The English of Tourism

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Edited by
Georgeta Raţă, Ioan Petroman

and Cornelia Petroman
The English of Tourism,
Edited by Georgeta Raţă. Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman
This book first published 2012
Cambridge Scholars Publishing
12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Copyright © 2012 by Georgeta Raţă, Ioan Petroman, Cornelia Petroman and contributors
All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.
ISBN (10): 1-4438-4128-5, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-4128-3

TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Tables............................................................................................ viii
List of Illustrations ..................................................................................... ix
Foreword .................................................................................................... xi
Chapter One: Tourism

English as a Global Language in the Tourism Industry: A Case Study
Dragana Vuković-Vojnović and Marija Nićin............................................. 3
Adjectival Tourisms
Georgeta Raţă ............................................................................................ 19
Special Types of Tourism: Tourism in the Countryside

Georgeta Raţă, Anica Perković and Ioan Petroman................................... 35
English Borrowings in the Romanian of Tourism (Travel Agencies)

Georgeta Raţă and Ioan Petroman ............................................................. 43
English Borrowings in the Romanian of Tourism (Sites of Travel

Agencies)
Georgeta Raţă and Ioan Petroman ............................................................. 49
English Borrowings in the Romanian of Agritourism (Internet Sites)

Georgeta Raţă, Cornelia Petroman and Ioan Petroman ............................. 55
The English of Indian Eco-Tourism

Georgeta Raţă, Cornelia Petroman, Ioan Petroman and Anica Perković... 59
Tourism Terminology in the English of New Zealand

Anica Perković and Georgeta Raţă............................................................ 63
Definienda and Definientia: The Case of Travel

Georgeta Raţă, Scott Hollifield, Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman... 69
vi Table of Contents
Travel Collocations
Georgeta Raţă ............................................................................................ 75
Serbia Marketed Linguistically

Jovana Dimitrijević-Savić, Marta Dimitrijević and Jelena Danilović ....... 81
Cultural Tourism: The Case of the Banat Region

Dana Percec and Luiza Caraivan............................................................... 91
Cultural Tourism: Authenticity Revisited

Georgeta Raţă .......................................................................................... 107
Teaching Lingua Franca: The Significance of English for Bedouin

High School Students in Israel
Sara Zamir, Sara Hauptman and Rachel Tal............................................ 115
Islamic Tourism
Cornelia Petroman and Ioan Petroman .................................................... 131
Chapter Two: Hospitality

Hotel Terminology: An Etymological Approach
Scott Hollifield, Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman ......................... 139
Semantic Fields: Toilet

Georgeta Raţă .......................................................................................... 147
Restaurant: An Etymological Approach

Anica Perković, Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman ......................... 151
Cuisine: A Semantic Approach

Georgeta Raţă and Anica Perković.......................................................... 159
Malaysian Cuisine: A New Fusion Cuisine

Georgeta Raţă, Ioan Petroman, Cornelia Petroman and Ioan Trişcău ..... 165
French Borrowings in the English of Gastronomy

Alina-Andreea Dragoescu ....................................................................... 177
Russian Borrowings in the English of Cuisine

Georgeta Raţă and Anica Perković.......................................................... 187
The English of Tourism vii
English Borrowings in the Romanian of Cuisine

Scott Hollifield, Cornelia Petroman and Ioan Petroman ......................... 199
English Borrowings in Croatian and Romanian Cuisines

Anica Perković and Georgeta Raţă.......................................................... 215
English Borrowings in Croatian and Romanian Drink Names

Mircea-Ionuţ Petroman, Cornelia Petroman and Anica Perković............ 229
English Borrowings in Romanian Drink Names

Georgeta Raţă, Scott Hollifield and Ioan Petroman................................. 237
Coffee: A Semantic Approach

Cornelia Petroman, Ioan Petroman and Snježana Tolić .......................... 243
Café: A Semantic Approach

Cornelia Petroman, Ioan Petroman and Snježana Tolić .......................... 249
Food-Related Metaphors in Culinary Tourism Advertising

Nadežda Silaški and Tatjana Đurović...................................................... 255
Cocktails as Metaphors: An Inquiry into Drink Names

Alina-Andreea Dragoescu ....................................................................... 263
Alternative Use of Commands in Tourist Industry Advertising

Tatjana Đurović and Nadežda Silaški...................................................... 275
The Language of Adventure Tourism: A Contrastive Approach

Anica Perković and Georgeta Raţă.......................................................... 283
The Language of Sports and Adventure Tourism: An Etymological

Approach
Alina-Andreea Dragoescu and Petru-Eugen Mergheş............................. 295
Contributors............................................................................................. 303
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1-1. How often do you use English in the following situations? .................... 9
Table 1-2. Percentage of hotel employees using English language skills................11
Table 1-3. Percentage of employees using English language skills
in the tourism sector..........................................................................................13
Table 1-4. Language skills ranked according to their frequency in English
as a professional language.................................................................................15
Table 1-5. English borrowings used by Agency 1...................................................50
Table 1-8. SWOT analysis ....................................................................................103
Table 1-9. The score achievements in English on the national test (Meitzav),
2006 for the 5th grade ......................................................................................121
Table 1-10. The score achievements in English on the national test (Meitzav),
2006 for the 10th grade ....................................................................................121
Table 1-11. Layout of categories distribution (%) according to each language
(n=191) ...........................................................................................................123
Table 1-12. Use of language as required at school according to the grading
of the utterances. Breakdown of student responses in % calculated from all
respondents (n=191)........................................................................................124
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure 1-1. Languages by the number of native speakers (in millions) .................... 4
Figure 1-2. Languages most commonly used in the EU (%) .................................... 5
Figure 1-3. Romanian typology of English Adjectival Tourisms of the “Adjective
+ Tourism” type ................................................................................................24
Figure 1-4. Romanian typology of English Adjectival Tourisms of the “Noun
+ Tourism” type ................................................................................................29
Figure 1-5. Romanian typology of English Adjectival Tourisms of the “Bound
Combining Form + Tourism” type....................................................................32
Figure 1-6. Number of definientia: 15% - no definientia; 62% - one definiens;
19% - two definientia; 4% - three definientia ...................................................72
Figure 1-7. Occurrences of definienda used as definientia: 53% - no occurrence;
27% - one occurrence; 4% - two occurrences; 4% - three occurrences; 4% -
four occurrences; 4% - five occurrences; 4% - eight occurrences.....................72
Figure 1-8. Share of the definienda used as definientia: 4% - one occurrence; 9%
- two occurrences; 13% - three occurrences; 17% - four occurrences; 22%
- five occurrences; 35% - eight occurrences .....................................................73
Figure 1-9. Collocations of the word travel: 58% as a noun, 28% as a verb, 8%
as an adjective, and 6% as a phrase component ................................................80
Figure 2-1. Types of hotel-related words in modern English: 18% Native words;
35% Borrowings; 41% Compounds; 6% Derivatives .....................................143
Figure 2-2. Origin of hotel-related words in modern English: 32% Latin; 21%
Old French; 5% Arabic; 6% Danish; 6% French; 6% Hindi; 6% Middle
Latin; 6% Old English; 6% Persian; 6% Vulgar Latin....................................144
Figure 2-3. Equivalents of hotel-related words in Contemporary English: 1 – Inn;
2 – Hotel; 3 – Lodging(s); 4 – Establishment (providing lodging); 5 – House;
6 – Lodging place; 7 – Boarding house; 8 – Urban motel; 9 – Cottage; 10 –
Furnished rooms; 11 – Hostel; 12 – Lodging house; 13 – Place for Lodging;
14 – Place of lodging; 15 – Place to sleep; 16 – Rooming house; 17 – Shelter;
18 – Sleeping accommodations; 19 – Stopping place; 20 – Vacation retreat..145
Figure 2-4. Meanings of toilet-related terms: 46% ‘room’, 39% ‘fixture”,
and 15% ‘building’. ........................................................................................150
Figure 2-5. Share of the meanings of restaurant-related terms: 31 – restaurant,
16 – bar, 13 – tavern, 12 – club, 6 – saloon, 4 – place, 3 – café, 3 – inn, 2 –
cafeteria, 2 – coffeehouse, 2 – establishment, 2 – grill, 2 – luncheonette, 1 –
barroom, 1 – building, 1 – grillroom, 1 – grocery shop + wine shop, 1 –
lounge, 1 – roadhouse, 1 – room, 1 – snack bar .............................................158
Figure 2-6. Occurrences of cuisine as first and second element and share
of meanings.....................................................................................................163
x List of Illustrations
Figure 2-7. Source of English cuisine Russianisms: 20 direct borrowings from

Russian, 2 indirect borrowings from Russian, 5 (in)direct borrowings from
Russian............................................................................................................189
Figure 2-8. Share of Russian Borrowings in the English of cuisine: 74% direct
borrowings, 7% indirect borrowings, 19% (In)Direct borrowings..................194
Figure 2-9. Time of penetration of English cuisine Russianisms: 1500-1600: 3;
1600-1700: 1; 1700-1800: 0; 1800-1900: 7; 1900-2000: 3 .............................195
Figure 2-10. Origin of English cuisine Russianisms: 1 – Russian, 2 – Turkish, 3 –
Ukrainian, 4 – Slavic, 5 – Tatar, 6 – English, 7 – Polish, 8 – Proto-Indo-
European.........................................................................................................196
Figure 2-11. Main origin of Romanian cuisine terminology .................................210
Figure 2-12. Food-related English borrowings in Croatian and Romanian: 10%
English borrowings in Croatian, 10% English borrowings in Romanian, 39%
English borrowings in both Croatian and Romanian, 41% English borrowings
in other European Languages..........................................................................216
Figure 2-13. Degree of acceptance of Romanian and Croatian food-related
words of English origin...................................................................................227
Figure 2-14. Drink-related English borrowings in Croatian and Romanian: 14%
English borrowings in Croatian only, 86% English borrowings in Romanian
only .................................................................................................................230
English borrowings in Romanian only, 86% English borrowings in Croatian
only. ................................................................................................................231
English borrowings in both Croatian and Romanian; 28% English borrowings
in Croatian only and English borrowings in Romanian only ..........................233
Figure 2-17. Drink-related English indirect borrowings in Romanian (16%) .......239
Figure 2-18. Romanian drink-related words borrowed from English identical
to the English etymon (52%) ..........................................................................240
Figure 2-19. Drink-related English direct borrowings in Romanian (85%)...........241
Figure 2-20. Romanian drink-related words borrowed from English identical
to the English etymon (52%) ..........................................................................242
Figure 2-21. Share of coffee-related terms in English-language dictionaries:
38% defined; 62% not defined........................................................................247
Figure 2-22. Position of cafe / café in compounds: 47% as a first element,
53% as a second element ................................................................................250
Figure 2-23. Share of sports-related terms of English origin in Romanian:
13% - translatable into Romanian; 87% - not-translatable into Romanian......292
FOREWORD
The English of Tourism is a collection of essays that would appeal to the

hotel and restaurant staff, lexicographers, professors, researchers,
students, tour-guides, tour-operators, and translators from Croatian-,
English-, French-, Romanian, and Russian-speaking countries, working in
their own countries or abroad.
The approach is a linguistic one with a focus on stylistic features and
technical lexis. The different aspects of the English used in the field of
tourism (tourism industry, hospitality) and in some fields related to
tourism (gastronomy, hotel, restaurant, toilet, sports and adventure
tourism, tourist industry advertising) are analysed from different points of
view.
Several essays focus on the impact of tourism on the evolution of the
English language – English as a Global Language (Dragana Vuković-
Vojnović and Marija Nićin) or a Lingua Franca (Sara Zamir, Sara
Hauptman and Rachel Tal); on the development of tourism-related concepts
– authenticity (Georgeta Raţă), Islamic Tourism (Cornelia Petroman and
Ioan Petroman), Malaysian cuisine (Georgeta Raţă, Ioan Petroman,
Cornelia Petroman and Ioan Trişcău); and on the linguistic marketing of a
country (Jovana Dimitrijević-Savić, Marta Dimitrijević and Jelena
Danilović).
The English of Tourism relies on several morphological ways of
building up its own list of terms: abbreviation – the frequent acronyms in
the English of Tourism used in New Zealand (Anica Perković and
Georgeta Raţă), combination/compounding – the combining forms with
eco- in the English of Eco-Tourism in India (Georgeta Raţă, Cornelia
Petroman, Ioan Petroman and Anica Perković), derivation (Scott Hollifield,
Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman), etc.
Three papers focus on the English of Tourism from a morphosyntactic
point of view: one analyses “adjectival tourisms” (Georgeta Raţă), another
one analyses types of tourism in the countryside (Georgeta Raţă, Anica
Perković and Ioan Petroman), and a third one analyses “travel”
collocations (Georgeta Raţă).
As for lexicology and lexicography, the authors focused on English
borrowings in the Croatian and Romanian of Cuisine (Anica Perković and
Georgeta Raţă), in the Croatian and Romanian of Drinks (Mircea-Ionuţ
xii Foreword
Petroman, Cornelia Petroman And Anica Perković), in the Romanian of

Agritourism – internet sites (Georgeta Raţă, Cornelia Petroman and Ioan
Petroman), in the Romanian of Cuisine (Scott Hollifield, Cornelia
Petroman and Ioan Petroman), in the Romanian of Drinks (Georgeta Raţă,
Scott Hollifield and Ioan Petroman), in the Romanian of Sports and
Adventure Tourism (Anica Perković and Georgeta Raţă; Alina-Andreea
Dragoescu and Petru-Eugen Mergheş), and in the Romanian of Tourism –
travel agencies and sites of travel agencies (Georgeta Raţă and Ioan
Petroman); on French borrowings in the English of Gastronomy (Alina-
Andreea Dragoescu) and on Russian borrowings in the English of Cuisine
(Georgeta Raţă and Anica Perković).
Semantics is represented by papers in which the focus is on synonymy
– the case of travel (Georgeta Raţă, Scott Hollifield, Ioan Petroman and
Cornelia Petroman), semantic fields – coffee (Cornelia Petroman, Ioan
Petroman and Snježana Tolić), café (Cornelia Petroman, Ioan Petroman
and Snježana Tolić), cuisine (Georgeta Raţă and Anica Perković), toilet
(Georgeta Raţă) and on semantic change – cultural tourism (Dana Percec
and Luiza Caraivan).
Three papers deal with pragmatics issues: food-related metaphors in
culinary tourism advertising (Nadežda Silaški and Tatjana Đurović) and
cocktails as metaphors (Alina-Andreea Dragoescu), and the alternative use
of commands in the tourist industry advertising (Tatjana Đurović and
Nadežda Silaški).
Etymology is under scrutiny since it is a valuable tool in understanding
terminology: hotel (Scott Hollifield, Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman),
restaurant (Anica Perković, Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman), and
sports and adventure tourism (Alina-Andreea Dragoescu and Petru-Eugen
Mergheş).
The book would appeal to academic teaching staff, researchers and
students in the field of tourism and of its main fields – hospitality and
food service – as well as in the field of English for Specific Purposes
(ESP).
The Editors
CHAPTER ONE
TOURISM
ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE
IN THE TOURISM INDUSTRY:
A CASE STUDY
DRAGANA VUKOVIĆ-VOJNOVIĆ
AND MARIJA NIĆIN
Introduction
There had never been a time in human history when different nations had a
need to communicate to each other so much for the purposes of travel,
business, entertainment, etc. The existence of a global language was a
logical consequence. The last two centuries of rapid change, and especially
the years after World War II, have been extremely rewarding for English
to achieve global status (British industrialism in the 19th c., American
super-growing economy in the 20th c.).
A language cannot survive on its own without the people who use it. It
takes many factors to build and develop one language: military power,
economic growth, and development of science and technology. Together
with the rapid development of communication technologies, marketing
and advertising, a worldwide impact of one language is unambiguous. The
language behind all these is English; nowadays no longer connected to the
countries which constitute the standard origin of English (e.g., the USA,
the UK, and Ireland), it is an international language in a global sense.
English is no longer a privilege of its native speakers: more than ever, it is
“owned” by a global community across all continents. This has affected
not only the economic and political aspect of the human society, but also
the educational aspect – English made the “transition from foreign
language to basic skill” (Graddol 2006). This is obvious in the fact that a
lot of non-native speakers of English claim to “know” or “speak” English,
regardless of the level of their fluency or proficiency. All this influences
the process of teaching and learning English as a foreign language and
should be incorporated in the EFL curriculum.
This paper shows the importance of English as a global language in the
professional context of the tourism industry in two main urban, tourist
destinations in Serbia, Novi Sad and Belgrade. Furthermore, it includes
4 English as a Global Language in the Tourism Industry
more analysis of the language functions in the tourism context, in

particular the needs analysis of speaking skill tasks. The study relies on a
questionnaire distributed to tourism employees in Novi Sad and Belgrade.
There is also a brief comparison of the result of this study with another
needs analysis study conducted among students of tourism a few years
ago, which investigated their expectations related to the use of English in a
professional context.
English as a Global Language
After: Vistawide.com.
Online: http://www.vistawide.com/languages /top_30_languages
Figure 1-1. Languages by the number of native speakers (in millions)
A language achieves a genuinely global status when it develops a

prominent role recognized in every country. Language has to be taken up
by other countries around the world to achieve such a status. They must
decide to give it a prominent place within their communities, even though
they may have few (or no) mother-tongue speakers (Crystal 2003). About
25% of the world population is already fluent or proficient in English. No
other language can match this trend. Although there are more native
speakers of Mandarin Chinese than of English (Vistawide.com. Online:
http://www.vistawide.com/languages /top_30_languages) (Figure 1-1),
when combined with non-native speakers, English becomes the most
Dragana Vuković-Voćjnovi and Marija Nićin 5
commonly used language (Eurobarometer Survey. Online: http://

ec.europa.eu/languages/documents/2006-special-eurobarometer-survey-
64.3-europeans-and-languages-summary_en.pdf) (Figure 1-2).
After: Eurobarometer Survey.

Online: http://ec.europa.eu/languages/documents/2006-special-eurobarometer-
survey-64.3-europeans-and-languages-summary_en.pdf
Figure 1-2. Languages most commonly used in the EU (%)
The situation in Europe resembles the global picture. Despite the fact that
the European Commission promotes the concept of multilingualism
(mother tongue + two foreign languages) through the whole range of its
programmes, they recognise English as the most commonly used language
in the European Union.
According to data, the leading language in the European Union by the
number of native speakers is German, while English ranks second, and
followed by French and Italian. However, 51% of the respondents speak
English either as their mother tongue or a foreign language. Other most
popular second languages are French and German, followed by Spanish
and Russian. The fact is that the number of native speakers is not the most
influential factor which determines the power of one language in a wider
sense (just as it is the case with Mandarin Chinese on a global level).
English is, now, the language most widely taught as a foreign language
in over 100 countries such as China, Russia, Germany, Spain, Egypt and
Brazil, and, in most of the countries, it is emerging as the predominant

foreign language to be encountered in schools, often displacing another
language in the process. (Crystal 2003)
Serbia is experiencing the same tendency. English has replaced
Russian as the first foreign language taught in schools in Serbia since the
1980s. Today, only a few schools on the territory of the whole Serbia
incorporate Russian as the first foreign language into their study
programmes, which was the most prominent language in the era prior to
the 1980s because of strong political connections that existed between the
two countries. German and French also have had a long tradition of as
foreign languages in Serbia and both of them belong to the leading
languages in Europe. Serbia has also accepted the trend of three languages,
so all students, in addition to Serbian, study English and another foreign
language – most often German, followed by French, Russian, Spanish or
Italian. In the northern part of Serbia (Province of Vojvodina), students
can also learn minority languages as their mother tongues or additional
languages. These languages include Hungarian, Slovak, Romanian,
Ruthenian, Bulgarian, Roma and others.
English in the Context of the Tourism Industry

As it has already been established, English is the most widely spoken
foreign language throughout Europe and the whole world. As a
consequence, the reasons for learning English are becoming more tied to
professional reasons (using language skills at work, working abroad, and
personal satisfaction), and people may be highly motivated to learn it as it
can produce more benefits than any other language. English is an
additional language in the world of business meetings, corporate
conventions, and international conferences. Many high-profile international
organisations (e.g., the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund,
the World Bank Group, the World Health Organisation, the International
Labour Organisation) consisting of different commissions, committees,
expert bodies and other use English as the only official language.
Since the English language has already been established as the one
with the major influence, they expect that this is particularly evident in the
area of international travel. Road signs, airport announcements, brochures,
restaurant menus, signs in shop windows, different safety instructions and
credit card facilities are particularly often in English or have a parallel
version in English.
The tourism sector represents a significant part of a country’s
economy. Employees in tourism (tourism organisations, travel agencies,
hotels and other accommodation facilities) need to be fully prepared to

meet all kinds of demands made by their clients. That is the main reason
why communication in tourism is more sensitive than in other branches
(Blažević & Blažević 2007) and knowledge of different languages has no
alternative.
At the Faculty of Sciences (University of Novi Sad, Serbia), students
in tourism and hotel management, including gastronomy and hunting
tourism modules, study English as a compulsory course in their first and
second year of undergraduate studies and an elective course in senior
years. They organise compulsory courses in English for Tourism in four
one-semester courses which aim at acquiring specialist language skills and
vocabulary, starting from CEFR level A1 up to level B2. Students also
study German as a compulsory subject in their third year of undergraduate
studies. In the fourth year, they can choose an elective subject English –
Communication Skills – as well as a third foreign language – Spanish or
French. In the first year of Master Studies, they have a one-semester
compulsory course in Business English B2.
Needs Analysis of English as a Global Language

in the Serbian Tourism Sector
Teachers and lecturers of languages for specific purposes need to develop
their own teaching materials because most of the national or international
textbooks do not always answer all the needs of their students (Vuković-
Vojnović & Mrksić 2000). These needs are close to teaching and learning
aims as well as to the professional and geopolitical context of the
educational process. On the one hand, in view of these elements, the aim
of this paper was to identify whether English as a global language can
meet all the needs in the professional tourism sector in Novi Sad and
Belgrade. On the other hand, it was essential to determine how tasks and
activities distribute within the speaking skill in the context of the tourism
trade and which the most significant ones are. Finally, we compared part
of the questionnaire findings to the findings of the needs analysis study
conducted among students in tourism at the University of Novi Sad a few
years ago.
Context
We chose Novi Sad and Belgrade as two main urban, tourist destinations
in Serbia. Belgrade is the capital city of Serbia with over 1.6 million
residents (Media Popis. Online: http://media.popis2011.stat.rs) and it is a
cultural, political and educational hub of Serbia. It lies on two rivers – the
Danube and the Sava – and close to the Avala Mountain. Novi Sad is the
capital of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina and the second largest
city in the Republic of Serbia with a population of 335,701 according to
the Census of 2011 (Media Popis. Online: http://media.popis2011.stat.rs).
It is in the southern part of the Pannonian Plain, on the banks of the
Danube River facing the northern slopes of the Fruska Gora Mountain. It
is about 80 km from Belgrade. Events that attract the majority of
international tourists are the EXIT music festival in July and the
International Agricultural Fair in May. There is also a tourist port near the
city centre welcoming different river cruise vessels from across Europe
that drift along the Danube River.
The number of tourists visiting Novi Sad and Belgrade has steadily
risen since 2000. According to the Statistical Office of Serbia, between
January and September 2011, most of the international tourists coming to
Serbia stayed in Belgrade and Novi Sad, followed by visits to spa centres
and mountain resorts (Srbija Travel. Online: http://srbija.travel). If we
look at their country of origin, most of the visitors come from the
neighbouring countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and
Croatia) which used to share a common language called Serbo-Croatian,
so the knowledge of English is not required for successful communication
with these tourists. Most of other international visitors come from
European countries (Slovenia, Germany, Italy, Russia, Romania and Great
Britain). This is where the presence of English as a global language is
most evident. We will see in the analysis of the questionnaire results that
although tourism employees sometimes use other foreign languages than
English, most of the time they communicate in English with non-native
speakers of English. A special kind of tourists coming by cruise vessels on
the Danube usually are from Germany, France, Great Britain and the
United States of America.
Research and Questionnaire
For the purpose of this study of language needs of employees in the

tourism sector, we interviewed 15 employees of the Tourism Organisation
of Novi Sad, 3 of the Tourism Organisation of Vojvodina, 12 of several
travel agencies in Novi Sad, and 20 employees of the Hotel Palace in
Belgrade. Belgrade is also an educational centre for students in
Hospitality, and most of the employees in the restaurant and reception area
are high school subject teachers, as well. We asked the employees to
complete a questionnaire on the importance and use of English in their

workplace.
The first part of the questionnaire dealt with more general questions
about the use of English in their workplace, about the importance of
English and of other languages for their jobs and about language skills in
English. We asked them whether they used any other foreign languages in
their workplace.
In the second part of the test, we asked the employees to provide
details about the most frequent tasks and activities within the speaking
skill. We supplied a list of highly specific tasks and activities, which they
had to rank from 4 to 1 based on their frequency (4 – often, 3 – sometimes,
2 – rarely, and 1 – never). Table 1-1 presents a sample question of the
questionnaire.
Table 1-1. How often do you use English in the following situations?
Often Sometimes Rarely Never

Giving information about 4 3 2 1
accommodation
Describing rooms/hotels 4 3 2 1
Reservation procedure 4 3 2 1
Checking in/out procedure 4 3 2 1
in a hotel
Ordering meals in a 4 3 2 1
restaurant
Conversation in a 4 3 2 1
restaurant
Recommending food and 4 3 2 1
beverages
Discussion of the NA Results

Hotel Employees
For the purpose of this research, we interviewed twenty employees of the

Hotel Palace in Belgrade. Four of them have managerial positions –
Reception Manager, Reservations Manager, Restaurant Manager and Head
Housekeeper. The others include: four receptionists, four waiters, six room
attendants and two other jobs (night porter and telephone operator).
Most of the hotel employees have a high school degree (45%) – all
room attendants, a telephone operator, a night porter, one waiter and one
receptionist; a university degree (35%) – most of the reception staff,

restaurant managers and one member of the restaurant staff; a high school
or college degree (20%) – three members of the restaurant staff and a head
housekeeper.
Regardless of their level of educational attainment, 40% of the
employees say that they have operational knowledge of English and that
they often use it in the workplace. All these employees work at the
reception, except for the head housekeeper, so they meet guests on a
regular basis. They all say English is particularly useful for successfully
performing their jobs. The other respondents have passive knowledge of
English (60%), and just over half of them say that English is essential.
Only two respondents (two room attendants) in the entire group of twenty
employees say that English is not required for their job. When asked
whether they use standard English or professional English, most of the
respondents say they use only English related to their job (45%), followed
by respondents who use both standard and professional English (30%) and
respondents who use only standard English related to everyday situations
(25%). The last group consists of room attendants.
As far as other languages are concerned, hotel employees who use
other foreign languages in their workplace belong mainly to the
managerial or to the restaurant staff. They ranked German and Russian in
the first place – 35% of the respondents, followed by Italian and French
with 25% of the respondents saying that they sometimes use them. Other
employees do not use other foreign languages in their workplace. If we
combine these data with the statistics for international tourists, it is clear
that hotel employees use English as a global language in their workplace
most of the time since most of the tourists come from countries where
English is not a native language.
In the first part of the questionnaire, the respondents also ranked
English language skills (reading, writing, speaking, and listening)
according to four categories – often, sometimes, rarely, never. Only
managers and some members of the reception staff use all fours skills on a
regular basis. The other members of the reception staff sometimes read
and write in English. Only three members of the restaurant staff say they
rarely read or write in English, and one restaurant employee claims he
rarely speaks English or listens in English. Based on the results, we can
say that, in the context of the hotel sector in Serbia, room attendants rarely
or never use English in their workplace and that they do not require
proficiency in professional English for their jobs. Also, room attendants
never write or read in English, and regarding English language skills, they
sometimes engage in speaking and listening in English. All of them have a
high school degree, and they are not likely to be learning English at
tertiary level of education.
If we look at the total results (Table 1-2), we can conclude that
listening is the most essential skill which is often or sometimes used by
90% of the hotel employees, followed by speaking which is often or
sometimes used by 80% of the hotel employees. Reading and writing
skills are not much needed except for the members of the managerial staff.
Table 1-2. Percentage of hotel employees using English language skills
Skill Often Sometimes Rarely Never

reading 30% 25% 25% 5%
writing 35% 25% 25% 10%
speaking 45% 35% 5% -
listening 55% 35% 5% -
In the second part of the test, the questions were given as a list of tasks and
activities within the speaking skill that were most likely to be performed
within the context of tourism and hospitality. There were some groups of
questions that were given grade 1 (never perform the activity) by all of the
employees in one department. This was expected because of specific job
requirements (certain tasks and activities are never performed in that
specific department). For example, waiters in the hotel restaurant never
speak with the guests about accommodation and are not involved in
reservation procedures so they marked these activities negatively by
assigning grade 1 only. Furthermore, typical activities for a particular hotel
department are performed either frequently or sometimes by all the
members of that department. Typical activities and tasks for the reception
area such as giving information on accommodation, describing rooms or
hotel, booking procedures and checking-in/checking-out procedures are
usually performed by all the members of reception staff. In the restaurant
department, usual activities such as recommending food and beverage,
taking a meal order, ordering a meal, greeting guests in a restaurant are
often or sometimes performed by all the members of the restaurant staff
and managers from other departments (Table 1-2).
Most of the tasks, regardless of the hotel department, were assigned
grade 4 or 3 only by employees in managerial positions – Reception
Manager, Reservations Manager, Restaurant Manager and Head
Housekeeper. This was also expected since they meet the guests more
closely, especially business clients, or they are engaged in these
conversations with the business partners staying as guests in their hotel.
Questions 16 to 28 were related to general business English skills, such

as conducting questionnaire surveys or interviews, language for business
meetings, describing graphs, describing work procedures and processes
and business presentations. These activities are usually performed only by
the reception manager, and sometimes by the reception manager or some
members of the reception staff and the head housekeeper. If we look at the
total results for these activities, job interviews and professional
presentations are never performed by 75% of the staff. Language for
meetings and describing graphs and trends is never performed by 70% of
all staff members.
The activities and tasks that are given priority by hotel employees are
the following:
- Giving information on accommodation and talking about cultural

differences (55%);
- Describing rooms/hotels, dealing with complaints, giving information
on transportation and airport procedures (50%);
- Reservation procedures, checking-in/checking out, ordering meals,
giving information on cultural and historic sites (45%).
The employees who have given priority to these activities are employed in
the reception area or restaurant, depending on the task.
Tourism Employees
For the purpose of this research, we interviewed thirty tourism employees

(Tourism Organisation of Novi Sad, Tourism Organisation of Vojvodina,
and several travel agencies in Novi Sad). Two of them include executive
positions (Tourism Organisation of Novi Sad and Tourism Organisation of
Vojvodina) and three of them include positions which are not directly
connected with tourism (secretary, accountant, and legal officer). All other
jobs are in direct contact with tourism and all these people have to deal
with a large number of customers/visitors for the purposes of their jobs.
Most of the tourism employees have a college degree. High school
degree was obtained by only three employees. The situation with tourism
employees, when compared to hotel employees, goes a little bit in favour
of their more active knowledge of English and more frequent use of
English at the workplace. All of the employees who meet
customers/visitors on a regular basis state English is particularly crucial
for successfully performing their jobs and that they actively use English.
Only those respondents who work as a secretary and an accountant say
that they have passive knowledge of English and that English is essential
for their job. No one says that the knowledge of English is not required for
their job or that cannot speak it. When asked whether they use general
English or professional English, most respondents say they use only
English related to their job (70%), followed by respondents who use both
general and professional English (16%) and by the respondents who use
only general English related to everyday situations (14%).
Results show that 100% of the employees use English in their daily
work situations. Up to 35% of the respondents say they do not use any
other foreign language in their workplace. The other respondents (65%)
say that they use other foreign languages but only occasionally or rarely.
They rank German first (27%), followed by Italian (13%) and Russian
(10%). No one admits the knowledge of any other foreign language as
essential for their job. This is due to the fact that they use English as a
global means of communication both with clients and international
business partners all over the world.
The respondents were also asked to rate English language skills
(reading, writing, speaking, and listening) according to four categories –
often, sometimes, rarely, never. Almost half of the respondents (47%)
often use all four skills. The majority of the other respondents use these
four skills either regularly or occasionally, while four respondents rarely
write in English, and only one rarely reads in English. Not a single
respondent says that he/she never uses any of the four skills mentioned.
If we look at the total results (Table 1-3), we can conclude that
speaking, listening and reading were recognised as the most valuable skills
(used often or sometimes by approximately 90% of the employees)
followed by reading which is often or sometimes used by 77% of tourism
employees. Three of the respondent did not provide answers for each of
the four skills.
Table 1-3. Percentage of employees using English language skills in

the tourism sector
Skill Often Sometimes Rarely Never

reading 70% 20% 3% -
writing 53% 24% 13% -
speaking 73% 20% - -
listening 73% 17% - -
As far as the second part of the questionnaire is concerned, results

resemble those obtained in the hotel sector group. Some speaking
activities are never performed by all of the employees in either a tourism

organisation or a travel agency, because of the nature of their business,
which was expected even prior to conducting the survey. For example,
travel agency employees never meet guests at a restaurant or give a
welcoming speech. However, typical activities for one travel agency were
assessed often or sometimes by all travel agency staff. The activities and
tasks that are given priority by the majority of travel agency employees are
the following:
- Reservation procedure (83%);

- Giving information on accommodation and describing rooms/hotels
(75%);
- Negotiating prices (67%);
- Giving information on the itinerary (58%);
- Describing airport procedure (42%).
On the other hand, tourism organisation employees are never involved in

the process of booking procedure or just like travel agency staff,
welcoming guests to a restaurant. Typical activities and tasks recognised
by employees in two tourism organisations are the following:
- Informal discussion with colleagues and business partners (83%);

- Giving information on cultural and historical localities/describing
festivals (78%);
- Welcoming speech (56%);
- Planning and leading meetings (50%);
- Giving work instructions (45%).
As it can be seen, typical activities for employees in tourism organisations

involve situations related to general business English skills. This is quite
expected since tourism organisations are not just customer-oriented but
also function as typical business enterprises whose work includes activities
involving financial, commercial and marketing aspects.
Comparison of the Results
When we think of English as a global language and English for tourism, in

the context of the Serbian tourism industry and the context of educating
tourism professionals, there are several elements to be taken into account.
The approach to English for Tourism as the language of the profession and
a tertiary academic discipline should incorporate different language and
academic skills relevant for students, but it should also increase their
awareness of the importance of establishing their common language and
professional needs in terms of the language-learning situation. The
comparative study of the responses of different research groups has shown
both similarities and discrepancies in choosing most valuable skills, tasks
and activities.
Results show that almost all employees in tourism organisations and
travel agencies use all four skills equally with minor discrepancies and to a
much higher extent than hotel employees (Table 1-4). As it has already
been mentioned, this situation can be explained by the differences between
the jobs in the various hotel departments.
Table 1-4. Language skills ranked according to their frequency in

English as a professional language
Skill Hotel Tourism Travel Tourism

employees organisation agency student
ranking employees employees ranking
reading 4 (55%) 2 (94%) 1 (92%) 3
writing 3 (60%) 3 (83%) 2 (83%) 2
speaking 2 (80%) 1 (100%) 1 (92%) 1
listening 1 (90%) 2 (94%) 1 (92%) 4
As for individual skills, the tasks that are recognised among the most
important by both hotel employees and travel agencies are: reservation
procedures, giving information on accommodation and airport procedures.
The task recognised as one of the most important by both hotel employees
and tourism organisations is giving information on cultural and historic
sites. It is fascinating to note that individual task ranking of the most basic
tasks by tourism organisation employees is quite different from the
ranking directory of travel agency employees, which is much more similar
to the list produced by hotel employees. This can be explained by the fact
that both travel agencies and hotels are service- and customer-oriented,
and tourism organisations are more connected to tourism planning and
development.
Students have a different ranking of language skills when compared to
skills recognised by tourism employees – they gave priority to productive
language skills (speaking and writing), followed by reading and listening
(Vuković-Vojnović & Knežević 2009). This can be explained by the fact
that students have taken into account their academic language needs
because they are required to read course materials in English and produce
some academic texts in English. However, in a professional context,

speaking and listening are given priority.
The most frequent tasks and activities for students are the following
(Vuković-Vojnović & Knežević 2009):
- Speaking in business meetings (97%);

- Giving a presentation (80%);
- Negotiating (75%);
- Speaking on the phone/ showing around (65%);
- Speaking in social situations (60%).
Students expectations related to the language skills needed in a

professional context include general business language skills and resemble
the results obtained from employees in tourism organisations. This can be
explained by their education curriculum which prepares them for the
professions of tourism managers, developers and planners.
Conclusion
English for Tourism is a language means used for the purposes of
communicating in the particular field of tourism that can enable successful
communication among people working in the sector of tourism and
between them and their customers. Compared to other foreign languages,
English has been recognised as a dominant language in both tourism and
hospitality sector. Being recognised as a global language, English strongly
influences the entire work flow in the field of tourism. This survey results
show that English as a global language satisfies job-related language needs
in the context of tourism in Serbia. We have shown in the paper that,
according to statistics, most tourists coming to Serbia are from countries
where English is not a native language, but tourism employees most
commonly use English as a means of communication with their clients.
If we compare survey results for tourism and hospitality sector, we can
observe that employees in the tourism sector have achieved higher levels
of educational attainment: they use English more actively and more often
in their workplace. Most of the hotel employees have a high school degree
and use English passively, except for the reception area where most of the
employees have a college degree and use English actively. However, in
some hotel departments, English is not required at all according to some
respondents (e.g., room attendants). In tourism organisations, travel
agencies and hotels, there are some activities and tasks often or never
performed in certain sectors depending on the job description.
The results of this questionnaire can also be used for shaping English
for Tourism curriculum at university level by providing specialised
materials depending on the students’ major. Most of the textbooks at
higher levels of language proficiency provide a variety of texts that tend to
cover different situations. What students actually need is texts and
materials that meet their further profession or, in the case of lower position
jobs, more basic language skills. For example, although English is not
essential in the housekeeping department, it is necessary to include aspects
of language related to room attendance and to housekeeping in the tertiary
English for Tourism course because it is relevant for the position of head
housekeeper and other managers who should be able to negotiate these
elements with international business clients and partners or to handle
guests’ complaints. For other managerial positions, they need to include
negotiation skills, language for business meetings, presentation skills, as
well as social language skills for successful communication with business
partners and clients.
Furthermore, since English for Tourism is taught at university level, it
should also be considered as an academic language: its purpose should
include academic language skills which can help students for further
academic studies or professional development. Thus, we can conclude that
English for Tourism as a global language should be developed further for
tertiary education by means of incorporating English for the workplace
with English as the language of academia and professional development.
Note
The findings of students’ needs survey were presented at the conference “Applied
Linguistics Today: Between Theory and Practice” organised at the University of
Novi Sad in 2009. The conference proceedings are in print.
References
Blažević, N. & Blažević, M. (2007). The Present Position and Future
Prospects of the German Language in Croatian Tourism. Tourism and
Hospitality Management 13 (3): 693-700.
Crystal, D. (2003). English as a Global Language. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Eurobarometer Survey. Online: http://ec.europa.eu/languages/languages-
of-europe/eurobarometer-survey_en.
Graddol, D. (2006). English Next. The British Council, UK.
Media Popis. Online: http://media.popis2011.stat.rs.
Srbija Travel. Online: http://www.srbija.travel.

Vistawide.com. Online:
http://www.vistawide.com/languages/top_30_languages.
Vuković-Vojnović, D. & Knežević, Lj. (2009). Student Active Participation
in Assessing their Language Needs in ESP University Classroom.
Paper presented at the Congress “Applied Linguistics Today: Between
Theory and Practice” [in print].
Vuković-Vojnović, D. & Mrksić, Lj. (2000). Analiza potreba kao znacajan
izvor podataka u nastavi stranog strucnog jezika. [Needs analysis as a
significant source of data for ESP teaching and learning]. Primenjena
lingvistika 1: 70-74.
ADJECTIVAL TOURISMS
GEORGETA RAŢĂ
Introduction
The term Adjectival Tourism refers to various forms of tourism that
have emerged over the years, each with its own “Adjective (Adjective or
Noun used attributively) + Tourism” structure, many of which have come
into widespread use by both the tourism industry and academics. Others
are only emerging concepts that may or may not reach common usage in
the future. The purpose of the research was to provide Romanian
equivalents for English Adjectival Tourisms. The hypothesis of the paper
was that, at least in theory, there are ways to render these English
adjectival tourism names in Romanian without having to borrow them into
Romanian. We picked up the background information from the various
Internet sites dedicated to tourism and travel. The material we have used in
the research was a corpus of two hundred and thirty-two English noun
phrases designating different types of tourism. The method we used in the
research is the comparative method used in descriptive linguistics and
especially in contrastive linguistics. We have compared English and
Romanian tourism terminology with the purpose of assisting students
(who major in Tourism Management) in English language learning by
identifying the differences in tourism vocabulary between the two
languages.
Adjectival Tourisms of the “Adjective + Tourism” Type

We have identified ninety-three English noun phrases designating
Adjectival Tourisms of the “Adjective + Tourism” type (including
adjectives that can also act as nouns such as hybrid, volunteer, etc.). These
noun phrases can be put into Romanian as either “Tourism + Adjective”,
“Tourism + Preposition + Adjective”, or both, but never as “Adjective +
Tourism”, which is the English structure. In alphabetical order, they are as
follows: aboriginal tourism ‘all tourism businesses that are owned or
operated by First Nation, Métis, and Inuit people’, accessible tourism ‘the
20 Adjectival Tourisms
constant endeavour to ensure tourist destinations, products and services are

accessible to all people, regardless of their physical limitations, disabilities
or age’, active tourism ‘responsible travel to foreign areas requiring
physical and mental participation from the tourist and following the
maxims of sustainability, protection of biodiversity and conservation of
culture’, aerial tourism, agrarian tourism, agricultural tourism ‘visiting
a working farm or any agricultural, horticultural or agribusiness operation
for the purpose of enjoyment, education, or active involvement in the
activities of the farm or operation’, alternating tourism ‘tourism in which
the tourist turns left, then right, and so on, alternating each direction until
he/she is unable to continue because of an obstruction’, alternative
tourism ‘visiting a destination with small amounts of people at one time’,
archaeological tourism ‘a form of cultural tourism, which aims to
promote the public interest in archaeology and the conservation of
historical sites’, atomic tourism ‘a relatively new style of tourism in which
the tourists travel to significant sites in atomic history’, authentic tourism,
behavioural tourism ‘tourism for the study of tourist behaviour and
decision making’, black tourism ‘tourism involving travel to sites
associated with death and suffering’, Christian tourism ‘the entire
industry of Christian travel, tourism, and hospitality’, clean tourism
‘industry committed to making a low impact on the environment and local
culture, while helping to generate income and employment for local
people’, clustered tourism, coastal tourism, conscientious tourism,
creative tourism ‘tourism related to the active participation of travellers in
the culture of the host community through interactive workshops and
informal learning experiences’, culinary tourism ‘the pursuit of unique
and memorable eating and drinking experiences’, cultural tourism
‘tourism concerned with a country or region’s culture, specifically the
lifestyle of the people in those geographical areas, the history of those
peoples, their art, architecture, religion(s), and other elements that helped
shape their way of life’, dark tourism ‘tourism involving travel to sites
associated with death and suffering’, deep tourism, dental tourism
‘seeking dental care outside of their local healthcare systems’, dispersed
tourism, domestic tourism ‘tourism involving residents of the given
country travelling only within this country’, ecological tourism
‘responsible travel to fragile, pristine, and usually protected areas that
strive to be low impact and (often) small scale (as an alternative to mass
tourism)’, educational tourism ‘form of tourism that may involve
travelling to an education institution, a wooded retreat or some other
destination in order to take personal-interest classes, such as cooking
classes with a famous chef or crafts classes’, equestrian tourism, ethnic
Georgeta Raţă 21
tourism ‘tourism in which one experiences culture in the sense of a

distinct way of life’, existential tourism, experiential tourism,
experimental tourism ‘tourism in which visitors do not visit the ordinary
tourist attractions (or, at least not with the ordinary approach), but allow
whim to guide them’, extreme tourism ‘tourism involving travel to
dangerous places (mountains, jungles, deserts, caves, etc.) or participation
in dangerous events’, gastronomic tourism ‘the pursuit of unique and
memorable eating and drinking experiences’, green tourism ‘travel which
is environmentally friendly or benign that in general does not concern
itself with cultural or economic elements of the destination’, halal tourism
‘a new product in the tourism industry which provides holiday destinations
for Muslim families who abide by Sharia rules’, hybrid tourism,
immersive tourism ‘educational, volunteer, adventure and working travel’,
inauthentic tourism, inbound tourism ‘tourism involving nonresidents
travelling in the given country’, inclusive tourism ‘tourism marketed to
those with functional limits or disabilities’, incoming tourism ‘travel to
different countries’, indigenous tourism ‘all tourism businesses that are
owned or operated by First Nation, Métis, and Inuit people’, intellectual
tourism ‘recreational travel undertaken solely or primarily for educational
purposes’, internal tourism ‘tourism of visitors, both resident and
nonresident, within the economic territory of the country of reference’,
international tourism ‘tourism in which people travel globally outside of
their region and home country’, intra-bound tourism ‘tourism that
encompasses policy-making and implementation of national tourism
policies’, intra-regional tourism, Islamic tourism ‘stands for respect of
local beliefs and traditions’, literary tourism ‘cultural tourism that deals
with places and events from fictional texts as well as the lives of their
authors’, meaningful tourism, medical tourism ‘travel to sites associated
with death and suffering’, metaphysical tourism ‘travel undertaken by
believers to religious sites to perform rituals’, modern/postmodern
tourism, Muslim tourism, national tourism, nautical tourism ‘tourism
related with entertainment activities in contact with bodies of water’,
nuclear tourism ‘tourism in which the tourists travel to significant sites in
atomic history’, outbound tourism ‘tourism involving residents travelling
in another country’, participatory tourism, passive tourism ‘leisure travel
that emphasizes seeing and observing [theatre going, whale watching]
rather than more active pursuits’, perpetual tourism ‘travel as a way of
life’, placeless tourism ‘virtual experience’, pornographic tourism,
purposeful tourism ‘tourism that creates better places for people to live in
and better places to visit’, receptive tourism, recreational tourism,
religious tourism ‘tourism whereby people of faith travel individually or
in groups for pilgrimage, missionary, or leisure (fellowship) purposes’,

reproductive tourism ‘travel to another country for fertility treatments’,
residential tourism ‘retirement in another country’, responsible tourism
‘tourism that creates better places for people to live in and better places to
visit’, rural tourism ‘tourism in which tourists participate in a rural
lifestyle’, scientific tourism ‘tourism undertaken by scientists’, shallow
tourism, social tourism ‘tourism offering opportunities for the local
people’, staged tourism, structured tourism, superficial tourism,
sustainable tourism ‘tourism with low impact on the environment and
local culture’, therapeutic tourism, tribal tourism ‘tourism in which
tourists explore the striking features of the tribal life around the world’,
urban tourism, vicarious tourism, virtual tourism ‘exploring the world
through internet, books, or TV’, and volunteer tourism ‘travel undertaken
solely or in part to engage in humanitarian or other volunteer activities’
Raţă 2011a, 2011b). They can be rendered in Romanian as follows:
- Eighty-two “Adjective + Tourism” English phrases (88%) can be

rendered in Romanian by a “Tourism + Adjective” phrase: E
aboriginal tourism > Rom turism aborigen, E accessible tourism >
Rom turism accesibil, E active tourism > Rom turism activ, E aerial
tourism > Rom turism aerian, E agrarian tourism > Rom turism
agrar, E agricultural tourism > Rom turism agricol, E alternating
tourism > Rom turism alternant, E alternative tourism > Rom turism
alternativ, E archaeological tourism > Rom turism arheologic, E
atomic tourism > Rom turism atomic, E authentic tourism > Rom
turism autentic, E balneological tourism > Rom turism balneologic,
E behavioural tourism > Rom turism comportamental, E black
tourism > Rom turism negru, E Christian tourism > Rom turism
creştin, E clean tourism > Rom turism curat, E clustered tourism >
Rom turism concentrat/focalizat, E conscientious tourism > Rom
turism conştient, E creative tourism > Rom turism creativ/creator, E
culinary tourism > Rom turism culinar, E cultural tourism > Rom
turism cultural, E dark tourism > Rom turism negru, E deep tourism
> Rom turism profund, E dental tourism > Rom turism
dentar/stomatologic, E dispersed tourism > Rom turism dispersat, E
ecological tourism > Rom turism ecologic, E educational tourism >
Rom turism educativ, E equestrian tourism > Rom turism ecvestru, E
ethnic tourism > Rom turism etnic, E existential tourism > Rom
turism existenţial, E experimental tourism > Rom turism
experimental, E extreme tourism > Rom turism extrem, E
gastronomic tourism > Rom turism gastronomic, E green tourism >
Georgeta Raţă 23
Rom turism verde, E halal tourism > Rom turism halal, E hybrid
tourism > Rom turism hibrid, E inauthentic tourism > Rom turism
inautentic/neautentic, E inbound tourism > Rom turism extern, E
inclusive tourism > Rom turism inclusiv, E indigenous tourism >
Rom turism indigen, E informative tourism > Rom turism
informative, E intellectual tourism > Rom turism intelectual, E
internal tourism > Rom turism intern, E international tourism > Rom
turism internaţional, E intra-bound tourism > Rom turism planificat,
E intra-regional tourism > Rom turism intra-regional, E Islamic
tourism > Rom turism islamic, E literary tourism > Rom turism
literar, E marine tourism > Rom turism marin, E meaningful tourism
> Rom turism semnificativ, E medical tourism > Rom turism medical,
E metaphysical tourism > Rom turism metafizic, E
modern/postmodern tourism > Rom turism modern/post-modern, E
Muslim tourism > Rom turism musulman, E national tourism > Rom
turism naţional, E nautical tourism > Rom turism nautic, E nuclear
tourism > Rom turism nuclear, E participatory tourism > Rom turism
participativ, E passive tourism > Rom turism pasiv, E perpetual
tourism > Rom turism perpetuu, E photographic tourism > Rom
turism fotografic, E placeless tourism > Rom turism virtual, E
political tourism > Rom turism politic, E pornographic tourism >
Rom turism pornografic, E purposeful tourism > Rom turism
responsabil, E recreational tourism > Rom turism recreativ, E
religious tourism > Rom turism religios, E responsible tourism >
Rom turism responsabil, E rural tourism > Rom turism rural, E
scientific tourism > Rom turism ştiinţific, E shallow tourism > Rom
turism superficial, E social tourism > Rom turism social, E
speleological tourism > Rom turism speologic, E staged tourism >
Rom turism inauthentic/neautentic, E structured tourism > Rom
turism structurat, E superficial tourism > Rom turism superficial, E
sustainable tourism > Rom turism durabil/sustenabil, E therapeutic
tourism > Rom turism terapeutic, E tribal tourism > Rom turism
tribal, E urban tourism > Rom turism urban, E virtual tourism >
Rom turism virtual, and E volunteer tourism > Rom turism voluntar;
- Four of these “Adjective + Tourism” English phrases (5%) can be
rendered in Romanian by a “Tourism + Preposition + Noun” phrase: E
coastal tourism > Rom turism de coastă, E experiential tourism >
Rom turism de experienţă, E receptive tourism > Rom turism de
primire and E reproductive tourism > Rom turism de
fertilizare/reproducţie;
- Three of these “Adjective + Tourism” English phrases (3%) can be

rendered in Romanian by both “Tourism + Adjective” and “Tourism +
Preposition + Noun” phrases: E immersive tourism > Rom turism
imersiv and turism de imersie/imersiune, E recreational tourism >
Rom turism recreativ and turism de recreere, and E residential
tourism > Rom turism rezindenţial and turism de pensionare;
- One of these “Adjective + Tourism” English phrases (1%) can be
rendered in Romanian by a “Tourism + English Attributive” phrase: E
vicarious tourism > Rom turism “second hand”;
- Three of these “Adjective + Tourism” English phrases (3%) can be
rendered in Romanian only through paraphrases – E domestic tourism
> Rom turism practicat de turiştii unei ţări în propria lor ţară
‘tourism practiced by the tourists of a country in their own country’, E
incoming tourism > Rom turism practicat de turişti în altă ţară decât
a lor ‘tourism practiced by the tourists of a country in another
country’, E outbound tourism > Rom turism practicat de turişti în
altă ţară decât a lor ‘tourism practiced by the tourists of a country in
another country’ – if we want to avoid borrowing the English terms
(Figure 1-3).
Figure 1-3. Romanian typology of English Adjectival Tourisms of the “Adjective

+ Tourism” type
If, in English an Adjective precedes, with few exceptions, the Noun it

determines, in Romanian it is the Noun determined that precedes the
Georgeta Raţă 25
Adjective. Therefore, it is not surprising that most English Adjectival

Tourisms (88%) display in Romanian the latter structure. As for the other
four types of structures, they share small percentages of the total phrases.
We would like to make a few remarks on the Romanian equivalents. We
recommend rendering E alternating tourism by Rom turism alternant and
E alternative tourism by Rom turism alternativ to indicate the difference
between the two types of tourism (through both alternating and
alternative can be rendered in Romanian by alternativ). Then there is E
halal tourism rendered by Rom turism halal: in this case, using halal in
Romanian can be confusing because the word has both positive and
negative denotations. E inclusive tourism can be rendered by Rom turism
inclusiv that could also be misguiding because of the phrase “all
inclusive”. As for E sustainable tourism, it can be rendered in Romanian
by turism durabil or tourism sustenabil. It is recommendable to use the
former phrase because of the long-lasting relationship between Romanian
and French (Romanian durabil comes from the French durable) and
because durabil suggests self-sustenance better than sustenabil.
Adjectival Tourisms of the “Noun + Tourism” Type

Several Romanian types of structure correspond to the English “Noun +
Tourism” type of phrase, but never a similar type of structure specific to
the English language. The one hundred and eighteen Adjectival Tourism
of this structure that can be rendered in Romanian as follows (Raţă & Stan
2011):
- Fifty-nine of the English phrases of the “Noun + Tourism” type can be

rendered in Romanian only by paraphrases (50%): E alpha tourism >
Rom turism de tip alfa, E animal tourism > Rom turism pentru
vizionarea spectacolelor cu animale, E battlefield tourism > Rom
turism pentru vizitarea câmpurilor de bătaie, E beach tourism > Rom
turism de tipul „soare, nisip şi surf” or turism de tipul „nisip, soare şi
sex”, E beer tourism > Rom turism pentru participanţii la
festivalurile berii, E birth tourism > Rom turism pentru femeile
gravide care vor să nască în altă ţară pentru ca nou-născutul să aibă
cetăţenia acelei ţări, E bookstore tourism > Rom turism pentru
vizitarea unei anumite librării, E celebrity tourism > Rom turism
pentru vizitarea locurilor legate de viaţa unor celebrităţi, E cemetery
tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea cimitirelor, E clubbing
tourism > Rom turism pentru frecventarea cluburilor de noapte, E
commodity tourism > Rom turism pentru practicarea agriculturii,
pescuitului etc., E community tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea

unei anumite comunităţi, E congress tourism > Rom turism pentru
participarea la congrese, E convention tourism > Rom turism pentru
participarea la conferinţe, E dance tourism > Rom turism pentru
învăţarea şi practicarea dansului, E destination tourism > Rom
turism pentru vizitarea unei anumite destinaţii, E disaster tourism >
Rom turism pentru vizitarea unui loc afectat de un dezastru, E doom
tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea unui loc ameninţat de
distrugere, E drug tourism > Rom turism pentru consumarea de
droguri, E enclave tourism > Rom turism de tip „enclavă”, E
euthanasia tourism > Rom turism pentru practicarea eutanasiei, E
event tourism > Rom turism pentru participarea la evenimente, E
fertility tourism > Rom turism pentru tratarea infertilităţii, E fishing
tourism > Rom turism pentru practicarea pescuitului, E fortification
tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea unui castel, unei fortificaţii, a
unei întărituri etc., E gambling tourism > Rom turism pentru
practicarea jocurilor de noroc, E game tourism > Rom turism pentru
practicarea vânătorii, E gaming tourism > Rom turism pentru
practicarea vânătorii, E geopark tourism > Rom turism pentru
vizitarea unui geoparc, E ghetto tourism > Rom turism pentru
vizitarea unui ghettou, E globalization tourism > Rom turism pentru
identificarea efectelor globalizării, E golf tourism > Rom turism
pentru practicarea golfului, E graffiti tourism > Rom turism pentru
practicarea artei graffitilor, E heritage tourism > Rom turism pentru
vizitarea obiectivelor de patrimoniu, E hobby tourism > Rom turism
pentru practicarea hobbyurilor, E holocaust tourism > Rom turism
pentru vizitarea locuilor legate de holocaustul unei populaţii, E
infidelity tourism > Rom turism pentru practicarea infidelităţii, E
leisure tourism > Rom turism pentru petrecerea timpului liber, E
localization tourism > Rom turism pentru identificarea efectelor
localizării, E monopoly tourism > Rom turism de tip monopoly, E
package tourism > Rom turism în care se oferă un pachet de servicii
turistice, E plantation tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea unei
plantaţii, E poverty tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea zonelor
sărace, E prison tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea închisorilor,
E recession tourism > Rom turism ieftin dar care oferă experienţe de
valoare în locuri cândva celebre, E reunion tourism > Rom turism
pentru organizarea reuniunilor, E riot tourism > Rom turism în
locuri unde se aşteaptă declanşarea unor conflicte de stradă, E
slavery-heritage tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea locurilor
legate de sclavie, E slum tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea
Georgeta Raţă 27
zonelor sărace, E spa tourism > Rom turism de tip spa, E sports
tourism > Rom turism pentru practicarea sporturilor, E stopover
tourism > Rom turism fără un program prestabilit, E suicide tourism
> Rom turism pentru practicarea eutanasiei, E tea tourism > Rom
turism pentru vizitarea plantaţiilor de ceai şi iniţierea în arta
pregătirii ceaiului, E Tolkien tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea
locurilor în care s-au filmat ecranizările după romanele lui Tolkien,
E touring tourism > Rom turism în care se urmează un program
prestabilit, E township tourism > Rom turism pentru vizitarea zonelor
sărace, E wellness tourism > Rom turism de tip wellness, E wildlife
tourism > Rom turism pentru urmărirea animalelor în mediul lor
natural, E winter tourism > Rom turism pentru practicarea
sporturilor de iarnă – if we want to avoid direct borrowing from
English.
- Thirty-three English phrases of the “Noun + Tourism” type can be
rendered in Romanian by phrases of the “Tourism + Adjective” type
(28%): E ancestry tourism > Rom turism ancestral/genealogic, E
armchair tourism > Rom turism virtual, E authenticity tourism >
Rom turism autentic, E battlefield tourism > Rom turism istoric, E
border tourism > Rom turism transfrontalier, E celebration tourism >
Rom turism aniversar, E country tourism > Rom turism rural, E
countryside tourism > Rom turism rural, E cross-border tourism >
Rom turism transfrontalier, E culture tourism > Rom turism cultural,
E faith tourism > Rom turism religios, E food tourism > Rom turism
culinar/gastronomic, E garden tourism > Rom turism horticol, E
genealogy tourism > Rom turism ancestral/genealogic, E geography
tourism > Rom turism periculos, E island tourism > Rom turism
insular, E mountain tourism > Rom turism montan, E music tourism
> Rom turism muzical, E photography tourism > Rom turism
fotografic, E reality tourism > Rom turism autentic/real, E riding
tourism > Rom turism ecvestru, E romance tourism > Rom turism
sexual (pentru femei), E roots tourism > Rom turism
ancestral/genealogic, E sex tourism > Rom turism sexual, E shark
tourism > Rom turism ecologic, E shock tourism > Rom turism
periculos, E space tourism > Rom turism spaţial, E town tourism >
Rom turism urban, E victim tourism > Rom turism empatic, E village
tourism > Rom turism sătesc, E weather tourism > Rom turism
meteorologic, E wildlife tourism > Rom turism ecologic, E wine
tourism > Rom turism uval;
- Seventeen of the English phrases of the “Noun + Tourism” type can be
rendered in Romanian by phrases of the “Tourism + Preposition +
Noun” type (14%): E adventure tourism > Rom turism de aventură, E

beachfront tourism > Rom turism de coastă, E business tourism >
Rom turism de afaceri, E cruise tourism > Rom turism de croazieră,
E day tourism > Rom turism de o zi, E desert tourism > Rom turism
în deşert, E dive tourism > Rom turism pentru scufundări, E
entertainment tourism > Rom turism pentru distracţii, E farm
tourism > Rom turism la fermă, E guilt tourism > Rom turism de
reconciliere, E jungle tourism > Rom turism de/în junglă, E luxury
tourism > Rom turism de lux, E mass tourism > Rom turism de masă,
E niche tourism > Rom turism de nişă, E nightlife tourism > Rom
turism pentru scufundări, E pilgrimage tourism > Rom turism de
pelerinaj, E shopping tourism > Rom turism de shopping, E transit
tourism > Rom turism de tranzit;
- Four of the English phrases of the “Noun + Tourism” type can be
rendered in Romanian by both phrases of the “Tourism + Adjective”
type and paraphrases (3%): E atrocity tourism > Rom turism negru +
Rom turism pentru vizitarea locurilor asociate cu atrocităţi, E grief
tourism > Rom turism negru + Rom turism pentru vizitarea locurilor
asociate cu suferinţa, E museum tourism > Rom turism muzeal +
Rom turism pentru vizitarea muzeelor, E opera tourism > Rom
turism de operă and turism pentru vizionarea spectacolelor de operă;
- Three of the English phrases of the “Noun + Tourism” type can be
rendered in Romanian by both phrases of the “Tourism + Preposition +
Noun” type and paraphrases (3%): E backpack/backpacker tourism >
Rom turism pentru drumeţi + Rom turism pentru cei cu buget mic, E
health tourism > Rom turism de sănătate + Rom turism pentru
îngrijirea sănătăţii, E party tourism > Rom turism de petrecere +
Rom turism pentru consumul de alcool, dans, etc.;
- One English phrase of the “Noun + Tourism” type can be rendered in
Romanian by both a phrase of the “Tourism + Adjective” type and by
a phrase of the “Tourism + Preposition + Noun” type (1%): E water
tourism > Rom turism acvatic + turism pe apă;
- One English phrase of the “Noun + Tourism” type can be rendered in
Romanian only by a phrase of the “Turism + English Noun” type
(1%): E gay tourism > Rom turism gay (Figure 1-4).
As we can see, half (50%) of the English phrases of the “Noun + Tourism”
type are rendered in Romanian by paraphrases, while other 3% of the
English phrases can be rendered by both paraphrases and phrases of the
“Tourism + Adjective” type, and other 3% of the English phrases can be
rendered by both paraphrases and by phrases of the “Tourism +
Georgeta Raţă 29
Preposition + Noun” – which increases the share of Romanian periphrastic

equivalents to 53%. To note the large number of Romanian equivalents of
the “Tourism + Adjective” (28%) type and the relatively low number of
phrases of the “Tourism + Preposition + Noun” (14%).
Figure 1-4. Romanian typology of English Adjectival Tourisms of the “Noun +

