicalmessageis a dual one. Froma
Europeanperspective,the names reproduce
the divine hierarchyrelocated in the New
World.The orderis significant:His Heavenly
Majesty,SantaMaria,Fernandina, Isabella,and
Juana.It was second natureforColumbusto
honorfirstGod, and thentheVirginMary,and
 RereadingtheMaps
onlythenthe Kingof Spain,the Queen, and
the RoyalPrincein turn.
We can also interpret the one Indianplace
namecontainedin Columbus'sletter,'The In-
dianscall itGuanahani."Here,froman Indian
perspective,is anotheract of possessionbut
one in a different sense. This sentencepre-
servesan exchangeof language,a traceof a
dialogue once held betweena Europeanand
an Indian.Whatis encapsulatedin the letter,
however,is theunevenrecordofthedialogue,
one betweencolonizerand colonized.Itis Co-
lumbuswho is determining the termsof the
exchange.He givesauthority to the name but
only by embeddingit in a European letter
whose purposewas to confirm thepoliticaland
religiouspossessionof the landand bygiving
'Guanahani" the statusonly of a quotation.
Thusthe namewas "preservedout of context
in a linguisticenvironment quiteforeignto it,
a stuffedbirdin a museumcase, it scarcely
mattered whethertheaboriginalnamewas the
'real' one or not"(Carter1988,1-33).
The secondexampleconcernsthewaymap-
makingcreated an artificial image that gave
Americaa Europeanidentity. Inthissense,car-
tographyhelpedto inventAmericain the Eu-
ropeanconsciousness.JeanBaudrillard (1983,
11-13),writing aboutthe"successivephasesof
the image,"saw the simulacrum as a product
ofthetwentieth-century technology, butithas
alwaysexistedin cartography. Sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century Europeanmapsof Amer-
ica containmanyfeaturesof the simulacrum.
So whenBaudrillard (1983,2) observedthatthe
map "precedes the territory. . . it is the map
thatengendersthe territory," he could well
have had an atlas by Mercatoror Orteliusin
frontof him,open at the pages depictingthe
Americas.
The verymetaphorsused by Europeancar-
tographers to nametheirproductions heighten
the sense of unreality:Mercator'sworldmap
represents theearthas a "Theater"forhuman
activity,
implying Americais a stageforitsfirst
Europeancolonists.In Ortelius's"New De-
ofAmericaor theNewWorld"(1570),
scription
the scenariois also European:what catches
our eye are Latinizednames and Dutchcon-
ventionalsigns. Throughthe artifacts of the
engraver,the Americanlandscape has been
made to look European.Spotlighting Peru in
Ortelius'smap,we see theextentto whichthe
engravingstyleof FransHogenbergand his
531
Dutchassistants, withstandardsignsfortowns
withchurchtowersand spires-a whollyChris-
tian landscape-had confirmedthe Spanish
possessionof the Americas,even though(in
thiscase) manyof the place namesare stillof
Indianorigin.Or again,lookingatJohnSmith's
map ofVirginia(1612),whatstrikesthe reader
is not the wildernessbut the gentility of the
landscape:an open parklandis portrayed, dot-
ted withroundtreeslikethe familiar oaks and
elms of southernEnglandor lowlandFrance.
Bycreating an illusionofsameness,bydefining
identityin termsof 'home," the map made
Americaeasierto assimilateintothe European
consciousness.
Anotherfeatureofthesimulacrum is thatwe
have to read it fora geographyof absences.
The "cast" of the "cartographictheater"in
termsofsignsand namesbecomesincreasingly
representative of only one culture (Harley
1988b).Scanningsome of the Europeanmaps
of seventeenth-century America,we could be
forgivenfor believingthat the Indians no
longerexisted.In thewordsof KarenKupper-
man (1980,1), "It is as ifAmericawere a stage
tableau,withthearrival oftheEuropeansas the
raisingof thecurtainand the beginningof the
action."Cartography hasthusservedto dispos-
sess the Indiansbyengulfing themwithblank
spaces. Of course,thereare regionaland na-
tional differencesin the extentto which an
Indiangeographyis silenced in the maps of
America.Thesilencingwas latermostthorough
in maps of some of the Englishcolonies,
reflectingup to a pointthe decimationof the
Indianpopulationby disease, butalso a func-
tionof the culturalvalues of a Puritancoloni-
zation.
