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Jenny J. Lee
The Review of Higher Education, Volume 25, Number 4, Summer 2002, pp.
369-384 (Article)
Access provided by Australian National University (29 Aug 2018 16:00 GMT)
LEE / Religion and College Attendance 369
A recent Los Angeles Times cover story reported that scholars are beginning
to “promote a new paradigm in academia: Religion matters” and that “until
recently, a long-standing academic bias against religion has blinded many
scholars to its powerful role in shaping both private lives and the public
culture” (Watanabe, 2000, p. A-1). For the most part, religion has been ne-
glected in higher education research, even though most would agree that
religion is a powerful force for many in shaping individual values, provid-
ing an overall sense of purpose, forming connections with others, and build-
ing a sense of community. On the individual level, religion provides the
overarching framework for one’s worldview and moral opinions, offering
insight into human drives, hopes, and reasoning, as well as perceptions of
JENNY J. LEE is a Ph.D. student of Higher Education and Organizational Change (HEOC)
in the Department of Education at the University of California, Los Angeles. A research
analyst at the Higher Education Research Institute, she studies faculty culture, organiza-
tional change, social constructions of belief and identity, and religion/spirituality in higher
education. She presented an earlier version of this paper, “Changing Religious Beliefs among
College Students,” at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Associa-
tion, April 2000, in New Orleans. The author expresses appreciation to Linda Sax, Helen
Astin, Jennifer Keup, and other HEOC faculty and fellow students, Address inquiries to her
at Higher Education Research Institute, Graduate School of Education and Information
Studies, 3005 Moore Hall, Mailbox 951521, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1521; (310) 825-1925;
e-mail: j9lee@ucla.edu.
370 THE REVIEW OF HIGHER EDUCATION SUMMER 2002
the self in relation to others and the physical world (Berger, 1973b). On the
group level, religion offers resources and pathways for relational support
(Maton & Wells, 1995) and prosocial activity, including volunteerism
(Donahue & Benson, 1995), community access and awareness (Matton &
Wells, 1995), and social justice (Lebowitz, 1999). For these reasons, the study
of religion is both timely and necessary.
Inner belief frameworks like religion, are not fixed. The environment
and personal experiences within the environment can directly influence
individual beliefs. Hence, the study of religious change in higher education
is particularly critical since researchers have empirically demonstrated a
decline1 in religious activity during the college years (Astin, 1993b; Bowen,
1997; Cox, 1988; Levine, 1980). Astin (1993b) documents less attendance at
church, prayer, and grace before meals. These behaviors may reflect changing
religious attitudes as studies also reveal that students become less favorable
toward church, less convinced of the reality of God, less favorable toward
Sabbath observance, and less fundamental/conservative in their beliefs (Bowen,
1997). Others have identified college attendance as a leading predictor of
religious disaffiliation (Hadaway & Roof, 1988). Pascarella and Terenzini
(1991) also found a freshman-to-senior decline in doctrinaire religious be-
liefs. Given this phenomenon, the question of how college attendance in-
fluences changes in students’ religious beliefs is worthy of investigation.
1
This study, like others cited here, primarily focuses on monolithic religious faiths. By
decline or weakening, I assume a disassociation from the religion’s foundational views and
practices.
LEE / Religion and College Attendance 371
of personal fulfillment” (p. 35). Such qualitative terms as “less happy,” “more
committed to a new morality” (or more liberal), with “less confidence in
American institutions,” suggest that specific perceptions of the self may be
more strongly linked to religious disassociation than other self-perceptions.
Hadaway and Roof (1988) also identified such experiences as marital
problems, abuse, and social dislocations as predictors of decline in religious
affiliation and beliefs. Hence, these perceived experiences are more posi-
tively associated with religious change than others. They also found that,
while social status was an important factor, the effect was largely accounted
for by education. They concluded, “Higher education tends to expand one’s
horizons and may also mean greater exposure to counter-cultural values.
For many persons, such exposure has worked to erode traditional plausibil-
ity structures, which maintained the poorly understood religious convic-
tions that seem so typical of American religion” (p. 36). In other words,
Hadaway and Roof have found that college introduces belief systems and
values that may counter some religious beliefs. Those with lesser degrees of
religious convictions are especially susceptible to religious questioning.