Tourism” type
Adjectival Tourisms of the “Bound Combining Form

+ Tourism” Type
Among Adjectival Tourism, i.e. among the numerous forms of tourism
that have emerged over the years, each with its own “Adjective (Adjective
or Noun used attributively) + Tourism” structure, many of which have
come into common use by both the tourism industry and academics, are
some structures in which the “adjective” is represented by other forms
than adjectives or nouns. Such forms are called bound combining forms
(combining forms that are not free, i.e. that occur only in combination
with other forms) that precede the word tourism. Are combining forms
those forms that contribute to the particular sense of words (e.g., geo-
‘earth’) (Chalker & Walker 1994, Carstairs-McCarthy 2002). The purpose
of the research was to supply Romanian equivalents for both English
Adjectival Tourisms of the “Bound Combining Form + Tourism” type
(aerotourism, agritourism, archaeotourism, etc.), and for Adjectival
Tourisms that are apparently of this type (cecitourism, cemetourism,
edutourism, etc.). We have identified a number of 12 types of Adjectival

Tourism of the “Bound Combining Form + Tourism” structure (57%)
(Raţă 2012): aerotourism ‘tourism in which a tourist visits the local
airport and explores it without going anywhere’ < aer(o)- ‘pref. 1. a. Air;
atmosphere: aeroballistics. b. Gas: aerosol. 2. Aviation: aeronautics’ [<
Gk aēr ‘air’] – Rom aeroturism; agritourism/agrotourism ‘tourism in
which tourists board at farms or in rural villages and experience farming at
close hand’ < agr-/agri-/agro- ‘pref. 1. Field; soil: agrology. 2.
Agriculture: agroindustrial’ [< Gk agros ‘field’] – Rom agroturism;
archaeotourism ‘cultural tourism which aims to promote public interest in
archaeology and the conservation of historical sites’ < arch(a)eo- ‘pref.
Ancient; earlier; primitive: archaeopteryx’ [< NL < Gk arkhaio- < Gk
arkhaios ‘ancient’] – Rom arheoturism; audio tourism ‘music-centred
trip’ < audio- ‘pref. 1. Hearing: audio-lingual. 2. Sound: audiophile’ [< L
audīre ‘to hear’] – Rom audioturism; bio-tourism/biotourism ‘ecotourism’,
‘travel to biological sites and sights’ < bi(o)- ‘pref. 1. Life; living
organism: biome. 2. Biology; biological: biophysics’ [< Gk bios ‘life’] –
Rom bioturism; contretourism ‘tourism in which a tourist visits a famous
tourist site but turns his back on the site and takes photos of or just
examines the view from that direction’ < contra- ‘pref. Against; opposite;
contrasting: contraposition’ [< ME < L contrā- < L contrā ‘against’] –
Rom contraturism; eco-tourism/ecotourism ‘travel to areas of natural or
ecological interest, typically under the guidance of a naturalist, for the
purpose of observing wildlife and learning about the environment’ < eco-
‘pref. Ecology; ecological: ecosystem’ [< ecology] – Rom ecoturism;
ethno tourism ‘visiting a foreign location for the sake of observing the
indigenous members of its society for the sake of non-scientific gain’ <
ethno- ‘pref. Race; people: ethnology’ [< Gk ethnos ‘people’] – Rom
etnoturism; gastro-tourism ‘recreational travel undertaken solely or
primarily to experience the food and wine of a region’ < gastr(o)- ‘pref. 1.
a. Belly: gastropod. b. Stomach: gastritis. 2. Gastric: gastrin’ [< Gk
gastēr, gastr- ‘belly’] – Rom gastroturism; geotourism ‘tourism that
sustains, or even enhances, the geographical character of a place, such as
its culture, environment, heritage, and the well-being of its residents’ <
ge(o)- ‘pref. 1. Earth: geocentric. 2. Geography: geopolitical’ [< Gk geo-
< Gk gē ‘earth’] – Rom geoturism; narco-tourism ‘drug tourism’ < narco-
‘pref. 1. Numbness; stupor; lethargy: narcolepsy. 2. Narcotic drug:
narcoanalysis’ [< Gk narko- < Gk narkoun ‘to numb’ < Gk narkō
‘numbness’] – Rom narcoturism; and photo tourism ‘a system for
browsing large collections of [tourism] photographs in 3D’ < phot(o)-
‘pref. 1. Light; radiant energy: photosynthesis. 2. Photographic:
Georgeta Raţă 31
photomontage. 3. Photoelectric: photoemission’ [< Gk phōto- < Gk phōs,

phōt-] – Rom fototurism. For most of these Adjectival Tourisms, the
meaning of the phrase is clearly determinable from that of the parts, a sort
of semantic predictability that is crucial to the coining of new technical
terms using these elements. It is interesting to note that The American
Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (2008) considers the bound
combining forms underlined above “prefixes” because they can function
as the base for derivational affixation (as bio- in bioaccumulation,
bioacoustics, bioactivity, etc.). To note that nine of the “prefixes” are of
Greek origin – directly (aer(o)-, agr-/agri-/agro-, bi(o)-, ethno-, gastr(o)-,
ge(o)-, narco-, phot(o)) or indirectly (arch(a)eo-), while only two
“prefixes” are of Latin origin – directly (audio-) or indirectly (contra-).
Only one “prefix” is abstracted from another word (eco-).
Other nine Adjectival Tourism could be labelled as blends,
morphological blends or portmanteau words, constructions formed by
the merging of (parts of) words (e.g., motel < motor + hotel) (Chalker &
Walker 1994) – except that the second element is not a part of a word, but
a root word, which make them look like Adjectival Tourisms of the
“Bound Combining Form + Tourism” type (43%): cecitourism ‘tourism in
which a tourist is blindfolded and allows a friend to escort them through
the city’ < ceci(ty) [< L caecitās ‘blindness’ < L caecus ‘blind’] – Rom
ceciturism; cemetourism ‘travel undertaken wholly or in part to visit
cemeteries’ < ceme(tery) [< ME cimiterie < OF cimitiere < ML cimitērium
< LL coemētērium < Gk koimētērion < Gk koiman ‘to put to sleep’] –
Rom cimiturism; edutourism ‘travel to a location as a group with the
primary purpose of engaging in a learning experience directly related to
the location’ < edu(cate) [ME educaten < L ēducāre, ēducātus] – Rom
eduturism or turism educativ; erotourism ‘tourism in which a couple
travels separately to the same city and then tries to find each other’ <
Ero(s) [< L Eros < Gk eros ‘sexual love’] – Rom eroturism; genetourism
‘tourism to birth places of famous people’ < gene(alogy) [< ME
genealogie < OF < LL geneālogia < Gk genea ‘family’ + -logia ‘-logy’] –
Rom geneturism; nyctalotourism ‘tourism in which the tourist only visits
attractions between dusk and dawn’ < nyctalo(pia) [< LL nyctalōpia < Gk
nuktalōps ‘night-blind’ < nux, nukt- ‘night’ + alaos ‘blind’ + ōps, ōp-
‘eye’] – Rom nictaloturism; pomo tourism ‘travel where adventurers visit
offbeat or unpopular locations for purposes pertaining to both personal
interest and ironic detachment’ < Po(st)mo(dern) Tourism – Rom
pomoturism; thanatourism ‘travel to sites associated with violent death’ <
thana(tology) [< Gk thanatos ‘death’ + -logy] – Rom tanaturism; and
voluntourism ‘travel undertaken solely or in part to engage in
humanitarian or other volunteer activities’ < volun(teer) [< ObsF

voluntaire ‘voluntary’ < OF voluntaire ‘voluntary’ < L voluntārius] –
Rom volunturism. These backformations (new words formed by
extracting actual or supposed affixes from other words; shortened words
created from longer words) (Chalker & Weiner 1994) have as first
elements “prefixes” of Greek (ceme-, ero-, gene-, nyctalo-, thana-) or
Latin (ceci-, edu-, emo-, volun-), borrowed (in)directly (Figure 1-5).
Figure 1-5. Romanian typology of English Adjectival Tourisms of the “Bound

Combining Form + Tourism” type
Conclusion
Adjectival Tourisms of the “Adjective + Tourism” type can be rendered in
Romanian as follows: by “Tourism + Adjective” phrases (88%), by
“Tourism + Preposition + Noun” phrases (5%), by both “Tourism +
Adjective” and “Tourism + Preposition + Noun” phrases (3%), by a
“Tourism + English Attributive” phrase (1%), and by paraphrases (3%).
Compared to Adjectival Tourisms of the first type, the “Noun + Tourism”
type generates incomparably more problems because it is difficult to
assimilate into the Romanian language. The main issue is not a structural
one, but the fact that, on the one hand, all Adjectival Tourisms of the latter
type have not been defined yet and, on the other hand, many of these types
of tourism have not been practiced in Romania yet. Rendering Adjectival
Tourism of the “Bound Combining Form + Tourism” type in Romanian is
Georgeta Raţă 33
not an issue since most of them are almost identical with their English
counterparts, except for a few changes meant to make them look more
Romanian (arheoturism, contraturism, etnoturism, fototurism, on the one
hand, and cimiturism – the Romanian for cemetery is cimitir,
nictaloturism, tanatourism, on the other hand). The preference for turism
educativ over eduturism, and the misleading pomoturism (which points,
in Romanian, rather to fruit culture than to postmodernism) is to be noted.
References
Aboriginal Tourism Association of BC. Our Story. Your Experience.
Online:
http://www.metrovancouver.org/region/breakfasts/Presentations/Keith
Henry-AboriginalTourism%20BC.pdf.
Accessible Tourism. Online: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Accessible_tourism.
Active Tourism. Online:
http://www.active-tourism.com/Questions1ActTour.html.
Adjectival, Specialty & Niche Tourisms. Online:
http://hubpages.com/hub/Adjectival-Tourism.
Agricultural Tourism. Online:
http://www.google.ro/search?hl=ro&rlz=1R2ADRA_enRO419&defl=
en&q=define:agricultural+tourism&sa=X&ei=nwFsTY3FF8z44AbS6p
zfCQ&sqi=2&ved=0CBYQkAE.
Archaeological Tourism. Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archaeological_tourism.
Atomic Tourism. Online:
http://www.google.ro/search?hl=ro&rlz=1R2ADRA_enRO419&defl=
en&q=define:Atomic+tourism&sa=X&ei=BANsTZiQFImi4QbF_qjfC
Q&sqi=2&ved=0CBYQkAE.
Carstairs-McCarthy, A. (2002). An Introduction to English Morphology.
Words and Their Structure. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Chalker, Sylvia & Weiner, E. (1994). The Oxford Dictionary of English
Grammar. London – New York – Sydney – Toronto: BCA.
Christian Tourism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_tourism.
Clean Tourism. Online: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clean_Tourism.
Creative Tourism. Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tourism#Creative_tourism.
Culinary Tourism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Culinary_tourism.
Cultural Tourism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_tourism.
Dark Tourism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dark_tourism.
Dental Tourism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dental_tourism.
Domestic Tourism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tourism.

Ecological Tourism. Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ecological_tourism.
Educational Tourism. Online:
http://www.en.wikipilipinas.org/index.php?title=Tourism.
Ethnic Tourism. Online:
http://www.sccs.swarthmore.edu/users/00/ckenned1/definition.html.
Experimental Tourism. Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Experimental_tourism.
Extreme Tourism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Extreme_tourism.
Green Tourism. Online:
http://www2.visitbritain.com/en/campaigns/green/glossary.aspx.
Halal Tourism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Halal_tourism.
Inbound Tourism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tourism.
Inclusive Tourism. Online:
Internal Tourism. Online:
http://stats.oecd.org/glossary/detail.asp?ID=1396.
International Tourism. Online:
http://wiki.answers.com/Q/What_is_the_definition_of_international_to
urism.
Intrabound Tourism. Online:
Islamic tourism. Online:
http://www.chnpress.com/news/?id=1793&section=1.
Online Etymology Dictionary. Online:
http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?l=e.
Outbound Tourism. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tourism.
Raţă, Georgeta. (2011a). Nomenclatura turistică românească de origine
engleză (I) [Romanian Tourism Nomenclature of English Origin I].
Agrobuletin AGIR 10: 140-145.
—. (2011b). Teaching Tourism Terminology: English “Adjectival
Tourisms” of the “Adjective + Tourism” Type. In A. Akbarov (Ed.),
Languages for Specific Purposes in Theory and Practice Newcastle
upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 176-186.
—. (2012). Nomenclatura turistică românească de origine engleză (III)
[Romanian Tourism Nomenclature of English Origin III]. Agrobuletin
AGIR 12: 115-119.
The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language. (2008).
Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
SPECIAL TYPES OF TOURISM:
TOURISM IN THE COUNTRYSIDE
GEORGETA RAŢĂ, ANICA PERKOVIĆ

AND IOAN PETROMAN
Introduction
Nothing could be more disconcerting than tourism nomenclature
nowadays – a field in which the different types of tourism related to the
countryside and/or nature interfere or overlap resulting in noun phrases
such as agrarian tourism, agricultural tourism, agritourism,
country(side) tourism, farm tourism, rural tourism, village tourism, for
which even the World Tourism Organisation does not supply proper
definitions.
The list could be completed with other noun phrases strictly related to
the types of tourism above, and that enrich tourism vocabulary: country
vacations, dude ranches, farm holidays, farm house holidays, farm
recreation, ranch recreation, ranch vacations, and vacation farms.
Some other specialists consider there are many terms for tourism in
the countryside, including rural tourism, agricultural tourism,
ecotourism, green tourism and agritourism.
All these types of tourism could be grouped under alternative
tourism, a type of tourism that gives emphasis to contact and
understanding between the hosts and the tourist, as well as the
environment; that is consistent with the natural, social and community
values and that allows a positive relationship among locals and tourists;
that includes micro and small companies of local inhabitants’ property;
that has smaller impacts in the natural and social environments, links with
other sectors (agriculture, craft) of the local economy and retention of
earnings in the region.
The classifications that can be included under the concept of
alternative tourism can be Natural, Cultural, Events and Others: the
“Natural” (tourism that one can undertake in natural places, about the
nature, and/or for the preservation of the natural environment) includes
36 Special Types of Tourism: Tourism in the Countryside
adventure tourism, ecotourism, and nature tourism; the “Cultural” (tourism

that involves contact and learning about a culture) includes the
archaeological, rural tourism, religious and ethnic; “Events” (tourism
interested in experiencing characteristic events of an area or important
annual events) include sports, carnivals and festivals, for example; other
everything enters what you cannot include in the other classifications like
volunteering, farm stays, educational tourism.
Material and Method

We have inventoried a number of seven noun phrases denominating
different countryside-related tourism types and very in fashion
nowadays on the Internet: agrarian tourism, agricultural tourism,
agritourism, country(side) tourism, farm tourism, rural tourism, and
village tourism. For each of these terms, we looked for possible
definitions and for the different relationships they may have with one
another (association, identification, inclusion, opposition) in an attempt to
define them more clearly.
Results and Discussion

This is what we have found out after searching over forty sites on the
Internet.
1. Agrarian Tourism (or Agrarian-Tourism), whose main ingredients
are simple attractions, a lot of relaxation and natural foods, tourism and
nature, is considered an alternative type of tourism. It is defined as ‘a farm
stay holiday’, ‘a special holiday formula to spend in the genuine world of
the farmer’, and as ‘visiting farms with crops of fine fruits, cherry trees
and vineyards, […] tulip fields’. It identifies with Agritourism and
Country Tourism.
2. Agricultural Tourism (or AgriCultural Tourism), whose main
ingredients are farm based accommodations, meals, activities, farm
festivals - events, and retail activities where the travelling public interacts
directly with the farm family/farm workers, food, lodging, activities for
people who want to experience farm life and nostalgia, farm festivals,
activities, fun, affordable, family-oriented recreational and educational
activities and opportunities to learn about the production of food and
agricultural products and the state’s rich farming heritage, fairs, festivals,
is considered an alternative for improving the incomes and potential
economic viability of small farms and rural communities, a way to practice
sustainable tourism. It is defined as ‘a growing trend in agriculture which
Georgeta Raţă, Anica Perković and Ioan Petroman 37
merges the world of travel with experiences of farming and our food
system’, ‘a tourist activity organized and ran by the family agricultural
farms’, ‘exploring art roads and farm trails’, ‘the act of visiting a working
farm or any agricultural, horticultural or agribusiness operation for the
purpose of enjoyment, education, or active involvement in the activities of
the farm or operation’, ‘the practice of visiting an agribusiness,
horticultural, or agricultural operation, including a farm or winery or a
companion animal or livestock’, and as ‘visiting agricultural operations
that throw their doors wide open for visitors’. It identifies with Agritourism.
3. Agritourism (or Agri-Tourism or Agro Tourism or Agrotourism),
whose main ingredients are watching or taking part in traditional
agricultural practices, without disturbing the ecosystem or the productivity
of host areas, assisting with farming tasks during the visit, picking fruits
and vegetables, riding horses, tasting honey, learning about wine,
shopping in gift shops and farm stands for local and regional produce or
handcrafted gifts, farm based accommodations, meals, activities, farm
festivals/events, and retail activities where the travelling public interacts
directly with the farm family/farm workers, and assisting with farming
tasks while on vacation, is considered the strategy of using the farm to
attract visitors for the purpose of education, enjoyment, or active
involvement in the activities of the farm, an alternative for improving the
incomes and potential economic viability of small farms and rural
communities, and a means to prop up a local agricultural economy when
local producers are no longer economically competitive otherwise. Its
main point of reference is the village. It is defined as ‘a commercial
enterprise at a working farm, ranch, or agricultural plant conducted for the
enjoyment of visitors that generates supplemental income for the owner’,
‘a style of vacation in which hospitality is offered on farms’, ‘any business
conducted by a farmer for the enjoyment or education of the public’, ‘any
farm-based business offered for the enjoyment and education of the
public’, ‘farm based tourism’, ‘the act of visiting a working farm or any
agricultural, horticultural or agribusiness operation for the purpose of
enjoyment, education, or active involvement in the activities of the farm or
operation’, and as ‘tourism in which tourists board at farms or in rural
villages and experience farming at close hand’. It is identified with
Agrarian Tourism, with Agricultural Tourism, with Farm Tourism (on
the East Coast), and with a subset of a larger industry called Rural
Tourism that includes resorts, off-site farmers’ markets, non-profit
agricultural tours, and other leisure and hospitality businesses that attract
visitors to the countryside. It is associated with Rural Tourism. It is
considered a subset of Cultural Tourism or Rural Tourism. An
agritourism business is a farm enterprise operated for the enjoyment and

education of the public that may also generate additional farm income by
promoting farm products.
4. Country Tourism (or Countryside Tourism), whose main
ingredients are nature, culture, tradition, gastronomy - concepts that the
Romanians have learnt to preserve and encourage -, is considered more
and more popular. It is not defined anywhere. It is identified with
Agrarian Tourism and Rural Tourism. It is associated with Farm
Tourism and Rural Tourism. Practiced in the countryside, in the counties,
and in the regions, it is opposed to Town Tourism.
5. Farm tourism (or On-Farm Tourism), whose main ingredients are
farm visits with retail sales of locally-grown products, activities conducted
on private agricultural lands, which might include fee-hunting and fishing,
overnight stays, educational activities, etc., is considered one mechanism
by which nonfarmers can learn about agriculture. Its main point of
reference is the village. It is defined as ‘travel associated with farming’. It
is identified with Agritourism. It is associated with Country Tourism,
Rural Tourism. It is considered a subset of Cultural Tourism.
6. Rural Tourism, whose main ingredients are appreciation for culture
and rural activities in farmhouses (with tourists hosted and guided by the
local people), attaching great significance to local values and to local
cultural identity, making a tortilla, milking a cow, relying on the natural
and heritage resources and people of rural communities, seeking rural
peace, showcasing the rural life, art, culture and heritage at rural locations,
travelling to and staying in rural areas (without mass tourism) other than
those of their usual environment for less than one consecutive year for
leisure, business and other purposes (excluding the exercise of an activity
remunerated from within the place visited), witnessing or participating in
activities that form the core of country life such as farming, is considered a
little staid and school-trip-ish, a lot less sexy than Adventure Tourism, a
magic wand to stop rural decay, a tourism strategy in developed countries.
It is not easy to give a definition of Rural Tourism because a generic
model does not exist. The definition of Rural Tourism has been subject of
much debate in the literature without arriving at any firm consensus. Most
definitions tend to focus on the types of activities visitors engage with in a
rural area. However, it is defined as ‘any activity that takes place in a non-
urban, populated area’, and as ‘tourism away from the mainstream, away
from areas of intensive tourism activity, engaged in by visitors who wish
to interact with the rural environment and the host community in a
meaningful and authentic way’. It is identified with any tourism that is not
urban tourism, including Agritourism and Country Tourism. It is
associated with Agritourism and Countryside Tourism both forms closely

associated with the basic requirements of sustainable development, and
with Farm Tourism. Rural Tourism differs from Agritourism in two
ways: first, Rural Tourism enterprises do not necessarily occur on a farm
or ranch, or at an agricultural plant; second, they do not generate
supplemental income for the agricultural enterprise. Practiced by people
who are mainly from the middle or upper classes, it is opposed to Urban
Tourism. It encloses Agritourism. It is also seen as a component of
Cultural Tourism or Ecotourism (although the reciprocal is also valid).
7. Village Tourism is not defined anywhere, but the phrase appears in
association with Country Tourism.
Conclusion
From the point of view of their definition, the only element that seems to
occur with the highest frequency is ‘visiting’: the act of visiting a working
farm (Agricultural Tourism and Agritourism), the practice of visiting an
agribusiness (Agricultural Tourism), visiting agricultural operations
(Agricultural Tourism), and visiting farms with crops’ (Agrarian
Tourism), the rest of definitions being singular in content.
Among the seven rural area-related tourism types, Agritourism
appears four times as a synonym (for Agrarian Tourism, Agricultural
Tourism, Farm Tourism, and Rural Tourism), which makes it a favourite
denomination for countryside-related tourism, followed by Agrarian
Tourism, Country Tourism, and Rural Tourism (two occurrences each),
and by Agricultural Tourism and Farm Tourism (one occurrence each).
The term most associated with other countryside-related tourism
types is Rural Tourism (three occurrences), followed by Country
Tourism and Farm Tourism (two occurrences each), and by Agritourism
(one occurrence).
The only clear antonymy is between Country Tourism and Rural
Tourism on one side, and Town Tourism and Urban Tourism (obviously,
synonyms), on the other hand.
The only clear, inclusive relationship is between Rural Tourism and
Agritourism, the former including the latter.
It seems that the diverse tourism types are created from the
experiences that tourists want to experience (nature tourism, cultural
tourism, adventure tourism, etc.). Thus, each type of tourism is a way to
give a denomination to a new market niche for a different experience.
References
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Dicţionarul explicativ al limbii române. [An Explanatory Dictionary of
the Romanian Language]. Bucureşti: Univers Enciclopedic.
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Dictionary].Bucureşti: Univers Enciclopedic.
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Hungarian Plain, October 26-27, 2006, Mezőtúr, Hungary, 1-4.
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York: Random House.

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Chicago: J. G. Ferguson Publishing Company.
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(1996). New York: Gramercy Books.
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www.agnet.org
www.agritourismitaly.com
www.backyardnature.com
www.bartleby.com
www.bulgariatravel.org
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www.ilcontadino.it
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www.johnstonshomestyle.pe.ca
www.maisontourisme.nassogne.marche.be
www.mass.gov
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www.zum.lt
ENGLISH BORROWINGS IN THE ROMANIAN
OF TOURISM (TRAVEL AGENCIES)
GEORGETA RAŢĂ AND IOAN PETROMAN
Introduction
Tourism is, according to the great majority of specialists, one of the most
important sources of income in Romania. Popular attractions include the
Carpathian Mountains, the Danube delta region, and resorts and beaches of
the Black Sea. Romania’s tourism industry has expanded considerably
since the end of the Communist period. This can also be seen in the large
number of travel agencies that have appeared during the last 16 years. In
many cases, however, the impression is that the agencies one enters or
whose add one sees in the media are not Romanian travel agencies. The
reason: their “exotic” names.
Material and Method

We have picked up the travel agencies in Romania, as provided by the
www.InfoTourism.ro site. We did not count as words (unlike the PC word
counter, who picked up 516 ‘words’) the following twenty-nine items:
sixteen numerals - 45 (12 times), 57, and 2000 (three times); ten dashes (-);
and three individual letters - C, D, and Q.
The 487 words we have counted have been grouped into the following
categories (Chalker & Weiner 1994): English words, Romanian words,
words of other foreign origin, proper names, compound words, words
that we could not group, and abbreviations whose meaning remains
obscure.

We have inventoried 204 travel agencies in only 25 districts of the 40 +
Bucharest ones, as follows: Arad (3): GLOBETROTTER, Business Jet,
S.C. Morton’s Aerotravel; Argeş (1): Pensiunea T6; Bacău (1): TERRA-
44 English Borrowings in the Romanian of Tourism: Travel Agencies
NOVA BACĂU; Bihor (3): Rom Tur Internaţional, MONDO TOURS,

PROXAT TOUR; Bistriţa-Năsăud (3): FLUMEN VIAGGI
INTERNAŢIONAL, COROANA TOURISM COMPANY SA,
EXECUTIVE TRAVEL; Brăila (1): IL VULTURE EXIM TRAVEL;
Braşov (5): Exploro Tour, NIMPEX SRL, AIR GLOBAL, Alisa Turism
SRL, PARALELA 45 BRAŞOV; Bucureşti (129): SMILEY TOUR,
GETICA TURISM, JEKA TURISM, MARAN TURISM, ADRIA
TRAVEL, MARSHAL TURISM SRL, FLIPPER TOUR, FUN TRAVEL,
BON VOYAGE TOUR & TRAVEL, PETER EXPRESS, CARPE DIEM
TRAVEL, MAXI TOURISM, CLASIC TURISM, GIULIA TOUR,
Ultramarin Travel, Ella Traveland, NEFERTITI TRAVEL, BEST
COMTUR, Meridian Travel, VOYAGER TURISM, Solis Travel,
VARIANT TRAVEL, Romdonau Tourism, PARALELA 45 TURISM,
ALADIN TRAVEL, Virgin Tours, Q TRAVEL CONFORT, C & D
Partner Turism, TOTAL REISEN & JAGD, CHRISTIAN TOUR,
Maximum Tour, TRAVEL CLUB SERVICES, DODO TRAVEL,
FANTASIA TURISM SERVICES, PRINCESS TOUR & TRAVEL,
APSA TRAVEL, AZZURRO TOUR EXPRESS, GTS Internaţional
România, KOMSI TRAVEL, Butterfly Tourism, Family Travel, SKY
TOUR, AVIA TRAVEL & TOUR, FOR TRAVEL, BABEL TOUR,
EASY RENT A CAR & TRAVEL, TIME INTERNATIONAL TRAVEL,
FORTUNA BUSINESS TRAVEL, Suzana Travel, ABC TRADING,
HAVANA TRAVEL, CONTEXPERT TOUR, INTERRA TRAVEL, Still
Tour - Turism în Europa, TRAVEL PLANET, AD TOUR & TRAVEL
AGENCY, PERFECT TOUR, GAMA TURISM, Pro Travel & Tour, SOL
TURISM, MR. PETER COMPANY, DANCO PRO TRAVEL, DEL’
ANTO, ROMADRIA CONFORT, Ţiriac TRAVEL, ATTA TOUR, TOP
TRAVEL SERVICE, TTC - MONDE SANS FRONTIERE, Wasteels
Voyages Roumanie, TOUR 2000, BIG TRAVEL, CRISTAL TOUR,
GERROMA TOUR, KRIHA TRAVEL, LICORNA TRAVEL, Vila
Select, 4 U TRAVEL, AUGSBURG INTERNAŢIONAL, Dante Travel,
Dream Resorts International, ETNO TUR, Faros Mayak Tur, GalaxSea
Travel, GLOBTROTTER TRAVEL, HERMES TOURS & TRAVEL,
Admira Holidays, Agenţia Ulise Tour SRL, ALFA TRAVEL, Ali Baba
Tour, ALL TUR, ALMA TOUR ROMANIA, AVI Group TRAVEL,
BRAVA TOUR, CARDINAL - AGENŢIE DE TURISM SRL, CMB
TRAVEL, CONCORDIA TRAVEL, Edmond Internationale, ELITE
TOURS, EURO - TIME TURISM, EUROPA TRAVEL, Eveniment
Travel, EXPONENT TRAVEL S.R.L., FIDES Travel, GRAFOS S.R.L.,
HERA TOUR, IDM Tour, KARO EXPERT S.R.L., LARTOURS,
MAGEST TRAVEL, MALTA TRAVEL, MARY POPPINS, Max 57
Georgeta Raţă and Ioan Petroman 45
International, NEOTOUR, ORIGINAL TRAVEL, Paralela 45 Mediaş,

PHOENIX AGENŢIE DE TURISM, ROMANIAN TRAVEL SERVICE,
SAVAS TRAVEL, SC MONDIAL TRAVEL SRL, SCANIO, SIMBOL
TOUR, STANDARD HOLLIDAY, TRANSCONTINENTAL INVEST
2000 SRL, Travel Solutions, VACANŢA TURISM, VERONICA
TRAVEL AGENCY, VIP VOIAJ TRAVEL & TOURISM, ZIG ZAG
TRAVEL, ZIP INTERNATIONAL; Buzău (2): Carmen Travel, Paralela
45 Buzău; Cluj (6): CALIBRA, CIEL VOYAGES, Office Travel,
Adventures 4 all, PARALELA 45 CLUJ, Sfara Tours; Constanţa (8):
GAMMA TOURISTIC CONSTANŢA, VERAREISEN, Arrow Tours,
APPLE TOUR, Summer Travel Agency, BIBI VAMA VECHE -
Dispecerat cazare, Paralela 45 Neptun, PARALELA 45 CONSTANŢA;
Covasna (4): Transilvania Tourist Service, TREFF TURISM ŞI
COMERŢ SRL, INTERNATIONAL TOURISM & TRADE, TURISM
COVASNA S.A.; Dolj (1): TOUROPA SRL; Galaţi (5): NEXT
TRAVEL, ALEXANDA TRAVEL, BEL-AMI, Paralela 45 Focşani,
Paralela 45 Galaţi; Gorj (1): GUARDO TOURS; Harghita (1): Ancona-
p; Iaşi (5): CLIVEN TURISM, SMART TRAVEL, Across Travels,
GIRAMONDO, Amfitrion; Maramureş (3): Mara International Tour,
MARA HOLIDAY, Speedline; Mureş (3): MERIDIAN TRAVEL,
Outward Bound Romania, Paralela 45 Târgu Mureş; Neamţ (3): ALDO,
PETRO TOUR, Sempre Dritto Tour; Olt (2): ATT SLATINA,
OLTEXTUR; Prahova (7): Gerada Tur, BIBI TOURING Ploieşti,
BREGAMO TRAVEL, ONIRO S.R.L., Casa Ardeleana, EVENT 2000
S.R.L. SINAIA, MEDITERRANEAN HOLIDAYS; Sibiu (2): TRAMP
TRAVEL HOLIDAYS INTERNATIONAL, PARALELA 45 SIBIU;
Timiş (5): GROUP - TEX INTERNATIONAL, AGENŢIA SECRET
TOURISM, MIRI TRAVEL, PARALELA 45 TIMIŞOARA, SC Escape
Travel SRL; and Vâlcea (1): FEDY - TOUR.
We found 487 words in the 203 names of Romanian travel agencies,
whose structure is as follows:
- Most Romanian travel agencies have English words (240) in their

composition (i.e. 49%). Thus: travel(s) occurs seventy-two times,
tour(s) occurs forty-one times, and (under the form &) occurs eleven
times, international occurs eight times, tourism occurs seven times,
holiday(s) and service(s) occur five times, agency and for (of which
twice as 4) occur three times, all, business, company, express,
glob(e)trotter, group, meridian, pro, and time occur two times each,
and a, ABC, across, adventures, air, apple, arrow, best, big, bound,
butterfly, car, club, dream, easy, elite, escape, event, executive,
expert, family, flipper, fun, global, invest, jet, marshal, maxi,

maximum, Mediterranean, Mr., next, office, original, outward,
partner, perfect, planet, princess, rent, resorts, Romanian, secret, sky,
smart, smiley, solutions, speed(-)line, standard, still, summer, top,
touring, tourist, touristic, trade, trading, tramp, transcontinental, u
(E you), ultramarine, variant, VIP, virgin, voyager, zig-zag, and zip
occur one time each.
- A small number of the travel agencies include Romanian words (97)
in their names (i.e. 20%). Thus: turism (E tourism) occurs 20 times,
SRL (also S.R.L.) (E limited liability) occurs fifteen times, paralela (E
parallel) occurs twelve times (because it is about branches of the same
travel agency), tur (E tour) occurs five times, agenţie (E agency) and
internaţional (E international) and occur four times each, sc(.) (E
company) occurs three times, S(.)A(.) (E limited company), confort (E
comfort), and de (E of) occur two times each, and amfitrion (E host),
ardeleană (E Transylvanian), cardinal (E cardinal), casă (E house),
cazare (E accommodation), clasic (E classic), comerţ (E trade),
coroană (E crown), cristal (E crystal), dispecerat (E controller), etno
(E ethno), euro (E Euro(pean)), eveniment (E event), exim (E
ex(port)im(port)), exponent (E representative), gamă (E range), getica
(E Geta-like), în (E in), licornă (E unicorn), mondial (E world-wide),
pensiune (E board and lodging), rom (E Rom(anian)), select (E
select), simbol (E symbol), şi (E and), vacanţă (E holidays), vilă (E
villa), and voiaj (E travel) occur one time each.
- As for the other foreign words, there are in all thirty-eight such words
(8%), as follows: eighteen Italian words: admira (E admire), anto (E
?), azzurro (E blue), brava (E brave), del’ (E of), dritto (E straight),
exploro (E I explore), fantasia (E fantasy), flumen (E river), fortuna
(E fortune), giramondo (E globetrotter), guardo (E look), il (E the),
interra (E whole), mondo (E world), sempre (E always), viaggi (E
travels), and vulture (E eagle); nine French words: bon (E good), ciel
(E sky), frontière (E boundary), internationale (E international),
monde (E world), sans (E without), and voyage(s) (E travel(s)) (three
times); five Latin words: carpe (E seize), concordia (E concord), diem
(E the day), fides (E faith), and solis (E sun); three Greek words: alfa
(E alpha), gamma (E gamma), and grafos (E graphics); two German
words: Reisen (E travels) and total (E total); and one Spanish word:
sol (E sun).
- A large number of proper names (62) appear in the denomination of
the travel agencies in our corpus (13%), as follows: Aladin, Aldo,
Alexanda, Ali Baba, Alisa, Alma, Ancona-p, Augsburg, Babel, Bacău,
Bel-Ami, Bibi (2 times), Braşov, Buzău, Carmen, Christian, Cluj,

Constanţa (2 times), Covasna, Dante, Dodo, Edmond, Ella, Europa (2
times), Focşani, Galaţi, Giulia, Havana, Hera, Hermes, Malta, Mara
(2 times), Mary Poppins, Max, Morton, Nefertiti, Neptun, Peter (2
times), Petro, Phoenix, Ploieşti, Romania (2 times), România,
Roumanie, Sibiu, Sinaia, Slatina, Suzana, Târgu Mureş, Terra-Nova,
Timişoara, Transilvania, Ţiriac, Ulise, Vama Veche, and Veronica.
- There are 12 (2%) compounds: Aerotravel, Comtur, Contexpert,
GalaxSea, Lartours, Neotour, Oltextur, Romadria, Romdonau,
Touropa, Traveland, and Verareisen, and in their composition we can
trace travel-related words.
- We could not group the following twenty-nine ‘words’ (6%): Adria,
Avi, Avia, Bregamo, Calibra, Cliven, Danco, Faros, Fedy, Gerada,
Gerroma, Jeka, Karo, Komsi, Kriha, Magest, Maran, Mayak, Miri,
Nimpex, Oniro, Proxat, Savas, Scanio, Sfara, T6, Tex, Treff, and
Wasteel.
- There are nine ‘meaningless’ abbreviations (2%): AD, APSA, ATT,
ATTA, CMB,GTS, IDM, JAGD, and TTC.
Conclusions
English names represent almost half (49%) of the total number of words
in the names of travel agencies, which is almost twice and a half the
number of Romanian words (20%) (things have gone so far, that they
have used even the synthetic genitive: Morton’s). The number of words of
other foreign origin is quite considerable (8%), which makes the number
of foreign words almost three times larger than that of Romanian words.
From the point of view of their origin, two hundred and forty words are
English (50%), ninety-seven are Romanian words (20%), eighteen are
Italian words (4%), nine are French words (2%), five are Latin words,
three are Greek words, two are German words, and one word is Spanish
(about 0.5% each).
As for the proper names, only twenty-one of them (33%) are related
to Romania’s geography, which they should, given the location of the
travel agencies.
The compound words are not always easy to ‘decipher’. That is also
the case for the numerous words that we could not group (which we
suppose to be combinations of word parts or foreign nouns picked up in
some book of fiction) and of the abbreviations whose meaning remains
obscure to us. These three last categories, total 10% of the total number of
words in the names of travel agencies, speak a lot about the difficulty
Romanians may encounter when trying to make things up.

The conclusion is that either the owners of these firms found it difficult
to name their agencies because of the large number of agencies (the site
only presents those firms who accepted to be there, but their number must
be at least twice as large, given the number of adds in the media), or that
they had in view rather foreign tourists than Romanian ones.
References
Grammar. London - New York - Sydney - Toronto: BCA.
Dictionary]. Bucureşti: Univers Enciclopedic.
Raţă, Georgeta & Petroman, I. (2006). On English Loanwords in the
Romanian of Tourism (Names of Romanian Travel Agencies). Lucrări
ştiinţifice. Facultatea de Agricultură XXXVIII: 507-510.
OF TOURISM (SITES OF TRAVEL AGENCIES)
GEORGETA RAŢĂ AND IOAN PETROMAN
Introduction
English borrowings (words borrowed from English) can attain four
different degrees of assimilation into Romanian: they can be totally
assimilated to the native word-stock and are phonetically and
orthographically integrated (e.g., logistică); they can be fully part of the
Romanian vocabulary, but retain traces of their foreign origin in their
pronunciation, spelling, or inflexion (e.g., cocktail); they can be well
assimilated in their form, but remain semantically tied to a foreign context
(e.g., preerie); or they may have not yet achieved general currency but
occur in very limited contexts, such as current affairs, travel writings,
books on foreign cuisine, etc. (e.g., cameră single). It is very important to
note that the last of the above categories of borrowings is the one in
which all borrowings must initially fall before reaching another one.

We have picked up five travel agencies in the District of Timiş, as
provided by the www.InfoTourism.ro site. Of the five agencies, only four
have their own sites, the fifth one being under construction at the time of
the research. In order to protect the identity of the five agencies, we
decided not to call them by their own name, but by designations such as
Agency 1, Agency 2, Agency 3, and Agency 4, respectively.
We should mention from the very beginning that, in our quest for
English borrowings in the Romanian of tourism we put aside those
English loans that belong to the Romanian of Internet (borrowings such
as Rom a da click for E to click, Rom E-mail and email for E E- mail,
Rom home for E home, Rom link-uri and linkuri for E links, Rom on-
line and online for E on line, Rom web site for E web site, etc.), keeping
for study only tourism-related words.
50 English Borrowings in the Romanian of Tourism

Agency 1 displays a home page with the following headings and topics
(Table 1-5).
Table 1-5. English borrowings used by Agency 1
Chapters English borrowings

Home bonus
Despre noi logistică, agenţie tour operatoare
Turism extern Ofertă externă sejur: Tunisia last minut (!!!)
Închirieri autocare aer condiţionat
Rent a car promoţii, weekend
Contact ADAC TourPlaner®
There is no objection against trademarks which are supposed to keep their

form anywhere on Earth (e.g., ADAC TourPlaner®).
Agency 2 displays a home page with the following headings and topics
(Table 1-6).

Despre noi echipă managerială, tour operatoare, tour
operatori, Asigurăm cazare logistic
catering cocktail în Timişoara, logistică,
bilete de avion low cost, vacanţe de week-
end
Bilete de avion low cost bilete de avion low cost
Vacanţe în Tunisia cursă charter, cameră single
Vacanţe în Egipt charter
Link-uri utile Route Planner 1, Route Planner 2
Agency 3 displays a home page with adequate chapters, but it does not
make use of any English borrowings at all.
Agency 4 displays a home page whose headings and topics are shown
in Table 1-7.
The following can be noted based on the above-mentioned borrowings
(Chalker & Weiner 1994):

Home charter, Incentive, Ticketing, Training
Excursii interne curse în regim charter, chartere, lider de piaţă
Business Travel corporate, Incentive, Team Building
Transport auto Rent a car
Cariere a aplica, oferte de joburi
Contact Departamentele Office, Travel in Romania,
Corporate, Ticketing, IT, Marketing-Distribuţie
Filiala Bucureşti VIP Travel, INCOMING, CORPORATE
- English words totally assimilated to the Romanian word-stock and that

are phonetically and orthographically integrated: aer condiţionat (a
noun phrase), a loan translation of E air conditioned, not attested by
the DEX, is a past participle of to air- condition ‘to furnish with an air-
conditioning system; to treat (air) with such a system’; aplica (v.) ‘to
make an application or request, to ask’, not attested by the DEX, stands
for to apply for = Rom a înainta o cerere pentru (un post, etc.),
probably because to apply also means ‘to put into effect’; bonus (n.)
‘something given or paid over and above what is due’, not attested by
the DEX, means gratificaţie, premiu, primă, tantiemă; lider (n.) (in
lider de piaţă) ‘a person or thing that leads; a guiding or directing
head, as of an army, movement, or political group’ is a ‘from English’
word (DEX); logistic (n.) (in Asigurăm cazare logistic catering
cocktail în Timişoara) ‘the planning, implementation, and coordination
of the details of a business or other operation’, not attested by the
DEX, stands for Rom logistică; logistică (n.) (2 occurrences) ‘the
planning, implementation, and coordination of the details of a business
or other operation’, not attested by the DEX, means logistică, tehnica
spatelui; managerial (adj.) (in echipă managerială) ‘pertaining to
management or a manager’ is a ‘from English’ word (DEX); promoţie
(n.) (we found in our corpus the plural form, promoţii) ‘something
devised to publicise or advertise a product, cause, institution, etc., as a
brochure, free sample, poster, television or radio commercial, or
personal appearance’ has a different meaning in the DEX (‘series of
graduates; batch of pupils promoted’);
- Words fully part of the Romanian vocabulary, but that retain traces of
their foreign origin in their pronunciation, spelling, or inflexion:
charter(e) (n. sing. and pl.) ‘a contract by which part or all of a ship is
leased for a voyage or a stated time’, is a ‘from English’ word (DEX);
charter (adj.) (in cursă charter and curse în regim charter) ‘of or
pertaining to a method of travel in which transportation is specially
leased or hired for members of a group of association’; cocktail (n.) (in
Asigurăm cazare logistic catering cocktail în Timişoara) ‘any of
various short mixed drinks, consisting typically of gin, whiskey, rum,
vodka, or brandy, with different admixtures as vermouth, fruit juices,
or flavourings, usually chilled and frequently sweetened’ is a ‘from
English’ word (DEX); job (n.) (in joburi pentru turism) ‘a post of
employment, full-time or part-time position; an affair, matter,
occurrence, or state of affairs’ is a ‘from English’ word (DEX);
marketing (n.) (in Departamentul Marketing-Distribuţie) for which
the DEX has only taken one meaning ‘the total of activities involved in
the transfer of goods from the producer or seller to the consumer or
buyer, including advertising, shipping, storing, and selling’ is a ‘from
English’ word (DEX); single (adj.) (in cameră single) ‘of, pertaining
to, or suitable for one person only’ is mentioned by the DEX with the
meaning ‘a phonograph record usually played 45 r.p.m. and often
having one popular song on each side’ has a different meaning in the
DEX (disc single); weekend (n.) ‘any two-day period taken or given
regularly as a weekly rest period from one’s work’ is an ‘English
word’ (DEX); weekend (adj.) (in vacanţe de week-end) ‘of, for, or on a
weekend’ is an ‘English word’ (DEX);
- There are no words well assimilated in their form, but that remain
semantically tied to a foreign context in our corpus;
- Words that have not yet achieved general currency but occur in very
limited contexts: corporate (n.) (used twice alone and once in
Departamentul Corporate) has a different meaning in English ‘a bond
issued by a corporation’ = Rom corporaţie/corporaţiune; incentive (n.)
‘something that incites or tends to incite to action or greater effort, as a
reward offered for increased productivity’ = Rom încurajare, motiv,
stimulant; incoming (n.) ‘the act of coming in, arrival, advent’ = Rom
intrare, sosire, venire; IT (in Departament IT) where IT stands for
Information Technology ‘the study, design, development, application,
implementation, support or management of computer-based
information systems’ = Rom tehnologie informatică; last minut (sic!)
(in Ofertă externă sejur: Tunisia last minut) ‘the time just preceding a
deadline or when some decisive action must be taken’ = Rom ultima
clipă, ultimul moment; low cost (adj.) (in bilete de avion low cost)
whose correct form would be low-cost ‘able to be purchased or
acquired at relatively little cost: low-cost life insurance, low-cost
housing’ = Rom preţ mic/redus/scăzut; office (n.) (in Departamentul
Office) ‘the staff or designated part of a staff at a commercial or

industrial organisation: The whole office was at his wedding’ = Rom
birou/oficiu; Rent a car (n.) ‘a company or service that rents cars, as
by day or week’ = Rom Închirieri (de) maşini; Route Planner 1 (in
Route Planner 1 and Route Planner 2) ‘a person who plans [routes]’?
= Rom Planificare trasee?; Team Building ‘the act, business, or
practice of constructing [a team]’? = Rom construirea unei echipe?;
training (n.) ‘the education, instruction, or discipline of a person or
thing that is being trained: He’s in training for the Olympics’ = Rom
exersare, formare, instruire, pregătire, stilare; travel (n.) (in
Departamentul Travel in Romania) ‘the act of travelling, journeying,
especially to distant places’ = Rom călătorie, voiaj; VIP (in VIP
Travel) ‘very important person’ = Rom personaj important.
A most intriguing category of ‘English borrowings’ is that of words that

do not exist as such in English language dictionaries: catering (in
Asigurăm cazare logistic catering cocktail în Timişoara) does not exist as
a noun in English, who uses the corresponding verb to cater ‘to provide
food and service for: to cater a party’; ticketing (in Departamentul
Ticketing) does not exist as a noun in English, who uses the
corresponding verb to ticket ‘to furnish with a ticket, as on the railroad’;
tour operatoare (n. f. sing.) and tour operatori (n. m. pl.), a phrasal noun
that does not exist in language dictionaries as such, must be a coinage of
tour ‘a long journey including the visiting of a number of places in
sequence, especially with an organised group led by a guide’ and
operator ‘a person who manages a working or industrial establishment,
enterprise, or system: the operators of a mine’; tour operatoare (adj.) (in
agenţie tour operatoare).
Conclusions
There are some changes that prove the fact that some of the English
borrowings above have acquired a Romanian status. Thus: have a
definite gender (identifiable after the ending): chartere (fem.), joburi
(fem.), (tour) operatoare (fem.), (tour) operatori (m.); have a definite
number (identifiable after the ending): chartere (pl.), joburi (pl.), (tour)
operatoare (sing.), (tour) operatori (pl.); have a Romanian pronunciation,
but an English spelling: chartere (it still keeps the ch group); joburi (it
still keeps the j; tour operatori (it still keeps the English spelling in tour);
have an English pronunciation, but a Romanian spelling: week-end
(because of the dash, absent in English); has acquired an attributive use in
Romanian: tour operator (in agenţie tour operatoare). The process of

adaptation is an on-going one, as some English borrowings already have
a Romanian pronunciation and a Romanian spelling: cocteil (not present
in our corpus, but attested by the DEX). Among the English borrowings,
there are some that have acquired new meanings in Romanian. Thus:
Rom charter also means ‘airplane or ship that travels by charter
arrangement’; Rom cocktail also has the meaning of cocktail party ‘a
social gathering, often held during the cocktail hour, at which cocktails
and other alcoholic beverages are often served’, and this is the meaning
involved here; and Rom leader also means ‘an athlete or sports team that
leads’. The forms that are to be argued are either English words borrowed
as such where there are Romanian words to say it, or English words
adapted to Romanian that do not justify their presence as Romanian has
equivalents to say it. The only explanation is that they are (much) shorter
than their Romanian equivalents, which makes their use easier. The most
debatable category is that of English words that have been borrowed as
such, with no adaptation whatsoever and, sometimes, with no meaning
whatsoever, but for those who use it (let us not forget that the site
addresses first the public interested in travelling, and then other
competitors who might understand what it is about - let us not forget that
Agency three makes use of no English borrowings on its site).
References
the Romanian Language]. Bucureşti: Univers Enciclopedic. [DEX]
Raţă, Georgeta & Petroman, I. (2006). On English Loanwords in the
Romanian of Tourism (Sites of Travel Agencies in the District of
Timiş). Lucrări ştiinţifice. Facultatea de Agricultură XXXVIII: 503-
506.
Turism în România. [Tourism in Romania]. Online: www.InfoTourism.ro.
Webster’s Encyclopedic Unabridged Dictionary of the English Language.
(1996). New York: Grammercy Books.
OF AGRITOURISM (INTERNET SITES)
GEORGETA RAŢĂ, CORNELIA PETROMAN

AND IOAN PETROMAN
Introduction
Romanian Internet sites advertising agro-tourism should be quite different
from other tourism advertising sites, i.e. there should not be as many
English borrowings as in sites advertising travel agencies, tourist
destinations or accommodation, for instance. Though less numerous, these
borrowings seem to have had a life of their own, since they have either
preserved or changed their original form, or even developed inflected or
derivative forms in Romanian, thus showing that they have well adapted
to the Romanian linguistic pattern.

Lexical Borrowings
Analysing the www.agroturism.com site, we have come across the

following borrowings (Chalker & Weiner 1994) of English origin:
agrotourism (and its inflected form agroturismul and its derivatives
agroturistic and agroturistice), baruri, bowling, camping, cicloturism,
cluburi, duglas, fast-fooduri, folclor (and its inflective form folclorul and
its derivative form folclorică), meniul, site-ului, mouse-ul, rafting, ski,
ski extreme, snowboard, telecabină, teleferice, teleski, turism (alone or in
noun phrases such as turism agroturistic (sic!), turism balnear, turism
cultural, turism de litoral and its inflective form turismul de litoral,
turism extrem, turism local, turism montan and its inflective form
turismul montan, turism neorganizat, turism pentru sănătate, turism
rural, turism rural cultural, turism rural ecologic, turism rural şi
ecologic, vititurismul, and week-endul.
56 English Borrowings in the Romanian of Agritourism
Some of these borrowings have been borrowed as such, with no

change whatsoever in spelling: bar (< E bar), bowling (< E bowling
(alley)), camping (< E camping (site)), club (< E club), fast-food (E <
fast-food), mouse (< E mouse), rafting (< E rafting), site (< E site), and
snowboard (< E snowboard), but with slight changes in pronunciation in
almost all the cases (except, perhaps, for mouse).
Other English borrowings have changed their form to better adapt to
the Romanian spelling: agrotourism (< E agritourism), cicloturism (< Gk
kuklo ‘circle’ + E tourism), duglas (< E Douglas (fir) (Pseudotsuga
menziesii), folclor (< E folklore), meniu (< E menu), telecabină (< Gk tele
‘far’ + E cabin ‘small room’), and teleferic (< E telpherage ‘distance
transport’).
The omnipresence of the English language and the fashion of English
borrowings have resulted in a strange case of over-correctness: the
English spelling ski, as in Rom ski and ski extrem, and teleski, though the
Romanian language dictionary recommends the spelling schi (this is also
the Romanian pronunciation for the English ski).
Some other English borrowings are mentioned by Romanian language
dictionaries, indicating a double origin: English and French – camping (<
E, F camping), or French and English – club (< F, E club) and folclor (<
F, E folklore).
Some of these borrowings have come into Romanian vocabulary
indirectly, through French, either entirely – bar (< F bar < E bar), folclor
(< F folklore < E folklore), and teleferic (< F téléférique/téléphérique < E
telpherage ‘distance transport’) – or partially – cicloturism (< F
cyclotourisme < Gk kuklo ‘circle’ + E tourism) and telecabină (< F
télécabine < Gk tele ‘far’ + E cabin ‘small room’).
It is interesting to note that most of these English borrowings are not
mentioned by Romanian language dictionaries, though they have had a
pretty long history with us: agroturism, fast-food, meniu, mouse, rafting,
site, ski, ski extrem, snowboard, and teleski.
The following English borrowings have definite articles in Romanian:
agrotourism – agroturismul, meniu – meniul, mouse – mouse-ul, site –
site-ul, turism – turismul, vititurism – vititurismul, and week-end – week-
endul, while the following English borrowings have plural forms in
Romanian: bar – baruri, club – cluburi, fast-food – fast-fooduri, and
teleferic – teleferice. These inflective forms show that the English
borrowings have been adopted and made to sound as any other Romanian
words of the kind, which was not very difficult since the definite article in
Romanian has a postposition. The use of the hyphen is some of these
borrowings proves that this is an ongoing process.
Georgeta Raţă, Cornelia Petroman and Ioan Petroman 57
The following English borrowings have derivative forms in

Romanian: agrotourism – agroturistic (adjective in the masculine
singular) and agroturistice (adjective in the feminine plural), as in
distracţii agroturistice specific sezoniere (‘seasonal specific agritourism
attractions’), pensiunile agroturistice (‘agritourism guesthouses’), puncte
de atracţie agroturistice (‘agritourism attraction sites’) – and folclor –
folklorică (adjective in the feminine singular) as in zonă folclorică
(‘folklore area’). This must also have been a natural process since gender
and number marks are also post-positioned in Romanian.
Other borrowings are mentioned by Romanian language dictionaries
together with their pronunciation: bowling [báuling], camping
[chémping], and week-end [ŭíchend].
Syntactical Borrowings
If lexical borrowings are more or less part of our everyday life, together
with such names of aquatic parks as AquaMagic or AquaPark Balada,
syntactical patterns have even worse consequences as they may end in
serious distortions of the grammar structure of the Romanian language.
Thus, under the influence of English: though we say, in Romanian, Băile
Băiţa (‘Băiţa Spa’), Băile Someşeni (‘Someşeni Spa’), etc., we have
started to also say Turda Băi (‘Turda Spa’) instead of Băile Turda,
following the English pattern; we have also started to drop the preposition
in noun phrases such as pârtie ski (‘ski slope’) instead of pârtie de ski, tip
turism (‘tourism type’) instead of pârtie de ski, and tip zonă (‘area type’)
instead of tip de zonă; we shorten the cardinal points as in N. jud. (‘in the
northern part of the county’) or E de (‘east from’).
Conclusions
A few remarks on the impact of English borrowings on the Romanian of
agritourism such as it is on Romanian Internet sites advertising this
modern form of tourism:
- Though not numerous, English borrowings appear on sites advertising

agritourism in Romania;
- There are English borrowings that have been borrowed as such, with
no changes whatsoever in spelling, except for some slight changes in
pronunciation in almost all the cases, which speaks of the Romanians’
receptiveness as far as foreign languages are concerned;
58 English Borrowings in the Romanian of Agritourism
- There are English borrowings that have changed their form to better
adapt to the Romanian spelling, which speaks of the Romanians’
capacity of adapting almost anything to their language norms;
- There are few cases of over-correctness;
- Some English borrowings are mentioned by Romanian language
dictionaries as having two possible origin (English and French);
- Some of the English borrowings have come into the Romanian
vocabulary indirectly, through French, entirely or partially;
- Most of the English borrowings are not mentioned by Romanian
language dictionaries, though they have produced both inflective and
derivatives forms in Romanian;
- Some English borrowings are mentioned by Romanian language
dictionaries together with their pronunciation, which is a good start in
acknowledging this type of lexical items;
- Borrowed syntactical patterns may end in serious distortions of the
grammar structure of the Romanian language;
- Phrases such as turism rural (agrotourism) (‘rural tourism
(agritourism)’) can be misleading since agritourism is a form of rural
tourism, not its synonym.
References
the Romanian Language]. Bucureşti: Univers Enciclopedic.
Agroturism. Online: www.agroturism.com.
Dictionary].Bucureşti: Univers Enciclopedic.
Raţă, Georgeta, Petroman, Cornelia & Petroman, I. (2007). On the English
Loanwords in the Romanian of Agritourism Internet Sites.
Proceedings of Lingua Summit 2007, Trencin, Slovakia: 4 p.
THE ENGLISH OF INDIAN ECO-TOURISM
GEORGETA RAŢĂ, CORNELIA PETROMAN,

IOAN PETROMAN AND ANICA PERKOVIĆ
Introduction
Languages have always been directed by the pressure of internal forces:
thus, general bio-psychological, socio-cultural, and spatial and temporal
factors that tend to level language trends are opposed by the linguistic
maternal urge that pushes everything within the matrix of the mother’s
tongue. Another factor is of importance here: the tendency to mimicry
which, in its turn, function in two directions: backwards (it is a
conservatory factor, since it inhibits new elements through the
perseverance of the already existing linguistic phenomena) and forwards
(it is a growing factor, since it promotes new elements that are born from
the changing forms of life). All modern languages seem to be
characterised, despite their variety, not only by the same basic trends
(materialised in phonological, grammatical, and syntactical principles) but
also by similar trends within either space or time units. European
languages close in content and structure, have their roots in the Greek and
Roman culture, a direction that results in notions more or less structured in
the same way and whose linguistic forms attempt to penetrate the different
languages. Despite opposition from the mother’s tongue, the disclosure of
other realities and mechanisms makes a monolingual person recognize the
new contents with his own ones and dispose them among his mother’s
tongue matrices. The result: the different types of loan translations. The
most often, it is the vocabulary of a language that gives in, adapting
ceaselessly to cultural and spiritual situations. The vocabulary thus
becomes a source of information on a determined period in the spiritual
life of a country: it is by studying the basic vocabulary of a language at a
specific time that we can realise the dominant images and ideas of that
th
time. Such a prominent image of the end of the 20 c. and of the beginning
st
of the 21 c., centuries marked by an ever increasing environmental
concern, is the ‘eco-’ image. English language comprehensive dictionaries
60 The English of Indian Eco-Tourism
include seventy-four eco- words (words that contain: eco-, oec(o)-, oik(o)-
from the Greek for ‘house, household affairs [environment, habitat], home,
dwelling’; used in one broad sense as, ‘environment’): autecological,
autecology, bioecologist, bioecology, dioecious, dioecy, dioic, ecoactivist,
ecobabble, ecobiology, ecobiotic, ecocatastrophe/ecocatastrophy,
ecocidal, ecocide, ecoclimate, ecoclimatology, ecodeme, ecofact, ecofreak,
ecofugic/oikofugic, ecogeographer, ecogeographic/ecogeographical,
ecogeographically, ecogeography, ecohazard, ecolaw, ecoline, ecological,
ecologist, ecology/oecology, ecomania/oikomania, ecomorphology,
econometrics, economic/economical, economics, economist, economy
/oeconomy, eco-organ, ecoparasite, ecophobia/oikiophobia/oikophobia,
ecophysiology, ecosite/oecosite/oikosite, ecospecies, ecosphere, ecospheric,
ecosystem, ecotage, ecotelemetry, ecoterroist, ecoterrorism, ecotone,
ecotourism, ecotoxicologist, ecotoxicology, ecotropic/oikotropic, ecotype,
ecotypic, ecowarrior, ecumene, ecumenic/ecumenical, genecology,
heteroecious, macroecology, macroeconomics, macroeconomy,
microecology, microeconomics, monoecious, monoecy, paleoecology,
parish, synecology, synoecious, and synoecy (http://wordinfo.info), but
only half of them are ecology-related words and, therefore, eco-tourism-
related words.
Material and Method

The present study of the English vocabulary of eco-tourism such as it is
used in Indian tourism sites is based on a common method of quantitative
linguistic analysis of the words compounded with eco-. The goal is to
properly describe the English vocabulary of eco-tourism for a better
knowledge through a study of global language dictionaries and of the
definitions they provide. The analysis is done on a well-determined corpus
of words – the lexical field of ecotourism belonging to the common
vocabulary – representing compounds (words formed from at least two
elements of different linguistic nature: root-words, combining words, etc.).
The choice of the corpus was dictated by the fact that it interests both
linguists and users. The analysis relies on standard language dictionaries
and tourism sites and the results are of interdisciplinary interest –
linguistic, terminological, sociolinguistic, and lexicographical. The
distinction between the different vocabularies of a language relies on
several different criteria: range or frequency of the words, interest of the
groups of speakers depending on their profession and their social and
cultural level, etc. Thus, we have come to distinguish between essential
vocabulary (covering the terms making up any form of the language),
Georgeta Raţă, Cornelia Petroman, Ioan Petroman and Anica Perković 61
standard vocabulary (covering all the terms except for artistic, scientific,
and technical terms) and specialised vocabularies (covering all artistic,
scientific, and technical terms). The vocabulary of eco-tourism, though
somewhere between fundamental and specialised vocabularies, tends to
become a pretty basic vocabulary.