The thirdand finalprocessof empowerment
picksup Baudrillard's notionof map preceding
Thereare manyinstancesof thisten-
territory.
dencyin colonialcartography. The divisionof
theworldbya Pope-on a map-preceded the
arrivalofmostEuropeanpeoples,yetitendan-
gered politicaldemarcationsthat were and
were meantto be enduring.The names New
England,New France, or New Spain were
placed on maps long beforethe settlement
frontiersof New England,New France,or New
Spain became activezones of Europeansettle-
ment(Meinig1986). JohnSmith'swell-known
map of New Englandof 1614,withitscarefully
fabricated Englishnames,precededthe arrival
of Puritansettlers.Fora time,the mapwas the
532 Harley
only"territory"as faras themajorityof English
were concerned.It certainly helpedto create
what followed. Likewise,with the Colonial
boundariesthatwere drawnon maps: these
provide perhaps the most spectacular
of how an anticipatory
illustrations geography
served to framecolonial territoriesin the
mindsof statesmenand territorial speculators
backin Europe.Maps werethefirst stepinthe
appropriation Such visualizations
of territory.
froma distance became criticalin choreo-
graphing theColonialexpansionofearlymod-
ern Europe. In the word of Edmundo
O'Gorman(1961),Americafirsthad to be "in-
vented"and integrated intotheEuropeancon-
sciousness before it could be owned, colo-
nized,and merchandised, and beforeitcould
become a playerin the riseof capitalism.
Conclusion
ThewayinwhichIndianand Europeanmaps
were used interactively in colonial situations
underlinesour understanding of the cultural
exchangein geographicalknowledge.It also
reinforces theclaimofcartography to historical
importance. Strengtheningourappreciation of
theirrole in theshapingofAmerica,mapscan
be shownto operatenotonlywithinmaterial
and practicalprocessesbutalso as reifiedsym-
bols of power, part of the politicaluncon-
sciousnessofEuropeansociety.Througha sim-
ulacrum,mapsgavea geographical"reality" to
new worldsin a waythatno otherdocument
couldoffer. Whetherwe calltheprocessinven-
tionor visualization,mapswerecriticalagents
in the graphicinscription bywhichthe space
of Americawas filledwithsome of the place-
names,signs,emblems,and memoriesof the
Old World.Yet,in thesecontexts-ofcultural
transferand identity formation-weare con-
frontedwiththe ultimatecartographic para-
dox. The map is not the territory:
yetitis the
InAmerica,cartography
territory. is partofthe
processbywhichterritory becomes.Thepaper
dispositions ofthemapoften
and anticipations
precededthe "real"geography whichwe seek
so earnestly to triangulate.
Acknowledgments
Thisessaywas firstpresentedas a paperat theAn-
nualConferenceoftheAmerican Historical
Associa-
tion at San Franciscoin December 1989 and in
modified formas lecturesin 1991at ClarkUniversity
andThe Pennsylvania StateUniversity.I am indebted
forhelpfulcommentsfromCatherineDelano Smith,
DavidWoodward,and CarlosRinc6n-Mautner. I also
wishto acknowledgethe helpgivenbyEllenHanlon
and PellervoKokkonenin preparing thetextforpub-
lication.The researchforthispaperwas undertaken
withthe assistanceof a grantfora publicexhibition
on thetheme"Maps and theColumbianEncounter"
fromtheDivisionof PublicPrograms ofthe National
Endowment fortheHumanities, an independent fed-
eralagency.
EditorialNote
The manuscript was essentiallycompletebut in the
processof revisionwhen BrianHarleypassed away.
The abstractwas constructed fromthe author'sorig-
inalsummary, whichhas nowbeen omittedfromthe
conclusion.Deletionsindicatedby the authoron a
workingdraftwere honored,except where such
omissionsseemed to cutsubstantive detail.The bib-
liographiccitationsand references were completed
withthe assistanceof Ellen Hanlon,and the final
manuscript was checkedby David Woodward(Uni-
versity
ofWisconsin-Madison) and Paul Laxton(Uni-
versity
of Liverpool).
No reproductions of maps had been preparedor
even selectedbyHarleyto complementthetext,an
omissionparticularly unfortunate in regardto the
indigenouscartographies discussed. Consequently,
threeindigenousmapswereselectedfromthe hold-
ingsof the Benson LatinAmericanCollection,the
Universityof Texas at Austin.These are illustrated
and explicatedin the attachedAddendum.We are
particularly to thedirectoroftheCollection,
grateful
LauraGutierrez-Witt,and to herstaff,forexpediting
reproduction and generously granting the necessary
permissions.An obituaryessay on J. BrianHarley
(1932-91),writtenby Paul Laxton,can be consulted
inthe gazetteof The Independent(London),Friday,
27 December1991.We thankGeorgeLovellfordraw-
ingthisto our attention.