This finding supports sociologist Peter Berger’s (1973a) claims that en-
countering contrary beliefs, particularly in college, likely result in question-
ing and possibly abandoning religious faith. An unchanging social experience
that confirms particular views validates meanings behind religious sym-
bols while, in pluralism, “the individual is forced to take cognizance of oth-
ers who do not believe what he believes and whose life is dominated by
different, sometimes by contradictory, meanings, values and beliefs. As a
result . . . pluralization has a secularizing effect. That is, pluralization weak-
ens the hold of religion . . . on the individual” (p. 80). Based on Berger’s
rationale, diversity-related experiences are particularly likely to weaken per-
sonal religious convictions. It would be expected that encountering diverse
worldviews and religions would give rise to questions and challenges to
one’s faith, hence leading to less religious commitment.
In sum, examinations by Hadaway and Roof show that for many, reli-
gious decline is at least partly attributable to higher education. Although
their early research identifies individual attributes and experiences com-
mon to most religiously disaffiliated, the interplay of these various aspects
during college remains ambiguous, nor is it clear whether college students
match the profile they established of religious disaffiliates. Moreover, their
study focused on factors that might lead to changes in religious identity and
only presumed a parallel weakening of religious beliefs.
The studies cited to this point dealt with switching to another denomi-
nation or withdrawing from religion. Yet, it can be argued that changes in
religious beliefs can occur separate from changing one’s religious identity.
Religious affiliation can be a combination of individual beliefs and cultural
identity. Moreover, identification with a religious group does not necessarily
372 THE REVIEW OF HIGHER EDUCATION SUMMER 2002
Objectives
In an attempt to fill this gap in the literature, this study identifies factors
in the college environment that influence changes in students’ religious be-
liefs. Based on previous research on students’ religiosity and theories in so-
cial psychology, I hypothesized that:
1. Overall, students will experience a decline in religious beliefs and con-
victions.
2. The characteristics and experiences identified in earlier profiles of the
disaffiliated (e.g., being liberal and unhappy) would also appear among
college students who disaffiliated.
3. Greater involvement in diversity-related experiences would be strongly
associated with weakened religious beliefs.
Methodology
I derived the data for this study from the 1994 Freshman Survey and
1998 College Student Survey, conducted annually by the Higher Education
Research Institute (HERI) for the Cooperative Institutional Research Pro-
gram (CIRP) at the University of California, Los Angeles. The 1998 follow-
up survey was funded by the W. K. Kellogg Foundation. These combined
surveys provide a longitudinal database for a national cohort of 1994 fresh-
men who were surveyed upon entering college and resurveyed four years
later. The sample for this study included over 4,000 students attending 76
four-year institutions across the country.
LEE / Religion and College Attendance 373
region, and south region. I also used a continuous measure indicating se-
lectivity, determined by mean GPA and Standardized Assessment Test (SAT)
scores. Using this college environment block, I examined the influence of
the structural environment and institutional type on the dependent vari-
able, since Roof and Hadaway (1988) have linked geographical location to
changes in religious values. Specifically, they found a greater percentage of
the religiously disaffiliated in the West than in the South.
I also added “Mean: Attend Religious Services” to the analysis. This vari-
able is a peer measure created by aggregating the mean of student responses
by institution on how often they attended religious services. Astin (1993b)
found that “the students’ peer group is the single most potent source of
influence on growth and development during the undergraduate years” (p.
398), making its relevance obvious for this study. Astin explains that as
members, individuals conform their beliefs and values to those of the group.
Dalton (1989) adds, “The values college students develop are strongly in-
fluenced by the extent and intensity of their involvement with the college
peer culture and the values prized in that culture” (p. 2). Peer groups, by
their nature, exercise considerable influence upon their members in their
development of consensual attitudes and beliefs.