In India, the worldwide trend of eco-tourism has generated recently a
giant wave of eco- words, an unusual linguistic production of mixed
words (48) that are not yet mentioned by English language comprehensive
dictionaries. These forty-eight eco- words are: eco activity (though they
include ecoactivist), eco-agritourism, eco article, eco adventure, eco
beach, eco bungalow, eco camp, eco category, eco certification, eco club,
eco delight, eco education, eco-ethno spirituality, eco excursion, eco farm,
eco-friendly, eco health, eco holiday, eco hotel, eco labelling, eco
location, eco lodge, eco lover, eco map, eco news, eco park, eco place, eco
practice, eco product, eco quality, eco region, eco resort, eco site, eco tour
or eco tourist (though they include ecotourism), eco travel, eco traveller,
eco trek, eco trekking, eco trip, eco vacation, eco view, eco wildlife, eco
wonder, eco zone, not to mention eco Ayurveda spa holidays, eco India, or
eco Mantra! The eco- words belonging to the English of Indian eco-
tourism and not mentioned by English language dictionaries (48, i.e. 39%)
represent more than half of the eco- words mentioned by English language
dictionaries (74, i.e. 61%). Though compounds can consist of two or more
base words (a base word is part of a complex word, consisting of one or
more morphemes, to which derivational or inflectional affixes may be
added, as biolog- in biological), or of a base and an affix (an affix is a
bound element, as a prefix or suffix, added to a base word or stem to make
a fresh stem or a word, as im- in impossible or -ed in wanted), or of two
combining forms (a combining form is a linguistic form used only in
compound words, never independently, as eco- in ecology), or of a
combining form and an affix (Chalker & Weiner 1994), these forty-eight
eco- words have the following structures:
- Combining form + base word (45, i.e. 94%), resulting in nouns: eco
activity, eco article, eco adventure, eco beach, eco bungalow, eco
camp, eco category, eco certification, eco club, eco delight, eco
education, eco-ethno spirituality, eco excursion, eco farm, eco health,
eco holiday, eco hotel, eco labelling, eco location, eco lodge, eco
lover, eco map, eco news, eco park, eco place, eco practice, eco
62 The English of Indian Eco-Tourism
product, eco quality, eco region, eco resort, eco site, eco tour or eco
tourist, eco travel, eco traveller, eco trek, eco trekking, eco trip, eco
vacation, eco view, eco wildlife, eco wonder, eco zone, eco India, eco
Mantra (!!!), and adjectives: eco-friendly;
- Combining form + combining form + base word (2, i.e. 4%),
resulting in nouns: eco-agritourism, eco-ethno spirituality;
- Combining form + base word + base word (1, i.e. 2%), resulting in a
noun: eco Ayurveda spa holidays.
Of these forty-eight Indian eco-tourism-related words, forty-seven are

nouns (98%) and one is an adjective (2%). The novelty of the Indian eco-
tourism-related words is evident in their spelling: none of the eco- words
is the result of fusion, and only three (94%) of the forty-eight eco- words
are hyphenated (i.e. have their composition parts connected by a short line
called hyphen), the necessary step between compounds made of discrete
parts and fused compounds: eco-agritourism, eco-ethno spirituality,
eco-friendly.
Conclusions
Indian eco-tourism English eco- words represent more than half of the
eco- words mentioned by English language dictionaries, pointing to a
significant developmental trend that could be defined as a thoroughly
mixed vocabulary-producing condition. The large number of eco- nouns
of the combining form + base word structure points out the recentness of
these formations. The novelty of the Indian eco-tourism-related words
is apparent in the absence of fused or hyphenated words.
References
Raţă, Georgeta, Petroman, Cornelia, Petroman, I. & Perković, Anica.
(2008). Eco-Tourism Terms: A Hybrid Vocabulary. Scientific Papers.
Faculty of Agriculture 40 (2): 313-316.
TOURISM TERMINOLOGY IN ENGLISH
OF NEW ZEALAND
ANICA PERKOVIĆ AND GEORGETA RAŢĂ
Introduction
Globalisation brings about a series of problems, among which
communication ones are of considerable importance. Two main trends are
taken into consideration: the first one claims that globalisation is about to
swipe out any national features, the second one claims quite the opposite.
Finding out the truth can also be done through analysing different corpora
of specialised terms such as the New Zealand English of tourism, for
example.
Material and Method

In order to carry out the examination of a specialised corpus, we have
picked up a Glossary of Tourism Terms (Online: http://www.tourism.
govt.nz/quicklinks/ql-glossary.html). Within this corpus, we have
identified a number of ninety-one tourism terms, among which acronyms
(deciphered and also explained) and notional words.

Of the ninety-one tourism terms, fifty-six (62%) are acronyms, and thirty-
five (38%) are notional words (Chalker & Weiner 1994).
1. Acronyms. Of the fifty-six acronyms, thirty-seven (66%) are
deciphered, and nineteen (34%) are both deciphered and defined.
1.1. Are only deciphered the following thirty-seven acronyms: AA
‘Automobile Association’, APEC ‘Asia Pacific Economic Community’,
CAM ‘Commercial Accommodation Monitor’, CRM ‘Customer
Relationship Management’, CRS ‘Computerised Reservation System’,
DOC/DoC ‘Department of Conservation’, DTS ‘Domestic Travel Study’,
ECAT ‘E-Commerce Action Team’, FoRST ‘Foundation of Research,
64 Tourism Terminology in The English of New Zealand
Science and Technology’, FOREX ‘Foreign Exchange Earnings’, FTE

‘Full Time Equivalent employee’, GBA ‘General Booking Agreement’,
GDP (Per Cap) ‘Gross Domestic Product (earned per capita).’, GSA
‘General Sales Agreement’, HANZ ‘Hospitality Association of New
Zealand’, HIS ‘Hospitality and Service Industry Training Organisation’,
IATA ‘International Air Transport Association’, ICOMOS ‘International
Council of Monuments and Sites’, ITOs ‘Industry Training Organisations
or Inbound Tour Operator’, ITOC ‘Inbound Tour Operators Council’,
LGNZ ‘Local Government New Zealand’, MFE ‘Ministry for the
Environment’, MICE ‘Meetings, Incentives, Conventions and Events’,
NZTE ‘New Zealand Trade and Enterprise’, OECD ‘Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development’, PATA ‘Pacific Asia Travel
Association’, RMA ‘Resource Management Act’, SFRITO ‘Sports,
Fitness, Recreation Industry Training Organisation’, SME(s) ‘Small and
Medium Enterprises’, STA ‘Student Travel Association’, TLAs
‘Territorial Local Authorities’, TNZ ‘Tourism New Zealand (also known
as NZTB)’, TRCNZ ‘Tourism Research Council New Zealand’, TRM
‘Trade Relations Management’, WTO ‘World Tourism Organization’,
WTTC ‘World Travel & Tourism Council’, and YHA ‘Youth Hostels
Association’. Very rarely, the authors provide synonyms for these
acronyms (as in TNZ ‘Tourism New Zealand (also known as NZTB)’). In
some cases, the acronyms give the plural form of the nouns they represent
(ITOs for ‘Industry Training Organisations or Inbound Tour Operator’,
SME(s) for ‘Small and Medium Enterprises’, and TLAs for ‘Territorial
Local Authorities’). Some acronyms are not perfect (FTE for ‘Full Time
Equivalent employee’), some are both incomplete and incomprehensible
(HIS for ‘Hospitality and Service Industry Training Organisation’), some
others lack articles (the in MFE ‘Ministry for the Environment’),
prepositions (for in OECD ‘Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development’; of in HANZ ‘Hospitality Association of New Zealand’), or
conjunctions (and in HIS ‘Hospitality and Service Industry Training
Organisation’, MICE ‘Meetings, Incentives, Conventions and Events’,
NZTE ‘New Zealand Trade and Enterprise’, OECD ‘Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development’, and SME(s) ‘Small and
Medium Enterprises’).
1.2. Are both deciphered and explained the following nineteen
acronyms: FIT ‘Free Independent Travellers - visitors coming to NZ on
holiday who do not purchase pre-packaged travel or pay for anything other
than international airfares prior to arriving in NZ. Whilst in NZ, they
organise their own travel as they go, do not travel as part of a tour group or
on a coach tour.’, IMP ‘International Media Programme - a Tourism New
Anica Perković and Georgeta Raţă 65
Zealand programme to attract quality media to cover New Zealand.’, IVA

‘International Visitor Arrivals - research on the number of international
arrivals to NZ.’, IVS ‘International Visitor Survey - research on the
behaviour of international visitors to NZ.’, LOS/LoS ‘Length of Stay - the
amount of time a tourist spends in a particular place.’, NTO ‘National
Tourism Organisation - the body responsible for marketing the nation to
tourists.’, NZTB ‘New Zealand Tourist Board, trading as Tourism New
Zealand.’, OTSP/OTSp ‘Office of Tourism and Sport - now know as the
Ministry of Tourism, te Manatu Tapoi (TMT).’, RTO ‘Regional Tourism
Organisation - the entity responsible for marketing a region to tourists.’,
SIT ‘Semi-Independent Travellers - Visitors coming to NZ on holiday
who do not purchase a fully pre-planned travel package. They may
organise their own travel arrangements prior to or after arriving in NZ.’,
TAANZ ‘Travel Agents Association of New Zealand - association for NZ
based travel agents.’, TIA/TIANZ ‘Tourism Industry Association of New
Zealand - association that represents members in the tourism industry,
mainly small and medium sized businesses.’, TMT ‘The Ministry of
Tourism, te Manatu Tapoi (also known as OTSp)’, TRENZ ‘Tourism
Rendezvous New Zealand - annual exhibition at which tourism operators to
market their products and services to wholesalers.’, TSA ‘Tourism
Satellite Account - official calculation of the contribution of tourism to the
New Zealand economy.’, USP ‘Unique Selling Proposition - your point of
difference, the thing that makes your product/service uniquely marketable
to customers.’, VFR ‘A trip for the purpose of Visiting Friends or
Relatives for 1-365 days.’, VIN ‘Visitor Information Network - officially
recognised network of information centres.’, and WOM/WoM ‘Word of
Mouth - what customers say to others about your product/service.’
Very infrequently also, the authors provide synonyms for these
acronyms (as in TMT ‘The Ministry of Tourism, te Manatu Tapoi (also
known as OTSp)’), or different spellings for the same acronym (LOS/LoS
‘Length of Stay’). Some acronyms are not perfect (TIA for ‘Tourism
Industry Association of New Zealand, but the entire form - TIANZ - is
also supplied), some others lack prepositions (of in OTSP/OTSp ‘Office of
Tourism and Sport’, TAANZ ‘Travel Agents Association of New
Zealand’, TIA/TIANZ ‘Tourism Industry Association of New Zealand), or
conjunctions (and in OTSP/OTSp ‘Office of Tourism and Sport’, or in
VFR ‘A trip for the purpose of Visiting Friends or Relatives’).
2. Notional words and phrases. There are thirty-five notional words
and phrases in the corpus designing the most critical components of
tourism: types of tourism/travel (12): business travel ‘Travel of 1-365
days duration for the purpose of attending a convention or training,
conducting official/government or private business.’, domestic tourism

‘Travel within the country of residence.’, holiday travel ‘Travel of 1 - 365
days duration, for the purpose of a holiday, a honeymoon,
skiing/snowboarding, or as an incentive/reward for good work.’,
impromptu travel ‘No arrangements booked in country of destination prior
to travel. (Another name for FIT travel).’, inbound travel/tourism ‘Short
term arrivals into a country by nationals/residents of other countries.’,
independent travel ‘Travellers who make their own arrangements and
devise their own itineraries, i.e. both FIT and SIT travellers but not group
or coach tour travellers.’, long-haul travel ‘Air travel of 8 or more hours
duration.’, medium-haul travel ‘Air travel of between 4 and 8 hours
duration.’, outbound travel ‘Short term departures by nationals/residents
of a country.’, pre-booked travel ‘Domestic airfares, accommodation,
activities/attractions or transport paid for prior to arrival in NZ.’, short-
haul travel ‘Air travel of less than 4 hours duration.’, TOURISM ‘The
activity of persons travelling to and staying in places outside their usual
environment for not more than one consecutive year for leisure, business
or any other purpose. (United Nations approved definition)’; types of
tourism traders (5): consolidators ‘Based in some offshore markets,
consolidators buy air fares in bulk from airlines and sell these to retail
agents for on-sale to consumers.’, inbound tour operator ‘NZ based
tourism operators who put together itineraries and process reservations
(including accommodation, transport, activities and attractions) on behalf
of offshore tour wholesalers and retail agents.’, retailer ‘Firms such as
travel agents and airlines, that promote and sell travel to consumers.’,
supplier ‘New Zealand based tourism companies, includes
accommodation providers, activities/attractions, event organisers, retail
shops, tour and transport operators.’, wholesaler ‘Firms that purchase
products or ground arrangements from New Zealand suppliers or inbound
operators, and package products for sale. Wholesalers deal primarily with
retailers, but sometimes also sell directly to the public.’; types of tourists
(5): backpacker ‘A visitor in NZ for the purpose of a holiday or special
event who stays in a backpackers lodge/hostel.’, group travel ‘Often used
to mean coach tour travellers, but can also refer to holiday-makers who
travel with a group of two or more couples, a family group, a school or
special interest group, etc.’, package traveller ‘Travellers who buy pre-
packaged travel arrangements such as international airfares,
accommodation, transport, activities/attractions prior to arriving in NZ for
a holiday.’, tourist ‘Anyone who spends at least one night away from
home, no matter what the purpose.’, visitors ‘A broader category than
tourist’, ‘includes tourists and same-day visitors.’; types of tourism
research (4): demographic profile ‘Characteristics used in research such

as age, gender, occupation, income, marital status, place of residence,
etc.’, population ageing ‘The effect of slowing birth rates and longer life
expectancy on the median age of the population.’, seasonality ‘The
influence of the time of the year on patterns in travel. The volume of travel
to NZ is far greater during our summer and lower over winter.’, tracking
research ‘Ongoing research conducted at regular intervals to track
changes in specific factors, for example, potential customers’ intention to
travel to NZ.’; types of tourism marketing (3): macro region Grouping
of Regional Tourism Organisations into a larger regional marketing
entity.’, newRTOs ‘Proposed ‘new generation’ RTOs [Regional Tourism
Organisations]’, qualmark ‘Classification and grading system for the New
Zealand tourism industry, using 5 star system.’; types of tourism prices
(3): door rate ‘Retail price for accommodation/activity.’, gate rate ‘Retail
price for accommodation/activity.’, rack rate ‘Retail price of accommodation,
airfares, activities/attractions.’; types of tourism materials (1): collateral
‘Promotional materials distributed to travel trade partners, for the purpose
of educating sellers about and/or assisting in the sale of suppliers’
products.’; types of tourism regulations (1): deregulation ‘Removal or
relaxing of barriers to travel such as restrictions on the nature of outbound
travel, amount of money taken out of the country, visa requirements and
costs, air service agreements.’; types of tours (1): coach tour ‘A guided
bus tour for a group of holiday makers that follow a scheduled itinerary.
Visitors purchase all arrangements from the Inbound Tour Operator prior
to arrival in NZ’. As we can see, of the ninety-one tourism terms, fifty-six
(62%) are acronyms, and thirty-five (38%) are notional words and
phrases. Further on, of the fifty-six acronyms, thirty-seven (66%) are
deciphered and nineteen (34%) are both deciphered and defined. Though
deciphered and/or defined, some of these acronyms are incomplete, some
are both incomplete and incomprehensible, and some others lack articles,
prepositions, or conjunctions, which makes some rather incomprehensible
for most of the English language speakers. As for the thirty-five notional
words and phrases, they seem to follow the definitions given by the
World Tourism Organisation regulations, as they also meet the definitions
given by any English language dictionary.
Conclusions
Though there are fears about globalisation wiping out any specific
features, as far as the English of tourism is concerned, it is only half right,
as one needs a specialised glossary to understand the various acronyms
(representing over half of the tourism terms) used in the field of tourism in
New Zealand, for example. We can only hope that all the communities
using one and the same language (in our case, English) will continue to
provide specialised glossaries meant to promote understanding the specific
meanings involved in using acronyms in particular and notional words
and phrases in general.
References
Glossary of Tourism Terms. Online:
http://www.tourism.govt.nz/quicklinks/ql-glossary.html
Perković, Anica & Raţă, Georgeta. (2007). Notes on Tourism
Terminology in the New Zealand English. Scientific Papers. Faculty of
Agriculture XXXIX (2): 595-598.
DEFINIENDA AND DEFINIENTIA:
THE CASE OF TRAVEL
GEORGETA RAŢĂ, SCOTT HOLLIFIELD,

IOAN PETROMAN AND CORNELIA PETROMAN
Introduction
The purpose of the research was to determine if the definitions supplied by
English language dictionaries meet the requirements of a proper definition:
setting out the essential attributes of the thing defined (definition by genus
and differentia) and avoiding circularity (i.e. defining the terms with their
synonyms).
The hypothesis of the research, based on experience in teaching
English to students in tourism services, was that tourism-related words
are not always properly defined, resulting in a lot of confusion in the
students’ minds.
The literature related to the uses and varieties of definitions is
extremely rich. For the purpose of this paper, we have only retained the
following: definition is “defined” as ‘a statement of the meaning of a
word, phrase, or term’ and as ‘the act or process of stating a precise
meaning or significance’ (AHDEL). In other words, it is the way in which
a definiendum (‘a word or expression that is being defined’) is defined by
a definiens (‘the word or words serving to define another word or
expression, as in a dictionary entry’) (Swartz 1997, Kemerling 2001,
Longworth 2005, Gupta 2008, AHDEL, Vaknin 2009).
Material and Method

We have identified twenty-six “synonyms” of the term travel using some
of the most authoritative English language dictionaries in both hard copy
and electronic format, synonyms that we have analysed from the point of
view of their definienda and definientia to see if the dictionary definitions
supplied by these dictionaries observe two main rules of defining: setting
70 Definienda and Definientia: The Case of Travel
out the key attributes of the thing defined (definition by genus and
differentia); avoiding circularity (defining the terms with their synonyms).

“Synonyms” of Travel
We have inventoried twenty-six “synonyms” of the term travel:

backpacking ‘the act of hiking while carrying a backpack’,
circumnavigation ‘the act of proceeding completely around’, excursion ‘a
usually short journey made for pleasure; an outing; a roundtrip on a
passenger vehicle at a special low fare’, expedition ‘a journey undertaken
by a group of people with a definite objective’, globetrotting ‘the act of
travelling often and widely, especially for sightseeing’, hike a long walk
or march’, hitchhike ‘the act of travelling by soliciting free rides along a
road’, journey ‘the act of travelling from one place to another, a trip; a
distance to be travelled or the time required for a trip’, movement ‘the act
or an instance of moving, a change in place or position’, outing ‘an
excursion, typically a pleasure trip’, passage ‘a journey, especially one by
air or water’, peregrination ‘the act of journeying or travelling from place
to place, especially on foot’, periplus ‘circumnavigation’, ramble ‘a
leisurely, sometimes lengthy walk’, roundtrip ‘a trip from one place to
another and back, usually over the same route’, sightseeing ‘the act or
pastime of visiting sights of interest’, stroll ‘a leisurely walk’, tour ‘a trip
with visits to various places of interest for business, pleasure, or
instruction’, touring ‘travel, as on a bicycle or on skis, for pleasure rather
than competition’, travel ‘the act or process of travelling; movement or
passage from one place to another’ (travels ‘a series of journeys; an
account of one’s journeys’), travelling ‘the act of going from one place to
another, as on a trip; journey’, trip ‘a going from one place to another, a
journey’, voyage ‘a long journey, as a journey by sea to a foreign or distant
land, a journey by land to distant parts, or a journey through outer space’,
visit ‘the act or an instance of visiting a person, place, or thing’, walk ‘the
act or an instance of walking, especially a stroll for pleasure or exercise’,
and wander ‘the act or an instance of wandering [moving about without a
definite destination or purpose]; a stroll’.
Definienda and Definientia of Travel
The definitions supplied for the “synonyms” of travel are not

inductive/recursive (they do not define objects in terms of themselves –
Georgeta Raţă, Scott Hollifield, Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman 71
Swartz 1997), operational (they are not demonstrations of processes –

Idem), persuasive (they are not intended to change attitudes – Idem),
precising (they do not refine the meaning of an established term whose
meaning is vague in a context and which needs improving – Idem),
stipulative (they do not stipulate, or specify, how a term is to be used –
Idem) or theoretical (they are not unique to science and philosophy and
occur in ordinary prose – Idem) – they are dictionary/lexical/
reportative/reportive definitions (i.e. they are reports of common usage or
usages – Idem). Dictionary definitions are true or false (depending on
whether they do or do not accurately report common usage) and normative
(or regulatory): they both report and regulate common usage.
A. A first difficulty in managing definition is that we need to use other
terms (definientia) that are already (supposed to be) understood or whose
definitions are easy to obtain in order to define a definiendum.
In general, definientia are terms more or less known to the public. If
less known, the second movement is to look up the definiens and then, if
the meaning of the latter is not available, to look up its definiens, and so
on. Let us consider an example: backpacking is defined as a ‘hike’; hike is
defined as a ‘travel’ or a ‘walk’; travel is defined as a ‘journey’ or a
‘passage’, while walk is defined as a ‘stroll’; journey is defined as a
‘travel’ or a ‘trip’, passage is defined as a ‘journey’, and stroll is defined
as a ‘walk’, etc. Eventually, this comes to an end because somewhere in
this “tree” of definitions we come across a term whose meaning we know
well (for instance, the search of the meaning of backpacking could stop
when coming across travel, most probably).
B. A second difficulty is that, in most definitions, there is a single
definiendum and several definientia. Thus, while there are no definitions
for four terms frequently used in connection with travel
(circumnavigation, hitchhike, movement, and visit), most definienda have
separate definiens (backpacking, expedition, globetrotting, outing,
passage, periplus, ramble, roundtrip, sightseeing, stroll, tour, touring,
trip, voyage, walk, and wander), five definienda have two definientia
(hike, journey, peregrination, travel, and travelling), and a single
definiendum has three definientia (excursion) (Figure 1-6).
Some definienda can also act as definientia. Thus, if more than half of
the synonyms of travel are never used as definientia (backpacking,
expedition, globetrotting, hitchhike, peregrination, periplus, ramble,
sightseeing, tour, touring, travelling, travels, voyage, and wander), seven
of them are used once (circumnavigation, excursion, hike, outing,
passage, roundtrip, and visit), while one is used twice (stroll), one is used
thrice (walk), one is used four times (walk), one is used five times (travel),
and one is used eight times (journey) (Figures 1-7 and 1-8).
Figure 1-6. Number of definientia: 15% - no definientia; 62% - one definiens; 19%
- two definientia; 4% - three definientia
Figure 1-7. Occurrences of definienda used as definientia: 53% - no occurrence;

27% - one occurrence; 4% - two occurrences; 4% - three occurrences; 4% - four
occurrences; 4% - five occurrences; 4% - eight occurrences
Georgeta Raţă, Scott Hollifield, Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman 73
Figure 1-8. Share of the definienda used as definientia: 4% - one occurrence; 9% -

two occurrences; 13% - three occurrences; 17% - four occurrences; 22% - five
occurrences; 35% - eight occurrences
Conclusions
The purpose of the research was to determine if the definitions supplied by
English language dictionaries meet the requirements of a proper definition:
setting out the essential attributes of the thing defined (definition by genus
and differentia) and avoiding circularity (i.e. defining the terms with their
synonyms).
To demolish the first difficulty, precising definitions extend
descriptive dictionary/lexical definitions of the terms for a specific
purpose by including additional criteria that narrow down the number of
things meeting the definition.
As for the latter difficulty, there are numerous cases of circularity.
Thus, for backpacking alone, four “dissecting” movements have resulted
in four synonyms before the whole operation was carried out – and the
same action would have similar results. The relatively high percentage of
definientia with more than one instance (23%) can be a source of
uncertainty in the understanding and/or acquisition of the travel-related
words. Another source of confusion is the comparatively high number of
occurrences of definienda used as definientia (47%). The large share of the
definienda defined with the definientia journey (excursion, expedition,
passage, peregrination, travel, travelling, trip, and voyage – 35%) or
travel (globetrotting, hike, journey, peregrination, and touring – 22%)

could be another source of confusion, if we take into account that the
primary meaning of journey was ‘one-day trip’. Becoming aware of all
these details could be of use for Romanian users of English, bearing in
mind, for instance, that they would rather use travel instead of tourism in
English-speaking countries, and with the same meaning.
References
Circumnavigation, online: en.wiktionary.org/wiki/periplus
Gupta, A. (2008). Definitions. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
Online: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/definitions/
http://www.etymonline.com
Kemerling. G. (2001). Definition and Meaning. Online:
http://www.philosophypages.com/lg/e05.htm
Longworth, G. (2005). Definitions: Uses and Varieties of. In K. Brown
(Ed.), Elsevier Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics. Amsterdam:
Elsevier Science.
Raţă, Georgeta, Hollifield, S., Petroman, I. & Petroman, C. (2010).
Definienda and Definientia: The Case of “Travel”. In Georgeta Raţă
(Ed.), Teaching Foreign Languages: Languages for Special Purposes.
Newcastle on Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 161-166.
Simpson, J. & Weiner, E. (1989). Oxford English Dictionary. Second
edition (20 volumes). Oxford University Press.
Swartz, N. (1997). Definitions, Dictionaries, and Meanings. Online:
http://www.sfu.ca/philosophy/swartz/definitions.htm.
Boston: Houghton Mifflin. (AHDEL)
The Concise Oxford Dictionary 11th Edition (PC). (2004)
York: Random House.
Vaknin, S. (2009). The Structure and Internal Logic of Definitions.
Online: http://samvak.tripod.com/define.html
TRAVEL COLLOCATIONS
GEORGETA RAŢĂ
Introduction
Collocations are juxtapositions of particular words with other particular
words (instances of such juxtapositions) (Chalker & Weiner 1994).
There are three types of such syntagmatic relationships between
words:
- Grammatical collocations, constructions where an adjective, verb,

etc. must be followed by a particular preposition (time of travel), or a
noun must be followed by a particular form of a verb (guiding
travellers);
- Lexical collocations, constructions where particular nouns,
adjectives, verbs, or adverbs form predictable connections with each
other (travel agency not *tourism agency);
- Special collocations (clichés or idioms), constructions where one
element is predictable from another (itch to travel).
Material and Method

We have identified two hundred and thirty-five collocations of the word
travel functioning as a noun (travel and its derivatives traveller and
travelling), as an adjective (travelling, from the present participle of the
verb travel), or as a verb (travel), and as a part of phrases.

1. Nouns
1.1. The noun travel occurs in four types of structures: used attributively
and followed by a noun, preceded by a noun used attributively, preceded
by an adjective, and preceded by a preposition.
76 Travel Collocations
TRAVEL (used attributively) + Noun (thirty-one collocations) –

accommodation, account, adventures, agency, agent, allowance,
arrangements, book, brochure, bureau, business, company, cost,
document, documentation, essay, expenses, film, firm, guide, industry,
insurance, itinerary, plan, route, sickness, slide, ticket, time, writer, and
writing:
The new bypass will reduce travel time to the airport.
Noun (used attributively) + TRAVEL (twenty-two collocations) –

adventure, air, bus, business, car, coach, day, leisure, midweek, prairie,
rail, return, riverboat, round-trip, sea, space, steamboat, time, train,
vacation, wave, and world.
Adjective + TRAVEL (seventeen collocations) – cheap,

concessionary, even, first-class, foreign, free, frequent, high-speed,
high-ticket, international, interstellar, long-distance, overnight,
overseas, rapid, recreational, and regular:
The job involves frequent travel.
Preposition + TRAVEL (four collocations) – about, for, in, and of:
details/films about travels

course/directions/fare/fondness/road/way for travel
experienced in travel
account/course/direction/mode/route/time of travel
1.2. The noun traveller occurs in five types of structures: used attributively
and followed by a noun, preceded by a noun used attributively, preceded
by an adjective, preceded by a preposition, and preceded by a verb.
TRAVELLER’S (used attributively) + Noun (four collocations) – aid

company, baggage, belongings, and check.
Noun (used attributively) + TRAVELLER (10 collocations) –

adventure, air, armchair, business, fellow, holiday, rail/railway, space,
train, and westward:
His travel books have given pleasure to generations of armchair

travellers.
Georgeta Raţă 77
I got to know my fellow travellers quite well in the course of the

three-day journey.
Adjective + TRAVELLER (twenty-seven collocations) –

adventurous, cold, commercial, cosmopolitan, departing, discerning,
experienced, foreign, frequent, great, Hellenistic, hungry, independent,
international, intrepid, inveterate, keen, lifelong, modern, observant,
out-of-pocket, seasoned, solitary, tired, unwary, weary, and young:
Her father was a commercial traveller who sold kitchenware.

Attractive discounts are available to frequent travellers.
Independent travellers often steer clear of the touristiest spots.
Stations can be dangerous places for the unwary traveller.
Preposition + TRAVELLER (three collocations) – by, for, and of:
frequented by travellers
accommodation/guidebook/hospice/information/inn/itinerary/lodgi
ng/place/quarters/services/shelter/transportation for travellers
company/group of travellers
Verb + TRAVELLER (1 collocation) – guide:
Local tribesmen earn their living guiding travellers across the

mountains.
1.3. The noun travelling occurs in a single type of structure: preceded by a

preposition.
Preposition + TRAVELLING (three collocations) – by, of, and for:
wearied by travelling
act/cost/practice/process of travelling
adapted/designed for travelling
2. Adjectives
There is a single adjective in the corpus of travel collocations – travelling

– and it occurs in a single type of structure: followed by a noun.
TRAVELLING + Noun (nineteen collocations): amusement show,

bag, car, collection, company, crane, dramatic group, dramatic
performer, labourer, luggage, mender, musical group, musical
performer, musician, provisions, sales representative, salesman,
salesperson, show, trader, and trunk.
3. Verbs
The verb travel occurs in three types of structures: followed by a noun

used attributively, followed by an adverb, followed by a preposition, and
preceded by a verb.
TRAVEL + Noun (used adverbially) (1 collocation) – economy class
Noun (used attributively) + TRAVEL (twenty-two collocations):

adventure, air, bus, business, car, coach, day, leisure, midweek, prairie,
rail, return, riverboat, round-trip, sea, space, steamboat, time, train,
vacation, wave, and world.
TRAVEL + Adverb (thirty-nine collocations) – about, abroad, across,

afar, ahead, aimlessly, along, away, back, back and forth, cross-country,
cross-town, de luxe, down, downstream, downward, extensively, far, far
and wide, fast, first class, freely, frequently, further (afield), hell-for-
leather, home, independently, north, northwards, often, overland, poorly,
rapidly, regularly, separately, slowly, together, upward, and widely:
The job gives her the opportunity to travel abroad.

They travel back and forth across the Channel.
News travels fast these days.
I always travel first class.
The dissidents were unable to hold meetings or travel freely.
This holidaymaker wants to travel further afield.
I prefer to travel independently to going on a package holiday.
Business people travel regularly to the US.
We had to travel separately as we couldn’t get seats on the same
flight.
She travels widely in her job.
TRAVEL + Preposition (fifteen collocations) – above, across, along,

among, around/round, between, by (+ means of locomotion), for, from,
Georgeta Raţă 79
in (+ means of locomotion), into, on (+ means of locomotion), through,

to, with, and within:
We decided to travel by car.

The price includes return rail travel from London Victoria to
Dover.
We travelled through France and into Germany.
Verb + TRAVEL (10 collocations) – be able/unable to, be forced/free

to, be to, can, have to, may, must, refuse to, want to, and wish to:
Hundreds of hospital patients may have to travel long distances for

treatment.
4. Phrases
The following phrases cover TRAVEL the noun and TRAVEL the verb
(fifteen collocations):
- As a noun: hot for travel and line of travel;

- As a verb: desire to travel, difficult to travel, fit to travel, freedom to
travel, go travelling, impulse to travel, itch to travel, likened to
travelling, open to travel, opportunity to travel, relating to travel,
right to travel, and to travel light:
When I finished college, I went travelling for six months.
She travels light, choosing to use as little equipment as possible.
Conclusions
The two hundred and thirty-five collocations of the word travel can be
grouped into one hundred and thirty-six collocations:
- One hundred and thirty-six collocations as a noun – travel (74),

traveller (59) and travelling (3);
- Sixty-five collocations as a verb (travel);
- Nineteen collocations as an adjective – travelling (from the present
participle of the verb travel); and
- Fifteen collocations as a part of phrases (Figure 1-9).
Figure 1-9. Collocations of the word travel: 58% as a noun, 28% as a verb, 8% as
an adjective, and 6% as a phrase component
To mention the large number of nouns and the frequency of morphological

conversion.
References
Chalker, S. & Weiner, E. (1994). The Oxford Dictionary of English
Grammar. London-New York-Sydney-Toronto: BCA.
Simpson, J. & Weiner, E. (1989). Oxford English Dictionary. Second
edition (20 volumes). Oxford University Press.
The Concise Oxford Dictionary 11th Edition (PC). (2004)
York: Random House.
Travel collocations. (2011). Online: http://www.ozdic.com/collocation-
dictionary/travel.
SERBIA MARKETED LINGUISTICALLY
JOVANA DIMITRIJEVIĆ-SAVIĆ,
MARTA DIMITRIJEVIĆ AND JELENA DANILOVIĆ
Introduction: What is Linguistic Landscaping?

As tourism is the single largest international trade in the world, it is
virtually impossible for anyone’s life to keep unaffected by it (Thurlow &
Jaworski 2010). There are certainly more ways than one in which people’s
lives can be affected by tourism. We are not merely discussing the
economic benefits that are to be reaped from tourism or the psychological
effects it can have on the traveller. The aspect of tourism that usually goes
unnoticed because one would specifically have to be on the lookout for it
is the crucial role that tourism as a major cultural industry has in
establishing ideologies of difference (Idem). For instance, it will suffice to
say the act of souvenir selection and purchasing. The goods purchased by
tourists are the prefigured images of holiday brochures and postcards
(Idem). One would not go to Paris and not bring back a miniature Eiffel
tower, a picture or a figurine of a fat French chef holding a baguette any
more than one would come back from Holland without some kind of
Dutch clogs.
These ideologies and stereotypes have over time evolved from the
travel logs of early explorers and adventure seekers. They have, naturally,
undergone transformations over the centuries, yet the fact remains that, to
begin with, they were not a result of the nations described, but the
perception of the first visitors, who were the first tourists in a sense.
Stereotypes play a tremendously significant role in the tourist industry of
today, since the host country/host people are seen as a company which can
easily be imagined and delineated as a society with a set of clearly
identifiable attributes, creating a sense of intimacy in the future tourist
(Galasinski & Jaworski 2003).
Today, nations and cultures need not rely solely on the works of others
for their international profile in the tourist industry. They can themselves
market and show what they consider being most appealing about their
culture or nation, mainly through controlled representations. Language and
82 Serbia Marketed Linguistically
discourse are thus employed in the production of texts and images which
sustain the physical, social, cultural, symbolic and economic marketplace
(Thurlow & Jaworski 2010).
Galasinski & Jaworski (2003) argue that language is both a reflection
of and a means of production of a society’s ideology. This process is
otherwise known as linguascaping, or linguistic landscaping. What it
actually does is presenting tourists another way for pre-visualizing and
consuming the tourist destination in the form of linguistic ‘gazing’ (Urry
2002).
Thus, travel writing entails making decisions regarding which aspects
of the host reality to include, and of course how to organize them.
Galasinski & Jaworski (2003) stated that this process of representation is
subject to regimes of production and reception, and they, in collaboration,
reflect the ideological complexes present in society.
So far, various disciplines have analyzed how tourist locations are
represented and what experience the writers aimed to develop. These
include anthropology, sociology, cultural studies and even semiotics (e.g.,
Franklin & Crang 2001, Morgan & Pritchard 1998, MacCannell 1983,
Selwyn 1996, Urry 2002, Jaworski 2010) about how signs function as
significant resources to create a ‘sense of place’ and as displays of
identity. He proceeded to provide a detailed analysis of how postcards play
a role in the creation of these symbolic resources). As a part of the
scientific study of travel writing, linguistic landscaping at work can best be
observed on the example of tourist texts, including tourist brochures,
guidebooks, newspaper travelogues, or even TV holiday shows. Not only
do they support the traveller to prepare for his trip, but they also let him to
‘pre-visualize’ his destinations before he even gets there. Hence the
aforementioned role in creating ideologies and stereotypes.
Different views clash in travel writing. On the one hand, we have the
expectations and desired projected image of the people advertising a site
and attracting the tourists, whereas on the other hand we have the
preconceived notions of the travellers. Travel reports are meant to build a
known reality that is safe for the prospective tourists to travel to. But at the
same time, as Boorstin (1967, in Galasinski & Jaworski 2003) pointed out,
the traveller often looks for something different in the visited place, as he
projects his own stereotyped expectations onto the portrait of the foreign
culture. The tourist constructs a representation of the host country based
on his chief ideology and prior knowledge, be it popular or scientific
(Galasinski & Jaworski 2003). MacCannell (1976) further asserted that
tourists are after authenticity which is best described in terms of novelty
and distinction from what one has ‘at home.’ Finally, there is one more
Jovana Dimitrijević-Savić, Marta Dimitrijević and Jelena Danilović 83
aspect to mention in linguascaping, and that is the idea that the tourist has
of himself in relation to the host country, and people, usually created on
the bases of the final product s/he is faced with.
Methodology
This paper gives an analysis of the texts contained within the brochures
published by the Tourist Organization of Serbia, as a means of creating
tourist landscapes – it is a study of the different ways of previewing the
tourist destinations in Serbia, as they are shaped by their linguascape
(Jaworski et al. 2003), which is placed within a particular cultural setting
and a heritage frame. The goal was to see how language is used for tourist
purposes. According to Galasinki & Jaworski (2003), linguistic
representations of people, places, and even events are used not only to
illustrate the truth but also to create an ideologically preferred version. The
aim was to determine the key elements of this preferred version.
We opted not for what others had to say about the tourist destinations
in Serbia, but were interested to see what kind of landscape the Serbs
themselves painted for the foreign tourist. For that purpose, we carried out
a qualitative analysis of four different brochures meant to cover the most
attractive locations in Serbia and patterns of representations therein: the
text found on the official website of the Tourist Organization of Niš,
(www.nistourism.org.rs), the official website of the Tourist Organization
of Serbia (www.srbija.travel), Niš In Your Pocket, spring – summer 2011
and Niš In Your Pocket, winter – spring 2012. Most of the information we
present mainly pertains to the city of Niš, but as we make clear in the
following paragraphs, the same elements are used in the linguascaping of
Niš and the linguascaping of Serbia in general.
Naturally, certain limitations exist. The analysis outlined in this paper
cannot be a representation of all travel works in which the hosts introduce
themselves to potential visitors. What we would like to propose is a
fragment from a particular point in time in Serbian history, when Serbia
stands on the verge of possible EU membership. It is strictly tourists from
the EU that Serbia wishes to draw, and we intend to try and figure out how
it attempts to do so by means of linguascaping. The brochures analyzed in
this paper were not analyzed for the purpose of remedying any of the
representation of reality suggested in them. We were also interested in the
aspects that were portrayed, and the final image they were meant to make.
In order to set aside the difference in tone and information presented in
these tourist publications, we also included a more objective description of
the city of Niš, as found in the Encyclopedia Britannica.
Niš, town in Serbia, on the Nišava River. The town is important for its
command of the Morava–Vardar and the Nišava River corridors, the two
principal routes from central Europe to the Aegean. The main rail line
from Belgrade and the north divides at Niš for Thessaloníki, in Greece,
and Sofia. Niš is also the meeting point for several roads.
The ancient Roman city, Naissus, which probably succeeded a Celtic
settlement, was mentioned as an important place in the 2nd c. by Ptolemy,
in his Guide to Geography. The old fortress on the right bank of the river is
believed to have been built on this site. Under its walls, in AD 269, the
emperor Claudius II defeated an army of the Goths. Niš is the birthplace of
Constantine the Great (c. 280). During migrations of the Huns in the 5th c.,
the town was destroyed, and the Bulgarians conquered it in the 9th c. but
ceded it in the 11th c. to the Hungarians, from whom the Byzantine
emperor took it in 1173. Toward the end of the 12th c., the town came
under the Serbian Nemanja Dinasty, but in 1375 the Turks captured it
from the Serbs.
Niš was recovered briefly several times, but Turkish domination lasted
for 500 years, and the town became an important station on the route from
Istanbul to Hungary. In the first Serbian uprising (1809), the Serbs fired
their powder magazine and destroyed themselves and a large number of
the enemy; in the ruins of the Turkish-built Ćele Kula (Tower of Skulls) are
embedded the skulls of more than 900 of the Serbs who fell at the Battle of
Čegar. The Serbian army liberated Niš in 1877, and the town was ceded to
them by the Treaty of Berlin (1878). In World War I, Niš was for a period
the capital of Serbia.
Heavy bomb damage from World War II and consequent postwar
construction erased much of the town’s Turko-Byzantine style. Historical
buildings include a 5th-c. Byzantine crypt.
Industries include mechanical engineering, tobacco products and
electronics. The city is the seat of the University of Niš, incorporated in
1965. Niš features a national museum, a museum of public health and the
Mediana Museum, which displays and preserves archaeological finds from
the area. The city’s National Theatre was established in 1887. The Niska
Banje spa, just east of the city, treats patients with cardiovascular
diseases. Pop. (2002) 173-724. (“Niš.” Encyclopædia Britannica.
Encyclopædia Britannica Online.
Online: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/415944/Nis)
Even though the evidence we reviewed is decidedly modern and dates

only as far back as 2010, when compiling the corpus we came across a
terrifically attractive promotional video filmed in Yugoslavia during the
early 1990s, when Belgrade was in the competition to host the 1992
Olympic Games (www.belgraded.org). The video is accompanied by a
catchy song reminiscent of the 1980s, and the message is clear: the spirit
of celebration is alive and well in Belgrade, a stylish and fun place full of
smiles. The idea of Serbia as being a familiar place where everyone is

welcome has been perpetuated to date.

Bruner (1991, in Galasinski & Jaworski 2003) maintains that tourist
destinations in the developing world are usually presented in travel writing
as never changed by colonization or economic development, or even
tourism itself. This in particular valid for the image that the Serbian
traveller community wants to give to future tourists. At the same time, the
community is meant to remain relatively homogeneous and clearly
demarcated from that of the actual or potential visitor1 (Galasinski &
Jaworski 2003), thus allowing him to build his own identity in relation to
them.
Viewed as a whole, the different sources of evidence that we have
reviewed converged on several key images constructed about the Serbian
host country:
1. The authors of the travel brochures oftentimes emphasized the
unique nature of the sites and the authenticity of the monuments, for the
purpose of depicting the unspoiled nature of the country:
“unique works of art”, “one of the few fully preserved fascist camps in
Europe. Even today it provides authentic testimony of the perils…”, “Niš
Christian tradition, which began as far as in the 4th c.”, “the ruins of the
church represent a special cult structure”, “one of the rare painted tombs
from this period”, “After so many centuries the Christ monogram painted
on the tomb dome still surprises us with its intensity, animation and quality
of making”, “It is one of the best preserved and most beautiful medieval
fortresses in central Balkans”, “They are the only facility of this kind
preserved in Serbia”, “The quantity and importance of the material
preserved there makes it the second such institution in Serbia, second only
to the Belgrade Archives”, “Čegar was therefore the first monument made
in the free Niš”, “This monumental sculpture is one of the most significant
creations of more modern Yugoslav art”, “once a famous craftsmen street
of the city of Niš”, “With its beauty and peculiarity, it certainly occupies
an important position in the development of modern Serbian architecture
and represents a kind of turning point in its history”, “What is particularly
valued in this church”, “Iconostasis is lavishly made of plastics and in
woodcarving. As such, it is a valuable gift to the Monastery of Hilandar in
Niš eparchy”, “dedicated to a well-known Niš citizen”, “it secured itself
an important place in the history of Byzantine architecture in this area
with its architectural shapes”, “This is especially interesting since, in the
history of Serbian Orthodox churches, there has not been any such
example”, “the spectacular monasteries across Serbia’s mountainous
central and southern regions”, “widely known to the rest of the world as
the birthplace of Roman emperor Constantine”, “the world-famous Niška
Banja”, “world-renowned Nišville Jazz Festival”, “one of no less than
three Roman emperors born in Niš”.
2. Suffering and the history of war in these parts, presenting the Serbian
people as the victims of great tyranny who have successfully stepped up to
take their rightful position not as subjects but a free people. Many
references are made to the turbulent Serbian history. Some examples are
also illustrations of the important role that the Serbian people played in
European history:
“numerous remains from the turbulent history of Niš”, “famous First

Serbian Uprising battle, there is a monument put up in memory of the
courageous soldiers and their commander Stevan Sinđelić”, “the Turks
managed to enter the trenches on the hill in the sixth attempt”, “one of the
biggest execution sites in Yugoslavia”, “white marble relief showing
scenes of the peril of the subjugated nation and its ultimate victory leading
to freedom”, “wars for liberation waged against the Turks, Bulgarians,
and Germans”, “the Turkish regulations at that time which did not allow
Serbian buildings to be higher than allowed”, “built by Stefan Nemanja
and where he met the German emperor Fredric I Barbarossa during the
crusader’s forays”, “a consequence of the Turkish outburst of anger
provoked by the disobedience of Serbian population”, “Many lessons on
bravery, patriotism and the struggle for freedom can be learned wherever
you turn in Serbia”, “the common cultural and historical threads between
European East and West”, “the central Balkans have long been a meeting
place for diverse cultures, trading caravans and armies on the march to
war”.
3. Special emphasis on beauty, and abundance – Serbia as the cornucopia:
“a land in which civilisations, cultures, faiths, climates and landscapes

meet and mingle”, “fertile river valleys”, “mountains rich in canyons,
gorges and caves”, “well-preserved forests”, “Serbia’s beautiful
mountains, national parks, rivers and lakes are the perfect location for an
active outdoor holiday”, “during its rich, centuries-long history”, “Serbia
has been at the centre of Europe’s and the world’s attention, out of all
proportion to its modest size, economic might and number of inhabitants”,
“Statistically, the most-visited tourist destinations are the cities of
Belgrade and Novi Sad”, “The rich variety of historical monuments and
sites of natural beauty make Serbia a country of great interest for tourism
and very much part of its attraction”, “the UNESCO World Heritage
List”, “The most abundant examples of classical cultural heritage on the
territory of Serbia are those left behind by the great Roman Empire”,
“Unique in their architecture, sculpture and ornamentation, frescoes,

icons, manuscripts and numerous works of applied art, the monasteries of
Serbia have long been a focus of attention for tourists and mediaeval art
experts alike”.
4. Romanticized imagery of a past that is still very much a part of the

present, coming together to create a sense of adventure, or Niš at the
crossroads:
“The Balkans, with roots firmly planted in European culture, is a

region of interrupted memories. Though civilizations have perished, their
traces have been preserved by geography, culture and language. With
each new ruler, fragments of history were either protected, as embodied by
beautifully conserved fortresses, destroyed, as evidenced by remnants of
pagan temples, churches and monasteries, or left to crumble, as reflected
by long vanished imperial palaces.
Today, you can recapture the memories of Serbia’s European past
through various points in time, discovering their hidden magic. Across
serene mountain ranges and at the confluence of spectacular rivers and
valleys, ancient civilizations sought out hidden, special places which
empowered them to collectively create ideas, erect settlements and
establish the foundations on which modern Serbia rests.
From the bustling city centers of Belgrade and Novi Sad, to the gently
sloping valleys of the central Šumadija region, to the banks of the mighty
Danube, Serbia offers some of the very best cultural travel experiences in
Central and Eastern Europe. Discover cultural remnants of the Roman
era, explore the hideaways of long-ago Emperors, and wander through
exquisite Romanesque-Byzantine monasteries on one of the three culture
trails promoted by the National Tourist Organization of Serbia”, “you will
experience an intimate look at some of the best-preserved churches and
monasteries”, “another example of time travel”, “both modernizing its
infrastructure and embracing its rich cultural past”, “Niš boasts an
unparalleled historical legacy and enough modern attractions”, “As a
railway hub and formerly critical gateway between east and west”.
Two of the brochures included as a sample of printed media, the two

editions of Niš in Your Pocket, were targeted for a specific audience: the
unusually young travellers. In general, all of the texts were characterized
by an abundance of descriptive material for the purpose of creating an
image of a place which is rich and strong, unique even in its smallest
historical details.
In addition to this exhaustive list of various descriptive devices,
linguistically speaking there is one more element that we need mention,
and that is the extensive use of slang in both editions of the Niš In Your
Pocket brochures. As mentioned before, these two editions are

characteristic because they are aimed at the young traveller, and it is only
natural to expect that both the content and language would be suited for
this target group, which based on the choices of slang words, are primarily
young British travellers. Thus, even though a romanticized image of
Serbia is portrayed in all the material, in these two editions, they authors
have taken matters a step further in portraying Niš as a place for lovers and
a haven for the young:
“It’s spring in Niš and love is in the air!”, “chilled out hostels”, “a great
place to stay no matter their budget”, “There aren’t too many Yugoslavian
sheds from Tito’s time still roaming the streets”, “Picture yourselves
wandering around an old abandoned village in late spring, the warm
sunshine on your neck, with only the happy chattering of birds for
company”.
What Bruner (1991, in Galasinski & Jaworski 2003) claimed about tourist
locations needs not solely refer to them but to the inhabitants of these
locations as well. It is typical for locals in tourist writing to be portrayed
through an individualized, prototypical ‘representative’ of the community.
In the case of Serbia, they are usually the helpers who extend their
hospitality to the traveller. A romanticization of a kind is at work here,
portraying the locals as down-to-earth, unafraid individuals, which in turn
provides a safe environment for travel.
What was surprising was that we failed to find frequent mention of
what Serbs often like to say of themselves in personal communication,
especially amongst themselves, and that is that they are a hospitable
nation. Not only was this unusual because of the preferred practice of the
Serbs in general, but also because, as we mentioned earlier, this is quite
customary for portraying locals in travel writing. We only found two
references to this point:
“The warm and friendly inhabitants of Niš are keen on taking long
relaxing strolls”, “the legendary Serbian sense of hospitality”.
Conclusion
How have the Serbs emerged from the representation process? As we have
already mentioned, this is a process in which the host identity is forged, in
relation to a particular cultural and ideological framework. In this case, it
is quite clear that it is the Western one, as the EU nations are the targeted
group of tourists. The ideologically preferred view of Serbia is reflected in

the reality of the host country presented:
- A country with a turbulent past, which now promises a calm present,

but with no reference to the immediate future;
- A country that, since it has been passed over by any type of profitable,
long-term development can now boast of its unique status, a nation
unchanged by colonization, and thus safe for the foreign visitor, and
hopefully for much more.
Acknowledgement
This study was supported by project grant 178014 from the Ministry of Science
and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.
Note
1. Galasinski & Jaworski (2003) stated that the local people are usually the
locals presented either as ‘props’ (adding colour to the place) or ‘helpers’
(ensuring the traveller’s well-being).
References
Franklin, A. & Crang, M. (2001). The trouble with tourism and travel
theory? Tourist Studies 1 (1): 5-22.
Galasinski, D. & Jaworski, A. (2003). Representations of hosts in travel
writing: The Guardian travel section. Tourism and Cultural Change
1(2): 131-149.
Jaworski, A. (2010) Linguistic landscapes on postcards. Sociolinguistic
Studies. [In press].
Jaworski, A., Ylänne-McEwen, V., Thurlow, C. & Lawson, S. (2003).
Social roles and negotiation of status in host-tourist interaction: A view
from British TV holiday programmes. Journal of Sociolinguistics 7
(2): 135-163.
MacCannell, D. (1976). The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class.
New York: Schocken Books.
—. (1983). The ethics of sightseeing. Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press.
Morgan, N. & Pritchard, A. (1998). Tourism, promotion and power:
creating images, creating identities. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley
Publishing.
Niš In Your Pocket. Online:

www.inyourpocket.com/data/download/Nis.pdf.
Selwyn, T. (1996). The tourist image: myths and myth making in tourism.
Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley Publishing.
Thurlow, C. & Jaworski, A. (2010). Tourism Discourse: The Language of
Global Mobility. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Urry, J. (2002). The tourist gaze. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
CULTURAL TOURISM:
THE CASE OF THE BANAT REGION
DANA PERCEC AND LUIZA CARAIVAN
Introduction
Culture today is an umbrella term, which includes a variety of phenomena,
mentalities, trends, as well as distinctive features of different communities.
Under the weight of new fields of research – cultural studies and cultural
history, for example – culture has replaced, in many lines of thought and
discourse, notions like civilization or society (Burke 2004). The new
cultural studies in the Anglo-American approach described by Peter Burke
in his What is Cultural History? connect history to a wider cultural turn in
political science, geography, economics, psychology, anthropology,
archaeology, etc., with a shift of interest in the values held by particular
groups, in particular places and periods (Burke 2004).
In this context, the task of defining cultural tourism may seem
daunting, since it targets a wide array of domains and subdomains. A
further complication arises from the apparently paradoxical union between
culture and heritage, on the one hand, and tourism, on the other, as pointed
out by Sigala & Leslie (2005). Heritage appears as a carrier of historical
value from the past, of the cultural tradition of a community, while tourism
is a modern concept, part of the modern consciousness, implying industry,
services, markets, and suppliers, among other things. An association
between heritage and tourism may be interpreted as a debate between
tradition and modernity or between high culture and consumerism. But, as
this study will try to suggest, with the help of a clearly chosen case study,
the apparent contradiction is, in fact, one of the most successful and most
illuminating forms of economic development, with cultural tourism as one
of the most marketable commodities worldwide, both in “classical” venues
and cultures and in less conventional and global locations and
communities.
92 Cultural Tourism: The Case of the Banat Region
Cultural Tourism: A New Challenge

A common assumption deriving especially from 19th c. travel practices, is
that cultural tourism is the most elitist, exclusive and sophisticated form of
tourism. Indeed, among the oldest purposes of travel, there is the need for
education, aesthetic satisfaction and knowledge, together with those of the
religious pilgrimage. The 19th c. consecrates the grand tour as a voyage of
cultural maturation, of exposure to the indisputably classical vestiges of
Western civilization, of a search for loci of symbolic power and classy
expressions of good taste (Smith & Robinson 2006). Consequently, the
traditional implications of “cultural” tourism go along this well-tread path.
However, in the past two or three decades, a democratization of tourism in
general has taken place, with the democratization of mobility in the first
place, but also with the democratization of the experiences undergone by
world tourists. This democratization occurs, according to Smith &
Robinson (2006) for two reasons:
- The nature of tourism today, when the destination is experienced in

real time, in an often informal, ad hoc manner, rather than gazed upon,
in formalized cultural settings; and
- The realities of generational replacement and increasing distance away
from highbrow culture, where new generations change their relation
with the market and, thus, new cultural forms are created.
Secondly, cultural tourism today differs from its 19th c. counterpart in that
it is performed by and targeted at a global society, made up of myriads of
different cultures (Boniface 1995). Therefore, a more fortunate approach
would be the one offered by the term “intercultural tourism”. This
engenders several further stances. Firstly, it capitalizes on some of the
most common definitions of tourism and, especially, the tourist’s needs:
- Attraction to exoticism;
- Search for escapism and difference;
- Earnest interaction with destinations and inhabitants;
- Interest in real experiences;
- Disdain for representations and simulacra;
- Personal displacement;
- Concern with existential authenticity (Smith 2003).
Then, “it reaches into some deep conceptual territories relating to how we
construct and understand ourselves, the world and the multilayered
Dana Percec and Luiza Caraivan 93
relationships between them” (Smith & Robinson 2006). Nowadays, we are

in constant contact with other cultures, able to experience and appreciate
both their uniqueness and their shared values and similarities. So, cultural
tourism may contribute significantly to the understanding of other peoples
and their pasts, not through exclusive, elitist sites, but through a
democratized approach to local “cultures.”
Despite having specific geographic targets, cultural developments
occur through exposure to people (and peoples) from other places and
other times. This sheds light on the realities of tourism, whose roots can be
identified in the geopolitics of the mid 19th c. Each nation, when
promoting cultural tourism as a source of revenue, draws upon cultural
capital to legitimize itself as a territorial entity. The products of cultural
tourism worldwide are national, with regional and subregional constituent
parts, now with the growing interest in regionalism in the metanarratives
of international tourism policies. As pointed out by Boniface (1995),
quoting official UNESCO documents, “tourism […] trade[s] in the cultural
and natural heritage of countries; it involves the inseparable combination
of economic and socio-cultural problems and immediately raises the issue
of development options.” Thirdly, a new meaning of cultural tourism in an
intercultural sense stems from the definition of culture, not as a neutral
form or process, but as a multiplicity of social spaces and times “in
relation to particular formal and informal knowledge regimes accumulated
through exposure to tourism packages and through the normative
processes of socialization (Smith & Robinson 2006). The intercultural
nature of cultural tourism is observed by various specialists, who argue
that this form of tourism is “exposure to different ways of life and/or
vestiges of a vanishing lifestyle” (Fridgen, in Sigala & Leslie 2005). For
other specialists, cultural tourism is motivated by a need for intercultural
communication: the perception of the site’s value by comparison with the
tourist’s own heritage (Poria, Butler & Airey 2003). In other words,
cultural products generate associations and meanings that are influenced
by the cultural backgrounds of the potential tourist.
The democratization of cultural tourism has reached both consumers
and the sites. The Western context, favouring sensibilities regarding the
romantic, beautiful, educational, and moral value of sites, is dwindling.
Many cities, regions and communities have moved, in the past several
decades, from being economies of production to being economies of
symbolic cultural consumption (industrial and postindustrial sites are good
examples here). The creation of new displays of cultural capital to attract
the tourist relates to “how we use culture to make sense of and gain
meaning from a rapidly changing world” (Smith 2003). The current
tendency, therefore, is that of recreating local economies around the

symbolic value of culture. This idea points at the political role of culture –
representing and enforcing national ideologies and particular hierarchies of
power together with its social roles as entertainment, a form of communal
intellectual glue (Smith & Robinson 2006).
This international strategy has had several effects. Some destinations
have been prioritized over others, while the development options for some
communities have been temporarily closed off. At the same time, the
globalization of heritage has manifested itself in the creation of an
international body, World Heritage List, a program used by UNESCO
(Smith 2003) to guarantee a more inclusive approach to the designation of
sites focusing on their historical and cultural (in the newer sense,
occasioned by disciplines such as cultural studies today) rather than
aesthetic value. The reasons for promoting one attraction at the expense of
another can be varied: economic, political, social, or prestige (Boniface
1995). Consequently, a common phenomenon is that of the uneven
distribution of cultural tourism:
- Many attractions suffer from visitor overload while others are visited
to capacity or less;
- There are cultural items intended to attract visitors, yet, they are not
fulfilling that role, whereas, in many parts of the world, cultural
tourism is only budding timidly.
Other such cases include situations in which one part of a site is worn
down, while other parts are deserted. This may also have to do with local
people’s or entrepreneurs’ attitude towards the respective sites: while
some may run projects inviting more visitors, others are disinterested in
this type of development.
Cultural Tourism vs. Heritage Tourism