Notes
1. I shallnotattemptto offertechnicaldiscussions
of anyofthe Europeanmaps,whichalreadyhave
noryetto describetheir
an extensiveliterature,
oftenperplexing geographicalcontent,whichhas
been a focusofcartographic history sinceat least
the nineteenth century(Winsor1884-89,vol. 2;
Nordenskiold 1973; Cumming, et al. 1971).(A se-
lectionof indigenousmaps is discussed in the
Addendum.)
2. Evenat a popularlevel, there is a mergingof
historicaland politicaldiscourses. Newspapers
and magazineshave caughton to the alternative
viewofthehistorical of1492.We read
significance
headlinessuchas "Exploding theColumbusMyth!
De-celebrationin the News" (1991); "Public
EnemyNo. 1492" (Bremner1991); "Settlingthe
Score withColumbus"(Harding1991); 'Scourge
ofAmerica"(Koning1991);and "TheTroublewith
 RereadingtheMaps
Columbus"(Gray1991).Or againchurches,once
enlistedin the armiesof colonization,have re-
centlybegunto ask whether1492shouldbe re-
gardedas a "symbolof freedomor oppression,"
withthegoverning boardoftheNationalCouncil
of the Churchesof Christin the U.S. declaring
that1992shouldbe a yearof "reflection and re-
pentance"(GeneralSecretariat, Organizationof
AmericanStates1990).
3. Ina discussionof "Primary Cartography: The Dis-
covery,"Cumming'swork makes no mention
whatsoeverof an Indiancontribution to thevari-
ous Europeanmanuscript and printedmapsthat
are described.
4. Thereare, of course,otheroccurrencesof this
phenomenonin otherancientmapmakingcul-
tures. In this respect,the medievalEuropean
mappaemundi(Woodward1985)providea com-
parableexampleofa spatialrepresentation ofge-
ographicalfeaturesand historical events.
5. Forexample,ifwe examinethe descriptions of
individualmaps in Nebenzahl(1990)and Leven-
son (1991),thereis no allusionto possibleIndian
contributions to the configurationof the Ameri-
can continent and itsparts.
6. Robertson(1972)enumeratesninety-one pinturas
accompanying therelacionesgeograficas of1579-
86 relatingto Mesoamerica.Of these,seventeen
weredrawnand paintedin nativestyles,a further
thirty-eightshow a mixtureof nativeand Euro-
pean styles,and the remainder are European.
7. Theevidenceofmapsbeingusedalongwithwrit-
tendocumentsas a formof colonialresistanceis
notconfinedto Mesoamerica.A Peruvianexam-
ple is found in the 1615 "Mapa Mundi of the
Indies" by FelipeGuaman Poma de Ayala; see
Adorno1979a,1986;and Brotherston 1979.
8. Washburn(1992,2, 405), sums up the futility of
some of thisresearchwhen he writes:"It might
be assumed that the geographicallocationof
the landfallisland could be most easilydeter-
minedfromthe cartographic evidence. Butthe
mapson whichthe landfallislandand surround-
ing islands are recorded forman unreliable
guide." Notwithstanding thesedifficulties,there
has been a revivalof interestin earlyEuropean
maps thatmightprovideevidence forthe first
landfallofColumbus(De Vorseyand Parker 1985;
Gainer1988).
9. Foran assertionoftheideologicalfoundations of
the pictorialmappingof Mesoamerica,see Pohl
and Byland(1990).
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Addendum:Three IndigenousMaps fromNew Spain
Dated ca. 1580
KarlW. Butzer*and BarbaraJ.Williams**
*Departmentof Geography, ofTexas,Austin,TX78712
University
**Department
of Geography, ofWisconsinCenter,RockCity,Janesville,
University
FAX608/755-2732
Three indigenousmaps were selectedfromthe
pictorialmaps (pinturas)that accompany the official
geographical reports (relaciones geograficas) pre-
paredinMexicoin1577-85(see Robertson 1972;also
Butzer,this volume). Of the seventy-five extant
are now at the University
pinturas,thirty-seven of
a wide rangeof European,
Texas,and theyillustrate
mixed,and indigenouscartographictechniques.The
threechosen hererepresent a spectrum,suitableto
introducethe readerbystagesto the severallevels
of meaningembodied in Mesoamericancartogra-
phies.
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pp. 286-370. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
WI 53545
advantagesof the pinturasattached
The heuristic
to the relaciones are several: (a) They were all drawn
at aboutthe same time,and theirdate is known.(b)
Eachwas commissioned forthe same purpose,with
to drawa townplanand illustrate
explicitinstructions
the "site"and "situation"of sucha town(Robertson
1972,246).(c) The textoftherelaci6nprovidesinfor-
mationon the indigenousofficialsand elderswho
werethesourceof muchor mostofthe information
collatedin responseto thevariousquestionsposed,
and older indigenousmaps were sometimespre-
sentedin evidence.(d) The information givenby a