College Variables: Activities
I entered college experiences in the fifth block to assess specific college
activities that might account for a change in religious beliefs and convic-
tions. The degree to which students are involved in college, including spe-
cific involvement activities are, according to Astin (1993b), among the
primary factors that contribute to students’ development during their col-
lege years. These experience variables were measured on the same 1998 sur-
vey as the question for the dependent variable. I drew on Hadaway and
Roof (1988) for three items, to test their findings: got married, withdrew
from school, and distance from home. Previous studies also have found
that living at home decreases changes in religious preferences (Pascarella &
Terenzini, 1991). As variables representing diversity, I used five variables:
attended cultural diversity workshop, had roommate of different race/
ethnicity, enrolled in ethnic studies course, enrolled in women’s studies
course, and an additional ethnic interaction composite (socialized with a
different ethnic group, studied with a different ethnic group, and interacted
with a different ethnic group, alpha = .71). Berger (1973b) theorized that
encountering differing or pluralistic beliefs would likely lead to a weaken-
ing of personal religious belief. I also included three other experiences—
withdrew from school, participated in leadership training, and studied with
other students—on an exploratory basis.
For this block, I also created a composite of ten student-faculty interaction
measures (alpha = .86). The variables included in this composite measure
376 THE REVIEW OF HIGHER EDUCATION SUMMER 2002
R ESULTS
Descriptive Analyses
Frequency distributions of students’ reports in 1998 showed that most
students experienced a change in their religious beliefs and convictions since
entering college. (See Table 1.) However, contrary to the hypothesis, over
one third of them reported a strengthening of religious convictions and
beliefs compared to 13.7% who indicated a weakening. Almost half (48%)
did not experience any change. The data suggest that the widely publicized
“secularizing” effect of college on students is overgeneralized.
LEE / Religion and College Attendance 377
TABLE 1
SELF-RATINGS OF CHANGES IN RELIGIOUS BELIEFS
AND CONVICTIONS, 1998
(N = 5,326)
Source: UCLA Higher Education Research Institute, Cooperative Institutional Research Program
Regression Analysis
The stepwise regression analysis identified aspects of college that would
account for changes in religious beliefs and convictions. Of the 64 precollege
and college environment variables entered into the regression, 23 initially
entered the equation in significant weights: 9 precollege variables, 5 college
environmental variables, and 9 intermediate outcomes. (See Appendix.) The
following sections reveal the entered independent variables related to the
college environment, including the intermediate outcomes. For each of these
sections, tables depict and describe betas after the entered precollege vari-
ables, college variables, and intermediate outcomes (or final betas).
Results: College Environment Characteristics
Among the twenty-five college environment variables, six entered the
regression analysis. (See Table 2.) After the list of entered variables, the next
column shows correlations among the independent variables with the de-
pendant variable. Columns 3 and 4 show that all of these predictors were
significant both at initial entry and also after controlling for the college
environment variables. Column 5, however, indicates that most of these
variables, with the exception of the peer mean of attending religious ser-
vices, became nonsignificant by the last step.
The peer mean of attending religious services accounted for half of the
variance in the dependent variable of changes in religious convictions. The
entered college environment characteristics remained throughout the re-
gression analysis, affirming prior findings on the strong influence of peer
groups (Astin 1993a; Dalton, 1989).
After controlling for all precollege and college environment variables,
getting married in college was a significant predictor in strengthening reli-
378 THE REVIEW OF HIGHER EDUCATION SUMMER 2002
TABLE 2
STANDARDIZED REGRESSION COEFFICIENTS
FOR COLLEGE ENVIRONMENT VARIABLES
(N = 4,278)
R2 = .04
* p < .01
** p < .001
TABLE 3
STANDARDIZED REGRESSION COEFFICIENTS
FOR INTERMEDIATE OUTCOMES
(N = 4,278)
Attended religious
services (posttest) .42 .46** .43** .36**
Liberal views (posttest) -.33 -.33** -.30** -.15**
Goal: Influence social
values (posttest) .08 .16** .14** .08**
Goal: Help others in
difficulty (posttest) .19 .15** .13** .04*
View: Prohibit homosexual
relationships (posttest) .18 .16** .15** .06**
View: Individual can do
little (posttest) -.14 -.11** -.09** -.04*
Goal: Be very well off
financially (posttest) -.08 -.07** -.07** -.05**
Self rate: Acceptance of
different races/culture .17 .15** .14** .12**
Self rate: Emotional health .14 .14** .12** .07**
R2 =.17
*p < .01
**p < .001
all the variables in this block, this variable was pretested, indicating the pro-
pensity to attend church prior to college was controlled, which further shows
that religious activity during college helps to strengthen religious beliefs.