Some theorists attempt to distinguish between “cultural” and “heritage”
tourism, limiting the latter to historic sites and buildings as well as the
experiences which people seek to have in these places. The quality of this
encounter, the collections, the environment, the facilities of a site are all
part of “heritage tourism” (Sigala & Leslie 2005). The attractions attached
to the traditional package of heritage tourism include museums, theatrical
and musical performances, archaeological sites, displays, handicrafts,
religious practices, etc.
However, more recent definitions regard “heritage” tourism in a larger,

more flexible sense, as all the offerings of an institution, community or
region, as the set of places and activities, people and rituals (Sigala &
Leslie 2005) available in a region, that is, as a collection of elements
which can be covered with the contemporary meaning of the term
“culture.” Because “heritage” can be, at the same time, built, natural, and
cultural, the deriving products are just as varied. Consequently, the
products designed for the consumption of the cultural tourist are also fluid,
multilayered, emerging sometimes from the same raw materials, but
bearing variable interpretations. Consequently, as some theorists notice
(Sigala & Leslie 2005), the heritage tourist product is not a measurable
good, but a point of view, an attitude, which keeps its definition, again,
deeply embedded in the multiple significances of “culture” today.
As Smith & Robinson point out (2006), the cultural nature and role of
tourism is given by the set of practices that revolve around the behavioural
pragmatics of societies and the transmission of meanings through symbols
and embodied through objects. People come to terms with the past and
other groups and communities in different ways, but the development of
cultural tourism as an industry requires further acceptance and an open-
minded, tolerant interpretation and representation of events and places.
Thus, through exposure to various types of heritage products, a
democratized form of cultural tourism contributes to the redefinition of
terms like “we” and “other”. Because most places are visited and
promoted by “others”, by outsiders, the politics of an item of heritage, in
its stricter or more general sense, is essential.
For Boniface (1995), the definition of an item of heritage includes,
beside the UNESCO prescription (monuments, groups of buildings, works
of man and/or nature), cultural “objects,” of one or many types, housed at
one or several locations. Like any heritage site, the cultural object has
various needs: conservation and promotion (through visitor management
of various sorts, such as information, access, infrastructure, and facilities).
The cultural object can attract in various ways:
- Its exploited distinctiveness;

- The modernity of its presentation, transport and communications;
- Repositioning (altering and redirecting strategies to attract different
market segments);
- Joining and linking as a co-operative activity (theming and packages
attached to already attractive destinations);
- Good information through promotion (Boniface 1995).
The marketing strategies in a heritage site or for a cultural object are a

priority. They include packaging and theming through the creation of
clusters, outreach (as a combination between traditional and interactive
methods), association (or dropping names), the exploitation of features
such as remoteness, uniqueness, otherness, the accentuation of the graphic
quality of a site or cultural object with the help of the media and new
technologies (Boniface 1995).
The model is justifiable as the market contains a strong niche of
tourists who are keen to travel for “culture” as one of their desired
interests. This market niche has been elaborated by McKercher & Du Cros
(2002) in their typology of cultural tourists. They identified five types of
cultural tourists whose chosen destination may help researchers have a
clearer view of how to take advantage of such niche markets:
- The purposeful cultural tourist – culture as their main concern;

- The sightseeing cultural tourist – concerned with cultural highlights
only;
- The casual cultural tourist – not necessarily deeply involved in
experiencing culture;
- The incidental cultural tourist – superficially involved;
- The serendipitous cultural tourist – cultural experience may not have
been important; however, when in the destination, the new cultural
experience accidentally becomes highly enticing (Debes 2011).
The Case of the Banat Region (Romania)

The Banat region is situated in East-Central Europe and is currently
divided among three countries: Romania, Serbia and Hungary. This
historical and geographical region is one of great diversity as different
nationalities and ethnicities share the land: Romanians, Serbs, Hungarians,
Germans, Ukrainians, Slovaks, Bulgarians, Czechs, Croats, and others.
The case study focuses on the Romanian part of the Banat, specifically on
Caraş-Severin County and Timiş County, where we have identified some
examples of cultural tourism that have already been put into practice by
government initiatives, local authorities or, more often than not, private
entrepreneurship and some potential itineraries that could be of significant
benefit for the tourist activity. Out of the two counties, the former has the
highest potential for leisure tourism development in the Western area of
Romania due to natural resources based mainly on the mountainous relief:
the Banat Mountains and the Retezat-Godeanu Mountains. There are
national parks, such as Semenic-Cheile Caraşului, Cheile Nerei-Beuşniţa,
Domogled-Valea Cernei, and Retezat, thermal and mineral springs in

Băile Herculane, ski resorts such as Semenic or Muntele Mic, and cultural
attractions, such as the mills of Rudăria, the old railway between Oraviţa
and Anina, and many other man-made tourist attractions in the towns and
villages of the county. The main types of tourism in Caraş-Severin are:
rural tourism, sports and adventure tourism, spa tourism, cultural tourism,
and transit tourism. At present, Timiş is more popular with business
tourists and transit tourists and it is well-known among people interested
in the cultural and historical value of the area, as Timişoara has become
famous for its position on the edge of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
For the present case study, we concentrated on some villages in Caraş-
Severin County and on some itineraries in Timiş County that are part of
the cultural heritage of the Banat region and could become landmarks of
the tourist activity in the area. The villages are in the Semenic Mountains,
founded by German settlers who came from German Bohemia during the
19th c. Over the centuries, they have been under Austrian, Hungarian,
Serbian, and Romanian administration, this being the reason why villages
bear names in more than one language: Brebu Nou/Weidenthal,
Gărîna/Wolfsberg and Lindenfeld. The itineraries suggested in Timiş
County take into consideration the literary life and the writers born in this
region. We will list some weaknesses and strengths, opportunities and
threats in a SWOT analysis that aims to establish the cultural potential of
the studied area.
The History of Three German Bohemian Villages

During the period 1826-1827, the Aulic Council of the Austrian Empire
decided to send German settlers to the Semenic Mountains in order to
colonize the region which had forests to be exploited. Thus, around 150
families of German Bohemians (Deutschböhmen) came to Banat and, for
the first year, they were given permission to stay in Sadova Veche on
Timiş valley. However, in 1827 and 1828, they climbed up the mountain
and established four distinct villages: Wolfsberg (Gărîna), Weidenthal
(Brebu Nou), Lindenfeld and Wolfswiese, the last one abandoned in the
years to come, because of its remoteness (Brebu Nou 2012).
These three villages remained rather isolated from the multicultural
and multiethnic communities in the region and were inhabited by the
German population for many years as their inhabitants avoided contact
with the other villages and the city of Caransebeş. However, the end of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire and the beginning of modern Romania forced
these closed communities to open up and receive other nationalities such
as Romanians and Hungarians. In 1925, the Socec Annuary of the Great

Romania (Melbert 1925) published in Bucharest recorded the number of
people living in the three villages and some of the names of the more
influential persons in the villages, such as the teacher, the vicar, the
merchant, the publicans, and, in one case, the doctor. Thus, there were
1,150 persons (98.3% Germans) in Weidenthal/Brebu Nou, 1,080 persons
(99.8% Germans) in Wolfsberg/Gărîna, and 230 persons (100% Germans)
in Lindenfeld.
The communist regime installed in 1947 brought about deportation to
Bărăgan and to the Soviet Union, discrimination and imprisonment for the
heirs of the German settlers. The isolated life they used to lead ended
abruptly as they were forced to leave their houses and move to locations
known only by the communist authorities. As a consequence, when the
German and the Austrian government expressed their willingness to pay
good money to the Romanian government for the repatriation of Germans
in the 1980s, the German population from the villages and cities of the
Banat region started to decrease. The end of the communist age in 1990
meant the exodus for what was left of the German population from
Wolfsberg/Gărîna and Weidenthal/ Brebu Nou. They sold their houses and
their goods and moved to Germany, Austria, or other countries around the
globe.
However, this was not the case of Lindenfeld, which was confronted
with a different kind of exodus – from the village to the big city. In the
1960s, because the road from Lindenfeld to the nearby villages was
nothing more than a path and the trip took almost 4 hours, the majority of
the population moved to Reşiţa and Caransebeş. The refusal of local
authorities to build a proper road to link Lindenfeld to the cities, where
most of the inhabitants were forced to commute in order to work in
factories, condemned the village to a slow but certain extinction. In the
1990s, the last German inhabitant of Lindenfeld died. At the moment, the
village is deserted, and vegetation has almost entirely covered it.
The beginning of the 21st c. brought back some of the so-called “Pems”
– German Bohemians – and they claimed their houses: two families
returned to Weidenthal/Brebu Nou and more than 10 families rejoined
Wolfsberg/Gărîna. Although some historians (Rusnac 2009b) of the Banat
region claim that the history of German Bohemians in Banat began in
1827 and ended in 1991, we argue that cultural tourism provides the
opportunity to maintain cultural traditions through well-determined
connections among local authorities, inhabitants of the villages and the
emigrants and their children, who are enthusiastic about sharing memories
and customs.
Nowadays, Wolfsberg/Gărîna and Weidenthal/Brebu Nou are touristic

villages, as many of the houses sold by the rightful owners are now open
for guests. Germans from other regions have also purchased properties in
the area, along with members of other ethnic groups, which led to the
creation of a new type of settlers: more hospitable and open to other
communities, willing to recover and preserve traditions (although not
necessarily their own), memory and the environment and, at the same
time, ready to learn from the past.
As an old German saying goes – Dem Ersten der Tod, dem Zweiten die
Not, dem Dritten das Brot! (The first is destined death, the second the
need, the third takes the bread) – one could understand that economic
prosperity comes after more generations of settlers, so a positive view of
the future includes the development of several types of tourism in these
villages.
The History of Tourism in the German Bohemian Villages

of Romania
Rusnac (2009a) and Hromadka (1995) bring proofs of the early days of
tourism in the Semenic Mountains, which began around 1910. The first so-
called tourists were, in fact, farmers and shepherds who used to come to
Adler Bad (“Eagles’ Spring”) to bathe. According to a legend, its waters
have healing powers: if a child is sick, his health will improve, if a woman
has sinned, the waters will wash away her sins (Birou 1962).
Around 1920, organized groups of tourists such as “Friends of Nature”
started to head towards the Semenic Mountains and villages in that area.
Wolfsberg/Gărîna was a popular destination since it was the closest to
Reşiţa (36 km). Moreover, one of the publicans in Wolfsberg/Gărîna was
open-minded and saw the opportunity of making money from receiving
and catering for guests rather than working the land. Paul Weinfurter
remains in the history of the village as the person who opened the first inn
in Wolfsberg/Gărîna and advertised the place as ideal for skiing. The
quietness of the place also recommends it for health benefits. After 1930,
people from Reşiţa started to come to Wolfsberg/Gărîna, as Paul
Weinfurter’s example was followed by other villagers who offered
accommodation for travellers. In winter, there were ski, sleigh and sledge
races. There are tourist accounts describing the rooms as simple,
traditional and clean, providing for the needs of travellers. In fact, it is the
beginning of rural and sports tourism in the area and Weinfurter’s inn
plays the main role in the history of Wolfsberg/Gărîna.
After 1955, when people who had been deported returned home, many
Germans from the Banat region began to spend their summer and winter
holidays in Wolfsberg/Gărîna. Weinfurter’s inn is still the centre of tourist
activity and all the other guests’ houses, butcher’s shops and bakeries
gravitate around it.
Weidenthal/Brebu Nou is also mentioned in the travel literature of the
time by Păsărică (1936), for example, who describes it as situated on the
“romantic road between Timiş-Slatina and Reşiţa”, within walking
distance from the Timiş river. He also notes the altitude (900 m) and the
fact that it is inhabited by 1,200 Germans who can speak some Romanian.
Oancea announces a rise in the number of tourists in the 1970s due to the
fact that both villages are remarkably close to the road and to the three
streams of water flowing in the area. He also anticipates their potential for
becoming health resorts and meeting places for sports lovers of various
kinds: “the two villages situated very close to each other are genuine
health resorts. The lake that is going to be created in this area will
definitely increase the number of tourists” (Oancea 1970). Indeed, the lake
Trei Ape (“Three Waters”), created in the late 1960s, has been attracting
many campers and fishermen ever since. Oancea also notices “in Brebu
Nou and Gărîna, tourist accommodation has become part of the local,
habitual activities for a long time now” (Idem). We have also recorded
testimonies of Germans from the villages in Timiş County who used to
visit Caraş-Severin and take part in the various festivities all around the
year (Margarete Grün’s and Anna Hochscheidt’s personal archives). One
must remember that, although they speak dialects of the same language
and they are Catholics, there are significant differences between the
Germans from Bohemia and the Germans from other parts of present
Austria or Germany as far as traditions are concerned.
In the 1970s, the National Organisation for Tourism (O.N.T.) and the
Local Organisations for Tourism (O.J.T.) in Romania signed official
contracts with some of the inhabitants of the two villages recognizing the
growing interest in the area manifested by people from Timişoara, Caraş-
Severin, Reşiţa, and other cities in the Banat region. Private initiatives
such as that of Paul Weinfurter are acknowledged and eventually accepted
by communist officials and camps for school children are set in the two
villages. Unfortunately, this was not the case of Lindenfeld, which seemed
condemned from the very beginning. There were various reasons for its
disappearance: the main one was the lack of a proper road, as we have
already stated. Secondly, there were fewer and fewer people coming to the
village through marriage, so marriages to relatives were rather common;
finally, the lack of doctors or easy access to hospitals made these people
used to hardships leave their homes and look for a better life. One such
account is that of Babiak (in Rusnac 2010a)
Retrieving Memory and Cultural Heritage

Because of the political changes of the 1990s, the two villages were on the
verge of sharing Lindenfeld’s fate. However, city people who had bought
the houses were interested in preserving them in good shape and still use
them as holiday homes. Inhabitants of Wolfsberg/Gărîna continued the
trend set by Paul Weinfurter. One of the inns, called La Răscruce (At the
Crossroads) is also a small museum of artefacts collected from emigrants,
offering a glimpse into the past. Furthermore, Gărîna hosts a museum
which attracts Romanian and foreign tourists and presents instances of
German Bohemians’ past lives.
One of the main cultural events that have taken place every year during
the summer months since 1997 is Gărîna Jazz Festival. Famous jazz
singers have been gathering for jam sessions and concerts ever since,
attracting a growing number of tourists. The advertising campaigns have
been very expensive for the last couple of years, as many celebrities have
endorsed this festival, transforming it into a commercial success. If, at
first, the audience consisted of no more than a hundred people, and no
entrance fee was required, in 2011, there were almost 6,000 visitors in just
3 days, and the entrance fee reached 15 Euros. With such a large number
of tourists searching for accommodation at the same time, both villages
suffer from visitor overload during the summer months. For the rest of the
year, the villages seem nearly deserted, as there are a few house owners
and inn keepers who populate the areas. In fact, there are only some
random cultural or sports events taking place in autumn, winter or spring
with poor advertising, attracting only the organizers’ friends and relatives.
Thus, to add dimension to an event depends almost entirely on the local
people’s or the entrepreneurs’ attitude towards projects and, equally, on
the funds available.
Another significant cultural event took place in August 2002. The
majority of the emigrants returned to Weidenthal/Brebu Nou in order to
celebrate 175 years since settlement. Ever since then, each summer
witnesses such a resurrection. The streets are then full of cheerful “Pems”
in traditional costumes paying visits to one another, greeting tourists and
eager to share their experience of deportation, emigration, relocation and
return. Even the fire department joins the festivities, playing along the
local orchestra of musicians. The choir sings traditional songs about death
and resurrection, birth, union and reunion, departure and homecoming,
bearing a feeling of belonging that every tourist entering the village could
experience. On Sunday, the church is full of worshippers and visitors, just
like in the old days of the settlement. Women in traditional costumes try to
braid their hair regardless of how short it may be. Before the sermon, men
join the group of women, remembering together the Kirchweih, the
religious celebration that used to gather inhabitants from all the three
villages. Songs, speeches, theatre plays, dances, they all remind of the
good old days. Unfortunately, on Monday, they have to return to their new
homes, to Germany and Austria, taking back their customs and traditions,
yet leaving behind a clear trace of what used to be the German-Bohemian
way of life. It is a journey into a forgotten past that has arisen from a
moral obligation to ancestors (Brebu Nou 2012.)
This type of event has taken place every year since 2002, although not
on such a large scale. Tourists visiting Weidenthal/Brebu Nou and
Wolfsberg/Gărîna may still see the former house owners dressed in
traditional costumes and sharing their experiences with visitors. What has
changed is that they are guests in the houses built by their forerunners.
Nevertheless, it is a clear example of how open-minded communities may
be inviting tourists to enjoy cultural experiences although the infrastructure
does not necessarily sustain tourist overload.
Sites that are no longer cultural objectives such as Lindenfeld may be
used for hunting and adventure tourism, or other forms of niche tourism.
Following the publication of a novel named Lindenfeld by the Romanian
author Morar (2005), there was heavy media coverage about the deserted
area and several groups of tourists do visit the area, fascinated either by
the story of the novel or the legends presented by the press. As a result, the
Romanian villages around Lindenfeld witness an increase in the number of
visitors although the infrastructure has not been improved.
This is an example of how cultural tourism can be made to flourish due
to literary itineraries. Though a popular form of tourism during the
communist years, it has decreased since 1990 because of the public
perception that it was used mainly for political propaganda. Nowadays, it
is a form of tourism successfully practiced in countries with strong literary
traditions. Given that Herta Müller, the 2009 literature Nobel Prize winner,
was born and raised in Timiş County, an appealing literary itinerary to
Romanian and foreign tourists visiting Timişoara and its surroundings
could be organized around the traces she left in the region. The itinerary
may include visits to Niţchidorf, the village where she was born, and to
various places in Timişoara where she studied and lived until 1987. The
proposed itinerary is currently developed by students of the “Dimitrie
Cantemir” University in Timişoara, along with other similar sites that
could be put into practice for other writers born in the Banat region:
Nikolaus Lenau and Adam Müller-Guttenbrunn. However, much support
from local authorities is needed, as well as a strong relationship with the
German Cultural Centre in Timişoara.
The cases that we have presented are intended to demonstrate the fact
that we can no longer speak about cultural tourism but rather of
“intercultural” or even international tourism. As any other form of tourism,
intercultural tourism provides opportunities and threats that have to be
taken into consideration. The SWOT analysis in Table 1-8 underlines
positive and negative aspects of cultural tourism in the analysed region.
Table 1-8. SWOT analysis
Strengths Weaknesses
Increasing the feeling of Changes in traditional life;
belonging; Visitor overload;
Gaining/widening cultural Pollution;
experience; Lack of modernised
Lowering the level of inhabitants’ infrastructure.
immigration;
Local economic development;
Preserving cultural patrimony and
the historical and ethnographical
heritage;
Recovering traditions in cultural
festivals;
Heliport (in Weidenthal/Brebu
Nou), airport in Timişoara.
Opportunities Threats
High potential of tourism Insufficient investment in
development due to an increase in marketing and advertising;
demand and offer; Absence of a Tourist-Oriented
Clusters of tour-operators and Directional Signage Program;
travel agencies; Migration of local people.
Implication of government and
local authorities;
Development of private
entrepreneurship.
Conclusions
Tourism creates an ever-expanding number of experiences and possibilities.
In this sense, all tourism is cultural in a global world where culture, in a
wide sense, provides a set of material and symbolic resources abundant in
supply and highly mobile. As Cipriana Sava suggests (2011),
A sustainable development of tourism can be applied to all types and forms

of tourism even though there is a tendency to consider sustainable only
ecotourism. Within the sustainable development, an important role is
played by culture and its constitutive elements like linguistic diversity,
empirical and theoretical knowledge, beliefs, artistic, literary, scientific
creations, inventions, the entire material and immaterial heritage. Cultural
sustainability intends to maintain local and regional culture unaltered and
valorised, as well as to support its development. Culture is the sum of
material and spiritual values created by the human kind along times, and it
differs from region to region, and from people to people. UNESCO sees in
culture the distinct characteristics of a society or social group in spiritual,
material, intellectual or emotional terms.
One may state that culture is a heritage that transmits through the help
specific communication codes such as gestures or words, writing and the
arts, the media, the interactive media.
The case study presented above indicates that the potential of cultural
tourism in areas which are still developing a tradition in this area is
priceless. Due to its versatile nature, a culture of cultural tourism in such
areas can contribute substantially to the reconversion of the status, value
and impact of a region.
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CULTURAL TOURISM:
AUTHENTICITY REVISITED
GEORGETA RAŢĂ
Introduction
The main purpose of this paper was to try and provide a complete
definition of authenticity in cultural tourism, given the large number of
definitions supplied by literature.
The hypothesis of the research was that the various definitions of
authenticity and authentic and authentically in cultural tourism are
tributary to the authors’ country of origin or of adoption, cultural
background, education, religion, tourism experience, tourism imaginary,
etc.
The background information comes from both printed and online
sources as shown in the References below.
Material and Method

Taking into account the fact that language dictionaries capture linguistic
evolutions and make them into norms, we thought it only natural to follow
the trend and register the definitions provided online by different sites
more or less involved in cultural tourism, record that we compared with
definitions supplied by the literature in the field of cultural tourism.
Results
The concept of authenticity originated in existential philosophy, where it
designates ‘one way in which the self acts and changes in response to
[external forces and influences which are very different from itself]’
(Authenticity (philosophy). Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Authenticity
(philosophy)).
108 Cultural Tourism: Authenticity Revisited
Definitions of Authenticity Outside Cultural Tourism
The concept of authenticity was then transferred to other fields of

experience such as:
- Conservation – ‘where the different perceptions and wisdom of

curator, conservator and scientist complement one another. And the
presence of the damage caused by old age or by restoration often
provides valuable clues’ (Ashley-Smith 1995);
- Ethics – ‘difference, originality, [...] acceptance of diversity’ (Taylor
2003);
- Existentialism – ‘genuineness or realness of artefacts or events, […]
being one’s true self or being true to one’s essential nature’ (Steiner &
Reisinger 2006); ‘subjectivity’ (Adorno 1973);
- Historical re-enactment – ‘a measure of how close an item, prop,
action, weapon, or custom is, to what would actually have been used or
done in the time period being depicted’ (Authenticity (re-enactment).
Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Authenticity_(reenactment));
- Ideology – ‘a reaction against the lingering vestiges of colonialism and
the continuing influence of Western culture’ (Glossary – Zaire. Online:
memory.loc.gov/frd/cs/zaire/zr_glos.html);
- Information Technology – ‘integrity and trustworthiness of data or an
entity’ (Authenticity. Secardeo. Trusted e-Business Architects.
Knowledge Glossary. Online:
http://www.secardeo.com/knowledge/glossary.html), where ‘Behind
any definition of authenticity lie assumptions about the meaning and
significance of content, fixity, consistency of reference, provenance,
and context’ (Smith 2000);
- Performing arts – ‘identity and integrity, [...], reliability’ (Guercio et
al. 2008);
- Philosophy of art – ‘the perception of art as faithful to the artist’s self,
rather than conforming to external values such as historical tradition,
or commercial worth’ (Authenticity (philosophy). Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Authenticity (philosophy));
- Printmaking – ‘authorship’ (Pelzer-Montada 2001);
- Psychology – ‘the attempt to live one’s life according to the needs of
one’s inner being, rather than the demands of society or one’s early
conditioning’ (Authenticity (philosophy). Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Authenticity (philosophy));
Georgeta Raţă 109
- Vexillology – ‘completeness and accuracy of all documentation’

(Authenticity. Online: http://www.flagresearchcenter.com/terms-business.
html).
Authenticity is also defined, in general, as:
- ‘The quality of being genuine, not corrupted from the original;

truthfulness of origins, attributions, commitments, sincerity, and
intentions; the quality of being authentic (of established authority)’
(Authenticity. Online: http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/authenticity);
- ‘The truthfulness of origins, attributions, commitments, sincerity,
devotion, and intentions’ (Authenticity. Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Authenticity);
- ‘Undisputed credibility’ (Authenticity. Princeton University, WordNet.
A lexical database for English. Online:
http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=authenticity).
As for the concept of authentic, it is defined as:
- ‘Conforming to fact and therefore worthy of trust, reliance, or belief;

having a claimed and verifiable origin or authorship, not counterfeit or
copied; executed with due process’ (AHDEL);
- ‘Conforming to fact and therefore worthy of belief’ (Authentic. Online:
http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=authentic);
- ‘Not altered or manipulated in any way’ (Authentic. Online:
http://www.ischool.utexas.edu/~scisco/lis389c.5/email/gloss.html);
- ‘Not counterfeit or copied’ (Authentic. Online:
http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=authentic);
- ‘Precise [...], original […], faithful to an original, […] uncorrupted’
(Smith 2000);
or in relation to reliability – ‘a record is authentic when it is the document

that it claims to be’ (Durante 1995).
Therefore, authenticity is defined as accuracy, closeness,
completeness, credibility, difference, diversity, faithfulness, genuineness,
identity, integrity, originality, realness, reliability, trustworthiness, or
truthfulness in relation to actions, artefacts, attributions, commitments,
consistency of reference, contents, context, customs, data, devotion,
documentation, entities, events, fixity, intentions, items, origins, props,
provenance, sincerity, weapons, or to one’s nature, one’s needs, one’s
perception, one’s self, or one’s wisdom. On the other hand, authentic is
defined as conforming, faithful to an original, not altered, not copied,

not counterfeit, not manipulated, original, precise, trustworthy,
uncorrupted, or worthy of belief/reliance/trust in relation to facts,
documents, events, objects, originals, records, and sites.
Definitions of Authenticity in (Cultural) Tourism
According to Mantecón & Huete (2007), “Authenticity, in all its

dimensions, tends to be associated with an initial moment, previous to the
1960s, characterised by a ‘pre-tourism function’ as opposed to the
‘tourism function’, which developed later and whose protagonists are not
middle-class ‘tourists’ but middle-high class ‘holiday-makers’”.
Today’s studies in the field of (cultural) tourism show a growing
awareness of the debate on authenticity, a notion that lacks conceptual
clarity. As Kelner (2001) pointed out, “In the study of tourism, the
conception of authenticity has undergone three shifts over the past 40
years, with objectivist framings giving way to a social construction
perspective and, later, existentialist conceptions. The shift to an
existentialist view reframes authenticity in terms of the tourists rather
than the cultures he or she encounters while touring. While this view
retains some ties to the original concept, it largely represents a break in a
new direction.”
ICOMOS’s initiatives of defining authenticity date back to 1964.
Thus, The Venice Charter (1964) refers to the task of architects and
technicians of historic monuments of handing ancient monuments to the
future generations “in the full richness of their authenticity”, by
preserving and revealing “the aesthetic and historic value of the
monument” – work of art and historical evidence – based on “respect for
original material and authentic documents”.
In an Occasional Paper for the World Heritage Convention, Larsen
(Larsen 1992) quotes David Lowenthal who identified the key problem of
all artefact conservation claiming “As long as form persists, authenticity
veers between shape and substance” and “aesthetic quality, symbolic
import, patriotic inspiration, pedagogic utility, historical and archaeological
understanding, tourist and other revenue” as values related to the form and
content of historic buildings (Larsen 1992).
Tourism organizations define authenticity from a double perspective:
‘Authenticity describes the relative integrity of a place, an object or an
activity in relation to its original creation. In the context of living cultural
practices, the concept of authenticity responds to the evolution of the
traditional practice. In the context of a Historic Place or object,
Georgeta Raţă 111
authenticity can encompass the accuracy or extent of its reconstruction to

a known earlier state.’ (Principles and Guidelines for Managing Tourism
at Places of Cultural and Heritage Significance. (2002). ICOMOS.
International Cultural Tourism Charter.)
Steiner & Reisinger (2006) review the definitions of authenticity
between 1970 and 2003. Thus, Wang (in Steiner & Reisinger 2006)
associates authenticity with “tourists’ own first-hand experience”, while
for Berman (Idem), authentic tourism experience is associated with
“identity, autonomy, individuality, self-development, and self-realization.”
Handler (Idem) says authentic experiences “allow for self-realization and
for escaping from role-playing.”, Wang (Idem) and Pons (Idem) say
existential authenticity can be manifest in bodily sensations and self-
making, while Crang, Handler and Saxton, Hughes, and Wang (Idem) all
say that personal or social existential authenticity “can be manifest in
more diverse tourist situations than object authenticity does.”
Authenticity is also described as “the relative integrity of a place, an
object or an activity in relation to its original creation.” (Arrunnapaporn
2007)
Mantecón & Huete (2007) cite MacCannell who claims that
authenticity can be experienced in the “encounter with authentic sites,
objects or events (going into the ‘back regions’)”. They also note “Many
visitors associate authenticity with the traditional Spain and certain
stereotypes.” (Idem)
For Niskasaari (2008), authenticity “is idealistically linked with
genuineness, truthfulness and honesty”.
Discussion
Authenticity and inauthenticity are “imaginary constructions that are
affixed as attributes of objects, people, or practices” (Sathe 2003).
From a theoretical point of view, authenticity in (cultural) tourism
could be defined as:
- Discovering places in a country that remain untouched by modernism

and still maintain traditional methods and ways of life;
- Experiencing a different way of life;
- Experiencing the customs and traditions of a destination;
- Experiencing the opposite of globalization and its resulting
standardization;
- Manifesting the identity of (a group of) people;
- Travelling with added value and quality of experience;
From a practical point of view, authenticity in (cultural) tourism could

mean:
- Aboriginal (Celts and Germans) tourism with its cultural

performances, cooking and crafts (hand-made, coloured Celtic pottery
from Corund; hand-made black Dacian pottery from Marginea);
- Attending folk performances with traditional costumes (Romania –
with its over 40 traditional costume areas – is among the few countries
in the world where people wear traditional costumes on week days
also, not only on holidays) and music (accordion, bagpipe, flute,
xylophone, etc.) and dance (pair dance, round dance, etc.);
- Autumn colours and fine meals prepared with local produce and
products;
- Economuseums showcasing traditional craft trades (egg painting,
handicraft, pottery, weaving (goat and sheep wool), wood carving, etc.)
and expertise (for instance, furniture such as book shelves; brightly-
painted benches; handpainted beds (queen/king), buffets, and long pine
benches; large pine buffets; long painted backless benches and pine
benches; painted benches, country tables, and mirrors; pine benches,
desks, and tables; single-door pine nightstands; three-sided cabinets;
two-door pine armoires, and wine shelves; or the cross museum in
Măceşu, Gorj County);
- Evenings of storytellers recounting local tales and legends (towns of
Baia, Bârlad, and Sibiu, of the Bârsa River, of the Cosminului Forest,
of the Detunata Nature Reserves, of the Raven’s Rock, of Dracula, of
the Sânziene – a pre-Christian celebration on June 24);
- Observing birds in migration, or animal watching;
- Organized tours including a visit to authentic Romanian villages (the
water mills from the Caraş-Severin County; the wooden houses from
the Maramureş region);
- Simple forest hikes;
- Souvenirs created by local artisans who are available to the public;
- Stepping off the beaten path to find community celebrations and
mingle with the locals.
Conclusion
In full compatibility with Stevenson (2003), we would say “authenticity
is a socially defined concept, and as such is negotiable rather than
absolute.” From this perspective, Romania, as well as any other country in
the world, is an authentic place to see.
Georgeta Raţă 113
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TEACHING LINGUA FRANCA:
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ENGLISH FOR BEDOUIN
HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS IN ISRAEL
SARA ZAMIR, SARA HAUPTMAN

AND RACHEL TAL
Introduction
All schools in the Arab sector of Israel use Arabic as their language of
instruction and teach Hebrew as a second language and English as a
foreign language. The teaching of English has moved from the concern for
literature and culture during the 60’s, to the emphasis on English as a
leading global language of wider communication and tourism of our time.
It is not uncommon to find many student populations throughout the
world education in trilingual environments. The rationale of these learning
environments stems from the need to ensure that the students master each
one of the three languages so as to enable them “to fully express their
identity, their mental capabilities and their knowledge” both in their
mother tongue and the other languages studied at school (Olstein &
Nissim-Amitai 2008). According to Nevo & Olstein (2008), multilingualism
occurs in two different circumstances: it can occur in a person’s natural
environment (at home or in his native country), or it can occur through
acquiring one or more foreign languages in the education system. In the
first case, the individual is born in a multilingual environment: a home
where one or two languages are spoken by his parents, and school, where
he learns one more language – usually the country’s official language. In
the second case, in addition to the language of instruction at school, or the
country’s official language, the child also learns a “foreign” language as a
third or sometimes as a fourth language.
Depending on the circumstances, albeit at different levels of proficiency,
a learner will use all languages learned (Olstein & Nissim-Amitai 2008).
116 Teaching Lingua Franca
A trilingual environment is very often a consequence of a country’s

linguistic policy. The country’s political decision makers, in their capacity
as the nation’s distributors of financial and other resources needed for
implementing public policy, is heavily invested in promoting the study of
an additional language through the country’s education system. The
central planners’ decisions on whether to promote or not promote the
study of a foreign language may be influenced by two factors: first, the
function that the other language might accomplish in the country’s
relations with the rest of the world. The second factor is the importance the
central government attributes to the additional language as a characteristic
of a local social and ethnic group of the population. This factor is directly
linked to the extent of the government’s responsibility in encouraging
cultural and linguistic pluralism in the society (Lustigman 2008).
According to Shohamy & Spolsky (2002), Israel is a bilingual country but,
practically speaking, it fosters, and promotes the Hebrew language. This
policy has not changed since the founding of the state, with Hebrew still
perceived as a metaphor of the security of the nation. The second official
language, Arabic, as well as foreign languages, is relegated to an inferior
status by the majority of the veteran population so that rarely does the
issue of these languages’ value come up for public debate. This policy
exacerbates the process of alienation of those living at the periphery of the
society, in open denial of our understanding of the society as a
multicultural society. The new linguistic policy of the country following
the relevant document published in 1995-1996 defines the languages of the
diverse student populations living around, both in Jewish and Arab
education, as “3+”: “The students in the Jewish sector must learn Hebrew,
Arabic and English, and students in the Arab sector must learn Arabic,
Hebrew and English” (Shohamy & Spolsky 2002). As part of the Arab
sector, the Bedouin students in Israel, from the very beginning of their
basic training, are required to learn three languages: classic Arabic (L1),
Hebrew (L2) and English (FL); they are expected to pass their
Matriculation examinations in all three languages at the end of their high
school studies.
In this research, we aim at examining how the students in the research
group (10th graders learning in Negev Bedouin schools, preparing for their
Matriculation examinations in each of the three languages) understand the
functions and authority of the English language, and how they perceive the
impact this language would have on their social, academic and
professional future.
Sara Zamir, Sara Hauptman and Rachel Tal 117
The Value of Trilingual Environment

The Hebrew-Arabic-English trilingual environment has different goals for
each one of the languages taken separately, as well as more general goals
linked to the trilingual system in its entirety.
Language can achieve an essential function in the system of power
relationships prevailing among the different ethnic groups of the country
(Olstein & Nissim-Amitai 2008). Issues regarding national identity are
also highly influential in the context of multi-lingualism stemming from
transitions from one culture to another or from contact between a minority
culture and the dominant culture, as the research shows.
In a model corresponding to Berry’s model (1997), four linguistically-
based identity patterns can be created: (1) an isolationist identity in which
people keep their language of origin either by choice or because of
rejection and alienation; (2) an assimilating identity whereby people
relinquish their native language, completely adopting the dominant
language; (3) an expanded identity in which there is enough room for other
languages to co-exist with the dominant language. In the latter situation,
both the language of origin and the dominant language are living and
usable languages; and (4) loss of identity expressed by inconsistency and
linguistic confusion.
Additionally, in a trilingual environment, a student’s relationship to
each one of the languages stems from the social and cultural function each
language fulfils. Research literature on the subject distinguishes between
integrative motivation and instrumental motivation (Lustigman 2008,
Gardner & Lambert 1972, in Swan & Dabby 2006). The mother tongue is
usually acquired through integrative motivation. Such motivation involves
learning the language through the student’s association with the speakers
of the language and his willingness to be part of that group. Instrumental
motivation, on the other hand, stems from the possibility of benefiting
from the language in terms of advancing in a career or academic studies.
Here, a student may not necessarily identify with the speakers of the
language he studies. He might perceive the language just as “linguistic
capital,” especially when it happens to be the language of the ruling social
group, of the legal system, of the government’s administrative structure
and most of the media. Nevertheless, it must be assumed that Arabic
speakers spend much time and effort to achieve native-like proficiency in
Hebrew in order to avoid being socially marginalized and in order to blend
in the mainstream of society regardless of how they may think about the
dominant culture.
The prominent features of the trilingual learning environment are

effective oral and written communication, as well as the various areas of
literacy that would allow efficient and proficient communication with the
community speaking the language (Olstein & Nissim-Amitai 2008). This
is the guiding principle for learning every one of the languages studied in
this environment.
A trilingual environment is particularly useful in constructing the
“other’s” identity as it is an environment that can lay the groundwork for
dialogue with the “other,” that is to say dialogue achieved through a
trilingual environment is considered an acceptable way to get to know the
“other” with all his differences and complexities. Dialogue helps the
individual reveal his human side or his subconscious, and so get closer to
it.
A trilingual learning environment, according to Jesser & Cenoz (2000),
is complex and multidimensional. They claim that the difference between
learning two languages and three languages is not only quantitative, but
also qualitative. The influence of the three languages on each other is not
linear, but multilinear and active since the process engenders interaction
among various factors such as linguistic, personal, and cultural factors
affecting each other and the whole process. According to Herdina & Jesser
(2000), the whole complex of the learning processes in this environment
should be seen as a global process of language management skills – a
process in which the learner makes connections between languages and at
the same time makes distinctions, as well. In this process, the level of a
student’s expertise and performance level in L1 engenders a positive
impact on L2, and both of these together may cognitively affect the third
language (EFL). Research carried out by Keckes & Papp (2000, 2002)
shows that the study of English as a foreign language influences the
acquisition of literacy skills in L1 and L2.
English Teaching Policy in Israel:

A Diachronic Perspective
The British officially ruled Palestine under the mandate from 1922 until
1948. According to the King’s Order-in-Council (1922), English became
one of the three leading languages including Hebrew and Arabic.
Nevertheless, teaching English during the British Mandate authorities
in Israel (then Palestine) faced serious problems since it was perceived by
the Israeli students as the language of the occupier.
In the years after the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948,
whether attending a predominantly Jewish school or a predominantly Arab
school, all students learn English as a foreign language (FL) or a Language

of Wider Communication (LWC) (Beem Sorace 1998).
According to Aronin & Spolsky (2010), in the State of Israel, from its
establishment, English teaching, following the traditional approach used
by the British Mandate authorities, was mostly culture-and-literature
biased. Since the 1960s, the English curriculum has emphasized teaching
language as a practical means of communication, not as an educational or
cultural subject; the curriculum enhances the teaching of humanistic
values, promotes sensitivity to disparities between English and the
student’s mother tongue and includes detailed specification of grammatical
and lexical items (Hamarshy 2008). However, the 1988 English
curriculum (Ministry of Education, 1988) placed equal emphasis on the
four skills of reading, writing, listening and speaking (Aronin & Spolsky
2010).
In the 2001 curriculum, the traditional four-skill division was replaced
by what was believed to be more appropriate in the changing
circumstances. The four domains of English language learning were now
considered to be social interaction, access to information, presentation, and
a way to a more open multilingual policy. The 2001 syllabus advanced
from the purpose of developing sensitivity to differences between English
and the student’s mother tongue to fuller awareness of diversity in the
sociolinguistic ecology of Israel. Catering for the specific needs of the
Israeli pupils, the 2001 curriculum has been standards-based, with
emphasis on what Arab and Jews students are able to do with the language
(Aronin & Spolsky 2010).
The core curriculum suggested by the Ministry of Education in 2009
(The circular management, Ministry of Education, 1st April, 2009)
includes the English language as one of the core curriculum disciplines
that contribute to “the central axis” of each school as well as the “basic
curriculum” that each pupil of the Israeli system must obtain.
The innovative program of 2011 relies on novel Ministry of Education
policy to train and evaluate higher-order thinking skills (HOTS) via either
matriculation examinations or school-based assessment (Ministry of
Education & English Inspectorate Integrating Higher-Order Thinking
Skills, April, 2011)
A pilot program was carried out from January 2008 to January 2009.
According to reports by many teachers and students, as a result of
integrating HOTS with the learning of literature, students were actively
involved in the learning process, their writing improved, and their reading
comprehension improved (not only of literary texts, but also of reading
unseen passages). Moreover, students applied the HOTS they learned to

other areas of education as well as to aspects of their own lives.
The Bedouin Community in the Negev

The Bedouin community in the Negev is defined as Arab nomad living by
rearing livestock in the deserts of southern Israel and counts several tribes
that are among the minority population of native Arabs who remained in
Israel after the 1948 War of Independence (Abu-Saad 1991, 1995, 1997).
The Bedouin community in Israel is a culture apart from the
mainstream Israeli society. Being a regular society, outsiders in the
country, the Bedouins have kept themselves more separated than other
cultures, perhaps in order to maintain their identity. Their specific role in
Israeli society is due to the fact that they are not seen by many Arabs as
Arabs because of their participation in the Israeli army and, on the other
hand, they are seen as Arabs by the Jewish population because of their
native language, Arabic, and their Muslim religion combined with
Bedouin customs (Rajuan & Michel 2008).
As a society in transition from a traditional nomadic way of life to
integration into the dominant modern Western life of Israel, the Bedouins
are still a disadvantaged minority socially, economically and educationally
(Kedar 2002).
Under the Compulsory Education Law, compulsory education was
extended to the Bedouin sector, leading to a massive increase in literacy
levels. Illiteracy decreased from around 95% to 25% within the span of a
single generation, with the majority of the ignorant being 55 or older.
Schools are under the supervision of the Ministry of Education and belong
to the Arab sector in which the language of instruction is Arabic.
According to the Ministry of Education, statistics drop-out rates are
unusually high among Negev Bedouin. In 1998, only 43% of the Bedouin
youngsters reached the 12th grade (Ben-David 2011).
The Negev Bedouin schools faced several difficulties that kept them
from improving their education services. First, they were short on staff
positions and equipment, especially in the tribal settlements. The schools
in these settlements had almost no resources and teaching aids, scanty
budgets, few facilities, and inadequate buildings and furnishings. Services
and facilities such as audiovisual aids, computers, laboratories, and sports
equipment were sometimes unavailable. Most of these Bedouin schools
are located in structures that have limited classroom and office space and
lack running water and electricity. The buildings are neither expanded nor
properly maintained (Abu-Rubiyya et al. 1996, Abu-Saad 1995) (Tables 1-

9 and 1-10).
Table 1-9. The score achievements in English on the national test

(Meitzav), 2006 for the 5th grade
Minorities The Jewish sector The sector

Bedouin Druze Arab Religious General
State State
Education Education
Parameter
2 .483 1 .787 7 .910 5 .839 20 .504 No. of
examinees
66 72 73 76 80 Average grade
Table 1-10. The score achievements in English on the national test

(Meitzav), 2006 for the 10th grade
Minorities The Jewish sector The sector

Bedouin Druze Arab Religious General
State State
Education Education
Parameter
378 1.150 795 2.028 No. of
examinees
45 67 68 79 Average grade
Data was derived from Vorgan & Lottan (2007).
Methodology
The aim. This paper has intended to examine how the Bedouin students,
experiencing a trilingual literacy, relate to the English language.
Description of the Research
The research group. The group we studied comprised one hundred and
ninety-one 10th grade students (98 girls and 93 boys) from four high
schools belonging to the Bedouin sector in the southern of Israel. All the
students of the research belong to the trilingual literacy program.
Research procedure. The 191 students of the research group filled out
open-ended and closed questionnaires analyzing how they related to each
one of the languages studied in the trilingual literacy program- including
and compared to English.
Research tools. Research tools for determining how students related to
the English language in comparison to the other languages taught at school
are as follows:
1. Open-ended questionnaire, including the following questions:

- Why is it important for a student to learn Arabic?
- Why is it important for a student to learn Hebrew?
- Why is it important for a student to learn English?
2. Closed questionnaire, including eight utterances about the
languages and how the students related to the method of teaching in the
trilingual literacy program, using the Likert scale graded from one to
three: mostly correct, sometimes correct, mostly incorrect. We
attempted to neutralize the respondents’ tendency to choose the middle
option by adding the word “mostly” to the first and final option.
Findings. This section lays out the findings regarding the way the research
group related to each one of the three languages as the language of
instruction at school. Table 1-11 describes how the students relate to each
language and to the trilingual environment in general (open-ended
questionnaire). After studying the answers to these questions, we
subsumed the students’ utterances under fourteen categories that we then
measured and arranged quantitatively by percentages. The reasons for
learning English are instrumental. English is essential as the universal
language and the language of tourism. In addition, the students’ motivation
for cultural enrichment, such as reading English literature and poetry, is
quite noticeable. On the other hand, a relatively high percentage of
students claimed that there was no need to study this language (category
2). The students accept the fact that English “is an international language”
yet focusing on tourism to Arab countries they do not submit,
conclusively, to the preference of English. That is to say, young people
whose mother tongue is Arabic travel to Arab countries, can recognize an
integrative connection to the Arab world, which is not (necessarily) the
case in learning English for the purpose of travelling to English-speaking
countries. Religious tourism is also of immense value to Muslims; it
revives their unity, restores their trust in traditional values and affirms
their belief (Petroman & Petroman 2011).
Table 1-11. Layout of categories distribution (%) according to each

language (n=191)
English Hebrew Arabic Content Category

14% 11% 28% I like the language 1
21% 8% 6% It is not important to 2
learn this language
7% 5% 15% I do not succeed 3
learning this language
44% This is the language of 4
my state
my nation
my religion
20% 17% This is the language of 7
tourism
20% 41% 15% This language enables 8
verbal communication
mastering the media
one enjoy literature
37% 9% This is an international 11
language
3% 2% 3% I enjoy studying the 12
language
12% 13% 17% I would like to extend 13
my knowledge in the
very language
25% While studying this 14
language, one improves
his lingual skills
Language is not limited to the language itself, but also towards the people
who speak it as a mother tongue. Additionally, stereotypes and prejudices
regarding a particular language play a vital role in language acquisition
and may even hinder the acquisition of that language (Hamarshy 2008).
The relatively high grade the students gave to their fondness for the Arabic
language (category 1), to their definition of success in the language
(category 3), their willingness to continue studying the language (category
13) was quite obvious. The perception that Arabic helped the students
master other languages is also impressive, and was in the spirit of the
“trilingual education” program (category 14). This principle was mentioned

regarding Hebrew only, and not other languages.
Table 1-12 shows that the students’ motivation to learn Arabic as a
language and a culture is remarkably high: 71.9% like to hear songs in
Arabic very much, 19.1% like it partially. The comparison between
utterance 2 (I like listening to songs in Arabic) and utterance 8 (I like
listening to songs in English) shows that the students’ motivation to learn
English culture through songs is slightly lower than their motivation to
learn their own language and culture yet most of the respondents (almost
80%) reported they liked listening to songs in English.
Table 1-12. Use of language as required at school according to the

grading of the utterances. Breakdown of student responses in %
calculated from all respondents (n=191)
Utterance Generally Sometimes Generally

I do I do not
I read newspapers in Arabic 59.8 31.6 8.6
I like to listen to songs in Arabic 71.9 19.1 8.9
I always chose the Arabic 56.2 32.6 11.3
translation
I found it easy to write an essay in 56.1 31.2 12.7
Hebrew
I like to listen to songs in Hebrew 41.9 40.2 17.8
I read newspapers in Hebrew 41.0 33.0 26.0
I like to listen to songs in English 45.1 34.7 20.2
I found it easy to write an essay in 29.2 30.3 40.6
English
Discussion and Conclusions

An “open” trilingual environment, in which pedagogically guided
interaction among the three languages is generated, can be remarkably
useful in improving the students’ academic achievements in all three
languages. Moreover, as the questionnaires show, active links emerged
between the way the students related to the trilingual environment in
general and the increase in the importance of each one of the languages as
“linguistic capital” in the mind of the learners.
In spite of the antagonism that was anticipated concerning the
existence of an Israeli context in the research as well as western images,
the students’ openness toward Hebrew and English was surprising.
Seemingly, this open-minded approach to the study of Hebrew and
English is due to the perception of this language as a linguistic and cultural

“asset.” Those languages might be perceived even by the adult Arab
population as an instrumental resource that allows them to obtain a wide
range of services in the Israeli context.
Although Arabic is one of the two official languages of the country,
with its legal status established by Mandatory law (the king’s decree in
council, 1922) and reinforced in Article 2 (11), the State Education Law of
1953 ordering “the language, culture, history, heritage and unique tradition
of the Arab population and other population groups in the State of Israel”
must be recognized, de facto its position is extremely low.
Since, in Israeli society, the use of Arabic is not widespread in day to
day business and its use is limited, a resident of Israel must speak Hebrew
and the inhabitant of the global village must speak English. Practically
speaking, the use of Arabic is limited to the authorities’ relations with
Arab citizens, warning signs in the streets, the printing of the country’s
name on stamps and currency. The country’s media also do not relate to
Arabic as an official language spoken by approximately one third of the
population. It does not provide even one TV channel in Arabic; one of the
Broadcasting Authority channels (33) broadcasts only a handful of
programs for Arabic speakers (Lustigman 2008). Moreover, the World
Wide Web and the satellite TV enhance acceptable usage of the English
language.
A majority of those who declared they liked listening to Hebrew poetry
(82%) and that they were fond of English poetry (79.8%) might have
stated this out having constructed an expanded identity in the multicultural
Israeli context. The essence of the term “identity,” and not only in
Hebrew, implies absolute consistency and fairness in the individuals’
understanding of the collective community to which they belong. A
common national identity is created when individuals perceive themselves
as part of a differentiated national group, committed to the “truths” held
(believed) by the national group, and define themselves in opposition to a
differentiated “other national collective.” However, in the nature of things,
identities appear not only on the basis of equality, but also on the basis of
differences and contrasts between them and those that are perceived as
threatening elements or elements not belonging, whether in or out of the
community (Zamir 2006).
English is considered as instrumental, providing the solution for
communicating throughout the world wherever one might be travelling,
whether for tourism for pleasure, or overseas work or studies, for
retrieving information from the web and the media suited to our interests
in the additional information channels. The students in the research project
(39%) were acquainted with the value of English as an international

language, preferring it as well as the second language of instruction side
by side with Arabic similarly to the Arabic-Hebrew linkage. Thus,
motivation to learn English should be seen as rooted primarily in
instrumental motivation derived from external factors, social and
environmental needs, but it is also rooted in a student’s extended identity
as a citizen in a world without borders.
It seems as if the term ‘English as a lingua franca’ well describes the
position of the Bedouin students to English studies – aiming at
communicating in English between speakers with different first languages.
Bedouin students being ‘non-native’ speakers of English, value its
significance for interaction: ‘contact language’ between persons who share
neither a common native tongue nor a common (national) culture, and for
whom English is the chosen foreign language of communication’ (Firth
1996).
Beyond immigration and tourism, Spolsky & Shohamy (1999) argue
“in Israel as elsewhere, English has become the de facto second language
of academic life.” These factors demonstrate the importance of involving
English language teaching in Israeli schools and universities.
The students’ overwhelming preference of Arabic as the language of
teaching can be explained by Bowlby’s theory of attachment (1982). In
these situations, the individual, and especially a child or a teenager, tends
to turn to concrete contact figures or to cultural representations, keeping in
touch with them either physically or symbolically. This interaction, at its
optimum, provides a person with a basic understanding of attachment
security. Since the Arab language is an integral part of the caregiving
network of interrelationships, which in its most basic form is the
relationship between a child and his parents, according to Bowlby’s
theory, the connection is formed not only between the child and the
caregiving adult, but also between the child and the language of the adult
care-giver. While the study of Arabic can be attributed to both expanded
integrative motivation accompanied by instrumental motivation, the study
of Hebrew and English should be attributed mainly to instrumental
motivation accompanied to some extent by integrative motivation. The
learners’ integrative motivation to learn their own language, Arabic, stems
from their identification with the pan-Arab group. This identification
engenders in the learners the desire to be identified as part of this group.
On the other hand, the integrative motivation of an Arab learner to learn a
language with which he does not quite identify, such as Hebrew or
English, stems from these two languages being part of the student’s
extended identity in the modern world.
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ISLAMIC TOURISM
CORNELIA PETROMAN AND IOAN PETROMAN
Introduction
Islamic Tourism Magazine was born at the Symposium on Cultural
Tourism, held between 9 and 11 September 2001, in Damascus (Syria).
From the very beginning, according to its Editor-in-chief, A. S.
Shakiry, this magazine was meant to be:
- A magazine specialising in Islamic Tourism and concerned with the

tracking and promoting of the trends in tourism throughout the Muslim
world;
- A quarterly specialist magazine;
- The first tourism magazine of its kind – concentrating exclusively on
Arab and Islamic countries.
The aims of the magazine were as following:
- To interpret the meanings and originality of Islamic heritage;

- To market a new type of commodity for which there is an urgent need;
- To open up new and exciting opportunities for growth, and not to
replace existing tourist interest in Islamic areas;
- To promote and develop Islamic Tourism;
- To underline the importance of Islamic Tourism.
In fact, the founder of the magazine, A. S. Shakiry, considers there are a

number of needs that Islamic Tourism should meet to satisfy primarily
the Muslim segment of tourists from all over the world:
1. The need for our people to move, encounter and communicate in

order to know each other, to strengthen love and friendship as the
basis for commercial, economic and cultural exchange.
2. Despite attacks from other cultures, the root of spiritual belief
between Arab and Muslim peoples has remained steadfast. Day
132 Islamic Tourism
after day, we have equipped ourselves with capabilities that are

consistent with our beliefs and thoughts, such as in the way we live,
function and prosper. This is particularly evident in the Muslim
communities living outside their countries of origin.
3. Islamic landmarks are increasing day by day worldwide. New
mosques and edifices will be our legacy for the future and the basis
of a renewal of existing cultural landmarks. Therefore, we have to
invite other nations in and benefit from their archaeological and
technological achievements.
4. In addition to providing profits, Islamic Tourism will revive
confidence in people and affirm their belief in their own thoughts
and capabilities.
5. Islamic capabilities can be realised, in particular vis-à-vis the
popular arts. This would include the recitation of religious corals
and glorifications on religious celebrations and other occasions.
6. It will revive the traditional Islamic and cultural crafts in the
form of souvenirs for tourists.
7. It will restrict sectarian and national disagreement among
Islamic schools of thought and opinion and among people
generally.
8. The wealthier will realise the needs of the poorer and give
sustenance to imperative legal and moral claims of a Muslim
individual towards another.
9. It is possible to include the religious schools, charitable
organisations, nursing homes, and so on, within the trips of tourists
to have a closer look – and therefore gain a deeper appreciation
and understanding of – the activities of Muslims in a given country.
(Islamic Tourism 1/2001)
While writing these lines, the editor claimed to find himself in
...a lovely dream through which I imagine my family and I are able
to travel as tourists to every city or town in the world where there
are Islamic landmarks – from Asia and the Middle East, the cradle
of human religions and cultures, to the depths of Africa, Europe
and the Americas. (Idem)
All this raises the following questions:
- Where could we range Islamic Tourism?

Cornelia Petroman and Ioan Petroman 133
- Is it a variety of cultural tourism? A form of ecotourism? Of health

tourism? Of lake tourism? Of recreational tourism? Or of religious
tourism?
The analysis is an attempt at establishing the share of each of these types

of tourism in Islamic Tourism, a novelty for the Christian world.
Material and Method

In order to answer the questions above, we have analysed the first 24
issues of the Islamic Tourism Magazine – the issues that we consider as
the manifesto for the policy of the magazine – focusing mainly on the
details allowing us to identify the key features of this supposedly new kind
of tourism.

In Shakiry’s opinion, governments should not concentrate on one type of
tourism and ignore others. Therefore, other types of tourism should be
encouraged and promoted with priority, such as:
- Archaeological Tourism. This type of tourism alone cannot be the

objective of attracting more tourists and, furthermore, it cannot flourish
without other types of tourism, which should be marketed as secondary
tourism. This could include excursions, family outings, festivals,
school exchanges, vocational trips, and so on.
- Economic Tourism. This requires a free-market economy which
means the elimination of obstacles to travel, thereby enhancing the
economic trade among countries of the region, on the one hand, and
with the world on the other. This should, of course, include economic
conventions such as fairs, technical and vocational symposia. The time
visitors and tourists spend should be qualitatively utilised by
organising trips for them to archaeological and cultural sites.
- Physical Tourism, a kind of tourism focused on active pursuits
including, among other things, car and bicycle racing, hunting,
yachting.
- Religious Tourism. This is of immense value to Islamic countries for
the reasons already mentioned in [this] first issue of the magazine.
Religious tourism reveals many perspectives in culture and economy.
Exploring and developing religious landmarks and facilities would lead
to the rise of tourism within Islamic countries.
134 Islamic Tourism
- Summer Holidays. Programmes for trips to archaeological sites and

museums should be arranged in such a way that the visitors’ time is not
wasted and that they are not bored.
The recommendations of Islamic Tourism Magazine in its 1st issue

address governments whose interest it is to promote cultural and other
types of tourism. Thus, governments had to start internally by:
- Beautifying the surrounding areas of tourist sites and providing them

with the necessary services.
- Considering the importance of media, newspapers and the internet to
promote Cultural Tourism.
- Considering the magnitude of the role of media and newspapers in
highlighting the growth in local and international tourism.
- Educating the people living around cultural sites, who are in close
contact with tourists, by introducing to them the history and
civilisation of their area, promoting ideas of conservation and
protection of landmarks.
- Encouraging local, industrial and farming products, as well as
traditional and popular handicrafts, for introduction and sale to tourists.
- Establishing local tourist companies to organise regular trips for
tourists, visitors and citizens by air-conditioned coaches to
archaeological, cultural and tourist landmarks, including providing
entertainment programmes for them.
- Preserving the environment, in particular the tourist sites and their
surroundings. Promoting the industrial, agricultural, and traditional
crafts and popular products by introducing and selling them to tourists.
- Promoting and facilitating local and international fairs that specialise
in publicising cultural tourism awareness.
- Protecting the environment and beautifying the areas in the immediate
vicinity of tourist sites, as well as providing these areas with the
necessary services, including constructing ways to assist reaching
them.
- Setting up modern highways to reach areas of tourist sites easily.
The main elements of attracting tourists, then, are:
- Collaboration with local inhabitants and national and official

establishments by providing appropriate accommodation, food, and
transport for visitors;
Cornelia Petroman and Ioan Petroman 135
- Improvement of sites of archaeological, historical and tourist

attraction;
- Maintenance of different kinds of tourism activities;
- Proper infrastructure (paved roads and pathways that lead to historical
mosques, sanctuaries and other landmarks), paying attention to their
upkeep and cleaning them regularly;
- Trust in dealing with human resources that are often the first port of
call for tourists when they arrive;
- Upkeep of ancient mosques, sanctuaries and other landmarks, and
highlighting them as landmarks of the legacy of Islamic civilization;
- Welcoming tourists and visitors and introducing the necessary facilities
to them.
Conclusions
Islamic Tourism as defined by A. S. Shakiry is a new moral dimension
in tourism, whose main features are:
- A new outlook on life and society;

- Attempts to find out about the background of different societies and
heritages;
- Care for the environment;
- Understanding and dialogue between different nations and
civilizations;
- Values brought to the central stage in an age where consumerism is
rife, and everything is available for use and abuse in the most selfish
way;
- Values generally accepted as high standards of morality and decency
for the respect of local beliefs and traditions (Islamic Tourism 1).
As for the kind, Islamic Tourism is a balanced combination of some of

the most obvious kinds of tourism practiced worldwide – cultural
tourism, ecotourism, educational tourism, health tourism, heritage
tourism, lake tourism, recreational tourism, and religious tourism –
excluding other types of tourism such as dark tourism, disaster tourism,
or sex tourism.
136 Islamic Tourism
References
Islamic Tourism 1-24 (2001-2006). Online:
http://www.islamictourism.com/index_E.php?a.
Petroman, Cornelia & Petroman, I. (2011). Islamic Tourism: What Kind of
Tourism? In Georgeta Raţă & Maria Palicica (Eds.), Academic Days of
Timişoara: Social Sciences Today. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge
Scholars Publishing. 299-303.
CHAPTER TWO
HOSPITALITY
HOTEL TERMINOLOGY:
AN ETYMOLOGICAL APPROACH
SCOTT HOLLIFIELD, IOAN PETROMAN

AND CORNELIA PETROMAN
Introduction
The purpose of the research was to clarify the meaning of the large
number of notions defined as inn (9), hotel (8), lodging(s) (4),
establishment (providing lodging) (3), house (3), lodging place (3),
boarding house/boardinghouse (2), urban motel (2), cottage (1), furnished
rooms (1), hostel (1), lodging house (1), place for lodging (1), place of
lodging (1), place to sleep (1), rooming house (1), shelter (1), sleeping
accommodations (1), stopping place (1), or vacation retreat (1).
We call them hotel-related words because they designate, more or
less, a hotel ‘an establishment that provides lodging and usually meals and
other services for travellers and other paying guests’.
The hypothesis of the research was that these apparent borrowings and
English formations might suggest some intriguing developments in both
form and meaning that might be of value in teaching English to students in
tourism services.
We have registered thirty-four hotel-related words using two of the
first English language dictionaries: The American Heritage Dictionary of
the English Language (2008) and The Online Etymology Dictionary
(2001).
Material and Method

We have analysed the hotel-related words drawn from The American
Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (2008) from an etymological
point of view (with the help of the Online Etymology Dictionary 2001)
aiming at discovering the following:
- The time individual words entered the English lexicon;

140 Hotel Terminology: An Etymological Approach
- The source-languages they emerged, or were borrowed, from;

- The changes in word form over time, if any;
- Any shifts in meaning over time.
Results
The thirty-four hotel-related words can be classified as native words,
borrowings or loanwords (‘words adopted or borrowed, usually with
little modification, from another language’ (Chalker & Weiner 1994)),
compounds or compound words (‘words formed by combining two or
more bases or free morphemes’ (Idem)), and word formations or
derivatives (‘words formed other than by compounding’ (Idem)).
Native Words
Six (18%) of the thirty-four hotel-related words in the corpus are native
words, i.e. words that have come from Middle English (1066-c.1470), or
have deep roots in Old English or Anglo-Saxon (mid 5th c. – mid 12th c.),
and Old French (c.1000-1300). A single hotel-related word has come
from Old English into Middle English: inn [possibly 12th c., definitely by
c.1400] ‘a public lodging house serving food and drink to travellers; a
hotel’ [ME < OE inn ‘dwelling, house, lodging’]. The number of hotel-
related words that have come from Old French into Middle English is
much larger: hostel [1232] ‘a supervised, inexpensive lodging place for
travellers, especially young travellers; an inn; a hotel’ [ME hostel
‘lodging’ < OF hostel ‘hotel’ < ML hospitāle ‘hospice, inn, large house’],
hostelry ‘an inn; a hotel’ [< ME hostelrie < OF hostelerie < OF hostel
‘lodging, inn’], lodge [1231] ‘an inn’ [ME lodge < OF loge ‘arbour,
covered walk’ < Frank], ordinary ‘(Chiefly British) a tavern or an inn
providing such a meal’ [< ME ordinarie < OF ordinarie < L ordinārius
‘customary, orderly, regular, usual’], and tavern [c. 1297] ‘wine shop’, [c.
1440] ‘public house’, ‘an inn for travellers’ [< ME taverne < OF taverne <
L taberna ‘inn, shop, tavern’, ‘hut, shed’].
Borrowings
Twelve (35%) of the thirty-four hotel-related words are borrowings

from different languages.
French Borrowings. There are seven French borrowings in the
corpus: caravansary/caravanserai [1599] ‘inn (with a large central court)
catering to caravans’, ‘an inn built around a large court for accommodating
Scott Hollifield, Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman 141
caravans at night in the Near or Far East; a large inn or hostelry’ [< F
caravanserai < Pers kārvānsarāy < kārvān ‘caravan’ + sarāy ‘camp, inn,
mansion, palace’], chalet [1782] ‘mountain house’ [< Swiss-F < OF
chasel ‘farmhouse’ < VL *casalis ‘belonging to a house’ < L casa
‘house’], gite ‘a simple, usually inexpensive rural vacation retreat
especially in France’ [< F gîte ‘lodging, lair’ < OF giste < gesir ‘to lie’ < L
jacere ‘to lie, to rest’], hospice [1818] ‘rest house for travellers’, ‘a shelter
or lodging for travellers, pilgrims, foundlings, or the destitute, especially
one maintained by a monastic order’ [< F hospice < OF < L hospitium
‘guest house, hospitality’ < hospes, hospitis ‘guest, host’], hotel [1644]
‘public official residence’, ‘an establishment that provides lodging and
usually meals and other services for travellers and other paying guests’,
[1765] ‘an inn of the better sort’ [< F hôtel < OF hostel ‘lodging’ < ML
hospitale ‘inn’], pension2 [1644] ‘boarding house, boarding school’, ‘a
boarding house or small hotel in Europe’ [< F pension < OF payment], and
pied-à-terre [1829] ‘small town house or rooms used for short residences’,
‘a secondary or temporary place of lodging’ [< F pied-à-terre ‘foot on the
ground’].
Other five hotel-related words have come from five different
languages, as follows: one Danish borrowing: kip3 ‘(Chiefly British) a
rooming house; a place to sleep, a bed’ [< Dan kippe ‘cheap inn’]; one
Gujarati borrowing: bungalow [1676] ‘house in the Bengal style’ [<
Gujarati bangalo < Hindi bangla ‘low, thatched house’, ‘Bengalese’]; one
Latin borrowing: spa ‘a fashionable hotel’ [< Spa a resort town of eastern
Belgium]. The word comes from the name of the town of Spa, Belgium,
whose name is known back to Roman times, when the place was called
Aquae Spadanae, perhaps related to the Latin word spagere meaning ‘to
scatter, sprinkle or moisten’; one Spanish borrowing: parador ‘a
government-run country hotel in Spain or Latin America’ [< Sp parador <
parar ‘to stop’ < L parāre ‘to prepare’]; one Turkish borrowing: imaret
‘an inn or hostel for pilgrims in Turkey’ [< Tk imaret < Ar imārah <
amara ‘to build’].
Compounds or Compound Words
There are fourteen compounds or compound words (41%) in the corpus:

thirteen compounds proper and an acronym (‘a word formed from the
initial letters of other words, from syllables, or from a mixture of initials
and syllables’ (Chalker & Weiner 1994)). Are compound words the
following thirteen hotel-related words: boarding house/boardinghouse
‘a house where paying guests are provided with meals and lodging’,
fleabag ‘(Informal) a seedy, run-down hotel or other lodging place’,

flophouse [1923] (Hobo slang) ‘cheap hotel’, ‘a cheap, run-down hotel or
boarding house’ (< E to flop ‘to lie down for sleep’), guesthouse ‘a small
house or cottage adjacent to a main house, used for lodging guests’,
halfway house ‘a stopping place, such as an inn, that marks the midpoint
of a journey’ (at least in modern US English, it refers to a residence for
recently paroled convicts – as related to the original definition, its meaning
has shifted to the metaphorical ‘halfway’ between prison and freedom),
motor court ‘an establishment that provides lodging for motorists in
rooms usually having direct access to an open parking area; also motor
court, motor lodge’, motor hotel ‘an urban motel usually having several
stories; also motor inn’, motor inn ‘an urban motel usually having several
stories; also motor hotel’, motor lodge ‘an establishment that provides
lodging for motorists in rooms usually having direct access to an open
parking area; also motor court, motor lodge’, roadhouse ‘an inn, a
restaurant, or a nightclub located on a road outside a town or city’, room
and board ‘lodging and meals earned, purchased for a set fee, or otherwise
provided’, rooming house ‘a house where lodgers may rent rooms’, and
youth hostel ‘a supervised, inexpensive lodging place for young
travellers’. There is a single acronym in the corpus: motel [1925] ‘a hotel
for automobile travellers’ (< E motor + E hotel).
Derivatives
There are only two derivatives (6%) in the corpus: lodging(s) ‘sleeping
accommodations; lodgings; furnished rooms in another’s house rented for
accommodation’ and lodg(e)ment ‘a place for lodging’.
Discussion
From the point of view of their formation type, hotel-related words are
native words, borrowings, compounds, and derivatives (Figure 2-1).
Thus,
- Six words are native words: hostel, hostelry, inn, lodge, ordinary, and
tavern;
- Twelve words are borrowings: bungalow, caravansary/caravanserai,
chalet, gite, hospice, hotel, imaret, kip3, parador, pension2, pied-à-
terre, and spa;
- Fourteen are compound words (compounds and acronyms):
boarding house/boardinghouse, fleabag, flophouse, guesthouse,
halfway house, motel, motor court, motor hotel, motor inn, motor
lodge, roadhouse, room and board, rooming house and youth hostel;
- Two are derivatives: lodging(s), lodg(e)ment.
Figure 2-1. Types of hotel-related words in modern English: 18% native words;
35% borrowings; 41% compounds; 6% derivatives
If we take a closer look at the ultimate origin of the native words and
borrowings, we can see that they have come from a wide range of sources
(Figure 2-2). Thus, six have come from Latin: gite, hospice, ordinary,
parador, spa, tavern; four from Old French: hostel, hostelry, lodge,
pension2; one from Arabic: imaret; one from Danish: kip3; one from French:
pied-à-terre; one from Hindi: bungalow; one from Middle Latin: hotel;
one from Old English: inn; one from Persian: caravansary/caravanserai;
and one from Vulgar Latin: chalet.
If we cumulate Latin, Middle Latin, and Vulgar Latin origins, we see
that 44% of the thirty-four hotel-related words have come from Latin; if
we cumulate Old French and French, we have 27% words coming from
French, which makes it a 71% Latin-French vocabulary.
As far as compounds are concerned, there is a priority for house as a
second term (six occurrences: boarding house/boardinghouse, flophouse,
guesthouse, halfway house, roadhouse and rooming house) and for
motor as a first term (four occurrences: motor court, motor hotel, motor
inn and motor lodge).
Figure 2-2. Origin of hotel-related words in modern English: 32% Latin; 21%
Old French; 5% Arabic; 6% Danish; 6% French; 6% Hindi; 6% Middle Latin; 6%
Old English; 6% Persian; 6% Vulgar Latin
From a semantic point of view, it is fascinating to note that the thirty-four

hotel-related words are defined as follows (Figure 2-3): INN (9):
caravansary/caravanserai, halfway house, hostel, hostelry, imaret, lodge,
ordinary, roadhouse, and tavern; HOTEL (8): fleabag, flophouse, hostel,
hostelry, inn, parador, pension2, and spa; LODGING(S) (4): hospice,
lodging(s), room and board, and youth hostel; ESTABLISHMENT
(PROVIDING LODGING) (3): hotel, motor court, and motor lodge;
HOUSE (3): boarding house/boardinghouse, guesthouse, and rooming
house; LODGING PLACE (3): fleabag, hostel, and youth hostel;
BOARDING HOUSE/BOARDINGHOUSE (2): flophouse and pension2;
URBAN MOTEL (2): motor hotel and motor inn; COTTAGE (1):
guesthouse; FURNISHED ROOMS (1): lodging(s); HOSTEL (1): imaret;
LODGING HOUSE (1): inn; PLACE FOR LODGING (1): lodg(e)ment;
PLACE OF LODGING (1): pied-à-terre; PLACE TO SLEEP (1): kip3;
ROOMING HOUSE (1): kip3; SHELTER (1): hospice; SLEEPING
ACCOMMODATIONS (1): lodging(s); STOPPING PLACE (1): halfway
house; and VACATION RETREAT (1): gite.
Figure 2-3. Equivalents of hotel-related words in Contemporary English: 1 - inn;

2 - hotel; 3 - lodging(s); 4 - establishment (providing lodging); 5 - house; 6 -
lodging place; 7 - boarding house; 8 - urban motel; 9 - cottage; 10 - furnished
rooms; 11 - hostel; 12 - lodging house; 13 - place for lodging; 14 - place of
lodging; 15 - place to sleep; 16 - rooming house; 17 - shelter; 18 - sleeping
accommodations; 19 - stopping place; 20 - vacation retreat
Conclusions
Most of the native hotel-related words have come from Old French into
Middle English during the Norman rule (1232 hostel, 1231 lodge, and
1297 tavern). Of its twelve hotel-related borrowings, the English
language incorporated seven from French between the 16th and 19th c.
(caravansary/caravanserai, chalet, gite, hospice, hotel, pension, and
pied-à-terre), while deriving the remaining five from Danish (kip),
Gujarati (bungalow), Latin (spa), Spanish (parador), and Turkish
(imaret). The first conclusion we may come to is that French culture and
civilization continued to strongly influence the English language after the
Norman rule. This is also supported by the historical data as well as
surviving written records of Middle English.
Among word formations, composition shares the largest share (41%)
with fourteen recent compound words, while derivatives share only 6%.
Derivation is no longer the main word-enriching mechanism in an area in
which composition can better make a difference in the dynamic field of
hospitality.
The hypothesis of the research, that these terms might suggest some
intriguing developments in both form and meaning is, thus, confirmed:
they are of interest not only for students in tourism services, but also for
specialists in the field of hospitality, for teachers of English (and not only),
for linguists, and for lexicographers.
References
Baker, M. C. (2004). Lexical Categories. Verbs, Nouns, and Adjectives.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Brown, K. (Ed.). (2002). Encyclopaedia of Language and Linguistics. 2nd
Edition. Cambridge: University of Cambridge.
Glare, P. G. W. (Ed.) (1983). Oxford Latin Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
http://www.etymonline.com
Hollifield, S., Petroman, I. & Petroman, Cornelia. (2010). Hotel
Terminology: An Etymological Approach. In Georgeta Raţă (Ed.),
Language Education Today: Between Theory and Practice. Newcastle
upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 134-141.
Neidle, C. (1994). Lexical Functional Grammar. New York: Pergamon
Press.
Plag, I. (2002). Word-Formation in English. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Sheehan, M. J. (2000). Word Parts Dictionary. Standard and Reverse
Listings of Prefixes, Suffixes, Roots and Combining Forms. Jefferson,
NC, and London: McFarland and Company, Inc., Publishers.
SEMANTIC FIELDS:
TOILET
GEORGETA RAŢĂ
Introduction
The lexical or semantic field of toilet abounds in euphemistic terms
undergoing pejoration. Thus, the currently pejorative word toilet (for
which people prefer such euphemisms as bathroom, loo, lulu, or
restroom) was originally introduced as a euphemism to replace the
pejoratives latrine, lavatory, and privy, ex-euphemisms, in their turn
(Singh 2005).
Material and Method

We have inventoried all the terms belonging to the lexical field of toilet in
some of the most authoritative English-language dictionaries (see
References). We then analysed them from a semantic perspective.
Results
The terms belonging to the lexical or semantic field of toilet can be
grouped into three main groups designating a ‘building’, a ‘room’, or a
‘fixture’:
- ‘Building’ (10): ablutions ‘(British Military informal) a building

housing bathing and toilet facilities on a military base’ [late 14th c. < L
ablutionem ‘ritual washing’], biff(y) (Upper Midwest) ‘an outdoor
toilet, an outhouse; an indoor toilet’ [Perhaps alteration of privy],
cesspool ‘a privy’ [Possibly < It cesso ‘privy’ < L secessus ‘place of
retirement, privy, drain’], dooley ‘an outdoor toilet building’, dunny
‘(Austral. & old-fashioned N. Z. informal.) an outside lavatory’, jakes
‘a privy’ [Mid 15th c., genitive singular of jack, Elizabethan pun on
Ajax], necessary house ‘a privy’ [c. 1600 < L necessarius ‘necessary’
148 Semantic Fields: Toilet
< L necesse ‘unavoidable, indispensable’], outhouse ‘(Principally

Amer. Eng.) a small, enclosed structure having one or two holes in a
seat built over a pit and serving as an outdoor toilet’ [1819 < out +
house], pissoir ‘(Informal) a public urinal located on the street in some
European countries’ [< F < OF pissoir < prissier ‘to urinate’], and
privy ‘an outdoor toilet, outhouse’ [Early 13th c., ME prive < OF privé
‘private’ < L prīvātus ‘private’ < prīvus ‘single, alone’];
- ‘Room’ (31): basement ‘(New England) a toilet or washroom
especially in a school’ [1730 < base + -ment], bath ‘a room (as in a
residence) containing a bathtub and shower and usually a washbasin
and toilet’ [< OE bath ‘immerging in water, mud, etc.; quantity of
water, etc., for bathing’], bathroom ‘(20th c. U.S. euphemism for
lavatory) a room equipped with facilities for taking a bath or shower
and usually also containing a sink and toilet’ [1780 < bath + room],
cloakroom ‘(Brit) a toilet’ [1952 < cloak + room], closet ‘a water
closet, a toilet’ [late 14th c. < OF closet ‘small enclosure, private room’
< F clos < L clausum ‘closed space’], comfort station ‘a public
restroom or toilet’, convenience ‘a toilet that is available to the public’,
dunnakin ‘(Dialectal) a lavatory’ [Probably < dung], gents ‘a toilet’,
head(s) ‘(Nautical slang) a toilet, especially on a ship’ [1748, based on
location of crew toilet in the bow (or head) of a ship], ladies’ room ‘a
toilet’, latrine ‘a communal toilet of a type often used in barracks,
camps, colleges, hospitals, etc.’ [< F latrines ‘privies’ < OF latrines <
L lātrīna ‘bath, privy’ < L lavātrīna ‘washbasin, washroom’], lav
‘(Brit informal) a lavatory’ [1913 Colloquial shortening of lavatory],
lavatory ‘a washroom [1650s]; a room equipped with washing and
often toilet facilities; a bathroom’ [late 14th c. < ME lavatory ‘piscine’
< LL lavātorium < L lavātor ‘launderer’ < lavāre ‘to wash’], little
boy’s room ‘(Informal) toilet’, little girl’s room ‘(Informal) toilet’, loo
(Chiefly British) ‘lavatory, toilet’ [1922 or 1940, Probably < F lieux
d’aisances ‘lavatory; possibly a pun on Waterloo based on water
closet; origin unknown], lulu ‘(Brit.) loo’, men’s room ‘a toilet’, place
of convenience, powder room ‘(Euphemistic) a toilet, women’s
lavatory’ [1941] , privy ‘a toilet’ [Early 13th c., ME prive < OF privé
‘private’ < L prīvātus ‘private’ < prīvus ‘single, alone’], public
convenience ‘a toilet that is available to the public’, public lavatory ‘a
toilet that is available to the public’, public toilet ‘a toilet that is
available to the public’, restroom/rest-room ‘a room equipped with
toilets and lavatories for public use’ [1899, < rest + room], toilet
‘(American English euphemistic use) a room or booth containing a
fixture for defecation and urination’ [1895, < F toilette ‘clothes bag’ <
Georgeta Raţă 149
OF tellette < OF teile ‘cloth’], toilet facility ‘a toilet that is available to

the public’, W.C. ‘a lavatory’ [1954, Abbreviation of water closet],
wash room ‘a toilet that is available to the public’, and water closet ‘a
room or booth containing a toilet and often a washbowl’ [1755];
- ‘Fixture’ (26): chamber pot ‘a portable vessel used in a bedroom as a
toilet; jerry, commode, potty, urinal’, commode ‘a chair housing a
chamber pot, toilet’ [1851 < F commode ‘convenient’ < L commodus],
crapper (Taboo or Vulgar Slang) ‘a toilet’ [< crap], flush toilet ‘a
toilet that is cleaned of waste by the flow of water through it’, flushless
toilet ‘a toilet that disposes of waste without using water, especially
one that utilizes bacteria to break down waste matter’, flying toilet ‘a
plastic bag in which the Indians excrete’, fontange ‘commode’, jerry
‘(British slang) a chamber pot’ [1827 Probably an abbreviation of
jeroboam], john (Slang) ‘a toilet’ [1932 Probably < jakes ‘toilet’ since
the 15th c.], khazi ‘(Slang) a toilet’, ladies’ ‘a chair housing a chamber
pot, commode, toilet’, lav ‘(Brit informal) a lavatory’ [1913 Colloquial
shortening of lavatory], lavatory ‘a flush toilet, W.C. [1924]’ [late 14th
c. < ME lavatory ‘piscine’ < LL lavātorium < L lavātor ‘launderer’ <
lavāre ‘to wash’], men’s ‘a chair housing a chamber pot, commode,
toilet’, piss pot, pot ‘(Informal.) a potty or toilet’, potty ‘a chamber pot;
a small pot for use as a toilet by an infant or young child’ [1942 < pot
+ -y], potty seat ‘a toilet consisting of a small seat used by young
children’, potty-chair ‘a small chair with an opening in the seat and a
receptacle beneath, used for toilet-training young children’, privy
chair, seatless privy, stall ‘urinal in a men’s room’ [1967], stool ‘a
commode, privy, toilet seat’ [Early 15th c.], throne ‘(Informal) a
plumbing fixture for defecation and urination, toilet’ [1922], toilet
‘(American English euphemistic use) a fixture for defecation and
urination, consisting of a bowl fitted with a hinged seat and connected
to a waste pipe and a flushing apparatus; a privy’ [1895, < F toilette
‘clothes bag’ < OF tellette < OF teile ‘cloth’], and urinal ‘a chamber
pot [late 15th c.]; a fixture, typically one attached upright to a wall,
used by men for urinating; a room or other place containing facilities
for urinating [1851]’ [< ME chamber pot < OF < LL ūrīnāle < ūrīnālis
‘pertaining to urine’ < L ūrīnā ‘urine’].
Discussion and Conclusion

The synonyms of toilet designating a ‘room’ represent 46% of the total
corpus, while the synonyms designating a ‘fixture’ share 39% and the
synonyms designating a ‘building’ share 15% of the corpus. The shift in
150 Semantic Fields: Toilet
meaning is due to metaphorisation (reduction from ‘room’ to ‘fixture’

and expansion from ‘room’ to ‘building’) (Figure 2-4), a process in which
attention was rather on the ‘fixture’ than on the ‘building’ accommodating
the ‘room’.
Figure 2-4. Meanings of toilet-related words: 46% ‘room’, 39% ‘fixture”, and
15% ‘building’.
References
Ayto, J. (2005). Word Origins. The Hidden Histories of English Words
from A to Z. London: A & C Black.
Hendrickson, R. (2008). The Facts on File Encyclopedia of Word and
Phrase Origins. New York, NY: Facts on File
Partridge, E. (2006). Origins. A Short Etymological Dictionary of Modern
English. London – New York: Routledge.
Shipley, J. T. (1979). Dictionary of Word Origins. Totowa, NJ: Littlefield,
Adams & Co.
Singh, Ishtla. (2005). The History of English. A Student’s Guide. London:
Hodder Education.
RESTAURANT:
ANICA PERKOVIĆ, IOAN PETROMAN

AND CORNELIA PETROMAN
Introduction
The purpose of the research was to clarify the meaning of the large
number of notions defined as restaurant (31), bar (16), tavern (13),
nightclub (12), saloon (6), place (4), café (3), inn (3), cafeteria (2),
coffeehouse (2), establishment (2), grill (2), luncheonette (2), barroom (1),
building (1), grillroom (1), grocery shop + wine shop (1), lounge (1),
roadhouse (1), room (1), or snack bar (1). We call them “restaurant-
related words” because all of them designate ‘a place where someone can
eat and/or drink and have fun’. The hypothesis of the research was that
these apparent borrowings and English formations might suggest some
intriguing developments in both form and meaning that might be of value
in teaching English to students in food services. We have registered
seventy-five restaurant-related words using two of the first English
language dictionaries – The American Heritage Dictionary of the English
Language (2008) and The Online Etymology Dictionary (2001).
Material and Method

We analysed these restaurant-related words picked up from The
American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (2008) from an
etymological point of view (with the help of the Online Etymology
Dictionary 2001) to see whether we can draw any conclusions on: when
they entered the English language; the source they came from; changes in
the form over time, if any; changes in meaning over time, if any.
152 Restaurant: An Etymological Approach
Results
Of the seventy-five restaurant-related words in English, eight (11%) are
native words, twenty-four (32%) are borrowings, and forty-three (57%)
are English formations.
Native Words
All eight English restaurant-related words come from Middle English

(the English language from about 1100 to 1500), which, in their turn,
come from: Old English (the English language from the middle of the 5th
to the beginning of the 12th c.): bush1 ‘(Obsolete) a tavern’ [< ME bush <
OE busc + OF bois ‘wood’ (of Germanic origin) + Sc]; dive1 [AE 1871 –
OED] ‘(Slang) a disreputable or run-down bar or nightclub’ [< ME diven
< OE dyfan ‘to dip’ + dūfan ‘to sink’]; house ‘a facility, such as a theatre
or restaurant, that provides entertainment or food for the public’ [< ME <
OE hūs]; inn ‘a tavern or restaurant’ [< ME < OE] – one of which has a
French origin (bush); Old French (the French language from the 9th to the
early 16th c.); bar1 [1592 – OED] ‘an establishment or room having a
counter at which drinks, especially alcoholic drinks, and sometimes food,
are served’ [< ME barre < OF < Vulgar Latin *barra]; ordinary ‘(Chiefly
British) a tavern or an inn providing such a meal’ [< ME ordinarie < OF <
L ordinārius < ordo, ordin- ‘order’]; tavern [c.1440 – OED] ‘an
establishment licensed to sell alcoholic beverages to be consumed on the
premises; an inn for travellers’ [< ME taverne < OF < L taberna ‘hut,
tavern’ < *traberna < trabs, trab- ‘beam’] – all of which have a Latin
origin; Old Norse (the North Germanic languages until the middle of the
14th c.); club ‘a nightclub’ [< ME club < ON klubba].
Borrowings
The twenty-four borrowings come from a fairly wide range of modern

languages such as French (16), Spanish (4), Italian (2), German (1), and
Modern Greek (1).
French borrowings. Of the sixteen restaurant-related French
borrowings in English, seven come from Old French (the French
language from the 9th to the early 16th c.): à gogo/àgo-go ‘a nightclub for
fast, lively dancing, drinking, and socializing’ [< F à gogo ‘galore’ < OF a
gogo], boîte ‘a small restaurant or nightclub’ [< F boîte < OF boiste ‘box’
< LL buxida < buxis], brasserie [1864 – OED] ‘a restaurant serving
alcoholic beverages, especially beer, as well as food’ [< F brasserie <
brasser ‘to malt, brew’ < OF bracier < VL *braciāre < L brace ‘malt’ <
Anica Perković, Ioan Petroman and Cornelia Petroman 153
Celtic], grill ‘an informal restaurant or a room in a restaurant where grilled

foods are served; a grillroom’ [< F griller < gril ‘gridiron’ < OF greille <
L crātīcula < crātis ‘wickerwork, lattice’], lounge [1881 – OED] ‘an
establishment or a room in an establishment, as in a hotel or restaurant,
where cocktails are served’ [Possibly < F s’allonger ‘to stretch out’ < OF
alongier ‘to lengthen’ < ML allongāre : L ad- + L longus ‘long’],
restaurant [1827 – OED] ‘a place where meals are served to the public’ [<
F restaurant < F restaurer ‘to restore’ < OF restorer], rotisserie [1868 –
OED] ‘a shop or restaurant where meats are roasted to order’ [< F
rôtisserie < OF rostisserie < rostir ‘to roast’ < G] – of Latin, (boîte,
brasserie, grill, lounge), German (rotisserie), and even Celtic (brasserie)
origin and nine come from Modern French (the French language from the
early 16th c.): bistro [1922 – OED] ‘a small bar, tavern, or nightclub; a
small, informal restaurant serving wine’ [< F bistro/bistrot ‘tavern owner,
tavern’], buffet1 [1718 – OED] ‘a restaurant having a counter or table from
which meals or refreshments are served’ [< F buffet], cabaret [1912 –
OED] ‘a restaurant or nightclub providing short programs of live
entertainment’ [< F cabaret ‘tap-room’ < MD cabret < ONF camberette <
LL camera ‘room’], cafe/café [1802 – OED] ‘a coffeehouse, restaurant, or
bar’ [< F café ‘coffee’ < It caffè ‘coffee’ < OttT qahveh], canteen [1870 –
OED] ‘a snack bar or small cafeteria, as on a military installation; a bar or
small general store formerly established for the patronage of soldiers’ [< F
cantine < It cantina ‘wine cellar’], discotheque/discothèque [1954 –
OED] ‘a nightclub that features dancing to recorded or sometimes live
music and often has showy decor and elaborate lighting’ [< F discothèque
‘record library, discotheque’ < It discoteca ‘record library’ < It disco ‘disk,
record’ (< L discus ‘quoit’) + It biblioteca ‘library’ (< L bibliothēca)],
divan ‘a coffeehouse or smoking room’ [< F divan < T divan < Pers dīvān
‘place of assembly, roster’ < OIr *dipivahanam ‘document house’ < OPers
dipī- writing, document’], estaminet [1814 – OED] ‘a small café’ [< F
estaminet < Wal staminé ‘cowshed’ < stamõ ‘hitching post’], and saloon
[AE 1841 – OED] ‘a place where alcoholic drinks are sold and drunk; a
tavern’ [< F salon ‘salon’] – which, in their turn, have Italian (café/café,
canteen, discotheque/discothèque), Middle Dutch (cabaret), Turkish
(divan), or Wallon (divan) origins, with Turkish (café/café, divan),
Persian (divan), and Latin (discotheque/discothèque) roots.
Spanish borrowings. Four restaurant-related words come from Latin
American Spanish: bodega [AE 1848 – OED] ‘a small Hispanic grocery
store, sometimes combined with a wine shop’ (< Sp bodega ‘wine shop’ <
L, Gk apotheke ‘depot, store’), cafeteria [AE 1839 – OED] ‘a restaurant in
which the customers are served at a counter and carry their meals on trays
to tables’ [< Sp cafetería ‘coffee shop, cafeteria’ < café ‘coffee’ < OttT
qahveh], cantina [AE 1892 – OED] ‘(Southwestern U.S.) a bar that serves
liquor’ [< Sp cantina ‘canteen’ < It cantina ‘wine cellar’] – with Italian
(cantina), and palapa ‘a structure, such as a bar or restaurant in a tropical
resort, that is open-sided and thatched with palm leaves’ [< AmSp palapa
‘a kind of palm tree’] – with Latin and Greek (bodega), Italian (cantina),
and Turkish (cafeteria) roots.
Italian borrowings. There are two Italian borrowings in the corpus:
pizzeria [AE 1943 – OED] ‘a place where pizzas are made and sold’ [< It
pizzeria < pizza ‘pizza, pie’] and trattoria [1832 – OED] ‘an informal
restaurant or tavern serving simple Italian dishes’ [< It trattoria < trattore
‘host’ < trattare ‘to treat’ < L trāctāre], of which the latter has Latin roots.
German borrowings. There is a single such borrowing in the corpus
of restaurant-related words: rathskeller [1900 – OED] ‘(Obsolete) a
restaurant or tavern, usually below street level, that features the serving of
beer’ [< G Rathskeller ‘restaurant in the city hall basement’ < G Rat
‘council, counsel’ (< MHG rāt < OHG)] – a word with extremely old
Germanic roots.
Greek borrowings. One borrowing comes from Modern/New Greek:
taverna ‘a café or small restaurant in Greece’ [< ModGk taberna MedGk
< LGk < L] – a word with incredible Latin roots.
Formations
The largest part (forty-three words) is that of English formations –

compounds, derivatives, abbreviations, back-formations, and
onomatopoetic formations.
Compounds. The following thirty-five restaurant-related words are
compounds (‘words formed by combining two or more bases or free
morphemes’ – cf. Chalker & Weiner 1994): alehouse ‘a place where ale is
sold and served’, barrelhouse ‘a disreputable old-time saloon or
bawdyhouse’, barroom ‘a room or building in which alcoholic beverages
are sold at a bar’, boutique brewery ‘a small brewery, generally producing
fewer than 10,000 barrels of beer and ale a year and frequently selling its
products on the premises. Also brewpub, microbrewery’, brewpub ‘a
small brewery, generally producing fewer than 10,000 barrels of beer and
ale a year and frequently selling its products on the premises. Also
boutique brewery, microbrewery; a saloon where the owners make their
own beer and serve it on the premises’, chophouse ‘a restaurant that
specializes in serving steaks and chops’, clip joint ‘(Slang) a restaurant,
nightclub, or other business where customers are regularly overcharged’,
coffee shop ‘a small restaurant in which coffee and light meals are
served’, coffeehouse/coffee house ‘a restaurant where coffee and other
refreshments are served, especially one where people gather for
conversation, games, or musical entertainment’, dating bar ‘a bar
patronized especially by unmarried men and women. Also singles bar’,
dinner theatre ‘a restaurant that presents a play during or after dinner’, gin
mill ‘(Slang) a bar or saloon’, greasy spoon [1925 – OED] ‘(Slang) a
small, inexpensive, often unsanitary restaurant’, grillroom ‘a place where
grilled foods are served to customers; a grill’, hash house ‘(Slang) a cheap
restaurant’, hot spot/hotspot [1931 – OED] ‘(Informal) a lively and
popular place, such as a nightclub’, juke joint ‘[1935 – OED] (Informal) a
bar, tavern, or roadhouse featuring music played on a jukebox’,
lunchroom ‘a luncheonette’, microbrewery ‘a small brewery, generally
producing fewer than 10,000 barrels of beer and ale a year and frequently
selling its products on the premises. Also boutique brewery, brewpub’,
nightclub ‘an establishment that stays open late at night and provides
food, drink, entertainment, and music for dancing. Also nightspot’,
nightspot ‘an establishment that stays open late at night and provides food,
drink, entertainment, and music for dancing. Also nightclub’, piano bar ‘a
cocktail lounge featuring entertainment by a pianist’, pothouse ‘(Chiefly
British) a tavern’, public house [1574 – OED] ‘(Chiefly British) a place,
such as a tavern or bar, that is licensed to sell alcoholic beverages. Also
pub), roadhouse ‘an inn, a restaurant, or a nightclub located on a road
outside a town or city’, rum shop ‘(Caribbean) a tavern, usually selling
alcoholic beverages by the bottle as well as by the drink’, singles bar
[1969 – OED] ‘a bar patronized especially by unmarried men and women.
Also dating bar’, snack bar [1930 – OED] ‘a lunch counter or small
restaurant where light meals are served’, soup kitchen [1863 – OED] ‘a
place where food is offered free or at very low cost to the needy’, steak
house/steakhouse ‘a restaurant that specializes in beefsteak dishes’, tap
house ‘a tavern or bar’, tap-room/taproom [1807 – OED] ‘a bar or
barroom’, tearoom ‘a restaurant or shop serving tea and other
refreshments. Also teashop’, teashop ‘a restaurant or shop serving tea and
other refreshments. Also tearoom; (Chiefly British) a luncheonette or small
restaurant’, and watering hole ‘(Informal) social gathering place, such as a
bar or saloon, where drinks are served’.
Derivatives. There are only five derivatives (‘words formed from
other words by a process of derivation’ cf. Chalker & Weiner 1994 – in
this case, addition of suffixes or suffixation) in the corpus of restaurant-
related words: three derived with -ery ‘a place for’: beanery 1887 –
OED] ‘(Informal) an inexpensive restaurant or café’ i.e. a place to eat
beans’), eatery [1901 – OED] ‘(Informal) a restaurant’ (i.e. ‘a place to

eat’), and grillery ‘a grill; a grillroom’ (i.e. ‘a place to grill’); one derived
with -er ‘one that undergoes or is capable of undergoing a specified
action’: diner [1890 – OED] ‘a small, usually inexpensive restaurant with
a long counter and booths and housed in a building designed to resemble a
dining car’ (i.e. ‘a place where one can dine’); one derived with -ette
‘small, diminutive’: luncheonette [1924 – OED] ‘a small restaurant that
serves simple, easily prepared meals’.
Abbreviations. There is a single abbreviation (‘shortened form of
word or phrase, standing for the whole’ – cf. Chalker & Weiner 1994) in
the corpus of restaurant-related words: cafetorium ‘a large room,
usually in an educational institution, that serves both as a cafeteria and as
an auditorium’ [< E cafeteria + auditorium].
Back-formations. The corpus of restaurant-related words contains a
single back-formation (‘formation of a new word by the removal of (real
or apparent) affixes etc. from an existing word’ – cf. Chalker & Weiner
1994): pub [1859 – OED] ‘(Chiefly British) a place, such as a tavern or
bar, that is licensed to sell alcoholic beverages. Also public house’ [< E
public house].
Onomatopoeic formations. There is a single instance of onomatopoeia
(‘formation of a word with sounds imitative of the thing which they refer
to’ – cf. Chalker & Weiner 1994): honky-tonk [1924 – OED] ‘(Slang) a
cheap, noisy bar or dance hall’ [< E honk + tonk].
Discussion
As we can see, the moment these restaurant-related words entered the
English language is not always known.
As for the source, with remarkably few cases of etymological
reconstruction, etymologists can indicate the source of these words.
There are remarkably few exceptions of form changes in the corpus of
restaurant-related words. Thus, if there are two English forms for the
French words café (cafe/café) and discothèque (discotheque/discothèque)
(which shows that these borrowings are still foreignisms for the English),
the French rôtisserie has totally lost its accent (E rotisserie). We do not
think that these changes can be related to the moment the words were
borrowed into English cafe/café (1802), rotisserie (1868), and
discotheque/discothèque (1954).
As for changes in meaning over time, there are a few things to say.
Despite its old age, the native word dive was first recorded with the sense
‘disreputable bar’ in American English in 1871 “perhaps because they
were usually in basements, and going into one was both a literal and fig.
diving” (Harper 2001). It is tempting to state that, except for bush
(Obsolete), dive (Slang), and ordinary (Chiefly British), the other five
restaurant-related English native words are still in use. Some of the
borrowings have also acquired their restaurant-related meaning later than
the first attestation. Thus, according to Harper (2001): lounge in the
meaning of ‘comfortable drawing room’ was first recorded in 1881;
cabaret came to mean ‘restaurant’ or ‘night club’ in 1912 (with extension
of meaning to ‘entertainment, floor show’ in 1922); canteen extended its
meaning to ‘refreshment room at a factory, school, etc.’ from 1870; though
attested since 1728, saloon developed the sense ‘public bar’ by 1841.
Semantic changes can sometimes be even more remarkable. Thus, public
house originally meant ‘any building open to the public’ (1574), then ‘inn
that provides food and is licensed to sell ale, wine, and spirits’ (1669), and
finally ‘tavern’ (1768).
Conclusion
The meaning of the seventy-three restaurant-related English words is
generally restaurant (31), but other meanings such as bar (16), tavern
(13), nightclub (12), saloon (6), place (4), café and inn (three times each),
cafeteria, coffeehouse, establishment, grill, and luncheonette (two times
each), and barroom, building, grillroom, grocery shop + wine shop,
lounge, roadhouse, room, or snack bar (1 time each) are not insignificant
(Figure 2-5).
The hypothesis of the research, that these terms might suggest some
intriguing developments in both form and meaning is confirmed: they are
of interest not only for students in food services, but also for specialists in
the field of tourism services, for teachers of English (and not only), for
linguists and lexicographers.
References
http://www.etymonline.com. (OED)
Perković, Anica, Petroman, I. & Petroman, Cornelia. Restaurant: An
Etymological Approach. Journal of Linguistic Studies 2 (2): 59-64.
Figure 2-5. Share of the meanings of restaurant-related words: 31 – restaurant,

16 – bar, 13 – tavern, 12 – club, 6 – saloon, 4 – place, 3 – café, 3 – inn, 2 –
cafeteria, 2 – coffeehouse, 2 – establishment, 2 – grill, 2 – luncheonette, 1 –
barroom, 1 – building, 1 – grillroom, 1 – grocery shop + wine shop, 1 – lounge, 1
– roadhouse, 1 – room, 1 – snack bar
CUISINE:
A SEMANTIC APPROACH
GEORGETA RAŢĂ AND ANICA PERKOVIĆ
Introduction
Ninety years ago, an American cookbook author wrote:
It cannot be denied that the French excel all nations in the

excellence of their cuisine, and to their soups and sauces belong
the greatest praise. It would be well to follow their example, and it
is the duty of every housekeeper to learn the art of soup making.
(Farmer 2000)
Ninety years later, the English of food is invaded by hundreds of French

cooking-related borrowings, or cuisine, including tens of compounds
containing the latter word.
The purpose of this research is to show that properly understanding the
meaning of the compounds containing the French borrowing cuisine is,
for undergraduates specialising in food services and tourism, only a matter
of purely linguistic knowledge to be taught by the teacher since they have
almost no training in the field.
The hypothesis of the research was that undergraduates specializing in
food services and tourism should consider the few compounds containing
the word cuisine while at school since they lack both linguistic expertise
and knowledge of the world to be aware of the different meanings of these
compounds.
The background information was supplied by both English language
dictionaries and specialized dictionaries, as well as by tens of cookbooks.
Material and Method

We inventoried a small number of compounds containing the French
borrowing cuisine from language dictionaries, encyclopaedias, and
160 Cuisine: A Semantic Approach
cookbooks. We then analysed these formations in search of a common

pattern that might assist undergraduates better in understanding and
studying them for efficient use later in their profession.
Results
The French borrowing cuisine is defined in a rather heterogeneous way.
Thus, it means ‘1. A characteristic manner or style of preparing food:
Spanish cuisine. 2. Food; fare.’ (AHDEL); ‘France 1. Kitchen 2. Cooking,
cookery, the art of cookery 3. Kitchen or catering staff’ (Sinclair); and ‘a
style of cooking’ (DFSN). In English, it occurs in a relatively limited
number of compounds, well-balanced from the point of view of its
position as first (e.g., cuisine au jus) or second element (e.g., chef de
cuisine) if we do not take into account the large number of ‘cuisines’
around the world. Thus, there are only twenty-two compounds containing
the French borrowing cuisine as first or second element.
We have inventoried nine compounds in which the French borrowing
occurs as the first element: Cuisinart ‘a trademark used for a kind of food
processor and its attachments’ (AHDEL); cuisine au jus ‘France A style
of cooking avoiding cream, butter and flour for sauces but instead relying
on the natural cooking juices’ (Sinclair 2005); cuisine bourgeoise (< F
cuisine ‘cooking’ + bourgeoise ‘middleclass’) ‘Simple home cooking,
especially as practiced in France’ (AHDEL), ‘France Plain cooking’
(Sinclair 2005, Hazlitt 2007); cuisine de terroir ‘France Regional
cooking’ (Sinclair 2005); cuisine du soleil ‘France The modern haute
cuisine of the French Riviera based on fresh fruit and vegetables, olive oil,
garlic and the herbs of Provence such as thyme, fennel, sage, etc.’ (Sinclair
2005); cuisine épicée ‘France Hot or spicy dishes or food’ (Sinclair
2005); cuisine grand-mère (A Taste of China, 2002); cuisine ménagère
‘France The cooking of the ordinary household’ (Sinclair 2005); cuisine
minceur (< F cuisine ‘cooking’ + minceur ‘thinness’, ‘slimness’) ‘A low-
calorie style of French cooking’ (AHDEL), ‘France A low-calorie style of
cooking developed in France, with little or no fat or starch’ (Sinclair
2005). All these formations are identified as French phrases by both
English language dictionaries (AHDEL), where they provide the origin of
the terms, and authors of specialized dictionaries (Sinclair 2005), who
mentions France for each of the compounds containing the French
borrowing cuisine.
In other thirteen compounds containing the French borrowing
cuisine, it occurs as second element: ancient cuisine (Hazlitt 2007); chef
de cuisine ‘England, France Head chef in the kitchen’ (Sinclair 2005), ‘1.
Georgeta Raţă and Anica Perković 161
someone who prepares food in a restaurant 2. a name given to various

specialized waiters’ (DFSN), (A Taste of China, 2002, Hazlitt 2007);
couteau de cuisine ‘kitchen knife’ (Sinclair 2005); ethnic cuisine (Jones
2004); everyday cuisine (Cornell & Anwar 2004); French-based cuisine
(Agatston 2004); fusion cuisine ‘the addition of a product from a different
country to a particular type of cooking, or the mixing of dishes from
different countries in the same menu’ (DFSN); garçon de cuisine (Hazlitt
2007); haute cuisine (< F haute ‘high’, ‘elegant’ + cuisine ‘cooking’) ‘1.
Elaborate or skilfully prepared food, especially that of France. 2. The
characteristic manner or style of preparing such food’ (AHDEL), ‘France
Top-grade cooking’ (Sinclair 2005), ‘high-class French cooking’ (DFSN),
Uvezian (2004), A Taste of China (2002); Lean Cuisine ‘Trade name for a
range of frozen meals prepared to a specified energy content’ (Bender &
Bender); local cuisine (Behnke & Duro 2004, Behnke & Valens 2004);
nonya cuisine ‘The distinctive cuisine of the Chinese Malaysians and
Singaporeans (Straits Chinese), which marries Chinese and Malaysian
ingredients’ (Sinclair 2005); nouvelle cuisine (< F nouvelle ‘new’ +
cuisine ‘cuisine’) ‘A contemporary school of French cooking that seeks to
bring out the natural flavours of foods and substitutes light, low-calorie
sauces and stocks for the traditional heavy butter-based and cream-based
preparations’ (AHDEL), ‘England, France A fashionable 1980s style of
cooking using small amounts of very fresh food artistically arranged on
the plate together with purées and reduced cooking liquors without cream,
flour, egg or butter thickening, as sauces. Portions and sauces have now
reverted to normal although much of the artistic merit has persisted. This
type of cuisine tends to arise in history at favourable economic times’
(Sinclair 2005), ‘a type of French cooking that aims at less heavy
traditional dishes and attractive presentation and is often served in very
small portions’ (DFSN), (A Taste of China, 2002); spa cuisine ‘lean
cuisine’ (A Taste of China, 2002); vegetarian cuisine (Quick and Easy
Chinese Vegetarian Cooking with Jim, 2002).
Despite their obvious French origin, these formations are identified as
French phrases only by English language dictionaries (AHDEL), where
they provide the origin of the terms, while authors of specialized
dictionaries (Sinclair 2005, DFSN) fail to do it systematically. Though not
defining the different types of cuisine spread around the world, both
English language dictionaries and specialized dictionaries mention over
twenty-one such ‘cuisines’: African cuisine (Sinclair 2005), American
cuisine (AHDEL, Agatston 2004), Asian cuisine (AHDEL), Austrian
cuisine (Hughes 2004), Brazilian cuisine (Behnke & Duro 2004), Cajun
cuisine (Sinclair 2005), Caribbean cuisine (Sinclair 2005, Agatston
2004), Chinese cuisine (AHDEL, Quick and Easy Chinese Vegetarian

Cooking with Jim, 2002), Creole cuisine (AHDEL)/Créole cuisine
(Sinclair 2005), Cuban cuisine (Behnke & Valens 2004), English cuisine
(Sinclair 2005, Hazlitt 2007), European cuisine (AHDEL), French
cuisine (AHDEL), Greek cuisine (AHDEL, Cornell & Türkoğlu 2004),
Indian cuisine (Sinclair 2005), Indonesian cuisine (Sinclair 2005,
Cornell & Anwar 2004), Italian cuisine (DFSN, Jones 2004), Japanese
cuisine (Sinclair 2005), Latin American cuisine (AHDEL), Mexican
cuisine (DFSN, Jones 2004), Norman cuisine (Hazlitt 2007), Oriental
cuisine (Bender & Bender), Palestinian cuisine (A Taste of China, 2002),
Scottish cuisine (Hazlitt 2007), Spanish cuisine (AHDEL), Szechuan
cuisine (Quick and Easy Chinese Vegetarian Cooking with Jim, 2002),
TexMex cuisine (DFSN), Turkish cuisine (Cornell & Türkoğlu 2004),
Tuscan cuisine (Agatston 2004), and Vietnamese cuisine (Bender &
Bender).
Discussion
The compounds containing the French borrowing cuisine as the first
element could be grouped into styles of cooking (7): cuisine au jus,
cuisine bourgeoise, cuisine de terroir, cuisine du soleil, cuisine grand-
mère, cuisine ménagère, cuisine minceur; types of dishes (1): cuisine
épicée; and trademarks (1): Cuisinart. The compounds containing the
French borrowing cuisine as second element could be grouped into styles
of cooking (11): ancient cuisine, fusion cuisine, ethnic cuisine, everyday
cuisine, French-based cuisine, haute cuisine, local cuisine, nonya
cuisine, nouvelle cuisine, spa cuisine, vegetarian cuisine; persons
involved in cooking/serving food (2): chef de cuisine, garçon de cuisine;
kitchen utensils (1): couteau de cuisine; and trademarks (1): Lean
Cuisine.
Conclusion
The French borrowing cuisine occurs fifteen times as a second element of
compounds and only nine times as a first element because of the
difference in word order between English and French (in French, an
attribute usually comes after a noun). There is a prevalence of styles of
cooking (7+11 occurrences), with two occurrences as persons involved in
cooking/serving food (0+2) and as trademarks (1+1) each, and one
instance as types of dishes (1+0) and kitchen utensils (0+1) each (Figure 2-
6).
Compounds containing cuisine are unknown to undergraduates

specializing in food services and tourism for two reasons: they have no
practice at all in the field of gastronomy, and they lack the necessary
linguistic knowledge. Our hypothesis is, thus, confirmed.
Figure 2-6. Occurrences of cuisine as first and the second element and share of
meanings
References
A Taste of China. (2002). VJJE Publishing Co. Online:
http://myhomekitchen.tv/cookbooks. (TC)
Agatston, A. (2004). The South Beach Diet. Good Fats and Good Carbs
Guide. Emmaus, PA: Rodale.
Behnke, A. & Duro, K. L. (2004). Cooking the Brazilian Way.
Minneapolis: Lerner Publications Company.
Behnke, A. & Valens, V. E. (2004). Cooking the Cuban Way.
Bender, D. A. & Bender, A. E. (1999). Benders’ Dictionary of Nutrition
and Food Technology. Cambridge: Woodhead Publishing Limited. (B
& B)
Cornell, K. & Anwar, M. (2004). Cooking the Indonesian Way.