Whether these religious services are typically part of, or extraneous to the
college, remain unclear. In any case, religious activity does seem to promote
religious faith. Moreover, attending religious services while in college pre-
dicts changes in religious convictions, to an extent beyond what is predicted
by gender or precollege views. While intermediate outcomes cannot neces-
sarily determine cause, Astin (1993a) explains that some intermediate out-
comes can be considered to be environmental measures, given that the
environmental event precedes the outcome assessment. As such, one can
suppose that religious service attendance contributes to a strengthening of
religious convictions. Conversely, previous studies have found a lack of
church attendance among drop-outs (Hadaway & Roof, 1988). (See Table 3.)
380 THE REVIEW OF HIGHER EDUCATION SUMMER 2002
L IMITATIONS
One limitation of using this particular outcome variable was that there
was no matching pretest question that classified self-rated perceptions of
religious convictions. Hence, the degree of religious conviction prior to
LEE / Religion and College Attendance 381
TABLE 4
STANDARDIZED REGRESSION COEFFICIENTS FOR DIVERSITY
VARIABLES IF THEY HAD ENTERED THE REGRESSION EQUATION
(N = 4,278)
Attended cultural
diversity workshop .06* .04* .02
Had roommate of
different ethnicity .01* .01 .00
Ethnic studies course .03 .03 .01
Women’s studies course .01 .01 .00
Ethnic interaction .04 .04 .00
* p < .01
Discussion/Conclusion
The goal of this study was to understand how college influences stu-
dents’ religious beliefs and convictions. Some of the findings were unex-
pected. First, while students tend to experience changes in religious beliefs,
more students experience a strengthening of religious convictions than those
whose faith weakened. This finding challenges previous findings that col-
lege has an overall secularizing influence on students (Berger, 1973a;
Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991).
Interestingly, while this study finds an increase in religious convictions,
others claim a decrease in religious activity (Astin, 1993b; Bowen, 1997; Cox,
1988; Levine, 1980). Given that most studies on higher education and reli-
gion have observed only changes among monotheistic religions, it is pos-
sible that this finding illuminates students’ increasing acceptance of multiple
religions, beyond any single religious doctrine. For that reason, students
may engage in less church attendance and observance of the Sabbath but
may still hold strong convictions about being “spiritual” and may develop
more tolerance of multiple religious faiths compared to their beliefs when
they first entered college (Lee, 2002).
This study also demonstrated possible ways in which college attendance
could strengthen religious convictions. Beyond the findings already estab-
lished in research about college and religion, I found that attending reli-
gious services leads to stronger personal religious beliefs and convictions.
This finding is not surprising. After all, frequent religious participation and
strong religious convictions are closely intertwined. However, this study
makes the case that religious behavior (i.e., attending religious service) leads
to stronger religious convictions (i.e., stronger personal faith). This study
also found that attending an institution with peers who frequently attend
religious services strengthens one’s personal beliefs, confirming past research
on the powerful influence of peer groups. Other experiences within the in-
stitution, such as faculty interactions and leadership training, play a less-
direct but still-significant role.
Nevertheless, such explanations ought not to dismiss the sizable fraction
of students (13%) that self-reported a weakening of religious beliefs. For
these students, the college years are marked by religious questioning and
doubt. As expected from past findings, those who reported a weakening of
religious beliefs tend to be liberal and possess poor emotional health. Adopt-
ing liberal views, in particular, can result in a weakening of religious faith.
Given that college has been shown to liberalize students’ views (Astin, 1993b),
the study’s finding that liberal views are strongly related to weaker religious
beliefs makes evident that college does affect students’ religiosity. Liberal
views regarding casual sex, marijuana, and abortion arguably run contrary
to most monotheistic ideologies, and adopting such views quite logically
would lead to religious questioning.
LEE / Religion and College Attendance 383
R EFERENCES
Astin, A. W. (1993a). Assessment for excellence: The philosophy and practice of assess-
ment and evaluation in higher education. Phoenix, AZ: Oryx Press.
Astin, A. W. (1993b). What matters in college?: Four critical years revisited. San Fran-
cisco: Jossey-Bass.
384 THE REVIEW OF HIGHER EDUCATION SUMMER 2002