Cornell, K. & Türkoğlu, N. (2004). Cooking the Turkish Way.
Dictionary of Food Science and Nutrition. (2006). London: A & C Black.
(DFSN)
Farmer, F. M. (2000). The Boston Cooking-School Cook Book. New York:
Bartleby.
Hazlitt, W. C. (2007). Old Cookery Books and Ancient Cuisine. New
York: Evergreen Review.
Hughes, H. (2004). Cooking the Austrian Way. Minneapolis: Lerner
Publications Company.
Jones, T. (2004). Culinary Calculations. Simplified Math for Culinary
Professionals. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Petroman, I., Petroman, Cornelia & Tolić, Snježana. (2008). Cuisine: A
Semantic Approach. Journal of Linguistic Studies 1 (1): 27-30.
Quick and Easy Chinese Vegetarian Cooking with Jim. (2002). Online:
http://www.quickeasyvegetariancooking.com.
Sinclair, Ch. (2005). Dictionary of Food. London: A & C Black. (Sinclair)
Uvezian, S. (2004). Cuisine of Armenia. New York: Hippocrene Books.
MALAYSIAN CUISINE:
A NEW FUSION CUISINE
GEORGETA RAŢĂ, IOAN PETROMAN,

CORNELIA PETROMAN AND IOAN TRIŞCĂU
Introduction
The purpose of this research is to determine whether we can describe
Malaysian cuisine as cross-cultural (“comparing or dealing with two or
more different cultures” – cf. AHDEL), inter-cultural (“of, relating to,
involving, or representing different cultures” – cf. Idem) or multi-cultural
(“of, relating to, or including several cultures” – cf. Idem), or consider it
just another example of fusion cuisine.
The hypothesis was that, despite the independent labels attached to
Malaysian cuisine – cross-cultural, inter-cultural or multi-cultural – it
would be better to consider it as another type of fusion cuisine, as is the
case for Romanian cuisine.
The knowledge information relies on the concept of fusion cuisine
(whose definition is still extremely unclear) and an extremely limited
number of studies concerning this new concept. Fusion cuisine has not
been properly defined so far. The proof: the term “Tex-Mex (cuisine)” (a
term designating a cuisine several hundreds of years old) describes, in fact,
several types of cuisine – “a localized version of Mexican cuisine
[particularly outside of Texas]”, “a regional American cuisine that blends
food products available in the United States and the culinary creations of
Mexican-Americans influenced by the cuisine of Mexico”, “Mexican food
[in Texas, parts of the United States, and some other countries]”,
“Southern cooking using the commodities from Mexican culture”, and
“South-western cuisine [New Mexico, Arizona]” (Tex-Mex. Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tex-Mex_cuisine). As early as 1972, food
authorities such as Diana Kennedy explained the difference between
Mexican cuisine and Americanised Mexican food, stressing that we should
make a distinction between authentic Mexican food and the “mixed plates”
served in the alleged Mexican restaurants. Thirty-five years later, they
make “fiesta food” and serve Mexican beer on the 4th of July (making
166 Malaysian Cuisine: A New Fusion Cuisine
revellers “think it’s the Mexican Fourth of July” (Wolf 2005)), and Asian-
inspired cooking seems to get extremely popular in the USA (Wertheimer
2005). Moreover, cooking Asian means not only using specific ingredients
and cooking methods, but also using kitchen utensils specific to Asian
cooking such as the wok, for instance (Block 2005) (Romanians also have
their own wok, called ceaun). On the other hand, Chinese restaurants such
as the famous Imperial Dynasty in California’s countryside San Joaquin
Valley got to be not a Chinese restaurant, but more French, “with a bit of
Russian, German, Italian, and Swiss flavouring throw in” (Khosha 2005).
The “fashion of the fusion” also reached menus and posters advertising
Chinese restaurants (Lyden 2005) and music: beside classic jazz, there is
also fusion jazz, Afro-Cuban jazz, Latin jazz, and even Asian American
jazz (the last one blending activism and art, according to Erlich 2005).
“Fusion cooking” challenges the mere idea of “authenticity in nowadays
cooking”, overrated in R. Walsh’s opinion, who claims that, even in the
best Mexican restaurants in Houston, “you can pick any degree of
authenticity you desire – up to a point” (Walsh 2000b). We believe “fusion
cuisine” is a kind of cooking “merging different elements into a union”
(AHDEL). The main feature of fusion cooking seems to be eclecticism,
i.e. featuring authentic dishes using a variety of ingredients from different
cuisines and global regions and combining them’ (The Fusion Cooking
School. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fusion_Cooking_School).
Being at the crossroads of ancient trade routes has left a mark on
Malaysian cuisine, said presently to reflect the multiracial aspects of
Malaysia (Malaysian cuisine. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Malaysian_cuisine). Besides the dishes of different ethnic groups, there are
also many dishes derived from various cultural influences. They say that
aboriginal Malaysian cuisine has been influenced by Chinese, Indian,
Thai, and many other cultures to create an entirely new and sumptuous
cuisine of their own. Others claim there are more culinary traditions in
Malaysia:
- Purely Malay dishes (e.g., sambal udang, beef rendang, and udang
sarong);
- N(y)onya/Peranakan dishes illustrating the mixed Malay-Chinese
culinary traditions of the Straits Settlements – Penang, Melaka, and
Singapore (e.g., chicken kapitan, aksa lemak, and n(y)onya pancake);
- Indigenous dishes – Sabah and Sarawak (umai/hinava);
- Chinese dishes from Overseas Chinese migrant groups – Hainan (e.g.,
Hainan chicken rice), Hokkien (e.g., mee hokkien), and Canton (e.g.,
clay pot rice);
Georgeta Raţă, Ioan Petroman, Cornelia Petroman and Ioan Trişcău 167
- South-Asian dishes (e.g., roti canai) or South-Central Asian dishes

(e.g., nasi bokhari) (The Malay Kitchen. Online:
http://www.cpamedia.com/food/malay_kitchen/).
Results
Cuisine is ‘a characteristic manner or style of preparing food’ (AHDEL),
‘a specific set of cooking traditions and practices, often associated with a
specific culture’ (Cuisine. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cuisine).
Both ingredients availability and religion can exercise strong influences on
cuisine.
On the other hand, traditional cuisine is ‘a coherent tradition of food
preparation that arises from the daily lives and kitchens of a people over
an extended period of time in a specific region of a country and which has
notable distinctions from the cuisine of the country as a whole’ (Idem).
The inter-cultural and the multi-cultural aspects of Malaysian cooking
can be analysed from two points of view:
- Ingredients; and
- Food types.
The ingredients specific to the Malaysian cooking can be grouped as

follows – staple foods, seafood, vegetables, and fruit:
- Staple foods include grain-based foods such as rice (local variety,

Thai, Indian, and Japanese), noodles (bi hoon, kuay teow, langka, mee,
mee suah, yee meen, etc.), bread (Indian style – idli, naan, puri, roti
canai, tosai and Western style), and meat-based food such as beef
(halal for Malays, forbidden to Hindus and Buddhists) goat, pork
(consumed by Malaysian Chinese, forbidden to Malaysian Malays who
are Muslim), and poultry (chicken, duck, goose);
- Seafood includes fish – cod and salmon, clams, cockles, crabs – not
always halal for the Muslims, cuttlefish, octopus, shrimp or prawn,
snails, and squid;
- Vegetables include beans, broccoli, cabbage, carrots, celery,
cucumbers, eggplants, gourds, hot chilli peppers, lentils, lettuce,
mushrooms, okra, onions, peas, potatoes, pumpkins, radishes, spinach,
tomatoes, turnips, water spinach, etc.;
- Fruit includes banana, durian, jackfruit, langsat, longan, lychee,
mango, mangosteen, papaya, pineapple, rambutan, star fruit, and
watermelon.
As for food types, Malaysian cuisine is a gathering of Malay, Malaysian

Chinese, Malaysian Indian, N(y)onya, and Eurasian foods. Thus, there is:
- Malay food: ais kacang (shaved ice with red beans), apam balik (bread
with sugar, corn, and coarse nut), ayam percik (spicy barbecued
chicken), beansprout kerabu (bean sprouts, chilli, shrimps, onion,
coconut), cendol (legumes, palm sugar, coconut milk), (coconut)
serunding (meat floss with spices), gula melaka (coconut palm sugar),
honeydew sago (water melon, tapioca, sugar, coconut milk), ikan asam
pedas (hot sour fish curry), ikan bakar (grilled/barbequed fish with
chilli/turmeric), kangkung belacan (water spinach, shrimp paste and
hot chilli peppers), keropok lekor (a cake made of batter and shredded
fish), ketupat (coconut leaves, rice), kuih (a cake), lontong (a creamy
soup mix), nanas lemak (pineapple and prawn curry), nasi ayam
(chicken rice), nasi berlauk (plain rice), nasi dagang (rice with coconut
milk, anchovies, roasted nuts, cucumbers, eggs, chilli paste, curries,
served with rendang), nasi goreng kampung (fried rice with pounded
fried fish), nasi kerabu (blue rice with fresh herbs), nasi lemak (rice
with coconut milk, anchovies, roasted nuts, cucumbers, eggs, chilli
paste, curries, served with rendang), nasi paprik (fried rice with
chicken and paprika sauce), pengat (sweet potato, yam, banana,
coconut milk), pengat pisang (bananas in coconut milk), pineapple tart,
pisang goreng (fried bananas), pulut (rice with rendang/coconut,
brown sugar), pulut hitam (rice, sugar, palm sugar, longan, pandan
leaves, coconut milk), rendang (beef, coconut milk, coconut meat,
lemongrass, turmeric, chilli), rendang daging (rich coconut beef), roti
jala (lacy pancakes), sago gula melaka (pearl sago, sugar, palm sugar,
coconut milk), sambal udang (prawn sambal), satay ayam (chicken
satay), and soto (soup);
- Malaysian Chinese food: bak chang (rice dumpling with pork,
Shiitake mushrooms, nut, and duck’s egg yolk), bak kut the (pork ribs
soup with herbs, garlic and, occasionally, sea cucumber and abalone),
bakkwa (barbecued pork, ban mian or pan mee – egg noodle soup),
bao/pao (bun of wheat flour filled with meat), (barbecued) chicken
wings, bread with curry chicken, Cantonese fried mee (deep fried thin
rice noodles served in a thick white sauce with sliced lean pork,
prawns, squids, and green vegetables), chai tow kway (fried radish
cake made of rice flour and white radish), char kway teow (rice paper),
chee cheong fun (rice flour, tapioca flour, spring onions, dried
shrimps), ching chow dau miu (stir fried peas: fresh ginger, garlic,
sugar, pea shoots, soy sauce, oyster sauce), clay pot rice or ngah po fan
or sha po fan (clay pot chicken rice dish), curry mee (noodles with rice
vermicelli in spicy curry soup with coconut milk with dried tofu,
prawns, cuttlefish, chicken, mint leaves, and chilli paste), dau huay or
tau foo fah (curdled version of soy bean milk flavoured with syrup),
duck noodle soup (duck with mixed herbs and slim white noodles), eu
char kway or yau zha gwai or you tiao (doughnut), fried kway teow
(fried rice-flour noodles), ginger duck mee (egg noodles cooked with
duck stewed with ginger in black sauce), hae/hokkien/prawn mee
(Penang) (yellow mee and rice noodles served in a soup of prawns,
boiled egg, kangkong vegetables, and chilli), Hainanese chicken rice
(steamed chicken served with rice cooked in margarine or chicken fat
and chicken stock and chicken soup), hakka ham cha (tea leaves,
peanuts, peppermint), hokkien mee (Kuala Lumpur) (thick yellow
noodles fried in black soy sauce and pork lard), kaya toast or roti
bakar (sweet coconut and egg jam over toasted white bread), kong
piang (hot biscuit with lard, onions, salt and flour and, occasionally,
meat), kway chap (rice paper in dark soy soup served with pig offal,
tofu derivatives and boiled eggs), loh mee (thick yellow noodles served
in a thickened soup made from egg, flour, prawn, pork slices, and
vegetables), mee hoon kor (rice vermicelli, garlic, coriander, turmeric,
Chinese mushrooms, prawns, white fish, onions, bean sprouts, eggs,
chillies, spring onions, peanut oil), New Year salad (raw fish,
vegetables, sauces, condiments), ngah choy kai (bean sprouts chicken:
steamed chicken served with light soy sauce flavoured with oil and
bean sprouts), ngah po fan (clay pot rice: chicken rice with soy and
oyster sauce and, occasionally, dried salted fish), popiah (rolled crepe
stuffed with stewed vegetables, usually shredded tofu, turnip, and
carrots, occasionally egg, Chinese sausage), rojak (fruit and vegetable
salad with thick dark prawn paste), sago honeydew (sago, honeydew,
sugar, coconut milk), sin chow fried mee hoon (rice noodles stir fried
with barbecued pork, fish cake, carrots, etc.), superior won ton soup
(wonton wrappers, chicken broth, meat/poultry, celery, broccoli, bean
sprouts, ginger, soy sauce, bamboo shoots, sesame oil), tong sui (a
sweet drink with black beans, sea coconut, yam, sweet potato, longan,
etc.), vegetarian dishes (vegetarian roast pork, steamed fish with skin
and bone, chicken drumstick, etc.), wantan mee (noodles with
dumplings, chooi sam and barbecued pork), wu tau guo (yam cake of
mashed yam and rice flour, with deep fried onion and shrimp, served
with red chilli paste), Yen’s brown noodles (brown noodles, mustard
greens or spinach, oil, garlic, shrimps, chicken/pork, oyster sauce, soy
sauce, black soy sauce, sesame oil, pepper, eggs), yong tau foo (soup:
eggplants, okra, fried tofus, chillies stuffed with fish paste, rice flour
and flavourings), and zhou/zuk (congee: a rice porridge with fish slices,
chicken breast, salted egg, century egg and minced pork, cooked with
sweet potato and served with vegetables, meat, and salted egg);
- Malaysian Indian food: banana leaf rice (white rice on banana leaf
with vegetables, curry meat/fish, and papadum), biryani (basmati rice
with spices, meat/vegetables, and yogurt), chapati (dough of whole
grain durum wheat, water and salt), (chicken/fish/squid) curry, curry
puffs, dosai/thosai (batter from lentils and rice, served with vegetable
curry and coconut chutney), dry mutton curry, idli (patties of black
lentils and rice, with chutney or vegetable curry), Maggi goreng (fried
Maggi instant noodles with curry, vegetables, egg, tofu, and
occasionally, chicken), mee goreng (fried noodles, tofu, vegetables,
egg), nasi bokhari (spicy rice with chicken), nasi lemak (rice with
coconut milk, served with anchovies, peanuts, cucumber, and sweet
chilli paste – the last ingredient differentiating Malaysian Indian food
from Malaysian Muslin Indian food), putu mayam (rice noodles with
coconut and jaggery), putu piring (rice flour dough with coconut and
brown sugar), rasam (spicy crab claw soup), roti canai/kosong (flaky
fried Indian bread served with condiments), roti telur (flaky fried
Indian bread with an egg in it, served with condiments), snake gourd,
sop kambing (Indian mutton soup), spicy pumpkin, and teh tarik (tea
sweetened with condensed milk);
- Malaysian Muslim Indian food: mamak rojak or pasembur (fried
dough fritters, bean curds, boiled potatoes, prawn fritters, hard boiled
eggs, bean sprouts, cucumber, peanut sauce), nasi kandar (white rice
or biryani rice served with beef/chicken/fish/mutton curry, and
pickles), nasi lemak (rice with coconut milk, served with anchovies,
peanuts, cucumber, and spicy chilli paste – see nasi lemak, above).
- N(y)onya/Peranakan food, a blend of Chinese and Malay cooking
(food developed by the Peranakan people of Malaysia and Singapore,
using mainly Chinese ingredients blended with South-East Asian
spices): acar (pickled meats and vegetables), acar awat (pickled mixed
vegetables), acar hu (pickled fried fish), acar keat lah (pickled honey
lime), acar kiam hu (pickled salt fish), acar timun (pickled cucumber),
asam laksa (thick white rice noodles served in a soup made of fish,
tamarind, onion, basil, pineapple, and cucumber in slices), asam laksa
Penang (sour Penang noodle soup), ayam buah keluah (chicken dish),
ayam limau purut (chicken with lime leaf), ayam pongteh (chicken
stew with tauchu or salted soy beans and gula melaka), bubur cha cha
(sweet potatoes, yam, coconut milk), cincalok (a condiment made of
fermented shrimp), itek tim or kiam chye ark th’ng (duck soup,
preserved mustard leaf, cabbage flavoured with nutmeg seed, Chinese
mushrooms, tomatoes, and peppercorns), jiew hu char (shredded
vegetables: turnip, carrot, cabbage fried with shredded dried
cuttlefish), kerabu bak poey (a salad of rice vermicelli and pork skin),
kerabu bee hoon (a salad of rice vermicelli and sambal belacan –
honey lime juice, herbs, and spices), kerabu bok nee (a salad of rice
vermicelli and black fungus), kerabu kacang botol (a salad of rice
vermicelli and four angled bean), kerabu kay (a salad of rice vermicelli
and chicken), kerabu kay khar (a salad of rice vermicelli and chicken
feet), kerabu kobis (a salad of rice vermicelli and cabbage), kerabu
timun (a salad of rice vermicelli and cucumber), kiam chye boey (a
mixture of leftovers), kuih pie tee (dough, turnip, carrot, garlic, shallot,
taucheo, vetsin), laksa lemak (noodles in spicy coconut-milk gravy),
lam mee (yellow rice noodles cooked in gravy from stock of prawns
and chicken), lor bak or ngoh hiang (a fried sausagelike dish of minced
pork rolled up in soy bean curd sheets and deep fried), masak belanda
(sliced pork and salt fish with tamarind juice), masak lemak
(spinach/sweet potato stewed in coconut milk), masak titik (vegetable
soup with peppercorns with watermelon/papaya), mee siam (spicy
noodles), nasi kemuli (wedding rice), nasi kunyit (rice with turmeric
served with coconut milk chicken curry), nasi ulam (herbed rice with
shredded herbs and mixed raw into hot rice with pounded dried shrimp
and salt fish and chopped shallots), otak-otak (fish cake grilled in a
banana leaf wrapping), pancake, perut ikan (spicy stew with
vegetables/herbs, fish bellies preserved in brine and wild pepper leaf),
popiah (bacon, prawns, turnip, French beans, carrot, cabbage, bean
curd, bamboo shoots, shallots, garlic, eggs, cucumber, pork loin,
lettuce, Chinese celery, peanut sugar, chilli, popiah skin), prawn salad
(prawns, coriander leaves, watercress leaves, chillies, lime leaves),
sambal terong (aubergine with basil), sayur lemak (vegetables in
coconut milk), se bak (pork loin marinated with herbs and spices),
special fried rice, spicy prawns in a sarong, and ter thor t’ng’ (pig’s
stomach soup and white peppercorns);
- Eurasian food (Hutton 1994): devil chicken curry; lamb ribs with
black pepper; muliu (aubergine and prawn curry); pisang jantung
(banana bud salad); Portuguese baked fish; and salted fish and
pineapple curry;
- Other dishes (Hutton 1994): black pepper crab (mud crabs, butter,
shallots, garlic, soy beans, dried prawns, black pepper, curry leaves,
red/green bird’s-eye chillies, black soy sauce, sugar, oyster sauce),
Borneo (marinated) fish (raw fish marinated with lime juice and
herbs), butter prawns (prawns, butter, bird’s eye chillies, curry leaves,
garlic, soy sauce, Chinese cooking wine, grated coconut), and sabah
vegetable (stir fried sabah – Sauropus androgynus – with eggs and
dried anchovies).
Discussion
Analysing Malay food, we can see that it is far from being 100%
Malaysian:
- Nasi ayam or nasi lemak (which can come with a variety of

accompaniments such as roast chicken, cockle, or cuttlefish),
considered the national dish and a national heritage of Malaysia, has
several versions: the Malaysian Chinese version is either a halal
version containing chicken simmered in stock, or a nonhalal version
containing pork, while the Malay Indian version skips beef.
- Nasi paprik or nasi pad prik (fried rice with chicken and paprika
sauce) comes from the Malay nasi “rice” and from Thai pad prik
“paprika sauce”: though regarded today as part of Malay cuisine, it is
Thai in origin.
Malay Indian food also refers to Indian dishes “made” Malaysian by the
addition of Malay ingredients. Thus,
- Dry mutton curry is a typical southern Indian curry with potatoes

adding a sweet mild flavour and a contrasting texture (British, Chinese,
Japanese, and Thai curries also contain potatoes) (Hutton 1994);
- Mee goreng (fried noodles, tofu, vegetables, and egg) is a Malay
Indian food (i.e. a Malay food eaten by Malay Indians) that cannot be
found in India: although noodles were brought to Malaysia by the
Chinese, all other ethnic groups have enthusiastically adapted them to
suit their tastes (Idem);
- Nasi bokhari (spicy rice with chicken) seems to have different origins:
according to Hutton (Idem), “Arab and Indian influences are evident in
this richly flavoured rice, similar to a pilau or biryani”, while another
author claims it is “a pure Mogul dish originating in Uzbekistan” (The
Malay Kitchen. Online:
http://www.cpamedia.com/food/malay_kitchen);
- Nasi lemak (rice with coconut milk, served with anchovies, peanuts,
cucumber, and sweet chilli paste) is considered the Malay version of
the sambal (a word of Indonesian and Malaysian origin) (Hutton

1994), which brings about a possible Indonesian influence of Malaysian
cuisine; and
- Sop kambing (Indian mutton soup), traditionally served with roti
canai, can also be served with chunks of crusty French bread (Idem).
N(y)onya food, a blend of Chinese and Malay cooking, also include mee
siam, an interpretation of Thai-style noodles (Idem).
Finally, Eurasian food is the term designating the following dishes:
- Devil chicken curry, similar to Indian vindaloo, has a Malaysian touch

given with fresh lemon grass, galangal (Alpinia galanga) and dried
shrimp paste;
- Lamb ribs with black pepper combines hot Indian spices plus Chinese
soy and oyster sauce;
- Muliu, pisang jantung and Portuguese baked fish are dishes from
Malacca’s Portuguese settlement.
Others (Idem) include:
- Black pepper crab, an authentic Malaysian dish made of mud crabs

and Chinese seasonings, Indian black pepper, and curry leaves (Idem);
and
- Butter prawns, a relatively recent Malaysian creation combining
traditionally Malay, Chinese, Indian and Western ingredients (Idem).
Conclusion
Malaysian cuisine is a gathering of cultures uniting the Chinese with
their innovative blend of cuisine, the Indians with their pungent traditional
fare, the Malays with their staple diet of rice and fish, the Peranakans with
their exquisite N(y)onya specialties, the Portuguese Eurasians with their
delightful blend of Eastern and Western cuisines, and the Thais with their
spicy cuisine. Thus, curry, the basic Indian vegetable or meat gravy, is
now prevalent in the alleged local Chinese and Malay “traditional”
cuisine. The name of the Perakanan laksa derives from the Sanskrit word
meaning “hundred thousand”. While the curry must have come originally
from the Indian population, it has since become a staple food among the
Malays and Chinese, too. Malaysian curries differ from state to state,
sometimes even with similar ethnic groupings as they are influenced by
agricultural (availability of ingredients), cultural (co-habitation of different
ethnic groups), economical (purchasing power of the people), and religious

(co-habitation of different religious groups) factors. Malaysian curries
typically use curry powders rich in chillies, coconut milk, garlic, ginger,
shallots, shrimp paste, tamarind, turmeric; rendang, a drier kind of curry
containing mostly meat and more coconut milk than a Malaysian curry, is
eaten in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore; and last but not least, all
sorts of things are curried in Malaysia, including aubergines, chicken,
cuttlefish, eggs, fish, mutton, shrimp, and vegetables.
The findings are that:
- Even Malay food has Thai origins;

- Malay Indian food is eaten by Malay Indians but not in India and that
it also has Arab, French, and Indonesian influences and even Uzbekistan
origins;
- N(y)onya food is a blend of Chinese, Malay, and Thai cooking;
- Food considered European is Euro-Indo-Chinese, Euro-Indo-Malaysian,
or Euro-Malay-Portuguese; and
- There are dishes not yet ranged in any category because of their
recentness.
Therefore, we believe that it would be wiser to describe Malaysian cuisine

as another type of fusion cuisine because it is not only a matter of cooking
methods, ingredients, or utensils, but also a matter of “taste”: we believe
that not only availability of ingredients, co-habitation of different cultural
and religious groups, and purchasing power, but tourist demand also that
has moulded Malaysian cuisine. The only threat is to guarantee
authenticity, but provide the kind of American or European-friendly food
that tourists actually eat (Walsh 2000a) or, in other words, guarantee
authenticity and deliver what sells. Apart from this, Malaysian cuisine
remains one of the most dynamic of earth’s cuisines.
References
Block, Melissa. (2005). Capturing the Elusive “Breath of a Wok”. Online:
www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4759306&ps=rs.
Cuisine. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cuisine.
Erlich, R. (2005). Social Activism Underpins Asian American Jazz.
Online:
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=1124185&ps=rs
Hutton, Wendy. (1994). The Food of Malaysia. Authentic Recipes from the
Crossroads of Asia. Ringwood – Harmondsworth – New York –
Toronto – Auckland: Viking.
Kennedy, Diana. (1972). The Cuisines of Mexico. New York: Harper
Collins Publishers.
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Lyden, Jacki. (2005). The Chinese Restaurant in America. Selling Chow
Mein. Online:
Malaysian cuisine. Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysian_cuisine.
Raţă, Georgeta, Petroman, I., Petroman, Cornelia & Trişcău, I. (2009).
Malaysian Cuisine: Cross-Culturality, Inter-Culturality, Multi-
Culturality or Fusion Cuisine? Abstracts and Full Papers. International
Conference on Social Sciences and Humanities. December 2-3, 2009,
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Belangi, Selanghor, Malaysia. 309-
317.
Tex-Mex. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tex-Mex_cuisine.
The Fusion Cooking School. Online:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fusion_Cooking_School.
The Malay Kitchen. Online:
http://www.cpamedia.com/food/malay_kitchen.
Tregear, Angela. (2001). What Is a “Typical Local Food”? An
Examination of Territorial Identity in Foods Based on Development
Initiatives in the Agrifood and Rural Sections. Centre for Rural
Economy Working Paper Series. Working Paper 58. University of
Newcastle upon Tyne. Centre for Rural Economy. 31 p.
Walsh, R. (2000a). History of Tex-Mex II: Combination Plates. Houston
Press. Dining. October 26, 2000. Online:
http://www.houstonpress.com/2000-08-31/dining/combination-
plates/full.
—. (2000b). History of Tex-Mex IV: The Authenticity Myth. Houston
Press. Dining. August 31, 2000. Online:
http://www.houstonpress.com/2000-10-26/dining/the-authenticity-
myth/full.
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http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4622305&ps=r.
FRENCH BORROWINGS IN THE ENGLISH
OF GASTRONOMY
ALINA-ANDREEA DRAGOESCU
Introduction
The aim of the present study is to determine the origin of French food-
and cooking-related borrowings in English. The study analyses word
origins, as well as the relationship between etymologies and their formal
development. The etymological approach also enables inferences about
some semantic aspects of the vocabulary of gastronomy, where word
transfer from French is the norm and original meanings are often
disregarded. Besides word change in form and meaning, it is fascinating to
see semantic alterations and correlations between words which often
derive from pre-existing ones. Thus, word histories attempt to map out the
bridges between words and nations by enforcing word-consciousness. Not
in the least trifling, the names of foods and drinks reveal the cultural
history of English speakers. Gradual adaptations, swift borrowings, novel
coinages, and current adoptions of words are all matters of linguistic
command and influence.
The mechanism through which most gastronomy-related words stem
is dictated by the chefs’ and restaurateurs’ ambitions of sophistication in
haute cuisine. In coming up with the most enticing and well-sounding
dishes, professionals hoped to provide a taste of classiness by appealing to
French haute cuisine. Therefore, the foremost source of word creation in
the realm of gastronomy appears to be the adoption of French borrowings,
which appear more alluring to the connoisseurs. However, a large number
of words borrowed as such and having preserved the French form also
have English correspondents or possible translations. Comparatively fewer
gastronomy-related words are used to describe entirely original dishes
which would not have a counterpart in the English language. Therefore,
the paper contends that the presence of French borrowings may be
considered a matter of linguistic fashion or prestige.
178 French Borrowings in the English of Gastronomy
Material and Method

Gastronomy-related vocabulary abounds in words of French origin or of
French words which have not been altered or adapted to the language of
adoption. The current research analyzes a corpus of gastronomy-related
words in English, organized in two categories. On the one hand, early
borrowings have been fully adapted to English; on the other hand, late
borrowings have not been fully digested and still keep the French form for
different reasons. Etymological research focuses on the histories and
evolving patterns of the words in the first group while semantic analysis
focuses on the second set of borrowings. For this purpose, the Online
Etymology Dictionary, Partridge’s Etymological Dictionary of Modern
English, and the Random House Online Dictionary have been consulted.
Several newly emerged words have not yet been recorded in English
language dictionaries, and they remain isolated to small circles of food
experts. Given that they identify new realities or just fashionable fads,
these words should find their way into dictionaries and be converted into
new English words just like earlier borrowings, for the benefit and
enrichment of the English language.
Results
Borrowings Adapted from French
We have inventoried a sample of seventy gastronomy-related borrowings

from French which have been adapted to English, given their early
reception and the length of their lifespan: aspic < F aspic ‘jelly’ (18th c.)
lit. ‘asp’ < OF aspe ‘poisonous snake’ probably so called on account of its
coldness, based on an old French simile ‘cold as an aspic’ (Ayto 1990);
bacon < OF bacon ‘meat < the back and sides of a pig, originally either
fresh or cured’ (early 14th c.) (OED); beef < OF buef (11th c.) ModF boeuf
‘ox, bull’ (OED); biscuit < OF bescuit ‘twice cooked’ (early 14th c.)
altered under the influence of cognate OIt biscotto (OED); boil < OF bolir
‘boil, bubble up, ferment, gush’ (12th c., ModF bouillir) (OED); bouillon <
F bouillon (11th c.), noun use of pp. of bouillir ‘to boil’ < OF bolir)
(OED); cabbage < caboge (mid 15th c.) < MF caboche ‘head’ (in the
Channel Islands ‘cabbage’) < OF caboce ‘head’ (OED); candy < OF çucre
candi ‘sugar candy’ (late 13th c.) (OED); caramel < F caramel ‘burnt
sugar’ (17th c.) (OED); celery < F celery (1660s) (OED); chicory (late 14th
c.) < MF cichorée ‘endive’) (OED); cider < OF cidre (12th c. cire, ModF
cidre), variant of cisdr < LL sicera, word used for any strong drink
Alina-Andreea Dragoescu 179
(translated in OE as beor); meaning gradually narrowed in English to

mean exclusively ‘fermented drink made from apples’ as in OF (OED);
cinnamon < OF cinnamone (13th c.) (OED); condiment < OF condiment
(13th c.) (OED); cream < OF cresme (13th c., ModF crème) ‘chrism, holy
oil’, blend of LL chrisma ‘ointment’ and LL cramum ‘cream’ which is
perhaps from Gaulish, replaced OE ream, reborrowed 19th c. from F as
creme) (OED); cucumber < OF cocombre (13th c., ModF concombre)
(OED); onion < OF oignon (formerly also oingnon) (OED); dine < OF
disner (ModF dîner) ‘to dine, eat, have a meal’, originally ‘take the first
meal of the day’ < stem of Gallo-Romance desjunare ‘to break one’s fast’
(OED); dinner < OF disner (11th c.) originally ‘breakfast’, later ‘lunch’
(OED); endive < OF endive (late 14th c.) (OED); escallop < MF escalope
‘shell’ (late 15th c.) (OED); flour < flur ‘flower’ (early 13th c.) meaning
‘finer portion of ground grain’ from the notion of flour as the ‘finest part’
of meal (cf. F fleur de farine), as distinguished from the coarser parts
(‘meal’), spelled flower until flour became the accepted form c. 1830 to
end confusion (OED); fricassee ‘meat, especially chicken or veal,
browned lightly, stewed, and served in a sauce made with its own stock’ <
MF fricassée, noun use of fem. past part. of fricasser ‘to cook chopped
food in its own juice’, probably a portmanteau from fri(re) ‘to fry’ +
casser ‘to break, crack’ (RH); fritter < OF friture ‘fritter, pancake,
something fried’ (12th c.) (OED); fry < OF frire ‘to fry’ (13th c.) (OED);
gallimaufry ‘a medley’1550s < F galimafrée ‘hash, ragout’ < OF
calimafree ‘sauce made of mustard, ginger, and vinegar; a stew of carp’
(14th c.) perhaps < OF galer ‘to make merry, live well’ (which also gave
gallant) + mafrer ‘to eat much’ (OED); gravy (early 14th c. in AF) < OF
grané (with -n- misread for -u-, the character used for -v- in medial
positions in words in medieval manuscripts) ‘sauce, stew’ (OED); gelatine
< F gélatine (17th c.) ‘clear jelly-like substance, fish broth’ (OED); giblets
< OF gibelet ‘game stew’ (mid 15th c.) (OED); grease < A-F grece (c.
1300) < OF gresse, craisse ‘grease, fat’ (ModF graisse) (OED);
hodgepodge ‘a kind of stew’ (14th c.) earlier an AF legal term (late 13th c.)
meaning ‘collection of property in a common ‘pot’ before dividing it
equally’ < OF hochepot ‘stew, soup’ (OED); jelly < OF gelée ‘a frost,
jelly,’ lit. fem. past part. of geler ‘congeal’ (late 14th c.) (OED); juice < OF
jus ‘broth, sauce, juice’ (late 13th c.) (OED); lard < OF larde ‘bacon fat’
(late 14th c.) (OED); mace < OF macis taken in English as a plural form,
meaning ‘spice made from the dry outer husk of nutmeg’ (late 14th c.)
(OED); marmite < F, apparently equivalent to mar(m)-, base of
marmotter ’to mutter, murmur’ + mite ‘cat’, probably originally a jocular
or nursery word, representing ‘a deep, covered pot being thought of as
secretive and hence catlike in comparison to an open pan’ (18th c.) (OED);
menu ‘a list of the dishes served at a meal, bill of fare’, the dishes served’
< F menu de repas ‘list of what is served at a meal’ < MF menu ‘small,
detailed’ (17th c.) (OED); mince < OF mincier ‘make into small pieces’
(late 14th c.) (OED); mutton < OF moton ‘ram, sheep’ (13th c., ModF
mouton), meaning ‘flesh of sheep used as food’ (OED); mustard < OF
moustard < moust ‘must’ < L. mustum ‘new wine’ (late 12th c.) (OED);
omlet < F omelette (16th c.), metathesis of alemette (14th c.) < alemelle
‘blade of a knife or sword’ < lemelle (mistaken as l’alemelle) ‘thin, small
plate’, diminutive of lamina ‘plate, layer’, so called on account of its flat
shape (OED); oyster < OF oistre (mid 14th c., ModF huître) (OED); paste
< OF paste ‘dough’ < OF pastée, adj. of paste, type of pastry pie (mid 12th
c.) (OED); pastry < ME paste ‘food made with paste’ (mid 15th c.) not
originally limited to sweets, probably influenced by OF pastaierie ‘pastry’
< paste; the meaning ‘small confection made of pastry’ was only acquired
in the early 20th c (OED); patisserie < F pâtisserie < pâtisser ‘pastry-
seller, pastry-cook’ (1784) < OF pasticier (OED); pate < F pâté ‘paste’
(1706) < OF paste, earlier pastée, cf. paste) (OED); patty < F pâté < OF
paste (1690s, in patti-pan ‘something baked in a small pan’) (OED);
pomegranate (early 14th c. poumgarnet) < OF pomegrenate < ML pomum
granatum, lit. ‘apple with many seeds’ < pome ‘apple’ + grenate ‘having
grains’ (OED); pork < F porc ‘flesh of a pig as food’ (OED); potpourri <
F pot pourri ‘stew’, lit. ‘rotten pot’, in turn a loan-translation of Sp olla
podrida, meaning ‘mixed meats served in a stew’ (early 17th c.); the notion
of ‘medley’ led to the secondary meaning of ‘mixture of dried flowers and
spices’ in the 18th c. (OED); ragout < F ragoût (mid 17th c.) < MF
ragoûter ‘awaken the appetite’, compound of OF re- ‘back’ + à ‘to’ + goût
‘taste’ (OED); porridge < OF poree ‘leek soup’ < por ‘leek’ (1530s) ‘soup
of meat and vegetables’, alteration of pottage, influenced by ME porreie
(OED); porringer < F potage (late 15th c.), alteration of potynger ‘small
dish for stew’, influenced by porridge (OED); pottage < OF potage
‘soup’, lit. ‘that which is put in a pot’ < pot ‘pot’ (early 13th c.) (OED);
roast < OF rostir ‘to roast’ (c. 1300) (OED); salad < OF salade (14th c.)
(OED); salmon < OF salmun (c. 1200) < L salmonem, lit. ‘leaper’ < salire
‘to leap’, replaced OE læx, from PIE lax, the more usual word for the fish,
which also gave lox ‘smoked salmon’ (OED); sauce < OF sauce, sausse
(mid 14th c.) (OED); sausage (mid 15th c. sawsyge) < ONF saussiche
(ModF saucisse) (OED); simnel (c. 1200, ‘sweet cake’) < OF simenel
‘fine wheat flour’) (OED); sorrel < OF surele (12th c.) < sur ‘sour’), so
called for the sour taste of its leaves (OED); spice < OF espice (early 13th
c.) (OED); sugar < OF sucre ‘sugar’ (12th c.) (OED); supper (late 13th c.,
‘the last meal of the day’) < OF super ‘supper’, noun use of super ‘to eat
the evening meal’ (OED); tripe < OF tripe ‘entrails used as food’ (13th c.)
(OED); truffle (1590s, ‘edible fungus’) < MF trufle (late 14th c.) < OF
truffe, meaning extended to powdered chocolates resembling truffles (20th
c.) (OED); veal < A-F vel < OF veel ‘a calf’ (late 14th c.) (OED); venison
< OF venesoun ‘meat of large game’, especially deer or boar (late 13th c.)
(OED); victuals < A-F and OF vitaille < LL victualia ‘provisions’, noun
use of plural of victualis ‘of nourishment’ (c. 1300) (OED); vinegar < OF
vinaigre < vin ‘wine’ + aigre ‘sour’ (14th c.) (OED).
Recent French Borrowings
The borrowings from the second group have preserved their French form,
though several of them may have acquired an adapted pronunciation. This
category covers a sample of thirty-five words and phrases which entered
the English dictionary more recently, thus not having lost their character as
Gallicisms and appearing distinctly foreign to speakers of English. Only a
sample has been selected from the extensive list of French cooking words
currently used in English, which testifies to the unrelenting upsurge of
interest in French gastronomy: à la ... ‘in the manner of, in the style of’
(RH); à la carte ‘from the menu’, lit. ‘by the card’, referring to ordering
individual dishes rather than a fixed-price meal (RH); apéritif ‘alcoholic
drink taken before a meal to stimulate the appetite before a meal’,
‘appetizer’, from F aperitif meaning ‘laxative, laxative liqueur’, lit.
‘opening’ < L. aperitivus < aperire ‘to open’ (OED); au jus ‘served in the
natural juices that flow from the meat as it cooks’, lit. ‘with juice’, often
redundantly formulated, as in open-faced steak sandwich, served with au
jus (RH); baguette ‘long, narrow loaf of bread’; bain-marie ‘a receptacle
containing boiling water into which other containers are placed to warm or
cook food’ < Middle F translation of Medieval Latin balneum
Mariae ‘bath of Mary’, reputed to be a heating technique devised by a
Jewish alchemist, equivalent of E ‘double boiler’ (RH); bavarois
‘Bavarian cream’, lit. ‘Bavarian’ (RH); béchamel ‘a white sauce’ named
after its originator, Marquis de Béchamel, steward of Louis XIV of France
(RH); blanquette ‘a ragout of lamb, veal, or chicken, prepared in a velouté
sauce, garnished with croutons or small onions and mushrooms’ (RH);
bouillabaisse ‘a soup or stew containing several kinds of fish and often
shellfish’, equivalent to English ‘boil-abase’ (RH); brioche ‘a light, sweet
bun’ (RH); café au lait ‘hot coffee served with an equal amount of milk’,
lit. ‘coffee with milk’ (RH); canapé ‘a thin piece of bread or toast or a
cracker spread or topped with cheese, caviar, anchovies, or other savoury
food’, F lit. ‘a covering or netting, orig. for a bed (which also gave E
canopy), used by extension for a piece of bread’ (RH); cuisine ‘a style or
quality of cooking’, E ‘cookery’ (RH); chasseur ‘huntsman’ adjective,
often postpositive, as in veal chasseur, derived from OF chaceor
‘huntsman, hunter’, which also gave the verb to chase in English (OED);
crème brûlée ’a custard sprinkled with sugar and broiled’, lit. ‘burnt
cream’ (RH); croque-monsieur ‘a French toasted ham and cheese
sandwich’, F lit. ‘crunch mister’ (RH); croissant ‘crescent-shaped roll of
leavened dough or puff paste’, lit. ‘crescent’ (RH); croquette ‘small deep-
fried ball’, derivative of the F verb croquer ‘crunch’, from their crisp
external shell made of fried bread crumbs (Ayto 1990); crouton ‘small
piece of toasted bread used as a garnish for soups or salads’ (RH); entrée
‘a dish served as the main course of a meal’ (U.S.); originally ‘a dish
served before a main course’ < F entrée < OF entrée, fem. past part. of
entrer ‘to enter’, which also gave E entry (OED); entremets ‘dishes served
between the principal courses or with other main courses, side dish’ (RH);
flambé ‘served in flaming liquor’, F past participle of flamber ‘to flame’,
lit. ‘flamed’ (RH); glacé ‘frosted, iced (cake), or candied (fruits), F past
participle of glacer ‘to freeze’, E ‘glazed’ (RH); hollandaise < F sauce
hollandaise ‘Dutch sauce’ (RH); hors d’oeuvre ‘extra dish set out before a
meal or between courses’, lit. ‘outside of work’ (OED); macedoine
‘mixture of fruits or vegetables, from F Macédoine ‘Macedonia’, probably
alluding to the variety of nationalities in the region (RH); mayonnaise
‘thick dressing’, said to be an allusion to Mahon, seaport capital of the
island of Minorca, captured by France 1756, doubtful (OED); mousse ‘a
sweetened dessert with whipped cream’ (RH), E ‘froth’; purée ‘food put
through a sieve, blender’ (RH); rémoulade ‘cold salad dressing’ from F
dialectal remolat ‘horseradish’ (OED); sauté or sauter ‘to cook in a small
amount of fat, rotating it about’, E ‘to pan-fry’, also ‘a dish of sautéed
food’ < F past participle of sauter ‘to jump, to toss’ (RH); table d’hôte
‘common table for guests at a hotel’, F lit. ‘table of the host’ (OED);
vinaigrette ‘salad dressing’, diminutive of F vinaigre ‘vinegar’ < vin
‘wine’ + aigre ‘sour’, corresponding to the L vinum acetum ‘wine turned
sour’ (RH); vol-au-vent ‘pastry filled with vegetable, fish, etc.’, lit. ‘flight
in the wind’ (RH).
Discussion
Much of the English gastronomy-related vocabulary appears to be of
French origin, mostly derived from the A-Norman language spoken in
England starting with the Norman Conquest in the 11th c. English
gastronomy and gastronomic vocabulary alike were influenced

significantly during the time of English-French bilingual culture which
developed after this event. Numerous gastronomy-related words were
borrowed from A-Norman, the vernacular spoken in Medieval England,
some of which were to adapt to the English lexicon over time.
Nonetheless, according to S. Romaine, minor adjustment was apparently
required to bring borrowings to conformity with English phonology,
given that the two languages were already related (Algeo 2001). Since
then, English has continued to adopt French words to designate newly
imported dishes or to make food sound more appealing. A new influx of
borrowings occurred during the 18th and 19th c., mirroring the pinnacle of
French haute cuisine (Ayto 1990). The most common examples of Anglo-
Norman gastronomy-related words into English are names for the flesh
of animals, such as the pig, sheep, veal, ox, game, etc. However, the
animals’ meat evokes the French words for these respective animals, i.e.
porc for the pig’s meat, mouton for the sheep’s meat, veau for the calf’s
meat, boeuf for bovine meat, venaisson for deer’s flesh. These were
borrowed in English as such during the Norman period, establishing an
oft-quoted set of linguistic doublets. However, the Normans left the less
favourite pieces of meat to the lower classes, which explains the existence
of Old English words in dishes such as oxtail, calf’s liver, sheep’s head, or
pig’s kidneys. Thus, by means of such edifying word histories, French is
revealed as the language of high culture (Lerer 2007).
Several other borrowings already had Old English equivalents at the
time of their reception from French, but the French form was still
preferred. For instance, the word salmon (from OF salmun) replaced OE
læx (< lax), though the term lox designating ‘smoked salmon’ might have
Celtic origins. This example also exhibits the strange case of word origin
conservation, which at times allows for the English word to keep closer to
the Old French original form than the Modern French variant of the word
having the same origin. Similarly, a number of borrowings have
preserved a form that resembles the Old French original more than its
Modern French variant does (e.g., oyster borrowed in the mid 14th c. from
OF oistre versus ModF huître, veal from OF veel ‘a calf’ versus ModF
veau, etc.). The great majority of the early borrowings conspicuously
maintain high degrees of equivalence with the French words they originate
from or with modern French words. While some terms have preserved
exactly the same form as their French correspondents (e.g., sauce), other
borrowings have changed remarkably slightly, mainly by loss of
inflections (e.g., salad).
On the other hand, a relatively smaller number of borrowings have

totally lost their resemblance to French words, having developed
independently, e.g., cabbage (with the mid 15th c. variant caboge), from
MF caboche ‘head’, from OF caboce ‘head’) (OED). In several cases, the
surviving native terms commonly fell into oblivion, the newly prominent
synonyms being favoured, e.g., the Old English alternative name for bacon
was flitch (12th c.), perhaps from the same root with flesh, meaning ‘side
of cured pig meat’ which is quite disfavoured (Ayto 1990). What is more,
some of the French borrowings are used only in English in their true
sense, having lost their popularity in modern French. For instance, the
culinary expression au jus is no longer used in French for food, except for
the slang expression être au jus, with the meaning of ‘being informed’.
Moreover, borrowings from the second group are recurrently transferred to
English and are often employed despite existing equivalents, e.g.,
appetizer for apéritif, coffee with milk for café au lait, double boiler for
bain-marie, etc.
Although the first set of borrowings in the corpus has immersed the
English vocabulary, being largely recognised and understood by speakers,
all of them have not been fully adapted. Some of the words have been
adapted only partially, with ambivalent pronunciation reminding of their
foreign origin (e.g., ragout). Furthermore, the borrowings in the studied
corpus which have been borrowed between the 18th and the 20th c. have
suffered minimal or no adjustment to the English language. In this
category, befalls the second corpus of borrowings, which display a largely
reduced level of adaptability. All these terms have been borrowed recently,
with the sole exception of the borrowing cuisine, which was borrowed as
early as the 15th c., but remained styled as French for obvious reasons
dictated by gastronomic ‘etiquette’. In fact, cuisine is a difficult word to
classify, as it is traced back to 1786 by the Online Etymology Dictionary,
whereas the Random House Dictionary traces it to 1475-85. However,
replacing the French-sounding borrowing cuisine by an autochthonous
word such as cookery would certainly result in a perceived loss of
prestige. Most of these modern borrowings have preserved not only their
French form, but also the French structure in wording, e.g., steak flambé or
veal chasseur, where the adjectives are in postposition to the nouns, unlike
ordinary English word order. However, some sporadic French words also
occur as part of English phrases exhibiting typically English wording, e.g.,
chasseur sauce, which displays a higher level of compliance with the host
language.
As it has been shown, etymological knowledge often leads to an
enhanced knowledge of word meanings, as well as their cultural implications.
Thereby, this approach proves to be revealing as to the characteristics of

the designated foodstuffs, dishes, spices, and cooking methods. For
instance, the plant named sorrel borrowed its name from OF surele, which
in turn comes from sur meaning ‘sour’ and it appears to have been called
so for the harshness of its leaves (Ayto 1990). Also, the etymology of the
word mustard informs us upon its initial preparation method, given that
the word comes from OF moustarde < moust ‘must’ meaning ‘new wine’
which was called so because mustard was originally prepared by adding
must to the ground seeds of the plant to make a paste (OED). Few words
have undergone considerable change in meaning or/and form, thus being
scarcely perceptible. For example, the word porridge has suffered a
phonetic change of [t] to [r], initially being a derivative of the French term
pottage, which designated a soup or broth in the 18th c., having previously
been taken from F potage (Ayto 1990). Interestingly, the word pottage has
also survived since the early 13th c., signifying ‘that which is put in a pot’,
from the same OF word potage meaning ‘soup’, from pot ‘pot’. Similarly,
porringer is a late 15th c. alteration of potynger ‘small dish for stew’, in its
turn, derived from potage by the influence of porridge with intrusive n
(OED).
As to pronunciation, borrowings in the first group have generally been
adapted to English even in the case of the words which have totally
preserved the written French form, e.g., aspic, caramel, condiment, etc.
However, in the case of more recent borrowings, which preserve the
French writing, their French origin is evident not only in their form, but
also in their stylish pronunciation. Adaptation has, generally, been minor
(e.g., brioche, bouillon, café au lait, etc.) or inexistent (e.g., apéritif,
croissant, hors d’oeuvre) due precisely to the fact that these terms
generally identify dishes which have been slipped into British menus to
impress or hint at refinement and high quality. Most of these borrowings
reproduce similar or similar French pronunciation (e.g., blanquette), with
the most notable exception of é read [ei], according to earlier adapted
borrowings, e.g., café, entrée, sauté, etc. A large number of the terms
belonging to the second group thus appear to have been borrowed for
linguistic purposes of stylish use rather than out of necessity. It may be
concluded that only few words in the studied corpus – usually original
French dishes – have no possible linguistic counterparts in English. What
most words in this category have in common is the restriction of use to
connoisseurs and food service providers. Specialists in the field are,
nonetheless, encouraged to reach not only professional skills, but linguistic
knowledge of these terms, as well.
Conclusion
In conclusion, though English has benefited from the range of linguistic
imports, becoming a rich eclectic language, French appears to reflect the
best tastes in matters of cooking traditions. The relevance of word histories
and etymological accounts ought to be once again highlighted as a major
source of both linguistic and cultural awareness. Moreover, the need is felt
for cooperation between lexicographers and food specialists, as language
dictionaries lack several entries for the terms under discussion. Further
research might compare the corpora of gastronomy-related words in
English and other languages such as Romanian, to identify different
patterns in the assimilation of French borrowings. Last but not least, this
study displays the fact that etymological pursuits are often engrossingly
ludic adventures into the history of interconnected words and ideas. By
making insightful associations between words or even between different
languages and understanding these correlations, the odd polyglot is
recompensed with enlightening elucidations about the history of our daily
words.
References
Algeo, J. (Ed.). 2001. The Cambridge History of the English Language.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ayto, J. (1990). The Glutton’s Glossary: A Dictionary of Food and Drink
Terms. London-New York: Routledge
Dragoescu, Alina-Andreea. (2011). French Loanwords in the English of
Gastronomy. Journal of Linguistic Studies 1 (7): 37-44.
Lerer, S. (2007). Inventing English. A Portable History of the Language.
New York: Columbia University Press.
Online Etymology Dictionary. Online: http://www.etymonline.com.
(OED)
Partridge, E. (1966). Origins. A short Etymological Dictionary of Modern
English. London – New York: Routledge (P)
York: Random House. (RH)
RUSSIAN BORROWINGS IN THE ENGLISH
OF CUISINE
GEORGETA RAŢĂ AND ANICA PERKOVIĆ
Introduction
The purpose of this research was to analyse the Russianisms specific to the
English of cuisine, answering the following questions:
- When did they enter the English language?

- From what source?
- How have their form and meaning changed over time?
The hypothesis was that cuisine Russianisms must have preserved both
form and meaning in English since they stay for Russian notions that
describe Russian realities. In addition, foreign words have always been
appealing, and cookbooks and chefs have always used foreign words to
make their dishes more appealing. To our knowledge, apart from a list of
English Words of Russian origin (W) including terms belonging to the
English of cuisine, there has been no research in the field of cuisine
Russianisms in English so far. “Russianism, Russism, or Russicism is
[defined as] an influence of Russian language on other languages.” (W)
There are two types of Russianisms:
- Russified words, expressions, or grammar constructs used in Slavic

languages, in the languages of the CIS states (particularly Belarus,
Ukraine, Republic of Moldova), and in the languages of the Russian
Federation, where they replace existing words describing realities
specific to these areas, a process called Russification;
- Borrowings that are found in languages far from the Russian sphere of
influence (Italian, for example, where Russianisms rank sixth after
Anglicisms, Gallicisms, Germanisms, Hispanisms, and Arabisms –
Giorgio Maria Nicolai cited by Wikipedia), where they stay for
Russian notions to describe Russian realities.
188 Russian Borrowings in the English of Cuisine
In Jovan Adjuković’s “theory of transfer” of lexical borrowing (W),

Russianism is:
- An unmotivated or motivated word of Russian origin which has kept a

strong formal-semantic connection with the corresponding word in
Russian (e.g., vodka);
- An unmotivated or motivated word of Russian origin which has
partially or totally lost its formal-semantic connection with the origi-
nal Russian word owing to adaptation (e.g., coulibiac);
- An unmotivated or motivated word of non-Russian origin borrowed
through Russian (e.g., balyk);
- An unmotivated or motivated word of Russian or non-Russian origin
borrowed into the receiving language through a transmitter language
(e.g., bitok).
Material and Method

We have analysed twenty-seven cuisine Russianisms picked up from the
most authoritative English language dictionaries (Online Etymology
Dictionary, The Concise Oxford Dictionary 11th Edition (PC), Merriam
Webster Online, The American Heritage Dictionary of the English
Language) which we corroborated with less reliable sources (Wikipedia,
the Free Encyclopedia). The method we used in the research is the
etymological one: we studied the history of the English words of Russian
origin belonging to the field of cuisine from the point of view of the time
they entered the English language; of the source they have come from; of
the changes in form and meaning over time, with particular emphasis on
potential semantic change.
Results
English has proven accommodating to words from many languages,
including Russian. English Russianisms consist of traditional and
specialised inventories such as government, cuisine, politics, religion,
technique, etc. Cuisine Russianisms, as well as the rest of Russianisms,
have come to English either directly or indirectly (Figure 2-7).
Figure 2-7. Source of English cuisine Russianisms: twenty direct borrowings from
Russian, two indirect borrowings from Russian, five (in)direct borrowings from
Russian
Directly Borrowed Cuisine Russianisms
Twenty (74%) cuisine Russianisms were borrowed directly from Russian:
- Balyk (< Russ balik < Turk balik ‘fish’) ‘the salted and dried soft parts
of some fish, especially some larger valuable species’ (OED), ‘salted
and dried soft parts of fish of large valuable species Acipenseridae
(e.g., sturgeon) and Salmonidae (e.g., salmon)’ (W);
- Bitok n. (< Rus bitok < F bifteck (haché) ‘(ground) beef’ < E
beefsteak) ‘a dish made from ground meat mixed with milk, bread, and
onions to form patties that are fried and served with a sour-cream
sauce’ (AHDEL);
- Blini(s)/bliny (< Russ) ‘pancakes made from buckwheat flour and
served with sour cream’ (COD);
- Coulibiac/koulibiac (< Russ kulebyaka) ‘a Russian fish or meat pie’
(COD), coulibiac (1895-1900 < Russ kulebyáka ‘an oblong loaf of
fish, meat, or vegetables, baked in a pastry shell’) ‘a Russian fish pie
typically made with salmon or sturgeon, hard-boiled eggs, mushrooms,
and herbs, in a puff pastry shell’ (W);
- Kasha (< Russ kasha < Old Russian) ‘buckwheat groats’ (AHDEL),
kasha (< Russ) ‘(in Russia and Poland) porridge made from cooked
buckwheat or similar grain’ (COD), kasha (1808 < Russ kasha) ‘1. a
porridge made usually from buckwheat groats. 2. kasha grain before
cooking’ (MWOD), kasha (< Russ kasha ‘porridge, gruel’) ‘1. a
porridge made from cooked buckwheat groats or other grains. 2. a
beige colour resembling buckwheat groats’, ‘a porridge commonly
eaten in Eastern Europe’ (W);
- Kefir (< Russ kefir < Old Turk kopur ‘(milk) froth, foam)’) ‘a creamy
drink made of fermented cow’s milk’ (AHDEL), kefir (1884 < Russ
kefir) ‘a beverage of fermented cow’s milk’ (MWOD), kefir (< Russ
kefir < Old Turk köpür ‘(milk) froth, foam)’) ‘a sour, slightly alcoholic
drink fermented from cow, goat, or sheep’s milk’, ‘a fermented milk
that originated in the Caucasus region’ (W);
- Kvass (< Russ kvas ‘leaven’ < OCS kvasu ‘yeast’) ‘fermented drink
made from rye or barley’ (OED), kvass (< Russ kvas) ‘a Russian
fermented milk made from rye flour or bread with malt’ (COD), kvass
(< Russ kvas < O Russ kvasŭ) ‘a Russian fermented beverage similar
to beer, made from rye or barley’ (AHDEL), kvass (1553 < Russ kvas)
‘a slightly alcoholic beverage of eastern Europe made from fermented
mixed cereals and often flavoured’ (MWOD), kvass (< Russ kvas
sometimes translated into English as ‘bread drink’ – a linguistic
calque) ‘a fermented mildly alcoholic beverage made from rye flour or
bread with malt; rye beer’, ‘a fermented mildly alcoholic beverage
made from black or rye bread’ (W);
- Medovukha (< Russ medovukha < Proto-Indo-European meddhe
‘honey’) ‘a Russian honey-based alcoholic beverage similar to mead’
(W);
- Okroskha (< Russ okroskha < Russ kroshit ‘to chop (into small pieces)’)
‘a type of Russian cold soup (with mixed raw vegetables)’ (W);
- Paskha (< Russ paskha ‘Easter’) ‘a rich Russian dessert made with
soft cheese, dried fruit, nuts, and spices, traditionally eaten at Easter’,
‘an Easter bread served at Easter in many Slavic countries’ (W);
- Pav (Colloq.)/pavlova/Pavlova (1926 < Anna Pavlova, famous
Russian ballerina) ‘a dessert of Australian and New Zealand origin
consisting of a meringue shell topped with whipped cream and usually
fruit’ (OED), pavlova (1920s named after the Russian ballerina Anna
Pavlova) ‘a dessert consisting of a meringue base or shell filled with
whipped cream and fruit’ (COD), ‘a meringue dessert’ (W);
- Pelmeni (< Russ pel’men < Tatar pilmän(när)) ‘an eastern European
dish of minced meat, especially beef and pork, wrapped in a thin dough
and boiled’, ‘a Russian national dish, consisting of a filling that is
wrapped in thin unleavened dough’ (W);
- Piroshki/pirozhki (< Russ pirozhki) ‘small Russian savoury pastries

filled with meat or vegetables’ (COD), piroshki/pirozhki (< Russ
piroshki ‘small pies’) (MWOD), piroshki/pirozhki (1912 < Russ
pirozhki ‘small pies’) ‘small pastries with meat, cheese, or vegetable
filling’ (MWOD), piroshki/pirozhki (< Russ piroshki ‘small pies’) ‘a
generic word for individual-sized baked or fried buns stuffed with a
variety of fillings’ (W);
- Sbiten (< Russ sbitenĭ) ‘a traditional Russian honey based drink
similar to medovukha’, ‘a hot winter Russian traditional drink’ (W);
- Sevruga (16th c. (< Russ sevryuga) ‘a migratory sturgeon found only in
the basins of the Caspian and Black Sea, fished for its caviar
(Acipenser stellatus)’ (COD), sevruga (< Russ sevryuga) ‘1. a sturgeon
(Acipenser stellatus) of the Caspian Sea, whose small grey roe is used
for caviar. 2. caviar made from the roe of the sevruga.’ (AHDEL),
sevruga (1591 < Russ sevryuga ‘a species of sturgeon’) ‘1. a light to
dark grey caviar from a sturgeon (Acipenser sevru) of the Caspian Sea
with roe that is smaller than that of osetra. 2. the fish’ (MWOD),
sevruga (< Russ sevryuga) ‘a caviar from the Sevruga, a type of
sturgeon found only in the Caspian and Black Sea’, ‘one of the highest
priced varieties of caviar, eclipsed in cost only by the Beluga and
Ossetra varieties’ (W);
- Shashli(c)k ((< Russ shashlyk < Turk şiş ‘spit, skewer’) ‘(in Asia and
Eastern Europe) a mutton kebab’ (COD), shashli(c)k (< Russ shashlyk
< Turk) ‘a dish consisting of marinated cubes of lamb or beef grilled or
roasted on a spit, often with slices of eggplant, onion, and tomato;
shish kebab’ (AHDEL), shas(h)lik (1876 < Russ shashlyk, probably
alteration of Crimean Tatar šišlik) ‘kebab, cubes of meat (as lamb or
beef) marinated and cooked with vegetables usually on a skewer’
(MWOD), shashlik (< Russ shashlyk < Crimean Turk sislik) ‘a type of
eastern European and Asian shish kebab with meat (often lamb or
beef) that is usually marinated and garnished with herbs and spices’
(W), shashlik/shashlyk (< Russ shashlyk < Crimean Tatar şişliq) ‘a
form of skewered dish popular throughout the former Soviet Union,
and Mongolia’ (W);
- Shchi (< Russ) ‘a type of Russian cabbage soup’ (COD), shchi (<
Russ shchi) ‘a type of cabbage soup’, ‘a soup with cabbage as the
primary ingredient’ (W);
- Smetana (< Russ smetat ‘to sweep together, to collect’) ‘a sour cream,
frequently in smetana sauce’, ‘a Russian borrowing in English for a
dairy product, that is produced by souring heavy cream’ (W);
- Vareniki/varenyky (< Russ varenyy ‘boiled things’) ‘a popular

Ukrainian dish of square or crescent-shaped dumplings of unleavened
dough, stuffed with sauerkraut, cheese, mashed potatoes, cabbage, and
meat’, ‘a kind of stuffed dumpling associated with Ukrainian cuisine’
(W);
- Vodka (< Russ, diminutive of voda ‘water’) ‘an alcoholic spirit of
Russian origin made by distillation of rye, wheat, or potatoes’ (COD),
vodka (1802 < Russ vodka ‘little water’ < Russ voda ‘water’) (OED),
vodka (< Rus diminutive of voda ‘water’) ‘an alcoholic liquor
originally distilled from fermented wheat mash but now also made
from a mash of rye, corn, or potatoes’ (AHDEL), vodka (~ 1803 <
Russ voda ‘water’) ‘a colourless liquor of neutral spirits distilled from
a mash (as of rye or wheat’ (MWOD), vodka (< Russ vodka diminutive
of voda ‘water’) ‘an alcoholic liquor distilled from fermented wheat
mash, but now also made from a mash of rye, corn, or potatoes’, ‘a
distilled beverage’ (W).
Indirectly Borrowed Cuisine Russianisms
There are two (7%) cuisine Russianisms borrowed from Russian through
Yiddish:
- Blintz (1903 < Yiddish blintze < Russ blinyets, diminutive of blin
‘pancake’) (OED), blintze (< Yiddish blintze < Russ blinets ‘little
pancake’) ‘a thin rolled pancake filled with cheese or fruit and then
fried or baked’ (COD), blintz(e) (< Yiddish blintse < Beloruss blintsy,
pl. of blinets, diminutive of blin ‘pancake’ < Old Russian mlinŭ, blinŭ)
‘a thin, rolled blin, usually filled with cottage cheese, that is folded and
then sautéed or baked and often served with sour cream’ (AHDEL),
blintz(e) (< Yiddish blintse, of Slavic origin) ‘a thin usually wheat-
flour pancake folded to form a casing (as for cheese or fruit) and then
sautéed or baked’ (MWOD), blintz(e) (blin) (< Yiddish blintse < blin <
Old Sl mlin ‘to mill’) ‘a thin rolled pancake, similar to a crepe, that is
usually filled with cottage cheese, then folded and sautéed or baked,
and often served with sour cream’, ‘a thin pancake […] somewhat
similar to a crêpe with the main difference being the fact that yeast is
always used in blini, but not used in crêpes’ (W);
- Knish (< Yiddish < Russ knish/knysh ‘bun, dumpling’) ‘a baked or
fried dumpling of flaky dough with a savoury filling’ (COD).
(In)Directly Borrowed Cuisine Russianisms
There are five (19%) cuisine Russianisms indicated as both directly and
indirectly borrowed from Russian:
- Borscht (1884 < Russ borshch ‘cow parsnip’, which was an original
recipe ingredient) (OED), borscht (< Russ borshch) ‘a Russian or
Polish soup made with beetroot’ (OED), borsch(t)/borsht (< Yiddish
borsht < Russ borshch ‘cow parsnip (the original base of the soup),
borscht’) ‘A beet soup served hot or cold, usually with sour cream’
(AHDEL), borsch(t) (1808 < Yiddish borsht, Ukrainian & Russian
borshch) ‘a soup made primarily of beets and served hot or cold often
with sour cream’ (MWOD), borscht/borshch/borsht (< Russ borshch
‘cow parsnip’ the original base of the soup) ‘A beet soup served hot or
cold, usually with sour cream’, ‘a vegetable soup from Eastern Europe’
(W);
- Koumiss (16th c. < Tatar kumiz) ‘a fermented liquid prepared from
mare’s milk, used as a drink and as medicine by Asian nomads’
(COD), k(o)umiss n. (< Rus kumys < Old Rus komyzŭ) ‘the fermented
milk of a mare or camel, used as a beverage by certain peoples of
western and central Asia’ (AHDEL), k(o)umiss (1607 < Russ kumys <
Turk) ‘a beverage of fermented mare’s milk made originally by the
nomadic peoples of central Asia’ (MWOD), k(o)umiss
/kumis/kymys/kymyz (< Turk kimiz) ‘a fermented dairy product
traditionally made from mare’s milk’ (W);
- Pirogi (1854 < Yiddish < Russ pirogi ‘pies’ < Turk) (OED),
perogi/pierogi/pirogi (< Pol pieróg, Ukr pyrih) ‘dough dumplings
stuffed with a filling such as potato or cheese’ (COD), pirog (< Russ)
‘a Russian pie’ (COD), pirog (< Russ pirog < pir ‘feast’ < OCS pirŭ)
‘a large, flat, usually square or rectangular Russian pastry filled with
finely chopped meat or cabbage often mixed with chopped hard-boiled
eggs’ (AHDEL), pi(e)rogi (1811 < Pol pierogi ‘dumplings’) ‘a case of
dough filled with a savoury filling (as of meat, cheese, or vegetables)
and cooked by boiling and then pan-frying’ (MWOD),
perogi/perogy/pirogen/piroghi/pirogi/pirogi/pirohi/piroshke/pyrohy
(< Russ pirogi ‘pies’ < Proto-Sl *pir ‘festivity’) ‘a dough dumpling
stuffed with filling such as potato or cheese, typically served with
onions or sour cream’, ‘the name most commonly used in English
speaking areas to refer to a variety of Slavic semicircular (or, in some
cuisines, square) boiled dumplings of unleavened dough stuffed with
varying ingredients’ (W);
- Sirniki/syrniki (< Ukr sirniki < sir ‘cheese’, < Russ syrniki < syr
‘cheese’) ‘fried curd fritters, garnished with sour cream, jam, honey,
and sometimes apple sauce’, ‘fried quark cheese pancakes, garnished
with sour cream, jam, honey, or apple sauce’ (W);
- Solyanka (< Russ and Ukr solyanka) ‘a type of Russian and Ukrainian
thick and spicy soup’, ‘a thick, spicy and sour soup in Russian and
Ukrainian cuisine’ (W) (Figure 2-8).
Figure 2-8. Share of Russian Borrowings in the English of cuisine: 74% direct
borrowings, 7% indirect borrowings, 19% (in)direct borrowings
All these English cuisine Russianisms have come into the English
language over a long period of time: between 1500 and 1600, three words
(21%): koumiss, kvass and sevruga; between 1600 and 1700, one (7%):
k(o)umiss; between 1700 and 1800, no word (0%); between 1800 and
1900, seven (51%): borscht/borshch/borsht, coulibiac, kasha, kefir,
pirogi, and shashlik; between 1900 and 2000, three (21%): blintz,
pav/pavlova/Pavlova, and piroshki/pirozhki (Figure 2-9).
As for their origin, English cuisine Russianisms come from Russian (21):
blini(s)/bliny, blintz, borscht/borshch/borsht, coulibiac, kasha, k(o)umiss,
kvass, okroshka, pashka, pav/pavlova/Pavlova, piroshki/pirozhki, sbiten,
sevruga, shchi, sirniki/syrniki, smetana, solyanka, vareniki/varenyky,
vodka; Turkish or Turkic (5): balyk, kefir, k(o)umiss, pirogi, shashli(c)k;
Ukrainian (3): borsch(t), sirniki/syrniki, solyanka; Slavic (2): blintz(e)
(blin), pirogi; Tatar (2): pelmeni, shashli(c)k; English (1): bitok; Polish
(1): pirogi; Proto-Indo-European (1): medovukha (Figure 2-10).
Figure 2-9. Time of penetration of English cuisine Russianisms: 1500-1600: three;

1600-1700: one; 1700-1800: none; 1800-1900: seven; 1900-2000: three
Discussion
Most of the dated English cuisine Russianisms (7) came into English in
the 19th c., when Russia became one of the Great Powers of Europe due to
its significant territorial gains and to the significant reforms made by
Alexander II.
As expected, most English cuisine Russianisms (21) have a Russian
origin, with an important part of Russian-related language sources
(Ukrainian, Slavic, and Polish). It is surprising that one of them has an
English origin, being borrowed into English through French (bitok).
According to Wikipedia, Jewish emigrants played a pivotal role in the
diffusion of some of the English cuisine Russianisms. Thus, blintzes were
popularized in the USA by Jewish immigrants who used them in their
cuisine. While not part of any particular religious ritual in Judaism,
blintzes are stuffed with a cheese filling and then fried in oil are served on
holidays such as Chanukah (as oil played a pivotal role in the miracle of
the Chanukah story) and Shavuot (when dairy dishes are traditionally
served); borscht/borshch/borsht made its way into North American
cuisine and English vernacular by means of Jewish, Polish, Russian,
Ukrainian, and other immigrants, the name itself being considered to be of

Ashkenazi Jewish descent, and first used in Yiddish as early as 18th c. (the
Jewish family name Borsczewski may once have referred to the borscht
cooks in person); kasha in modern American English is often restricted to
roasted wholegrain buckwheat or buckwheat groats, a common filling for
a knish, a usage probably originated with Jewish immigrants, as did the
form kashi (‘porridges’).
Figure 2-10. Origin of English cuisine Russianisms: 1 – Russian, 2 – Turkish, 3 –

Ukrainian, 4 – Slavic, 5 – Tatar, 6 – English, 7 – Polish, 8 – Proto-Indo-European
Pierogi are widespread in Canada and the United States, having been
popularized mostly by Slavic immigrants. They are extremely common in
areas with large Slavic-derived populations, such as Chicago, western and
north-eastern Pennsylvania, the provinces of Alberta, Manitoba,
Saskatchewan, and Toronto, Ontario. If pierogi at first were family food
among immigrants as well as being served in traditional restaurants, in the
post-World War II era, freshly cooked pierogi became a staple of
fundraisers by traditional churches and, by the 1960s, they were a common
supermarket item in the frozen food aisles in many parts of the United
States and Canada, maintaining their position in the grocery aisles to this
day.
Borscht/borshch/borsht occurs currently in two compounds used in
American English due to its popularity in the cuisine of predominantly
Jewish hotels: borscht belt (the 1930s) ‘region of predominantly Jewish
resorts in and around the Catskill Mountains of New York’ (OED),

borscht belt or borscht circuit (1936) ‘the theatres and nightclubs
associated with the Jewish summer resorts in the Catskills’ (MWOD),
borscht belt or borscht circuit ‘Informal the predominantly Jewish resort
hotels of the Catskill Mountains’ (AHDEL). Vodka also occurs in vodka
martini (1948) ‘a martini made with vodka instead of gin’ (MWOD).
To our knowledge, there is no significant change in the meaning of
English cuisine Russianisms, except for the term pierogi which is often
used to describe, in the United States and Canada, all kinds of Eastern
European dumplings, regardless of the shape, size or filling.
We have inventoried a single connotation, kasha ‘a beige colour
resembling buckwheat groats’ (W).
As expected, there are some changes in the recipes used in the English-
speaking world, which might infirm the statement concerning the lack of
changes in meaning. Thus, raspberry is a popular topping of
pav/pavlova/Pavlova in the U.K., with the tartness of raspberries
contrasting with the sweetness of sugar, while bilberry or blueberry is a
component of sweet vareniki in North America.
Conclusion
The hypothesis that cuisine Russianisms must have preserved both form
and meaning since they stay for Russian notions that describe Russian
realities is confirmed as shown by the transliterations above.
English cuisine Russianisms are not numerous compared to other
Russianisms, but they are a lively part of cookbooks and restaurant menus
as ‘necessity loans’ due to the translation of the great classical Russian
novels. Though they have been part of the English language for a long
period of time, they still sound ‘foreign’ to native English-speaking
people, which explains the small number of compounds (only
borscht/borshch/borsht and vodka occur in such compounds) and the total
lack of derivatives.
We recommend restaurant owners to put, in their menus, short
presentations of less common dishes to extend their menus, as do
Lithuanian traditional restaurants: “The word borş is used in Romanian to
refer to a kind of sour soup made from meat and/or vegetables with
fermented wheat bran. To refer to the traditional borscht made from
beetroot, Romanians usually say borş rusesc (Russ borscht) or borş de
sfeclă (E beetroot borscht). In Romanian cuisine, borş is the name for any
sour soup prepared mainly with fermented wheat bran (also called borş),
which gives it a sour taste. One ingredient that is required in all recipes by
the Romanian tradition is lovage, whose leaves give the soup a special
taste, enhancing the palate experience, making the Romanian borş so
appreciated by international travellers.” (After Wikipedia)
References
Merriam-Webster Dictionary. (2011). Online:
www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary. (MWO)
Online Etymology Dictionary. (2001). Online:
http://www.etymonline.com. (OED)
Raţă, Georgeta & Perković, Anica. (2008). Words of Russian Origin in the
English of Cuisine. Journal of Linguistic Studies 2 (2): 87-94.
Russianism. [Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russianism] (W)
The Concise Oxford Dictionary 11th Edition (PC). (2004). (COD)
OF CUISINE
SCOTT HOLLIFIELD, CORNELIA PETROMAN

AND IOAN PETROMAN
Introduction
The purpose of the research was to see how Romanian is the Romanian of
cuisine, given the fact that there is no Romanian cuisine in the sense in
which we speak of Chinese, French, or Turkish cuisine.
Since Romanian cuisine is a mixture of other peoples’ cuisines, the
hypothesis of the research was that the Romanian of cuisine is a mixture of
terms belonging to the languages of these peoples.
As far as we know, there is no research whatsoever of the Romanian of
cuisine in Romanian literature and, therefore, we could not review any
pertinent literature.
Material and Method

The material used in the research consists of over three hundred and forty
food-related terms (both raw materials and dishes) picked up from
Romanian cookbooks (in particular Sanda’s Carte de bucate – 1956 and
many, many others), both printed and in electronic format.
To investigate this corpus of terms, we used some of the most
authoritative Romanian language dictionaries (Ciorănescu’s Dicţionar
etimologic român – 1958-1966; Breban’s Dicţionarul limbii române
contemporane – 1980; Marcu & Maneca’s Dicţionar de neologisme –
1986; Dicţionarul explicativ al limbii române – 1998; Marcu’s Marele
dicţionar de neologisme – 2000).
The method used in the research was the etymological one: we focused
only on the source of the terms specific to Romanian cuisine in the attempt
at defining the nature of the ‘Romanian cuisine’.
200 English Borrowings in the Romanian of Cuisine
Results
Native Words
There seems to be a single word inherited from the Dacians in the

language of Romanian cuisine: mărar ‘dill’ (Native word – NODEX).
Borrowings
Most of the words belonging to the Romanian of gastronomy (two

hundred and eighty-six) are borrowings (‘words adopted or borrowed,
usually with little modification, from another language’ – Chalker &
Wiener 1994):
- Fifty-four from French: ananas ‘pineapple’ (< F ananas – DEX,

NODEX; < F ananas < Tupiguarani – DN; < F, Sp ananas – MDN),
andivă ‘chicory (Cichorium intybus), endive (Cichorium endivia),
escarole (Cichorium endivia/Lactuca scariola)’ (< F endive – DEX,
NODEX, DN, MDN), antricot ‘entrecote’ (< F entrecôte – DEX,
NODEX, MDN), aperitiv ‘starters’ (< F apéritif – DER), aspic
‘gelatine’ (< F aspic – DER, DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), banană
‘banana’ (< F banana – DER, DEX, NODEX, DN), bavareză
‘gelatinous cream with whipped cream and fruits’ (< F bavarois –
DEX; < F bavaroise – MDN), bezea ‘meringue’ (< F baiser – DER,
DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), biscot/biscuit/pişcot ‘biscuit’ (< F biscuit
– DER, DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), brioşă ‘muffin’ (< F brioche –
DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), budincă ‘pudding’ (< F pudding/pouding,
E pudding – DEX, MD), buletă ‘ball’ (< F boulette – DGE), cafea
‘coffee’ (< Turk kahve, ModGk kafés, < F café – DEX, NODEX),
caramel ‘caramel’ (< F caramel – NODEX, DN; < F, Sp caramelo –
MDN), chec ‘cake’ (< E, F cake – MDN), cotlet(ă) ‘entrecote’ (< F
côtelette – DER, DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), crab ‘crab’ (< F crabe –
DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), cremă ‘cream’ (< F crème – DER, DEX,
NODEX, DN, MDN), crevetă ‘king-prawn, prawn, shrimp’ (< F
crevette – DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), crochetă ‘croquette’ (< F
croquette – DEX, NODEX), ecler ‘éclair’ (< F éclair – DEX,
NODEX, DN, MDN), escalop ‘scallop’ (< F escalope – DEX,
NODEX, DN, MDN), filé ‘file’ (< F filet – DEX, NODEX, DN,
MDN), flan ‘fruit cake’ (< F flan – DEX, DN, MDN), foietaj ‘a kind
of pastry’ (< F feuilletage – DN), gelatină ‘gelatine’ (< F gélatine –
DEX, NODEX; < F gélatine, It gelatina – DN, MDN), macro(u)
Scott Hollifield, Cornelia Petroman and Ioan Petroman 201
‘mackerel’ (< F maquereau – DEX, DN, MDN), maioneză

‘mayonnaise’ (< F mayonnaise – DER, DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN),
margarină ‘margarine’ (< F margarine – DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN),
marmeladă ‘marmalade’ (< F marmelade, G Marmelade – DEX,
NODEX, DN, MDN), mentă/mintă ‘mint’ (< Sl menta, L mentha, F
menthe – DEX, NODEX), omletă ‘omelette’ (< F omelette – DER,
DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), pané ‘coated cheese/meat)’ (< F pané –
DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), pateu ‘paté’ (< F paté – DEX, NODEX,
DN, MDN), patrician ‘hot dog’ (< F patricien – DER, DEX, NODEX,
DN, MDN), pireu/piure ‘mash’ (< F purée – DEX, NODEX, DN,
MDN), poliş/polonez ‘kind of sausage’ (< F polonais – DEX), popietă
‘roll’ (< F paupiette – DGE), rizoto ‘risotto’ (< It, F risotto – DEX,
DN; < F, It risotto, G Risotto – MDN), rosbif ‘roast beef’ (< F rosbif,
E roast beef – DEX, MDN; < F rosbif – DER, NODEX, DN), ruladă
‘roll’ (< F roulade – DEX, NODEX, DN), rulou ‘roll’ (< F rouleau –
DEX, NODEX, DN), saladă/salată ‘salad’ (< ModGk salata, F salade,
G Salat – NODEX), savarină ‘savarin’ (< F savarine – DEX,
NODEX, DN, MDN), sandvici/sandviş/sandwich ‘sandwich’ (< F, E
sandwich – DER, DEX, NODEX; < F, E sandwich < Lord Sandwich –
DN), soia ‘soy (bean)’ (< F soja/soya, G Soja – DEX, NODEX, MDN;
< F soja/soya – DN), sos ‘sauce’ (< F sauce – DEX, NODEX, DN,
MDN), soté/sote(u) ‘sauté’ (< F sauté – DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN),
sufleu ‘soufflé’ (< F soufflé – DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), surimi
‘surimi’ (< F surimi – MDN), tartină ‘slice of bread and butter, etc.;
sandwich’ (< F tartine – DEX, NODEX, DLRM, DN, MDN), ton
‘tuna (fish)’ (< F thon – DEX, NODEX, MDN), trigon ‘three-angle
shaped cake with crushed nuts’ (< F trigone – DEX, NODEX, DLRM,
DN, MDN), and vanilie ‘vanilla’ (< F vanille, It vaniglia – NODEX,
MDN);
- Forty-eight from Latin: aluat ‘dough’ (< L allĕvatum – DER, DEX,
NODEX), alună ‘peanut’ (< L *abĕllona – DER, DEX, NODEX),
aperitiv ‘starters’ (< F aperitif < L aperitivus – DEX, NODEX, DN,
MDN), căpşună ‘strawberry’ (< L *capum, vulgar form of caput –
DER), carne ‘meat’ (< L carnem – DER; < L caro, carnis – DEX,
NODEX), cârnat/cârnaţ ‘sausage’ (< Lat. *carnāceus – DER; < L
*carnacius – DEX, NODEX), ceapă ‘onion’ (< L caepa – DER, DEX,
NODEX), cireaşă (< L ceresia – DEX, NODEX),
colastră/colastru/coraslă/coras(t)ră/curas(t)ră ‘beest(ings), biestings’
(< L cŏlostra – DER; < L *colastra – DEX, NODEX), corn ‘roll’ (< L
cǒrnu – DER, DEX, NODEX), făină ‘flour’ (< L farῑna – DER, DEX,
NODEX), ficat ‘liver’ (< L fῑcātum – DER, DEX, NODEX), friptură
‘roast’ (< L *frictura – DEX; < L frictura – NODEX), fruct ‘fruit’ (<
L fructus – DER, DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), gheabă/gheb/ghib (< L
*glibba – DER; < L *glibbus – DEX; < L glibbus NODEX), grâu
‘wheat’ (< L granum – DER, DEX, NODEX), lapte ‘milk’ (< L lac,
lactem – DER; < L lac, -tis – DEX, NODEX), lăptucă ‘lettuce’ (< L
lactŭca – DER, DEX, NODEX), legumă ‘vegetable’ (< L legūmen –
DER, DEX, NODEX, DLRM, DN, MDN), linte ‘lentil’ (< L lentem –
DER; < L lens, -ntis – DEX, NODEX), măr ‘apple’ (< L melum –
DEX), mentă/mintă ‘mint’ (< Sl menta, L mentha, F menthe – DEX,
NODEX; < L mentha – DN), mic ‘highly seasoned forcemeat balls
broiled on the gridiron’ (< L *miccus – DER, DEX), miel ‘lamb’ (< L
agnellus – DER, DEX, NODEX), miere ‘honey’ (< L *melem – DER;
< L mel – DEX, NODEX), minciună ‘kind of pastry’ (< L
*mentitiōnem ‘lie’ – DER), nucă ‘walnut’ (< L nux, -cis – DEX,
NODEX), ou ‘egg’ (< L ovum – DER, DEX, NODEX), pară (< L pira
– DEX, NODEX), pască ‘paskha’ (< L pascha – DEX; < L pascha,
ModGk pasha – NODEX), pâine ‘bread’ (< L panem – DER; < L
panis – DEX, NODEX), peşte ‘fish’ (< L piscem – DER; < L piscis –
DEX, NODEX), pătrunjel ‘persil’ (< Gk petroselinon, L petroselinum
– DER; < L petroselinum – DEX, NODEX), piersică ‘peach’ (< L
persica – DEX, NODEX), plăcintă ‘pie’ (< L plăcenta – DER, DEX,
NODEX), porc ‘pig’ (< L porcus – DER, DEX, NODEX), prună
‘plum’ (< L pruna – DEX, NODEX), pui ‘chicken’ (< L *pulleus –
DER, DEX, NODEX), rădiche/ridiche ‘radish’ (< L radῑcŭla ‘little
root’– DER, DEX, NODEX), salamură/saramură ‘brine’ (< L
salimuria – DER), salvie (< L salvia – DER, DEX, NODEX, DN,
MDN), turtă ‘flat cake’ (< L *turta – DEX; < L turta – NODEX), unt
‘butter’ (< L unctum – DEX, NODEX), urzică ‘nettle’ (< L urdica –
DEX, NODEX), vacă ‘cow’ (< L vacca – DEX), varză ‘cabbage’ (< L
vir(i)dia ‘greens’ – DEX; NODEX), viţă ‘vine’ (< L *vitea – DEX; <
L vitis NODEX), and viţel ‘veal’ (< L vitellus – DEX, NODEX);
- Thirty-nine from Modern/New Greek: cafea ‘coffee’ (< Turk kahve,
ModGk kafés, < F café – DEX, NODEX), calamar ‘squid’ (< ModGk
kalamari – DER), chimen ‘caraway’ (< Gk kyminon – DER; < ModGk
kíminon – DEX, NODEX), chipotă/pipotă ‘gizzard’ (< ModGk
*efipapa – DER), conopidă ‘cauliflower’ (< ModGk kanupidia –
DER; < ModGk kunupídi – DEX, NODEX), cozonac ‘sweet bread’ (<
ModGk koznaki < kozona ‘doll’ – DER), fasole ‘beans’ (< ModGk
fasoli – DER, DEX, NODEX), fidea ‘vermicelli’ (< ModGk fidés –
DER, DEX, NODEX), franzélă ‘(long-shaped) white loaf’ (< ModGk
frantzóla – DER, DEX; < ModGk frantzela – NODEX),
friganea/frigănea ‘French toast’ (< ModGk frighaniá – DER, DEX,

NODEX), guvid(ie) ‘black goby, chub, sea gudgeon’ (< ModGk guvid
– DER, DEX, NODEX), lămâie ‘lemon’ (< ModGk lemon – DER,
DEX, NODEX), macaroană ‘macaroni’ (< ModGk makarónia – DEX,
NODEX; < ModGk makarónia, It maccheroni – DN), marinată
‘marinade’ (< ModGk marinatos, It marinato – NODEX), midie
‘(common edible) muscle/mussel’ (< ModGk midi – DER, DEX,
NODEX), orez ‘rice’ (< ModGk orisi – DER), pască ‘paskha’ (< L
pascha, ModGk pasha – NODEX), paste ‘pasta’ (< ModGk pásta, G
Pasta – DEX, NODEX; < ModGk, It pasta, G Pasta – MDN),
pastramă ‘pastrami’ (< ModGk pastramás, Turk pastirma – DEX,
NODEX), păpădie ‘dandelion, hawk bit, lion’s tooth’ (< ModGk
papadia ‘an Orthodox priest’s wife’ – DER), pătrunjel ‘persil’ (< Gk
petroselinon, L petroselinum – DER), pesmet/pezmet ‘biscuit’ (<
ModGk pasmiati – DER), pilaf ‘pilaff/pilau/pilaw’ (< Turk pilâv,
ModGk piláfi – DEX), piper ‘pepper’ (< ModGk pipéri, Sl piperŭ –
DEX; < ModGk pipéri, Sl piperu – NODEX),
picromigdală/pricomigdală ‘bitter almond’ (< ModGk pikramígdalon
– DEX, NODEX, MDN), piftie meat jelly; pig’s trotters’ (< ModGk
pihtí – DER), piroşcă ‘piroshki/pirozhki’ (< Russ pirožki, ModGk
pyróžky – NODEX), pită ‘bread’ (< ModGk pita – DER), portocală
‘orange’ (< ModGk portocalli – DEX, NODEX), saladă/salată ‘salad’
(< ModGk saláta – DEX; < ModGk salata, F salade, G Salat –
NODEX), saramură ‘brine’ (< ModGk salamúra – DEX; < ModGk
saeamúră – NODEX), spanac ‘spinach’ (< ModGk spanáki – DEX; <
ModGk spanáki, Bg spanak – NODEX), sparanghel ‘asparagus’ (<
ModGk sparánghi – DEX, NODEX), stafidă ‘raisin’ (< ModGk
stafíd(h)a – DEX, NODEX), stufat ‘lamb stew with garlic and fresh
onion’ (< ModGk stufáton – DEX; < ModGk stufáto, It stufato –
NODEX), trandafir ‘hot dog’ (< ModGk triandáfillo – DEX; <
ModGk tr[i]antáfillon – NODEX), ţelină ‘celery’ (< ModGk sélinon –
DEX), vanilie ‘vanilla’ (< ModGk vanilli – DEX), and zahăr ‘sugar’
(< ModGk záhari – DEX, NODEX);
- Thirty-one from Bulgarian: castravete/crastavete ‘cucumber’ (< Bg
krastavica – DER; < Bg krastavec – NODEX), ciupercă ‘mushroom’
(< Bg, Srb pečurka, Hung Csepérke – DER; < Bg čepurka, SCr
pečurka – DEX; < Bg ţepurca, Srb peţurka – NODEX), clisă ‘lard’ (<
Bg klisa – DER, DEX), coleaşă ‘polenta, porridge’ (< SCr kuliješ, Bg
kulijaša – DEX), covrig ‘bretzel’ (< Bg, Russ kovrig(a) – DER; < Bg
kovrig – DEX, NODEX), crap ‘carp’ (< Bg, SCr krap – DEX; < Bg,
Srb krap – NODEX), drob ‘caul, kell, omentum of a lamb’ (< Bg, SCr
drob – DEX; < Bg, Srb drob – NODEX), gulie (< Bg gulija – DER,
DEX, NODEX), iahnie ‘kind of ragout with vegetables, fish or meat,
stewed potatoes, etc.’ (< Turk yahni, Bg iahnija – DEX), mac ‘poppy’
(< Bg mak, SCr mak – DEX, NODEX), marinată ‘marinade’ (< Bg
marinátos, It marinata – DEX), măcriş ‘(cock) sorrel, sharp/sour
dock’ (< Bg mokreš – DER), morcov ‘carrot’ (< Bg, Russ morkov –
DER; < Bg morkov – DEX, NODEX), orez ‘rice’ (< Bg oriz – DEX,
NODEX), papară ‘scrambled eggs’ (< Bg, Srb popara < Sl popariti
‘to boil, to scald, to soak in boiling water’ – DER; < Bg popara –
DEX, NODEX), păpădie ‘dandelion, hawk bit, lion’s tooth’ (< Bg
papadija – DEX, NODEX), păstărnac/păstârnac/păstrănac
‘(common) parsnip’ (< Bg pastărnak, Pol, Russ pasternak – DER),
păstrăv ‘trout’ (< Bg păstărva – DEX; Bg păstăvra – NODEX),
pârjoală ‘meat croquette’ (< Turk pirzola, Bg păržola – DEX,
NODEX), piftie meat jelly; pig’s trotters’ (< Bg pihtija, ModGk pihtí –
DEX, NODEX), pită ‘bread’ (< Bg pita – DEX, NODEX), praz ‘leek’
(< Bg praz – DEX, NODEX), rasol ‘boiled meat’ (< Bg raszol, SCr
rasola, Russ rassol – DEX; < Bg raszol – NODEX), salam ‘salami’ (<
Turk, Bg salam – DEX), scrob ‘scrambled eggs’ (< Bg skrob – DEX;
< Bg, Srb skrob – NODEX), sfeclă ‘beet (root)’ (< Bg sveklo –
NODEX), slănină ‘lard’ (< Bg, SCr slanina – DEX; < Bg, Srb slanina
– NODEX), spanac ‘spinach’ (< ModGk spanáki, Bg spanak –
NODEX), ştevie ‘garden sorrel’ (< Sl štavije, Bg štavel, SCr štavlije –
DEX; < Sl stavi, Bg štava – NODEX), ştiucă ‘jack, pike, river pirate’
(< Bg, SCr štuka – DEX; < Bg, Srb štuka – NODEX), ţelină ‘celery’
(< Sl seline, Bg ţelina – NODEX), and zarzavat ‘greengrocery,
green/pot herbs’ (< Turk, Bg zarzevat – DEX);
- Thirty from Turkish: (h)alva ‘hal(a)va(h)/khalva’ (< Turk halva –
DER, DEX, NODEX), baclava ‘baklava’ (< Turk baklava – DER,
DEX; < Turk baklava/paklava – NODEX), balîc ‘balyk’ (< Turk
(kalkan) balik – DER), bamă/bambă/bamie ‘edible hibiscus, gumbo,
lady finger, okra’ (< Turk bamia/bamya/bamye – DER, DEX,
NODEX), cafea ‘coffee’ (< Turk kahve, Arabic qahwa – DER; < Turk
kahve, ModGk kafés, < F café – DEX, NODEX), caşcaval ‘yellow
cheese’ (Turk kaşkaval – DEX, NODEX),
cheftea/chiftea/chioftea/piftea ‘meatball’ (< Turk köfte – DER, DEX,
NODEX), ciorbă ‘soup’ (< Turk çorba < Arabic šorba, šarâb – DER;
< Turk çorba – DEX, NODEX), ciulama ‘chicken/mushrooms cooked
in (white) sauce’ (< Turk çulama – DER, NODEX; < Turk çullama –
DEX), cuşcuş ‘kouskous’ (< Turk kuskus – DER, DEX),
ghiudem/ghiuden ‘kind of dry beef/mutton sausage’ (< Turk göden –
DER, DEX, NODEX), ghiveci ‘vegetable hotchpotch/hodgepodge’ (<

Turk güveç – DER, NODEX; < Turk güvec – DEX), iahnie ‘kind of
ragout with vegetables, fish or meat, stewed potatoes, etc.’ (< Turk
yahni – DER, NODEX; < Turk yahni, Bg iahnija – DEX), iaurt (<
Turk yogurt – DER; < Turk yoğurt – DEX, NODEX), magiun ‘(plum)
jam’ (< Turk, Arabic macun – DER; < Turk macun – DEX, NODEX),
merdenea ‘square or rectangular pastry’ (< Turk merdane – DEX),
musaca ‘dish of vegetables and minced meat fried in grease, then
stewed’ (< Turk musaka – DER; < Turk musakka – DEX, NODEX),
pastramă ‘pastrami’ (< ModGk pastramás, Turk pastirma – DEX,
NODEX), pastramă ‘pastrami’ (< Turk pastirma < ModGk pastirm ‘to
salt’, pastos ‘spreaded’ – DER), pătlăgea (< Turk patlican < Pers
badinğan ‘purple’ – DER; < Turk patlican – DEX, NODEX), pârjoală
‘meat croquette’ (< Turk pirzola, Bg păržola – DEX, NODEX), pilaf
‘pilaff/pilau/pilaw’ (< Turk pilav – DER; < Turk pilâv, ModGk piláfi –
DEX; < Turk piláv – NODEX), salam ‘salami’ (< Turk, Bg salam –
DEX; < Turk salam, It salame – NODEX), sarailie ‘baklava’ (< Turk
saraili – DER; < Turk sarayli ‘belonging to the Sultan’s palace’ –
DEX, NODEX), sarma (< Turk sarma – DER, DEX; < Turk, Srb
sarma – NODEX), susan ‘sesame’ (< Turk susam – DEX, NODEX),
tarhon ‘tarragon’ (< Turk tarhun – DEX, DLRM, NODEX), telemea
‘cottage cheese’ (< Turk teleme – DEX, NODEX), tuslama ‘kind of
tripe stew’ (< Turk tuzlama – DEX, NODEX), and zarzavat
‘greengrocery, green/pot herbs’ (< Turk, Bg zarzevat – DEX; < Turk
zerzevat – NODEX);
- Twenty-nine from Slavic: bob ‘broad/horse bean’ (< Sl bobŭ – DER,
DEX; < Sl bobu – NODEX), ciolan ‘bone; limb’ (< Sl članŭ ‘limb’ –
DER, DEX; < Sl ţlanu – NODEX), colac ‘kind of fancy bread; knot-
shaped bread’ (< Sl kolačĩ – DER, DEX; < Sl kolaţi – NODEX), colivă
‘wheat grains boiled with sugar and crushed nuts’ (< Sl kolivo – DEX,
NODEX), drob ‘caul, kell, omentum of a lamb’ (< Sl drobĭ – DER),
găluşcă ‘dumpling’ (< Sl – DER), hrean ‘horseradish’ (< Sl chrĕnŭ –
DER; < Sl hrĕnŭ – DEX; < Sl hrĕnu – NODEX), hrib ‘edible boletus’
(< Sl chribŭ ‘back’ – DER), icre ‘fish eggs’ (< Sl ikra – DER, DEX,
NODEX), jintiţă ‘sediments on the bottom of the pail in which whey
was boiled’ (< Sl *žętica < *žęti ‘to press’ – DER), lobodă
‘or(r)ach(e)’ (< Sl loboda – DER, DEX, NODEX), mac ‘poppy’ (< Sl
makŭ – DER), măslină ‘olive’ (< Sl maslina – DEX, NODEX),
mentă/mintă ‘mint’ (< Sl menta, L mentha, F menthe – DEX,
NODEX; < L mentha – DN), mucenic ‘small eight-shaped pasta with
milk, sugar and crushed nuts, boiled or baked’ (< Srb mučenik < Sl
mąčenikŭ – DER; < Sl mučeniku – NODEX), piper ‘pepper’ (< Sl

piperĭ – DER; < ModGk pipéri, Sl piperŭ – DEX; < ModGk pipéri, Sl
piperu – NODEX), praz ‘leek’ (< Sl prazŭ – DER), rac ‘crawfish,
crayfish’ (< Sl rakŭ – DER, DEX, NODEX), rasol ‘boiled meat’ (< Sl
razsolŭ ‘brine’ – DER), raţă ‘duck’ (< Slav), scoică ‘oyster’ (< Sl
skolĭka – DER; < Sl skolika – DEX, NODEX), sfeclă ‘beet (root)’ (<
Sl sveklŭ – DEX), slănină ‘lard’ (< Sl slanina – DER), smântână
‘sour cream’ (< Sl sumetana – NODEX), şofran ‘saffron’ (< Sl
šafranu – NODEX), ştevie ‘garden sorrel’ (< Sl štavije, Bg štavel, SCr
štavlije – DEX; < Sl stavi, Bg štava – NODEX), vişină (< Sl višnja –
DEX, NODEX), ţelină ‘celery’ (< Sl seline, Bg ţelina – NODEX), and
zmeură ‘raspberry’ (< Sl *sm(r)- indicating a wrinkled fruit – DER);
- Twenty-one from German: angemaht ‘chicken/lamb with lemon
sauce’ (< G Eingemachte – MDN), buletă ‘ball’ (< F boulette, G
Bulette – DGE), carto(a)fă/cartof/cartoflă ‘potato’ (< G Kartoffel –
DER, DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), chíflă ‘(French) roll, Parker House
roll’ (< G Kipfel – DER, DEX, NODEX), crénvurşt ‘(Praguer)
sausage’ (< G Krenwürstchen – DEX, NODEX, MDN; < G
Krenwürstel – DN), glazură ‘icing’ (< G Glasur – DEX, NODEX,
DN, MDN), griş(ă) ‘grits’ (< G Gries – DER; < G griess – DEX,
NODEX), hering ‘herring’ (< G Häring – DER, NODEX; < G Hering
– DEX, DN, MDN), jimblă ‘white (wheaten) loaf of bread’ (< G
Semmel – DER), jumară ‘pork scraps; scrambled eggs’ (< G
Schmarren – DER), kaizer ‘smoked pork’ (< G Kaiser(fleisch) – DEX,
NODEX, DN, MDN), langoş (< G Langosch – DGE), lebărvurşt
‘liverwurst’ (< G Leberwurst – DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN),
marmeladă ‘marmalade’ (< F marmelade, G Marmelade – DEX,
NODEX, DN, MDN), parizer ‘kind of thick, rosy sausage (made of
boiled, minced meat)’ (< G Pariser – DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN),
paste ‘pasta’ (< ModGk pásta, G Pasta – DEX, NODEX; < ModGk, It
pasta, G Pasta – MDN), păstărnac/păstârnac/păstrănac ‘(common)
parsnip’ (< Hung paszternák, SCr pastrank, G Pastinak – DEX; <
Hung paszternák, Srb pastrank, G Pastinak – NODEX), rizoto ‘risotto’
(< It, F risotto – DEX, DN; < It risotto, G Risotto – NODEX; < F, It
risotto, G Risotto – MDN), saladă/salată ‘salad’ (< ModGk salata, F
salade, G Salat – NODEX), soia ‘soy (bean)’ (< F soja/soya, G Soja –
DEX, NODEX, MDN), şniţel ‘schnitzel, scotched collop’ (< G
Schnitzel – DER, DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), şuncă ‘ham’ (< Hung
sonka, G Schunke – DEX, NODEX), and tort(ă) ‘(iced) fancy cake’ (<
G Torte – DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN);
- Seventeen from Italian: broccoli ‘broccoli’ (< It broccoli – MDN,

DOOM2), caramel ‘caramel’ (< It caramel – DEX), caşcaval ‘yellow
cheese’ (< It cacio cavallo – DER), ciocoladă/ciocolată/
şocoladă/şocolată ‘chocolate’ (< It cioccolata – DER, DEX, NODEX,
DN, MDN), gelatină ‘gelatine’ (< F gélatine, It gelatina – DN, MDN),
grisină (< It grissino – MDN), lasagna/lazane ‘lasagna’ (< It lasagna
– NODEX, DN, MDN), marinată ‘marinade’ (< ModGk marinatos, <
It marinato – DN, MDN; < Bg marinátos, It marinata – DEX), paste
‘pasta’ (< It pasta – DER; < ModGk, It pasta, G Pasta – MDN), pizza
‘pizza’ (< It pizza – DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), pogace ‘kind of
pastry’ (< It foccacia – DER), rizoto ‘risotto’ (< It, F risotto – DEX,
DN; < It risotto, G Risotto – NODEX; < F, It risotto, G Risotto –
MDN), saladă/salată ‘salad’ (< It salata – DER), salam ‘salami’ (< It
salame – DER; < Turk salam, It salame – NODEX), spaghete
‘spaghetti’ (< It spaghetti – DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), stufat ‘lamb
stew with garlic and fresh onion’ (< ModGk stufáto, It stufato –
NODEX), and vanilie ‘vanilla’ (< F vanille, It vaniglia – NODEX,
MDN);
- Seventeen from Russian: antricot ‘entrecote’ (< Russ antrekot – DN),
batog ‘haddock, stockfish’ (< Srb batok, Russ batog – NODEX), bliníe
‘blintz(e)’ (< Russ blin – DEX), borş ‘borsch(t)/borshch/borsht’ (<
Russ, Ukr borşci – DEX; < Russ, Ukr boršţ – NODEX), caracatiţă
‘octopus’ (< Russ karakatica – DER; < Russ karakatiţa – DEX,
NODEX), caşă ‘kasha’ (< Russ kaşa – DEX, NODEX, DGE), chefir
‘kefir’ (< Russ kefir – DGE; < F kefir, Russ kefir – MDN), covrig
‘bretzel’ (< Bg, Russ kovrig(a) – DER), găluşcă ‘dumpling’ (< Russ
galuşka – DER, NODEX), morcov ‘carrot’ (< Bg, Russ morkov –
DER), păstărnac/păstârnac/păstrănac ‘(common) parsnip’ (< Bg
pastărnak, Pol, Russ pasternak – DER), piróşcă ‘piroshki/pirozhki’ (<
Russ pirožki, Ukr pyrižky – DEX; < Russ pirožki, ModGk pyróžky –
NODEX), potroacă/potroc ‘giblets soup’ (< Russ potroch ‘tripes soup’
– DER; < Russ potroh, Hung patroh – DEX), rasol ‘boiled meat’ (<
Bg raszol, SCr rasola, Russ rassol – DEX), şaşlâc
‘shashli(c)k/shashlyk’ (< Russ şaşlîk – DEX), şofran ‘saffron’ (< Russ
şafran, Pol szafran – DEX; < Sl šafranu – NODEX), and zacuscă
‘egg-plant salad with red peppers and onion’ (< Russ zakuska – DEX);
- Fourteen from Hungarian: ciupercă ‘mushroom’ (< Bg, Srb pečurka,
Hung Csepérke – DER), ghimber/(gh)imbir ‘ginger’ (< Hung gÿombér
– DER, DEX, NODEX), gulaş ‘goulash’ (< Hung gulyás-hús – DER;
< Hung gulyás – DEX, NODEX), jimblă ‘white (wheaten) loaf of
bread’ (< Hung zsemlye – DEX, NODEX), jolfă/ju(l)fă ‘mashed hemp
seed with honey’ (< Hung zsufa ‘soup’ – DER, DEX, NODEX),
muştar ‘mustard’ (< Hung mustár ‘mustard’ – DER, DEX, NODEX),
papricaş ‘fricasseed veal highly seasoned with Hungarian pepper’ (<
Hung paprikás – DEX, NODEX), păstărnac/păstârnac/păstrănac
‘(common) parsnip’ (< Hung paszternák, SCr pastrank, G Pastinak –
DEX; < Hung paszternák, Srb pastrank, G Pastinak – NODEX), pişcot
‘sweet biscuit’ (< Hung piskóta – DEX, NODEX), pogace ‘kind of
pastry’ (< Srb pogaţa, Hung pogácsa – NODEX), potroc ‘giblets soup’
(< Russ potroh, Hung patroh – DEX), şuncă ‘ham’ (< Hung sonka, G
Schunke – DEX, NODEX), tobă ‘sausage prepared from swine’s
entrails’ (< Hung dob – DEX, NODEX), and tocană ‘stew (made of
beef/pork, goulash’ (< Hung tokány – DEX, NODEX);
- Twelve from Serbian: batog ‘haddock, stockfish’ (< Srb batok, Russ
batog – NODEX), ciupercă ‘mushroom’ (< Bg, Srb pečurka, Hung
Csepérke – DER; < Bg ţepurca, Srb peţurka – NODEX), crap ‘carp’
(< Srb, Bg krap – DER; < Bg, Srb krap – NODEX), drob ‘caul, kell,
omentum of a lamb’ (< Bg, Srb drob – NODEX), mucenic ‘small
eight-shaped pasta with milk, sugar and crushed nuts, boiled or baked’
(< Srb mučenik < Sl mąčenikŭ – DER), papară ‘scrambled eggs’ (<
Bg, Srb popara < Sl popariti ‘to boil, to scald, to soak in boiling water’
– DER), pogace ‘kind of pastry’ (< Srb pogaţa, Hung pogácsa –
NODEX), sarma (< Turk, Srb sarma – NODEX), sfeclă ‘beet (root)’
(< Bg sveklo – NODEX), slănină ‘lard’ (< Bg, Srb slanina –
NODEX), scrob ‘scrambled eggs’ (< Srb, Slovene skrob ‘starch,
porridge’ – DER; < Bg, Srb skrob – NODEX), and ştiucă ‘jack, pike,
river pirate’ (< Bg, Srb štuka – NODEX);
- Twelve from Serbo-Croatian: batog ‘haddock, stockfish’ (< SCr batok,
Russ batog – DEX), ciupercă ‘mushroom’ (< Bg čepurka, SCr
pečurka – DEX), coleaşă ‘polenta, porridge’ (< SCr kuliješ, Bg
kulijaša – DEX), crap ‘carp’ (< Bg, SCr krap – DEX), drob ‘caul, kell,
omentum of a lamb’ (< Bg, SCr drob – DEX), mac ‘poppy’ (< Bg
mak, SCr mak – DEX, NODEX), pogace ‘kind of pastry’ (< SCr
pogača, Hung pogácsa, G Pogatsche – DEX), rasol ‘boiled meat’ (<
Bg raszol, SCr rasola, Russ rassol – DEX), sfeclă ‘beet (root)’ (< Bg
sveklo – NODEX), slănină ‘lard’ (< Bg, SCr slanina – DEX), ştevie
‘garden sorrel’ (< Sl štavije, Bg štavel, SCr štavlije – DEX), ştiucă
‘jack, pike, river pirate’ (< Bg, SCr štuka – DEX);
- Ten from English: biftec ‘beefsteak’ (< E beefsteak – DN; < F bifteck,
E beef-steak – MDN), budincă ‘pudding’ (< E pudding – DER; < F
pudding/pouding, E pudding – DEX, MDN; < E pudding – NODEX),
chec ‘cake’ (< E cake – DEX, NODEX, DN, DGE; < E, F cake –
MDN), chips (< E chips – DOOM2), cod ‘cod’ (< E cod – DEX, DN,
MDN), gem ‘jam’ (< E jam – DEX, NODEX, DN, MDN), ketchup
‘ketchup’ (< E ketchup – DEX, NODEX, MDN), rosbif ‘roast beef’ (<
F rosbif, E roast beef – DEX, MDN), sandvici/sandviş/sandwich
‘sandwich’ (< F, E sandwich – DER, DEX, NODEX; < F, E sandwich
< Lord Sandwich – DN), and sticks (< E sticks – MDN);
- Other languages: six from Ukrainian: borş ‘borsch(t)/borshch/borsht’
(< Russ, Ukr borşci – DEX; < Russ, Ukr boršţ – NODEX), bulcă
‘(French) roll, Parker House roll’ (< Ukr bulka – DEX), chişcă
‘pudding, sausage’ (< Ukr kyška – DEX; < Ukr kyşka – NODEX),
piróşcă ‘piroshki/pirozhki’ (< Russ pirožki, Ukr pyrižky – DEX),
potroacă/potroc ‘giblets soup’ (< Ukr potroh – NODEX), and hrib
‘edible boletus’ (< Ukr hryb – DEX, NODEX); five from Polish:
budincă ‘pudding’ (< maybe Pol budyn + -că – DER), bulcă ‘(French)
roll, Parker House roll’ (< Pol bulka – DER), cabanos ‘kind of thin
sausage’ (< Pol kabános – DEX, NODEX),
păstărnac/păstârnac/păstrănac ‘(common) parsnip’ (< Bg pastărnak,
Pol, Russ pasternak – DER), and şofran ‘saffron’ (< Russ şafran, Pol
szafran – DEX); three from Arabic: cafea ‘coffee’ (< Turk kahve,
Arabic qahwa – DER), ciorbă ‘soup’ (< Turk çorba < Arabic šorba,
šarâb – DER), magiun ‘(plum) jam’ (< Turk, Arabic macun – DER);
two from Medium Greek: pască ‘paskha’ (< Medium Gk pasha –
DER) and sfeclă ‘beet (root)’ (< Medium Gk sveklou – DER); two
from Ruthenian: borş ‘borsch(t)/borshch/borsht’ (< Ruthenian, Russ
boršt – DER) and chişcă ‘pudding, sausage’ (< Ruthenian kyška
‘bowels, guts’, Russ kiška, Pol kiszka ‘bowels, guts, sausage prepared
from swine’s entrails’ – DER); one from Persian: pătlăgea (< Turk
patlican < Pers badinğan ‘purple’ – DER); one from Portuguese:
banană ‘banana’ (< F banana < Port banana – MDN); two from
Spanish: ananas ‘pineapple’ (< F, Sp ananas – MDN), caramel
‘caramel’ (< F, Sp caramelo – MDN); one from Tatar: şaşlâc
‘shashli(c)k/shashlyk’ (< Tatar šašliq – NODEX); one from
Tupiguarani: ananas ‘pineapple’ (< F ananas < Tupiguarani – DN)
(Figure 2-11).
Figure 2-11. Main origin of Romanian cuisine terminology
Romanian Formations
There are forty-one Romanian formations in our corpus of Romanian

cuisine food-related words, formations that can be ranged under the
following five types of word formations – derivatives, backformations,
portmanteau words, reconstitutions, and transfers of meaning:
- Derivatives are ‘words formed from other words by a process of

derivation’ (Chalker & Weiner 1994) (36): acritură ‘pickle’ (< Rom a
acri ‘to sour’ + -tură – DEX, NODEX), ardei ‘green pepper’ (< Rom a
arde ‘to burn’ + -ei – DEX, NODEX), călţunaş/colţunaş (Rom
călţun/colţun ‘piroshki/pirozhki’ + -aş – DEX, NODEX), caisă
‘apricot’ (< Rom cais ‘apricot tree’ + -ă – DER), caperă ‘caper’ (<
Rom caper + -ă – DER), căpşună ‘strawberry’ (< Rom cap ‘head’ + -
uş + -ună – NODEX; probably căpuşă ‘strawberry’ + -une – DEX),
clătită ‘pancake’ (< Rom a clăti ‘to shake’ + -ită – NODEX), costiţă
‘chop’ (< Rom coastă ‘rib’ + -iţă – DEX, NODEX), curcan ‘turkey’
(< Rom curcă ‘turkey hen’ + -an – DEX, NODEX), dovlecel
‘vegetable marrow’ (< Rom dovleac ‘pumpkin’ + -el – DEX), dulceaţă
‘jam, marmalade’ (< Rom dulce ‘sweet’ + -eaţă – DEX, NODEX),
gutuie ‘quince’ (< Rom gutui ‘quince tree’ + -e – DEX), îngheţată
‘ice-cream’ (< Rom a îngheţa ‘to freeze’ + -ată – DEX, NODEX),
măslină ‘olive’ (< Rom măslin + -ă – DER), minciunea/minciunică
‘a kind of pastry’ (< Rom minciună ‘lie’ + -ea/-ică – DEX, NODEX),

mititel ‘highly seasoned forcemeat ball broiled on the gridiron’ (< Rom
mic ‘small’ – DEX), murătură ‘pickle’ (< Rom a mura ‘to preserve in
brine’ + -ătură – DEX, NODEX), muşchiuleţ ‘pork filet’ (< Rom
muşchi ‘filet’ + -uleţ – DEX, DLRM), papanaş ‘cheese pancake’ (<
Rom papă ‘food’ + -naş – DER), pogăcea ‘kind of pastry’ (< Rom
pogace ‘flat pie’ + -a – DEX), portocală ‘orange’ (< Rom portocal + -
ă – DER), prăjitură ‘cake’ (< Rom a prăji ‘to freeze’ + -tură – DEX,
NODEX), prună ‘plum’ (< Rom prun + -ă – DER), răcitură ‘jellied
meat, pig’s trotters’ (< Rom a răci ‘to freeze’ + -tură – DEX,
NODEX), roşie ‘tomato’ (< Rom roşu ‘red’ + -ie – NODEX), sărăţea
(< Rom sărat ‘salty’ + -ăţea – DEX), sărbuşcă/sârbuşcă (cf. Rom
sarbăd ‘plain’ + -uşcă – NODEX), sângerete ‘black/blood pudding’ (<
Rom a sângera ‘to bleed’ + -ete – DEX), scorţişoară ‘cinnamon’ (<
Rom scoarţă ‘bark’ + -işoară – DEX, NODEX), tăieţei ‘noodles’ (<
Rom tăiaţi ‘cut’ + -ei (after It tagliatelli) – DEX), tocătură ‘mince(d)
meat’ (< Rom a toca ‘to chop’ + -ătură – DEX, NODEX),
tochitură/topitură ‘dish made of minced pork and onion’ (< Rom a
topi ‘to melt’ + -tură – DEX, NODEX), usturoi ‘garlic’ (< Rom a
ustura ‘to burn’ + -oi – DEX, NODEX), vărzare ‘cabbage pie’ (< Rom
varză ‘cabbage’ + -are – DEX, NODEX), vânătă ‘eggplant’ (< Rom
(pătlăgea) vânătă ‘eggplant’ – DEX; < Rom vânăt + -ă – NODEX),
and zmeură ‘raspberry’ (< Rom zmeur + -ă – NODEX).
- Backformations are words formed by the removal of real or apparent
suffixes from existing words (Chalker & Weiner 1994) (1): rahat
‘Turkish delight’ (< Turk rahat lokum – DER);
- Portmanteau words are words formed by the merging of parts of two
or more linguistic elements (Chalker & Weiner 1994) (1): mujdei
‘garlic sauce’ (< Rom must ‘must’ + de ‘of’ + ai ‘garlic’ – DEX,
NODEX);
- Reconstitutions are, for example, nouns in the singular reconstituted
from an (imaginary) form of plural (1): Bg crastavec ‘cucumber’ looks
like a plural form from the point of view of the Romanian language, in
which the ending -ţi (e.g., băiat – băieţi ‘boy – boys’) indicates a
plural; wherefrom the form castravete/crastavete ‘cucumber’ (< Rom
castraveţi ‘cucumbers’ – DEX);
- Transfer of meaning (2), for example from the fruit tree to the fruit
itself: măr ‘apple’ (< Rom măr ‘apple tree’ – DER), or from one object
to another, due to the resemblance in shape: porumb (< Rom porumbel
‘pigeon’ because of the resembling shape – DER).
Unknown Etymon
There are fifteen words whose etymon is not known: brânză ‘cheese’
(Origin unknown – DEX), bulg/bulţ/bulz ‘polenta ball filled with cheese’
(Origin unknown – DER, NODEX), caltaboş/cartaboş ‘black/blood
pudding’ (Origin unknown – DER, DEX, NODEX), corcoduşă (< Origin
unknown – DEX, NODEX), frişcă ‘whipped cream’ (Origin unknown –
DEX), gogoaşă ‘dough nut’ (Origin unknown – DEX, NODEX), jintiţă
‘sediments on the bottom of the pail in which whey was boiled’ (Origin
unknown – DEX, NODEX), mazăre ‘pea’ (Origin unknown – DER),
măcriş ‘(cock) sorrel, sharp/sour dock’ (Unknown origin – DEX,
NODEX), măligă/mămăligă ‘polenta’ (Origin unknown – DEX,
NODEX), ostropel/ostropeţ ‘chicken/lamb stew (with vinegar and garlic)’
(Origin unknown – DEX, NODEX), chipotă/pipotă ‘gizzard’ (Origin
unknown – DEX, NODEX), ţipar ‘eel’ (Origin unknown – DEX,
NODEX), urdă ‘soft cow cheese’ (Origin unknown – DEX, NODEX), and
zmeură ‘raspberry’ (Origin unknown – DEX).
Words Not Mentioned by Dictionaries
Among the words not mentioned by Romanian language dictionaries but

present on menu cards in a number of restaurants (particularly in
Moldova) is toci/tocinei/tocini ‘fried potato balls’ which is, in our opinion
a suffix derivative from the Rom verb a toca ‘to mince’.
Discussion
The fact that there is a single word inherited from the Dacians in the
language of Romanian cuisine is intriguing, since there has been a long
debate over the Dacian vocabulary of the Romanian language, and other
food-related words were claimed to come from our ancestors: brânză
‘cheese’, mazăre ‘peas’, varză ‘cabbage’. The language historians’
enthusiasm must have been blocked by the specialists of the Romanian
Academy who rejected these claims.
The distribution of the borrowings shows a good balance in the words
of Latin origin (40 words come for certain from Latin, while other 8 may
have come from several languages among which Latin), of French origin
(37 to 17), of Greek origin (20 to 19), of Turkish origin (17 to 13), of
German origin (13 to 9), of Hungarian origin (8 to 6). Other inventories
share the certainty: English (5 to 5) and Spanish (1 to 1). In the case of
other languages, the number of borrowings whose source is unique is
smaller than the number of words that seem to have come from several
languages: Bulgarian (28 to 3), Slavic (18 to 11), Italian (11 to 6), Russian
(13 to 4), Polish (4 to 1). Finally, a large number of source-languages
share this status with other languages: Serbian (twelve), Serbo-Croatian
(twelve), Ukrainian (six), Arabic (three), Medium Greek and Ruthenian
(two terms each), Persian, Portuguese, Tatar, and Tupiguarani (one term
each).
As for the Romanian formations, derivatives predominate (thirty-six),
and only five of them are debatable. The other types of formation are only
accidental, and cannot be considered defining for the system.
For six of the fifteen words whose etymon is considered unknown,
some of the lexicographers supply possible etymologies whose certainty is
also debatable.
The only food-related word not mentioned by the Romanian language
dictionaries is not significant from the point of view of our analysis.
Conclusion
It is now clear that the idea of a ‘Romanian cuisine’ is nothing but a myth.
Beyond this linguistic mixture awaits a mixture of cuisines whose savour
can compete with any other cuisine in the world. Multiculturalism is, thus,
no longer a desideratum, but a vivid illustration of what sharing the same
space by different peoples can generate in time.
References
the Romanian Language]. Bucureşti: Univers Enciclopedic. [DEX]
Breban, V. (1980). Dicţionarul limbii române contemporane. [A
Dictionary of Literary Contemporary Romanian]. Bucureşti: Editura
Ştiinţifică şi Enciclopedică. [DLRC]
Ciorănescu, Al. (1958-1966). Dicţionarul etimologic român. [The
Romanian Etymological Dictionary]. Universidad de la Laguna,
Tenerife. [DER]
Dragoescu, Alina-Andreea. (2008). A Linguistic ‘Soup’ and A Semantic
False Friendship. Journal of Linguistic Studies 1. 15-18.
Hollifield, S., Petroman, Cornelia & Petroman, I. (2008). Romanian

Cuisine: An Etymological Approach. Journal of Linguistic Studies 2
(2): 35-46.
Marcu, F. & Maneca, C. (1986). Dicţionar de neologisme. [A Dictionary
of Neologisms]. Bucureşti: Editura Academiei. [DN]
Marcu, F. (2000). Marele dicţionar de neologisme. [The Great Dictionary
of Neologisms]. Bucureşti: Saeculum. [MDN]
Niculescu, Al. (1981). Outline History of the Romanian Language.
Bucureşti: Editura Ştiinţifică şi Enciclopedică.
Raţă, Georgeta, Petroman, Cornelia & Petroman, M.-I. (2011). Cât de
românească este „bucătăria românească”? [How Romanian is
“Romanian Cuisine”?]. Agrobuletin AGIR 8: 19-24.
ENGLISH BORROWINGS IN CROATIAN
AND ROMANIAN CUISINES
Introduction
All European languages have, at different times in history, been enriched
by the addition of words from other languages (borrowings or loanwords
– cf. Chalker & Weiner 1994).
As Görlach put it in his Foreword to his Dictionary of European
Anglicisms: A Usage Dictionary of Anglicisms in Sixteen European
Languages (2005), elements of the English language have been and are
still being adopted “in a spectacular fashion, though with varying
frequency”, in many European languages, among which Croatian and
Romanian, two languages differentiated primarily by their origin (the
former is a Slavic language, the latter is a Romance one). The goal of this
study was to see how much different the two languages are from the point
of view of their capacity of adapting English borrowings in a well defined
area, that of food-related terminology.
Material and Method

We have picked from Görlach’s Dictionary of European Anglicisms: A
Usage Dictionary of Anglicisms in Sixteen European Languages (2005)
only nouns designating foods, leaving aside other food-related words
designating food poisoning factors, machines, meals, persons, pieces of
furniture, rooms, trademarks, and utensils involved in cooking.
We then analysed them from an etymological perspective, focussing
on the following: when they entered the English language; route of
transmission (if not directly borrowed from English); the changes in form
(spelling and pronunciation) over time, if any; degree of acceptance; and
usage restrictions.
216 English Borrowings in Croatian and Romanian Cuisines
Results
The corpus of food-related English borrowings in European languages
contains eight English borrowings into Croatian (10%), eight English
borrowings into Romanian (10%), thirty-three English borrowings into
both Croatian and Romanian (39%), and thirty-five English borrowings
into other European languages (41%). (Figure 2-12)
Figure 2-12. Food-related English borrowings in Croatian and Romanian: 10%

English borrowings in Croatian, 10% English borrowings in Romanian, 39%
English borrowings in both Croatian and Romanian, 41% English borrowings in
other European Languages
Food-Related English Borrowings in Croatian
There are eight (10%) food-related English borrowings in Croatian that

do not exist in Romanian also: corned-beef (n.) ‘processed beef, often
tinned’ (This term was adopted into French at a very early date and thence
transmitted to other European languages, along with the product. Although
the product is known internationally, the Anglicism is apparently not
found throughout.); cracker (n.) ‘a thin dry biscuit’ (The food-related term
apparently spread with the word printed on the packages, and its adoption
was probably assisted by its onomatopoeic quality.); ice-cream (n.) ‘a
sweet creamy frozen food’; kipper (n.) I ‘a smoked herring’ (The
borrowing of this word is complex since it appears to have happened
independently at different times, no general pattern being detectable.);

lime (n.) ‘a rounded citrus fruit’; peanut(s) (n.) ‘the seed of a leguminous
plant (Arachis hypogaea)’ (The term for the fruit is largely native
(possibly calqued).); soft-ice(cream) (n.) ‘a special kind of ice cream sold
in a soft, i.e. semi fluid, form’; toffee (n.) ‘a kind of firm and hard sweet
softening when sucked or chewed, made by boiling sugar, butter, etc.’
(This word appears to have remained largely a foreignism (applied to
imported sweets so named) or not to have been adopted at all; how
successfully it competes with native equivalents is difficult to determine.).
Food-Related English Borrowings in Romanian
There are eight (9%) food-related English borrowings in Romanian that

do not exist in Croatian also: cashew (n.) ‘the edible nut of the cashew
tree’ (Although this word dates from 1703 in English, the word and the nut
seem to have been adopted only relatively recently in Continental
languages.); maize (n.) ‘the cobs or grains of a cereal plant (Zea mays)’
(The word, from 16th-c. Arawakan, was transmitted to most European
languages through Spanish. The contribution of English is difficult to
determine, but can only be marginal at best.); marlin (n.) ‘a large marine
fish’; mint (n.) ‘a plant (Mentha piperita)’ also called peppermint,
‘flavour’; pickle(s) (n.) ‘food preserved in vinegar’ (The past and current
distribution of this term should be compared with those of mixed pickles,
of which it is an accepted clipping.); plum cake (n.) ‘a cake containing
raisins, currants, etc.’; pulp (n.) ‘the soft fleshy part of fruit, etc.’; and
scone (n.) ‘a small sweet or savoury cake of flour, fat, and milk, baked for
a short time in an oven’.
Food-Related English Borrowings in Croatian and Romanian
There are thirty-three (39%) food-related English borrowings in

Croatian and Romanian: bacon (n.) ‘cured meat from the back or sides of
a pig’, ‘smoked pork fillet’ (It is difficult to explain why this word was
ever borrowed into European languages since perfectly acceptable native
terms such as Rom şuncă exist, for instance. And indeed it is marginalized
in many languages.); baking powder (n.) ‘a mixture of sodium
bicarbonate, cream of tartar, etc., used instead of yeast in baking’; banana
split (n.) ‘a sweet dish made of banana, ice-cream, etc.’; beefsteak (n.) ‘a
thick slice of lean beef, esp. from the rump, usually for grilling or frying’,
‘a fried meatball, a minced meat schnitzel’ (One of the most common
early Anglicisms, transmitted (with roast beef) through French and partly
through German. The form has often been re-Anglicized, and the term has
occasionally also been transferred to substitutes.); broiler (n.) ‘a chicken
raised for broiling or roasting’ (This term is a rare case: it has an almost
exclusively Eastern European distribution, mediated through Russian and
Bulgarian). It is now rapidly becoming obsolete in Eastern Germany.);
burger (n.) ‘a hamburger’, ‘a hamburger of a particular type or with
specified additions’ (After reanalysis of ham + burger, and new
compounds formed in American English (cheese-, meat-, etc.), these food
items, along with their names, were exported into European languages as a
marker of a modern lifestyle. The word is rare by itself, usually occurring
in association (but cf. the company name Burger King). Non-English
compounds, many of them playful, were coined in the 1980s.); cake (n.)
‘a sweet pastry’, ‘a cookie, a biscuit’ (This term was first adopted with
incorrectly interpreted -s and the deviant meaning ‘biscuit’ during the 19th
c. resulting in Keks. This German borrowing was then handed on to
various other languages. Almost simultaneously, there was a more
marginal word close to English in form and meaning used as a fashionable
alternative to native equivalents, which has since become obsolete or been
readopted.); Cheddar (n.) ‘a type of cheese’ (This word, like others of its
kind, wavers between a foreignism and the designation of an imported, or
even locally produced, type of cheese. Since the cheese varies in
popularity, it is not likely to become a full borrowing, at least not in
Western Europe.); cheeseburger (n.) ‘a beef-burger with a slice of cheese
in it’ (Arguably the most popular burger after its model, hamburger. The
term is slowly spreading through Europe, but is confined to items sold in
the street or certain fast food chains.); Chester (n.) ‘a kind of cheese’ (The
same as Cheshire (cheese); Chester is not recorded in English dictionaries,
and Cheshire is not found as a borrowing); chips (n.) (BE) ‘deep-fried
potatoes, pommes frites’, (AE) ‘potato crisps’ (The American English:
British English opposition has led to complex patterns. It is common for
European languages to have pommes frites (friture, Fritten, etc.; note the
English terms French fried potatoes/fries) for the meal eaten warm,
complemented by the dry, crisp item sold in packs (chips). However, not
all languages seem to distinguish between the two.); cocktail (n.) ‘a dish of
mixed ingredients’ (This stylish term was adopted early on in the sense of
a drink, to be used later (1960s) for other mixtures (fruit, etc.).);
cornflakes (n.) ‘a type of breakfast cereal’ (Recorded from the 1930s (but
limited; cf. earlier quaker oats with a similar meaning) the cereal became
well-known from the 1960s onwards; it is surprising how few calques
have been tried (or have successfully competed against the borrowing);
curry (n.) ‘a dish of meat, vegetables, etc., cooked in a sauce of hot-tasting
spices’, ‘an original Indian blend of spices’ (This word was adopted as a
foreignism from Indian cuisine but since the spices have become widely
used (with rice, sausages, etc.) the word has become quite popular. The
pronunciation of the stressed vowel reflects early [<E, u] and late [a]
adoption.); dressing (n.) ‘a sauce for salad’ (This word came to be widely
known as a more specific term for sauces added to salad, no doubt because
they were marketed under this name by mass food producers.); fast food
(n.) ‘food that can be prepared quickly and easily, especially in a snack bar
or restaurant’ (The popularity of this common term is difficult to
determine. It is known from eateries but is not accepted as a generic term
for such places. Its use for the type of food is even more limited.); graham
bread (n.) ‘a kind of wholemeal bread’ (This term was coined in 19th-c.
American English, after the dietary reformer Sylvester Graham (1794-
1851). Although popular with the health conscious for a long time, this
item did not spread to all European countries – hence the lack of the
borrowing in many languages); grapefruit (n.) ‘a large round yellow citrus
fruit’ (This word is more common in Eastern Europe – apparently because
the fruit was already known in the West by its Dutch-mediated
pompelmoes.); hamburger (n.) ‘a beef-burger, usually served in a roll’
(This term, wrongly analysed as ham + burger in American English, and
the origin of other -burger compounds, has spread all over Europe. Note
that many languages consider the word according to its final German
origin, but pronunciation shows it is an Anglicism in German itself.); hot
dog (n.) ‘a hot sausage sandwiched in a roll’ (This item has spread with
fast food culture, the term being unanalysed. It is remarkable that calques
have been tried since they sound even funnier (or more offensive) than the
English borrowing. Fanciful variants have been reported (tofu dog, noticed
in Bonn 1997); jam (n.) ‘a conserve of fruit and sugar boiled to a thick
consistency’ (This word has an unusual East European distribution; in the
west jam is recorded for the late 19th c., but did not catch on, words like
marmalade or confiture being preferred for the generic senses.); Jonathan
(freckle) (n). ‘a variety of apple’; ketchup (n.) ‘a spicy sauce’ This word
was borrowed from Malay into English in the 17th-18th c.; the two English
forms catchup and ketchup are reflected in the receiving languages where
they produce some uncertainty as to their correct spelling – as in English.
The word is one of the few Anglicisms to be respelled in the new German
reform.); mango (n.) ‘a fleshy yellowish-red fruit’ (The word is
Tamil/Portuguese with uncertain English mediation.); mixed grill (n.) ‘a
dish of various grilled meats’; Peach Melba (n.) ‘a dish of ice cream and
peaches with liqueur’; popcorn (n.) ‘popped maize, as a cereal’ (It may
have to do with the combined novelty of the food and expressive form of
the word that this word became as widespread as it did. Though the term
was coined in American English in the mid 19th c., and there are a few
attestations in European languages in the early 20th c., the great popularity
came at the time of pop art and pop music.); pudding (n.) ‘any of various
sweet cooked dishes’ (The very early adoption of this word made it
possible in principle for it to spread to all European languages, often via
French or German. Note that a Continental pudding is usually sweet.);
roast-beef (n.) ‘a piece of meat’ (This word is one of the classic 18th-c.
loans (cf. beefsteak, rump-steak) which spread via French (and German) to
most European languages; increased proficiency in English has since
brought the word closer to English in spelling and pronunciation.); rump
steak (n.) ‘a cut of beef from the rump’ (This early loan was largely
distributed via French and German, leaving gaps mainly in the South of
Europe.); sandwich (n.) ‘two or more slices of usu. buttered bread with a
filling of meat, cheese, etc., between them’ (This word is derived from the
name of John Montague, fourth Earl of Sandwich (1718-92) who is
claimed to have invented the snack so as not to be forced to interrupt his
gambling. The word was first recorded in travelogues from the 18th c. and
remained a foreignism for a long time; even in the 20th c. some languages
choose native equivalents. By contrast, there has been a proliferation of
technical terms based on metaphoric uses.); snack (n.) ‘a small amount of
food eaten between meals (esp. crisps etc.)’; toast1 (n.) ‘bread in slices
browned on both sides by radiant heat’ (This word has largely replaced
native terms and paraphrases denoting ‘roasted bread’ – except where it is
unusual to toast bread.).
Food-Related English Borrowings in Other European Languages
There are thirty-six (43%) food-related English borrowings in other

European languages than Croatian and Romanian: appetizer (n.) ‘a small
amount, esp. of food or drink, designed to stimulate the appetite’ (Du, G),
arrowroot (n.) ‘a plant from which starch is obtained for nutritional and
medicinal purposes’ (This term has become more or less obsolete with the
increasing rarity of the product, but in Norway it is now used more than
previously (because there are now more imported products which
comprise it). (Du, Fi, F, G, Hung, Ic, Nor, Russ, Sp), boysenberry (n.) ‘the
fruit of a hybrid of several species of bramble’ (G, Nor, Russ), cheesecake
(n.) ‘a tart filled with sweetened curds’ (The English word may have been
calqued on German Kasekuchen. (Fr, G, Gk, Nor), chive (n.) ‘a small
culinary herb (Allium schoenoprasum) allied to onion and leek’ (Gr),
chutney (n.) ‘a pungent Indian condiment’ (Du, F, G, Gk, Ic, Nor),
cornflour (n.) ‘flour of rice or other grain’ (Gk), cottage cheese (n.) ‘soft
white cheese’ (Fr, G, Gk, Ic, Nor, Pol), cranberry (n.) ‘a small red berry
used in cooking and as a source of fruit juice’ (Du, Nor), creamer (n.) ‘a
cream or milk substitute for adding to coffee and tea’ (Du), dip (n.) ‘a
sauce or dressing into which food is dipped before eating’. This is one of
the popular terms created by the food industry. It is still marginal as far as
regional distribution and frequency/stylistic acceptability are concerned.
(Bg, Du, G, Gk, Ic, Nor), ginger (n.) ‘a hot spicy root usually powdered
for use in cooking’ (The word comes from an Indie language and was
transmitted to most European languages through Greek > Latin > Old
French; English transmission is not recorded separately from Greek, in
contrast to the compound ginger ale which is more often attested as a
borrowing). (Al, Bg, G, Gk, Ic, It, Nor, Sp), grease (n.) ‘oily or fatty
matter’ (Bg, F, Nor, Sp), Irish stew (n.) ‘a stew of mutton, potato, and
onion’ (Du, G, F, Hung, Russ), junk food (n.) ‘food with low nutritional
value’ (Du, G, Ic, Nor, Sp), knick-knack (n.) ‘a small cake’ (Ic),
litchi/lichee/lychee (n.) ‘a sweet fleshy fruit with a thin spiny skin’ The
fruit originates from China, but its name appears to have been widely
transmitted through English. (Bg, Du, F, G, It, Nor, Pol, Russ, Sp), loaf1
(n.) ‘white bread’ (Nor), loganberry (n.) ‘a hybrid between a blackberry
and a raspberry’ The Californian judge James Harvey Logan (1841-1928)
produced the fruit (a blend of a blackberry and a raspberry) in his garden;
the species does not seem to have caught on widely in Continental gardens
and food stores. (Du, G, Nor), marshmallow (n.) ‘a soft sweet’ (Du, Ic,
Nor), mash (n.) ‘a soft mixture of fruit, vegetables, etc.’ (Fr, Pol), mixed
pickles (n.) ‘gherkins, etc. in vinegar’ (Du, G, Gk, Hung, Nor), mock
turtle (n.) ‘a soup made from a calf’s head to resemble turtle’ (G, Nor, Sp),
muffin (n.) ‘a flat round spongy cake’ (Du, Fi, F, Ic, Nor), navel (orange)
(n.) ‘a large seedless orange with a navel-like formation at the top’ (Du, F,
G, It, Nor, Sp), novel food (n.) ‘gene-manipulated food’ (One of the most
recent arrivals, whose currency is expected to increase with the growing
concern about genetic manipulations). (G, Nor), pancake (n.) ‘a flat cake
of make-up, etc.’ (Du, F, Sp), pemmican (n.) ‘a cake of dried pounded
meat mixed with melted fat’, ‘beef so treated, for use by Arctic travellers,
etc.’ (Borrowed from Algonquian in American English, the word became
widely known through travel literature, but has remained a foreignism).
(G, Hung, Ic, Pol), pie (n.) ‘a baked dish with a top and base of pastry’
(Bg, Du, G, Gk, Hung, Ic, Nor), potato (n.) ‘a starchy plant tuber that is
cooked and used for (staple) food’ (Al, F, Ic, It, Nor, Sp), puffed rice (n.)
‘rice puffed up by heating, eaten as a breakfast cereal’ (Du, G, Hung, It),
slimming (n.) ‘the reduction of weight through diet and exercise’ (This
term has been a buzzword for north-western well-to-do health-conscious

middle classes but less so in societies in which food is the problem). (G,
Du, Nor, Ic, It, Russ, Pol, Bg, Hung), sour cream (n.) ‘cream deliberately
fermented by adding bacteria’ (Du, G, Sp), spread (n.) ‘a sweet or savoury
paste for spreading on bread’ (Du), spring roll (n.) ‘a Chinese pancake
filled with vegetables, and fried’ (Fi, F, G, Gk, Ic, It, Sp), and stark
delicious (n.) ‘a type of apple’ (Hung, It).
Discussion
Food-Related English Borrowings in Croatian
The history of the food-related English borrowings in Croatian is quite

straightforward: they date from the middle of the 20th c. (Cr toffee) and
from the end of 20th c. (Cr corned-beef, Cr cracker).
All food-related English borrowings in Croatian were directly
borrowed from English.
There is a single change in spelling over time: Cr kreker differs from
that of the English etymon cracker. In exchange, there is no change in
pronunciation: Cr corned-beef and Cr toffee have a pronunciation (near-)
identical to that of the English etymons.
As for the degree of acceptance, the corpus of food-related English
borrowings in Croatian contains the following word categories:
- Words not known, but for which a calque or another native alternative
is provided: Cr soft sladoled for E soft-ice(cream);
- Words known generally to bilinguals and felt to be English: Cr ice-
cream, Cr kipper, Cr lime, Cr peanut(s);
- Words with usage restrictions (the author does not mention the type of
restriction): Cr corned-beef, Cr toffee;
- Words fully accepted and found in many styles and registers but still
marked as English in their spelling, pronunciation, or morphology: Cr
cracker.
Food-Related English Borrowings in Romanian
Food-related English borrowings in Romanian were borrowed over a

longer period of time than Croatian ones: in the 19th c. (Rom maize), in the
1960s (Rom marlin), in the 1980s (Rom pickle(s)), in the 1990s (Rom
cashew), and in the 20th c. (Rom plumche(i)c).
The only example of indirect borrowing from English is Rom maize

(via German).
As for changes in spelling over time, Romanian seems to adapt more
than Croatian: Rom mentă, Rom plumche(i)c, and Rom pulpă are the
examples provided by the author of the dictionary. In two cases, the
pronunciation is (near-) identical to that of the English etymon (Rom
cashew, Rom pickle(s)), while, in one case, the pronunciation is not
predictable from spelling and also differs from that of the English etymon
(Rom marlin).
From the point of view of the degree of acceptance, we found the
following cases:
- Words known generally to bilinguals and felt to be English: Rom

cashew and Rom scone;
- Usage restrictions: field restrictions (technical, i.e. used only in
professional vocabularies: Rom marlin); currency restrictions (archaic,
i.e. known but no longer used: Rom maize; rare, i.e. infrequently used:
Rom marlin and Rom pickle(s));
- Words fully accepted and found in many styles and registers, but still
marked as English in its spelling, pronunciation, or morphology: Rom
plumche(i)c;
- Words not (or no longer) recognized as English; the English origin can
only be established etymologically: Rom marlin and Rom pulpă;
- Words, as far as the particular language is concerned, that come from a
source other than English: Rom mentă (< F < L), Rom pulpă (< F).
Food-Related English Borrowings in Croatian and Romanian
Food-related English words were borrowed from English into Croatian

during the 19th and the 20th c.: in the middle of the 19th c. (Cr biftek), at the
end of the 19th c. (Cr ramstek), in the 19th c. (Cr pudding, Cr rostbif), in
the 1970s (Cr Cheddar), at the beginning of the 20th c. (Cr dzem, Cr
sendvic), in the middle of the 20th c. (Cr bekon, Cr brojler, Cr graham, Cr
hamburger, Cr jonatan, Cr kecap, Cr koktel, Cr mango, Cr mixed grill,
Cr tost), at the end of the 20th c. (Cr burger, Cr keks, Cr cizburger, Cr
cheeseburger, Cr cips, Cr kornflejks, Cr curry, Cr dressing, Cr fast food,
Cr hot dog, Cr popcorn, Cr snek), and in the 20th c. (Cr grejpfrut).
Romanian borrowed almost the same number of food-related words from
English at about the same time: in the middle of the 19th c. (Rom biftec), at
the end of the 19th c. (Rom keks, Rom budincă, Rom sandvici/sandviş
/sanviş/senviş), in the 19th c. (Rom rosbif), in the 1970s (Rom cornflakes,
Rom hamburger, Rom hot dog, Rom ketchup, Rom popcorn), in the
1980s (Rom dressing), at the beginning of the 20th c. (Rom bacon, Rom
cocktail, Rom ionatan, Rom pudding), in the middle of the 20th c. (Rom
chec?, Rom Chester, Rom gref/grep(frut)), at the end of the 20th c. (Rom
broiler, Rom chips, Rom curry, Rom fast food, Rom gem, Rom snack,
Rom toast), and in the 20th c. (Rom graham, Rom mango, Rom melba,
Rom ramstec).
Croatian food-related English words were almost all borrowed
directly from English (except for Cr Chester, borrowed via French), while
the number of indirect borrowings into Romanian is larger: Rom biftec,
Rom cocteil, Rom rosbif, Rom ramstec?, Rom sandvici/sandviş/
sanviş/senviş (via French) and Rom keks, Rom graham (via German).
Görlach (2005) claims that there is a single spelling similar to that of
the English etymon (Rom grapefruit) and numerous spellings that differ
from those of the English etymons in both Croatian (Cr bekon, Cr biftek,
Cr brojler, Cr ? burger, Cr cizburger, Cr cips, Cr ? dressing, Cr dzem, Cr
? graham, Cr grejpfrut, Cr jonatan, Cr kecap, Cr keks, Cr koktel, Cr ?
mango, Cr ? popcorn, Cr ? pudding, Cr ramstek, Cr rostbif, Cr sendvic,
Cr snek, Cr tost) and Romanian (Rom biftec, Rom budincă, Rom chec,
Rom cocteil, Rom gem, Rom gref/grep(frut), Rom ionatan, Rom keks,
Rom kornflejks, Rom melba, Rom ? pudding, Rom rosbif, Rom ramstec,
Rom sandvici/sandviş/sanviş/senviş). As for changes in pronunciation
over time, there are some cases of (near-) identical pronunciation to that of
the English etymon in both Croatian (four: Cr cheeseburger, Cr curry, Cr
fast food, Cr hot dog) and Romanian (10: Rom bacon, Rom broiler, Rom
chips, Rom cocktail, Rom dressing, Rom fast food, Rom hot dog, Rom
gem, Rom ketchup, Rom popcorn). For pronunciations not predictable
from the spelling and also differing from those of the English etymons, the
words are transcribed phonetically in the IPA: a single phonetic
transcription for English borrowings into Croatian ([hamburger]) and a
large number of English borrowings into Romanian ([budinka], [graham],
[gref/grep/grepfrut], [hamburgar], [jonatan], [kari], [koktejl], [kornfleks],
[mango], [melba], [mikstgril], [puding], [ramstek], [rosbif], [sandvij/
sanvij/sandvitj], [snek], [tjester], [tjedar], [tost]).
As for the degree of acceptance, there are some fascinating cases:
- In the case of words not known but for which a calque or another
native equivalent is provided, there are only Romanian examples: Rom
praf de copt < E baking powder, Rom fulgi (de porumb) (< E
cornflakes), Rom minuturi (< E fastfood), Rom pâine graham (< E
graham bread), Rom floricele (de porumb) (< E popcorn);
- There are more words known generally to bilinguals and felt to be

English in Croatian (Cr baking powder, Cr banana split, Cr Cheddar,
Cr cheeseburger, Cr Chester, Cr Peach Melba) than in Romanian
(Rom banana split, Rom chips, Rom mixed grill);
- There is a single word known as foreignism (used only with reference
to British or American contexts): Rom fast food;
- There are several words in limited usage in the language in both
Croatian (Cr biftek, Cr burger, Cr Cheddar, Cr cizburger, Cr Chester,
Cr koktel, Cr curry, Cr dressing, Cr hot dog, Cr mixed grill, Cr
popcorn, Cr rostbif, Cr sendvic, Cr snek) and Romanian (Rom biftec,
Rom broiler, Rom chec, Rom cocktail, Rom cocteil, Rom cornflakes,
Rom curry, Rom dressing, Rom fast food, Rom hot dog, Rom
popcorn, Rom snack, toast), but Görlach (2005) mentions the type of
usage restriction for only some of them: field restrictions (technical,
i.e. used only in professional vocabularies: Cr Cheddar, Cr Chester, Cr
curry, Cr dressing, and Cr mixed grill; Rom broiler and Rom curry);
regional restrictions (i.e. known to be restricted to national or regional
varieties of the standard language: Rom keks); register restrictions:
colloquial (informal, normally used only in spoken language: Cr
cizburger and Rom hamburger), youth (usage restricted to the
younger generation: Rom popcorn); currency restrictions: modish,
modern (fashionable jargon, not expected to last: Cr burger and Cr
snek; Rom dressing, Rom fast food, and Rom snack), obsolescent
(possibly now going out of use, now rarer than a few years ago: Rom
cornflakes and Rom ramstec), and rare, infrequently used (Rom curry,
Rom mango, and Rom melba).
- There are more words fully accepted and found in many styles and
registers, but still marked as English in their spelling, pronunciation,
or morphology in Croatian (Cr brojler, Cr burger, Cr cips, Cr fast
food, Cr grejpfrut, Cr hamburger, Cr kornflejks, Cr kecap, Cr mango,
Cr sendvic, Cr tost) than in Romanian (Rom bacon, Rom
gref/grep(frut), Rom hot dog, Rom ketchup, Rom snack);
- There are less words not (or no longer) recognized as English (whose
English origin can only be established etymologically) in Croatian (Cr
graham, Cr dzem, Cr jonatan, Cr pudding, Cr rostbif, Cr ramstek)
than in Romanian (Rom gref/grep(frut), Rom hamburger, Rom gem,
Rom ionatan, Rom mango, Rom melba, Rom pudding, Rom ramstec,
Rom sandvici/sandviş/sanviş/senviş);
- There are less words, as far as the particular language is concerned,
that come from a source other than English, in Croatian (Cr keks) than
in Romanian (Rom graham and Rom keks).
Conclusions
Food-related English borrowings in Croatian date from the second half
of the 20th c., while food-related English borrowings in Romanian date
from the 19th and 20th c. which shows more openness to borrowings in
Romanian than in Croatian. Food-related English borrowings common
to both Croatian and Romanian date from the same period of time, i.e. the
19th and 20th c. A familiar cultural environment could explain that
(translations, for example, or the development of tourism).
Both Croatian and Romanian (with a single exception) have borrowed
their own food-related English words directly from English. As far as the
common borrowings are concerned, there are more indirect English
borrowings into Romanian than into Croatian which seems to indicate a
much closer direct contact with the English language (tourism, maybe).
Food-related English borrowings in Croatian, on the one hand, and
in Romanian, on the other hand, did not change in spelling, while common
borrowings have been more subjected to such changes (twenty-two in
Croatian and fourteen in Romanian). The pronunciation also changed in
the common borrowings (four in Croatian and ten in Romanian). Changes
in spelling and pronunciation show that at a certain point in history these
borrowings cease to be felt as foreignisms, and are better assimilated by
the languages of adoption.
From the point of view of the degree of acceptance, Croatian has more
words known generally to bilinguals and felt to be English (e.g., backing
powder, banana split, cheeseburger, etc.) than Romanian (six and three,
respectively), and more words fully accepted and found in many styles and
registers, but still marked as English in their spelling, pronunciation, or
morphology (e.g., brojler, burger, cips, etc.) than Romanian (eleven and
five, respectively), which indicates a still ongoing process of assimilation.
On the other hand, only Romanian records words not known but for which
a calque or another native equivalent is provided (e.g., fulgi de porumb,
minuturi, praf de copt, etc.); only Romanian has a foreignism; Romanian
has more words not (or no longer) recognized as English (whose English
origin can only be established etymologically) (e.g., hamburger, gem,
ionatan, etc.) than Croatian (ten and five, respectively); and Romanian has
more words, as far as the particular language is concerned, that come
from a source other than English (e.g., graham, keks) than Croatian (two
and one, respectively). Finally, Croatian and Romanian share almost the
same number of words in limited usage in the language (fourteen and
twelve, respectively) (Figure 2-13).
Figure 2-13. Degree of acceptance of Romanian and Croatian food-related words

of English origin
Among usage restrictions, the most noteworthy are currency restrictions

(eight in Romanian and two in Croatian); field restrictions (five in
Croatian and two in Romanian); register restrictions (two in Romanian
and one in Croatian); and regional restrictions (one in Romanian), with
more restrictions in Romanian (thirteen) than in Croatian (eight).
To mention that all English borrowings have not been recorded (as
expected) by Görlach. A good example is the Romanian mizgril (< E
mixed grill ‘a dish of various grilled meats’), not only pronounced as such,
but also spelled as such in the menus of (not necessarily fancy) restaurants,
and used by most Romanians dining out.
If Görlach’s data are accurate, then we can derive the conclusion that,
on the whole, there are no significant differences between Croatian and
Romanian from the point of view of the way they have treated food-
related English borrowings, despite the fact that Croatian is a south
Slavic language, and Romanian is a Romance language. In this case, a
common historical background (their location in the Balkan area, their
Communist rule – with all the cultural restrictions it enforced on the
people) could explain the resemblances and make differences seem not as
serious as expected.
References
Görlach, M. (Ed.). (2005). A Dictionary of European Anglicisms. A Usage
Dictionary of Anglicisms in Sixteen European Languages. Oxford
University Press.
Perković, Anica & Raţă, Georgeta. (2008). English Borrowings in
Croatian and Romanian. Food-Related Words. Journal of Linguistic
Studies 1 (2): 65-74.
ENGLISH BORROWINGS IN CROATIAN
AND ROMANIAN DRINK NAMES
MIRCEA-IONUŢ PETROMAN,
CORNELIA PETROMAN AND ANICA PERKOVIĆ
Introduction
All modern European languages have, at different times in history, been
enriched by the addition of words from other languages (borrowings or
loanwords, cf. Chalker & Weiner 1994). As Görlach put it in his
Dictionary of European Anglicisms. A Usage Dictionary of Anglicisms in
Sixteen European Languages (2005), elements of the English language
have been and are still being adopted “in a spectacular fashion, though
with varying frequency”, in many European languages, among which
Croatian and Romanian, two languages differentiated primarily by their
origin (the former is a Slavic language, the latter is a Romance one). The
goal of this study was to see how much different the two languages are
from the point of view of their capacity of adapting English borrowings in
a well defined area, that of drink-related terminology.
Material and Method

We have picked from Görlach’s Dictionary of European Anglicisms. A
thirty-six drink-related English words that have been borrowed by
different European languages, among which Croatian and Romanian – ale,
bar, bitter, bitter lemon, Bloody Mary, booze, bowl, cherry brandy, coca-
cola, cocktail, cup, drink, fizz, flip, gin, gin-fizz, ginger ale, gin-tonic,
grog, juice, lemon, light, lime, lime-juice, long drink, milkshake, mix, on
the rocks, peppermint liqueur, punch, room service, shake, shaker, soft
drink, toast (a salute), toast (a drink) – including drink-related words
designating a basin, a counter, an item of furniture, a nightclub, a vessel.
We have analysed these English borrowings from different points of
view: language of adoption (Croatian and/or Romanian), date of adoption,
230 English Borrowings in Croatian and Romanian Drink Names
and degree of integration in an attempt to determine which of the two

languages under review is more susceptible of linguistic borrowings, in
what degree, and why.

The corpus of drink-related English borrowings in European languages
contains five English borrowings into Croatian only (14%), five English
borrowings into Romanian only (14%), and twenty-six English
borrowings into both Croatian and Romanian (72%).
Drink-Related English Borrowings in Croatian Only
There are five (14%) drink-related English borrowings in Croatian that

do not exist in Romanian also: booze ‘alcoholic drink’, lime ‘the juice of
limes as a drink’, lime-juice ‘a drink’, milkshake ‘a drink of milk and
other ingredients mixed by shaking or whisking’, and mix ‘a mixed drink’
(Figure 2-14).

English borrowings in Croatian only, 86% English borrowings in Romanian only
The history of the drink-related English borrowings in Croatian only is

particularly easy: a single word is mentioned to date from the end of 20th c.
(milkshake).
Mircea-Ionuţ Petroman, Cornelia Petroman and Anica Perković 231
The five terms were directly borrowed from English.

There is a no change in spelling over time.
As for the degree of acceptance, the corpus of drink-related English
borrowings in Croatian only contains the following two word categories:
- Four words known generally to bilinguals and felt to be English:

booze, lime, lime-juice, and mix;
- One word fully accepted and found in many styles and registers but
still marked as English in its spelling, pronunciation, or morphology:
milkshake.
Drink-Related English Borrowings in Romanian Only
There are five (14%) drink-related English borrowings in Romanian

that do not exist in Croatian also: bitter ‘a liquor with a bitter flavour, used
as an additive in cocktails’, lemon ‘an effervescent drink made from
lemon juice’; light ‘not heavy on the stomach or strongly alcoholic’; soft
drink ‘a non-alcoholic drink’; toast ‘a salute, or a call to drink or an
instance of drinking in honour of someone’; toast ‘drink to the health or in
honour of someone’ (Figure 2-15).

English borrowings in Romanian only, 86% English borrowings in Croatian only
The history of the drink-related English borrowings in Romanian only

is extremely easy: they were borrowed at the beginning of the 19th c. (toast
‘a salute’), in the middle of the 19th c. (bitter, toast ‘to drink’), at the end
of the 20th c. (soft drink), and in the 1980s (light), while there is no
indication of lemon.
There are three cases of indirect borrowings from English: toast (both
meanings) (via French) and bitter (via French or German).
As for changes in spelling over time, two Romanian drink-related
words borrowed from English are similar to the English etymon: light and
soft drink, while, in three cases, the pronunciation is not predictable from
spelling and also differs from that of the English etymon toast (both
meanings) and bitter.
following cases:
- Two words known generally to bilinguals and felt to be English (they

are considered foreignisms): lemon and soft drink;
- One word in restricted use in the language: currency restrictions:
modern (fashionable jargon, not expected to remain): light;
- Three words not (or no longer) recognized as English (the English
origin can only be established etymologically): toast (both meanings)
and bitter.
Drink-Related English Borrowings in Croatian and Romanian
There are twenty-six (72%) drink-related English borrowings in

Croatian and Romanian: ale ‘British beer’, bar ‘a counter in a public
house, restaurant of cafe’, ‘a room in a public house in which customers
may sit and drink’, ‘a nightclub’, ‘an item of furniture used to store
alcohol’, bitter lemon ‘a non-alcoholic drink’, Bloody Mary ‘a drink
composed of vodka and tomato juice’, bowl ‘a usually round deep basin
used for food or liquid’, ‘punch’, ‘vessel for punch’, cherry brandy ‘an
alcoholic drink’, coca-cola ‘a carbonated non-alcoholic drink’(™),
cocktail ‘a mixed alcoholic drink’, ‘a dish of mixed ingredients’, ‘a milk
shake’, ‘a cocktail-party’, cup ‘a drink of flavoured wine, cider, etc.’,
drink ‘a portion of alcohol (or other drinks)’, fizz ‘an effervescent drink,
especially champagne’, flip ‘a drink made from eggs, beer, brandy and
sugar’, gin ‘an alcoholic spirit flavoured with juniper berries’, gin-fizz ‘an
alcoholic drink mixed from gin, mineral water, lemon, and sugar’, ginger
ale ‘a drink’, gin-tonic ‘a drink mixed from gin and tonic water’, grog ‘a
drink of rum and water’, juice ‘a drink made from fruits or vegetables’,
‘alcoholic beverages’, long drink ‘mixed drink with little alcohol, served
in a tall glass’, on the rocks ‘with ice’, peppermint liqueur ‘an alcoholic
drink’, punch ‘a drink of wine and spirits mixed with water, fruit juices,
spices, etc., and usually served hot’, room service ‘service whereby food
or drink is taken to a guest’s room’ (in a hotel, etc.), shake ‘a milk shake’,
‘a mixed drink made from various components’, and shaker ‘a container
for shaking together the ingredients of cocktails, etc.’ (Figure 2-16).

English borrowings in both Croatian and Romanian; 28% English borrowings in
Croatian only and English borrowings in Romanian only
Drink-related English words were borrowed from English into Croatian:

at the end of the 19th c. (Bloody Mary, cherry brandy), in the 19th c. (grog,
punch), at the beginning of the 20th c. (bar, cup, gin), in the middle of the
20th c. (ale, cocktail, drink, gin-fizz, gin-tonic, juice), at the end of the 20th
c. (bitter lemon, coca-cola, fizz, flip, long drink, shaker), and in the 20th c.
(peppermint liqueur). There is no indication for ginger ale, on the rocks,
room service, and shake. Romanian started to adopt drink-related
English words earlier than Croatian: at the beginning of the 19th c.
(punch, toast ‘a salute’), in the middle of the 19th c. (toast ‘to drink’), at
the end of the 19th c. (bowl, flip, gin, grog), in the 20th c. (bar, cherry
brandy, ginger ale), at the beginning of the 20th c. (cocktail, peppermint
liqueur), in the middle of the 20th c. (cup), at the end of the 20th c. (fizz,
room service), in the 1930s (bar), in the 1960s (coca-cola, shake), in the
1970s (bitter lemon, gin-tonic, juice long, drink, shaker), and in the
1980s (Bloody Mary, light).
Croatian drink-related English words are all borrowed directly from
English, while there are four indirect borrowings into Romanian: bar,
cocktail, peppermint liqueur, and punch.
Görlach (2005) claims that most off the drink-related words
borrowed into Croatian have different spellings (bar, Bloody Mary, bowl,
cherry brandy, coca-cola, cocktail, cup, drink, fizz, flip, gin, gin-tonic,
grog, juice, long drink, peppermint liqueur, punch, room service,
shaker). In one case, the pronunciation is (near-) identical to that of the
English etymon: gin-fizz. Most of the Romanian drink-related words
borrowed from English are similar to the English etymon: Bloody Mary,
bowl, cocktail, fizz, flip, gin, ginger ale, gin-tonic, grog, light, long drink,
peppermint liqueur, room service, shake, shaker, and soft drink. In three
cases, the spelling (or one of the attested spellings) differs from that of the
English etymon: biter, cocteil, and gin and tonic. In two cases, the
pronunciation is (near-) identical to that of the English etymon (bar,
peppermint, piperment), while, in one case, the pronunciation is not
predictable from spelling and also differs from that of the English etymon
(piperment, punci, toast, a toasta).
following cases:
- Words known generally to bilinguals and felt to be English (they are

considered foreignisms): drink, ginger ale, on the rocks, room service,
shake in Croatia and drink, lemon, on the rocks, soft drink;
- Word known but considered foreignism (they are used only with
reference to British or American contexts): ale in both Croatian and
Romanian (because the drink has not been successfully exported);
- Words in limited use in the language: field restrictions: technical (used
only in professional vocabularies): cup, fizz, gin-fizz, shaker in Croatia
and room service, shaker in Romania; register restrictions: youth
(usage restricted to the younger generation): shake in Romanian;
currency restrictions: archaic (known but no longer used): flip in both
Croatian and Romanian; modern (fashionable jargon, not expected to
remain): Bloody Mary, gin-tonic, light in Romanian; obsolescent
(possibly now going out of use, now rarer than a few years ago): bitter
lemon, bowl, shake in Romanian; rare (infrequently used): cherry
brandy, fizz, long drink in Romanian;
- Words fully accepted and found in many styles and registers but still
marked as English in their spelling, pronunciation, or morphology:
Bloody Mary, cherry brandy, cocktail, gin, gin-tonic, grog, juice,

long drink, peppermint liqueur in Croatian and gin in Romanian;
currency restrictions: modern (fashionable jargon, not expected to
remain): juice in Romanian;
- Words not (or no longer) recognized as English (the English origin can
only be established etymologically): bar, bowl, coca-cola, punch in
Croatian and bar, bitter lemon, coca-cola, punch, toast (both
meanings) in Romanian; field restrictions: technical (used only in
professional vocabularies): bitter lemon in Croatian and peppermint
liqueur in Romania);
- Words similar or nearly identical to an indigenous item in the receptor
language, so that the borrowing takes the form of a semantic loan
only: cup in Romanian.
Borderline cases are represented by the following drink-related words:

cocktail (word yet marked as English in its spelling and/or pronunciation
but no longer recognized as English), gin-fizz (word felt to be English but
in restricted use in the language as outmoded), ginger-ale (word felt to be
English but in restricted use in the language as technical), and grog (word
yet marked as English in its spelling and/or pronunciation but no longer
recognized as English).
Conclusion
Drink-related English borrowings in Croatian only date from as early as
the end of the 20th c., while drink-related English borrowings in
Romanian only date from the beginning of the 19th c., which indicates
more openness to borrowings in Romanian than in Croatian. Drink-
related English borrowings common to both Croatian and Romanian
date from the end of the 19th c. for Croatian and from the beginning of the
19th c. for Romanian, indicating the same openness. This could be
explained by a familiar cultural environment (translations, for example, or
the development of tourism).
There are no indirect borrowings into Croatian only borrowings, but
there are two borrowings among Romanian only borrowings (toast,
bitter) and five borrowings among common ones (bar, cocktail,
peppermint liqueur, and punch). This could be explained by the tights
contacts between French and German, and Romanian.
Drink-related English borrowings into Croatian only did not change
in spelling, while two drink-related borrowings into Romanian did
(toast – the two meanings – and bitter). The pronunciation changed in the
common borrowings (nineteen in Croatian and three in Romanian). This

points out that Romanian is a better assimilator of borrowings than
Croatian.
From the point of view of the degree of acceptance, we could draw
the following conclusions:
- Croatian and Romanian have almost the same number of words known
generally to bilinguals and felt to be English (5 to 4);
- Croatian and Romanian share the same word known but considered
foreignism; there are more words in limited use in the language in
Romanian than in Croatian (13 to 5);
- There are more words fully accepted and found in many styles and
registers, but still marked as English in their spelling, pronunciation,
or morphology in Croatian than in Romanian (9 to 2);
- Croatian and Romanian share an almost equal number of words not (or
no longer) recognized as English (5 to 6);
- There is a single word identical or nearly identical to an indigenous
item in the receptor language in Romanian.
If Görlach’s data are accurate, then we can derive the conclusion that, on
the whole, there are no significant differences between Croatian and
Romanian from the point of view of the way they have treated drink-
related English borrowings, despite the fact that Croatian is a south
Slavic language, and Romanian is a Romance language. In this case, a
common historical experience (their location in the Balkan area, their
Communist rule – with all the cultural restrictions it enforced on the
people) could explain the resemblances and make differences seem not as
significant as expected.
References
University Press.
Petroman, M.-I., Petroman, Cornelia & Perković, Anica. (2011). Drink-
Related Terms in Croatian and Romanian: A Linguistic Approach.
Journal of Linguistic Studies 1 (7): 45-52.
ENGLISH BORROWINGS
IN ROMANIAN DRINK NAMES
GEORGETA RAŢĂ, SCOTT HOLLIFIELD

AND IOAN PETROMAN
Introduction
All European languages have, at different times in history, been enriched
by the addition of words from other languages (borrowings or loanwords
– cf. Chalker & Weiner 1994). As Görlach claims in his Foreword to his
Dictionary of European Anglicisms. A Usage Dictionary of Anglicisms in
Sixteen European Languages (2005), elements of the English language
have been and are still being adopted “in a spectacular fashion, though
with varying frequency”, in many European languages, among which
Romanian. The goal of this study was to determine the capacity of the
Romanian language of adapting English borrowings in a well established
area – that of drink-related terminology.
Material and Method

We have picked from Görlach’s Dictionary of European Anglicisms. A
drink-related words, including words designating a basin, a counter, an
item of furniture, a nightclub, a vessel. We then analysed them from an
etymological point of view, focussing on the following: when they entered
the English language; the route of transmission (if not directly borrowed
from English); the changes in form (spelling and pronunciation) over time,
if any; degree of acceptance; and the use restrictions.
Results
The corpus of drink-related English borrowings into Romanian contains
thirty-one English borrowings: ale ‘British beer’; bar ‘a counter in a
238 English Borrowings in Romanian Drink Names
public house, restaurant of cafe’, ‘a room in a public house in which

customers may sit and drink’, ‘a nightclub’, ‘an item of furniture used to
store alcohol’; bitter lemon ‘a non-alcoholic drink’; Bloody Mary ‘a drink
composed of vodka and tomato juice’; bowl ‘a usually round deep basin
used for food or liquid’, ‘punch’, ‘vessel for punch’; cherry brandy ‘an
alcoholic drink’; coca-cola ‘a carbonated non-alcoholic drink’(™);
cocktail ‘a mixed alcoholic drink’, ‘a dish of mixed ingredients’, ‘a milk
shake’, ‘a cocktail-party’; cup ‘a drink of flavoured wine, cider, etc.’;
drink ‘a portion of alcohol (or other drinks)’; fizz ‘an effervescent drink,
especially champagne’; flip ‘a drink made from eggs, beer, brandy and
sugar’; gin ‘an alcoholic spirit flavoured with juniper berries’; gin-fizz ‘an
alcoholic drink mixed from gin, mineral water, lemon, and sugar’; ginger
ale ‘a drink’; gin-tonic ‘a drink mixed from gin and tonic water’; grog ‘a
drink of rum and water’; juice ‘a drink made from fruits or vegetables’,
‘alcoholic beverages’; lemon ‘an effervescent drink made from lemon
juice’; light ‘not heavy on the stomach or strongly alcoholic’; long drink
‘mixed drink with little alcohol, served in a tall glass’; mix ‘a mixed
drink’; on the rocks ‘with ice’; peppermint liqueur ‘an alcoholic drink’;
punch2 ‘a drink of wine and spirits mixed with water, fruit juices, spices,
etc., and usually served hot’; room service ‘service whereby food or drink
is taken to a guest’s room’ (in a hotel etc.); shake ‘a milk shake’, ‘a mixed
drink made from various components’; shaker ‘a container for shaking
together the ingredients of cocktails, etc.’; soft drink ‘a non-alcoholic
drink’; toast ‘a salute, or a call to drink or an instance of drinking in
honour of someone’, and toast ‘drink to the health or in honour of
someone’.
Discussion
Time of Borrowing. Drink-related English words in Romanian were
borrowed: at the beginning of the 19th c. (punch, toast ‘a salute’), in the
middle of the 19th c. (toast ‘to drink’), at the end of the 19th c. (bowl, flip,
gin, grog), in the 20th c. (bar, cherry brandy, ginger ale), at the beginning
of the 20th c. (cocktail, peppermint liqueur), in the middle of the 20th c.
(cup), at the end of the 20th c. (fizz, mix, room service), in the 1930s (bar),
in the 1960s (coca-cola, shake), in the 1970s (bitter lemon, gin-tonic,
juice long, drink, shaker), and in the 1980s (Bloody Mary, light).
Route of Transmission. There are five cases of indirect borrowings
from English (16%): bar, cocktail, peppermint liqueur, punch, toast (both
meanings) (via French) (Figure 2-17).
Georgeta Raţă, Scott Hollifield and Ioan Petroman 239
Figure 2-17. Drink-related English indirect borrowings in Romanian (16%)
Changes in Form (Spelling and Pronunciation). As for changes in

spelling over time, seventeen Romanian drink-related words borrowed
from English (53%) are similar to the English etymon: Bloody Mary,
bowl, cocktail, fizz, flip, gin, ginger ale, gin-tonic, grog, light, long drink,
mix, peppermint liqueur, room service, shake, shaker, and soft drink. In
three cases, the spelling (or one of the attested spellings) differs from that
of the English etymon: (biter) citro, cocteil, and gin and tonic (Figure 2-
18). In two cases, the pronunciation is (near-) identical to that of the
English etymon (bar, peppermint, piperment), while, in five cases, the
pronunciation is not predictable from the spelling and also differs from
that of the English etymon (cnocaut, piperment, punci, toast, a toasta).
Degree of Acceptance and Usage Restrictions. From the point of
view of the degree of acceptance, we found the following cases: words
known generally to bilinguals and felt to be English (they are considered
foreignisms): drink, lemon, on the rocks, soft drink; a word known but
considered foreignism (they are used only with reference to British or
American contexts): ale (because the drink has not been successfully
exported); words in limited use in the language: field restrictions:
technical (used only in professional vocabularies): room service, shaker;
register restrictions: youth (usage restricted to the younger generation):
shake; currency restrictions: archaic (known but no longer used): flip;
modern (fashionable jargon, not expected to remain): Bloody Mary, gin-
tonic, light; obsolescent (possibly now going out of use, now rarer than a
few years ago): bitter lemon, bowl, shake; rare (infrequently used): cherry
brandy, fizz, long drink, mix); words fully accepted and found in many
styles and registers, but still marked as English in their spelling,
pronunciation, or morphology: gin; currency restrictions: modern
(fashionable jargon, not expected to remain): juice; words not (or no
longer) recognized as English (the English origin can only be established
etymologically): bar, bitter lemon, coca-cola, punch, toast (both
meanings); field restrictions: technical (used only in professional
vocabularies): peppermint liqueur; a word identical or nearly identical to
an indigenous item in the receptor language, so that the borrowing takes
the form of a semantic loan only: cup. Borderline cases are represented
by the following drink-related words: cocktail (word yet marked as
English in its spelling and/or pronunciation but no longer recognized as
English), gin-fizz (word felt to be English but in restricted use in the
language as outmoded), ginger-ale (word felt to be English but in
restricted use in the language as technical), and grog (word yet marked as
English in its spelling and/or pronunciation but no longer recognized as
English).
Figure 2-18. Romanian drink-related words borrowed from English identical to

the English etymon (55%)
Georgeta Raţă, Scott Hollifield and Ioan Petroman 241
Conclusions
One third of the drink-related English borrowings in Romanian date
from the 19th c., while the other two thirds date from the 20th c., which
makes them quite recent borrowings. Drink-related English borrowings
in Romanian are typically direct borrowings (85%) (Figure 2-19). As for
changes in spelling over time, more than half of the Romanian drink-
related words borrowed from English (52%) are similar to the English
etymon, with extremely rare differences in spelling between the English
etymon and the Romanian word: (biter) citro, cocteil, and gin and tonic.
In two cases, the pronunciation is (near-) identical to that of the English
etymon (bar, peppermint/piperment), while, in five cases, the
pronunciation is not predictable from the spelling and also differs from
that of the English etymon (cnocaut, piperment, punci, toast, a toasta)
(Figure 2-20). From the point of view of the degree of acceptance, we can
say that only four words are felt like foreignisms, only one word is
considered a foreignism, fourteen are in limited use in the language, only
two are fully accepted, only six are no longer recognised as English, and a
single word is still marked as English but no longer recognised as English:
a rather limited corpus but highly dynamic and captivating.
Figure 2-19. Drink-related English direct borrowings in Romanian (85%)

Figure 2-20. Romanian drink-related words borrowed from English identical to

the English etymon (52%)
References
University Press.
Raţă, Georgeta, Hollifield, S. & Petroman, I. (2011). English Borrowings
in Romanian: Drink-Related Words. Journal of Linguistic Studies 1
(7): 53-56.
COFFEE:
A SEMANTIC APPROACH
CORNELIA PETROMAN, IOAN PETROMAN

AND SNJEŽANA TOLIĆ
Introduction
The purpose of the research is to show that the proper understanding of the
meaning of compounds containing the word coffee is a matter of purely
linguistic knowledge (to be taught by the teacher) rather than of
knowledge of the world (since they have almost no training in the field of
food services). To our knowledge, no research has so far been done in this
field or on this particular problem. The hypothesis of the research was that,
since compound definitions cannot always help understanding phrases
similar in structure, undergraduates should study them as such and/or
develop meaning inference skills if they want to avoid confusion. The
background information was collected from different English language
dictionaries, specialized dictionaries and specialised encyclopaedias.
Material and Method

We inventoried one hundred and two phrases containing the word coffee,
leaving aside all derivatives such as cafeteria, cafetiere/cafetière,
cafetorium, caffeine, caffeinism, caffeol, decaf, decaffeinated, which
could be subjected to a separate analysis. We then analysed them to see if
the meaning of the phrases with no definition at all could be inferred from
the meaning of the phrases defined by their users.
Results
We have identified ninety-four (52 + 42) occurrences in which the noun
coffee appears as noun (black coffee) or noun modifier (coffee break),
244 Coffee: A Semantic Approach
other six in which it is used attributively, and other two with specific uses
(calque and adjective).
The Word Coffee as a Noun
Of the fifty-two occurrences in which the noun coffee appears as a noun –

acorn coffee, adulterate coffee, Arabic coffee, Arabica coffee, aromatic
coffee, black coffee, brewed coffee, camp coffee, chagga coffee, chicory
coffee, Colombian coffee, dandelion root coffee, decaffeinated coffee,
drip coffee, ersatz coffee, espresso coffee, filter coffee, full-bodied coffee,
full-flavoured coffee, German coffee, ground coffee, hot coffee, iced
coffee, instant coffee, Irish coffee, Java coffee, Kenya coffee, mature
coffee, midmorning coffee, muddy coffee, Mysore coffee, ‘naturally’
decaffeinated coffee, organic coffee, potted coffee, pulverized coffee,
regular coffee, rich coffee, roasted (grain) coffee, Robusta coffee, root
coffee, sharp coffee, strong coffee, sweetened coffee, traditional coffee,
Turkish coffee, unadulterated coffee, unna coffee, Vienna coffee,
Viennese coffee, and weak coffee – only twenty (38%) are defined in
literature, as follows: Arabic coffee ‘coffee flavoured with ground
cardamom seeds’ (B & B); Arabica coffee ‘a type of coffee from the bush
Coffea arabica, with a finer flavour than the higher yielding Robusta
varieties’ (C.S.); camp coffee ‘a liquid extract of coffee and chicory once
used as an instant coffee’ (C.S.); chagga coffee ‘a full-bodied coffee from
the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro in Tanzania, named after the Wachagga
people who grow and process it’ (C.S.); Colombian coffee ‘a smooth
strong coffee from Colombia’ (C.S.); decaffeinated coffee ‘coffee made in
the usual way from green beans which have been solvent treated to
selectively remove the caffeine [with] similar flavour to, but […] not as
stimulating as coffee’ (C.S.), ‘coffee beans (or instant coffee) from which
the caffeine has been extracted with solvent (e.g., methylene or ethylene
chloride), carbon dioxide under pressure (supercritical CO2) or water’ (B
& B); filter coffee ‘coffee made by letting near boiling water flow through
ground coffee held in a filter paper supported on a metal or plastic mesh or
perforated container’ (C.S.); German coffee ‘a mixture of kirsch and hot
sweetened coffee topped with whipped cream and drunk through the
cream’ (C.S.); green coffee bean ‘coffee beans which are ready to be
roasted [that] keep indefinitely and some […] improve with age’ (C.S.);
instant coffee ‘dried coffee extract which can be used to make a beverage
by adding hot water or milk. It may be manufactured by spray drying or
freeze drying’ (B & B); Irish coffee ‘hot coffee, served in a glass, with
Irish whiskey added to it and whipped cream poured on top’ (DFSN); Java
Cornelia Petroman, Ioan Petroman and Snježana Tolić 245
coffee ‘a mature coffee from Indonesia with a subtle mellow flavour’

(C.S.); Kentucky coffee tree ‘a deciduous North American tree
(Gymnocladus dioica) having bipinnately compound leaves and flat, pulpy
pods with large seeds formerly used as a coffee substitute’ (A.H.S.);
Kenya coffee ‘a sharp, aromatic coffee from Kenya’ (C.S.); Mysore coffee
‘a rich full-flavoured coffee from Mysore in S. India’ (C.S.); ‘naturally’
decaffeinated coffee ‘coffee decaffeinated by water extraction’ (B & B);
Robusta coffee ‘a high yielding variety of coffee (Coffea canephora) but
with a flavour inferior to that of the arabica variety’ (C.S.); Turkish coffee
‘a sweetened brew of pulverized coffee’ (A.H.S.); unna coffee ‘(E.
Africa) the traditional coffee of Ethiopia which is roasted, ground and
brewed at the table’ (C.S.); Vienna coffee ‘a particular blend of coffee
beans favoured in Vienna’ (C.S.); Viennese coffee ‘(Austria) 1. A mocha
coffee 2. Ground coffee mixed with dried figs’ (C.S.), ‘ground coffee
containing dried figs’ (B & B); weak coffee (A.H.S.).
To also note kaffebröd ‘(Sweden) coffee cake’ (B & B) and
Kaffeekuchen ‘(Germany) coffee cake’ (B & B), words that have entered
cookbooks all over the world.
The Word Coffee as a Noun Modifier
Of the forty-two occurrences in which the noun coffee is used attributively

– coffee boom, coffee break, coffee cake/coffeecake, coffee can, coffee
consumption, coffee cream, coffee creamer, coffee cup, coffee custard,
coffee essence, coffee exporter, coffee extract, coffee filter, coffee
grinder, coffee grounds, coffee hound, coffee house/coffeehouse, coffee
hue, coffee icing, coffee importer, coffee jelly, coffee kisses, coffee
klat(s)ch/kaffeeklatsch, coffee maker/coffee-maker/coffeemaker, coffee
market, coffee mill, coffee plant, coffee plantation, coffee pot/coffeepot,
coffee seed, coffee shop, coffee solubles, coffee strainer, coffee
substitute, coffee sugar, coffee table, coffee tenderizer, coffee tree, coffee
variety, coffee whitener, coffee wild roast – only sixteen (38%) are
defined in literature (Figure 2-21), as follows: coffee bean(s) ‘The fruit of
an evergreen bush, Coffea arabica or C. canephora, native to Ethiopia but
now widely grown in high altitude tropical regions. The red fruit, which
contains two almost hemispherical green seeds, is first fermented, the pulp
removed and the seeds dried prior to roasting at or near their point of sale.
After roasting they contain about 50% water soluble material including
caffeine and flavours. The two main varieties are Robusta and Arabica, but
they are often identified by their place of origin.’ (C.S., DFSN), coffee
break ‘a short break from work during which coffee or other refreshments
may be consumed’ (A.H.S.), coffee cake/coffeecake (A.H.S.) ‘(U.S.) a

plain sponge cake usually served warm with coffee’ (C.S.) ‘a cake or
sweetened bread, often containing nuts or raisins’ (A.H.S.), coffee cream
‘(U.S.) pasteurized cream from cows’ milk containing 18 to 30% butterfat
for adding to coffee’ (C.S.), coffee essence ‘an aqueous extract of roasted
coffee; usually about 400 g of coffee/L’ (B & B), coffee grinder ‘a
mechanically, electrically, or hand-operated grinder for roasted coffee
beans with an arrangement for adjusting the particle size, very fine for
espresso, fine for filters, Turkish and cona, medium for cafetières and
percolators and coarse for jug infusion’ (C.S.), ‘a machine for grinding
coffee beans into powder for making coffee’ (DFSN), coffee
house/coffeehouse ‘a restaurant where coffee and other refreshments are
served, especially one where people gather for conversation, games, or
musical entertainment’ (A.H.S.), coffee kisses ‘small drop cakes or
biscuits containing ground nuts, sandwiched together with coffee-
flavoured butter cream’ (C.S.), coffee klat(s)ch/kaffeeklatsch ‘a casual
social gathering for coffee and conversation’ (A.H.S.), coffee
maker/coffee-maker (C.E.) coffeemaker/coffee maker ‘an apparatus used
to brew coffee’ (A.H.S.), coffee mill ‘a device for grinding roasted coffee
beans’ (A.H.S.), coffee pot (DFSN)/coffeepot ‘a pot for brewing or
serving coffee’ (A.H.S.), coffee shop ‘a small restaurant in which coffee
and light meals are served’ (A.H.S.), coffee sugar ‘coarse crystals, to 3
mm, of translucent, usually amber-coloured sugar but these may be mixed
with crystals of other colours’ (C.S.), coffee table/cocktail table ‘a long,
low table, often placed before a sofa’ (A.H.S.), and coffee whitener ‘milk
substitute used in tea and coffee made with glucose, fat and emulsifying
salts’ (B & B). In the rest of the compounds, it is used attributively, and
we can only make guesses about their meanings: coffee-growing region
(A.H.S.) ‘a region in which they grow coffee’, non-coffee product (C.E.)
‘a product that does not contain coffee’, coffee-processing centre (A.H.S.)
‘a centre in which they process coffee’, coffee-producing region (A.H.S.)
‘a region that produces coffee’. Two other compounds containing the
word coffee are used attributively coffee-shop architecture (A.H.S.) ‘a
cheap architecture’ and coffee-table book ‘an oversize book of elaborate
design that may be used for display, as on a coffee table’ (A.H.S.). The
phrase coffee black (A.H.S.) is a calque or loan translation of the French
café noir (‘black coffee’), while coffee-flavoured (C.S.) is an adjective.
Discussion
The meaning of the compounds containing the word coffee that are not
mentioned by English language dictionaries or dictionaries specialised in
food as formations well-established in the English language can only be
inferred from similar phrases. This is the case of the phrases in which
coffee is used as a noun, such as acorn coffee ‘*coffee made from acorns’,
adulterate coffee ‘*coffee that has been adulterated’, aromatic coffee
‘*coffee that has a strong aroma’, etc. The same goes for the phrases in
which coffee is used as a noun modifier, such as coffee boom ‘*a sudden
increase of the coffee price’, coffee can ‘*a can of coffee’, coffee
consumption ‘*consumption of coffee’, etc., but this does not always
work for phrases such as coffee hound or coffee wild roast, for instance.
Figure 2-21. Share of coffee-related terms in English-language dictionaries: 38%

defined; 62% not defined
Conclusions
The hypothesis of the research (undergraduates specialising in food
service should learn compounds containing the word coffee carefully to
avoid confusion by developing meaning inference skills) is, thus,
confirmed, since the meanings marked with an asterisk above were
suggested by the students. Similar inventories should also be done for
other relevant semantic food service-related fields.
References
and Food Technology. Cambridge: Woodhead Publishing Limited.
Words and Their Structure. Edinburgh University Press.
Dictionary of Food Science and Nutrition. (2006). London: A & C Black.
Emery, C. (2003). The Encyclopedia of Country Living. An Old Fashioned
Recipe Book. Seattle: Sasquatch Books.
Petroman, Cornelia, Petroman, I. & Tolić, Snježana. (2008). Coffee: A
Sinclair, Ch. (2005). Dictionary of Food. London: A & C Black.
CAFÉ:
A SEMANTIC APPROACH
CORNELIA PETROMAN, IOAN PETROMAN

AND SNJEŽANA TOLIĆ
Introduction
The purpose of the research is to show that properly understanding the
meaning of the French borrowing café and of the compound nouns
containing it is a matter of purely linguistic knowledge rather than of
knowledge of the world (since undergraduates specializing in food service
and agritourism have almost no training in food services). The hypothesis
of the research was that since these undergraduates have neither semantic
information nor knowledge of the world, they should learn the issue
properly while at university. The background information was collected
from different English language dictionaries (The American Heritage
Dictionary of the English Language), specialized dictionaries (Bender &
Bender 1999, Sinclair 2005), and different Internet sites dealing with food
service-related information.
Material and Method

We picked up from language dictionaries, encyclopaedias, and cookbooks,
eleven compound nouns containing the word café – which, used alone,
designates, according to Sinclair (2005), in France, ‘coffee’ and, in
England and France, the ‘name given to a place selling drinks and snacks
but not formal meals’. Then we browsed the Internet in search of new
formations of the same French borrowing, formations not yet mentioned
by English language dictionaries because of their novelty (http://en.
wikipedia.org/wiki).
We then analysed both older and newer formations to see if there is
any change at all in the meaning of these two series of compounds.
250 Café: A Semantic Approach
Results
The most popular English spelling, café, is the French spelling and was
adopted by English-speaking countries in the late 19th c. As English
generally makes little use of diacritical marks, Anglicisation involves a
natural tendency to relinquish them: the anglicized spelling cafe has, thus,
become extremely popular in English-language usage throughout the
world. The Italian spelling, caffè, is also sometimes used in English. In
southern England, usually around London in the 1950s, the French
spelling was often shortened to caff. In the decades following the 1950s,
cafés became more fashionable, and tea rooms became less common in
Great Britain.
The word café occurs in compound nouns both as the first element
(café au lait), illustrating a wide range of semantic fields, and as second
element (internet café), illustrating a single semantic field (Figure 2-22).
Figure 2-22. Position of cafe/café in compounds: 47% as a first element, 53% as a

second element
The Word Café as First Element of Compound Nouns
The survey of the language dictionaries, encyclopaedias, and cookbooks

revealed a list of eight compound nouns containing the word café, as
follows:
- Three compound nouns originating from France and being used in

France and, implicitly, in English-speaking countries: café au lait
‘(France) Coffee mixed with hot milk’ (Sinclair 2005); café brûlot
‘(France) Hot black coffee, sometimes with added spices (e.g.,
cardamom), flamed with brandy’ (Sinclair 2005); café liégeois
‘(France) Iced coffee served in a glass with whipped cream or ice
cream’ (Sinclair 2005);
- Two compound nouns not indicated as originating from France and
being used in France and, implicitly, in English-speaking countries, but
for which the sources provide information concerning their origin: café
filtre ‘A beverage made by passing boiling water through ground
coffee held in a filtering device that fits on top of a cup or pot. [French:
café, coffee + filtre, filter.]’ (AHDEL); café noir ‘Coffee served without
cream or milk. [French: café, coffee + noir, black.]’ (AHDEL);
- Two compound nouns not indicated as originating from France but
indicated as being used in Austria and Switzerland, respectively, and,
implicitly, in English-speaking countries, but for which the sources
provide no information concerning the origin: Café Konditorei
‘(Austria) A coffee shop which sells cakes and sweets for consumption
both on and off the premises’ (Sinclair 2005); café renversé
‘(Switzerland) Café au lait’ (Sinclair 2005);
- One compound noun not indicated as originating from France or as
being used in a particular country and, implicitly, in English-speaking
countries, for which the sources provide no information concerning the
origin: café society ‘the group of socialites and celebrities that
frequents fashionable nightclubs and resorts and attends fashionable
events’ (AHDEL).
All these compound nouns can be grouped from the point of view of their
meaning into types of coffee: café au lait, café brûlot, café liégeois, café
filtre, café noir, café renversé; establishment where coffee is served: Café
Konditorei; and metaphoric uses: café society.
The Word Café as Second Element of Compound Nouns
The survey of the different food service-related Internet sites revealed a

shorter list of nine compound nouns (some of which are synonyms)
containing the word café/cafe, as follows:
- Crème de café, a compound noun not indicated as originating from

France or as being used in a particular country and, implicitly, in
English-speaking countries, for which the sources provide no

information at all concerning the meaning or the origin (Bender &
Bender 1999);
- Cuiller à café ‘(France) Coffee spoon = teaspoon, also used as a
volume measure equal to 5 ml’ (AHDEL);
- Cuillerée à café ‘(France) Teaspoonful’ (AHDEL);
- Cybercafé/internet café ‘a place where one can use a computer with
Internet access, most for a fee, usually per hour or minute; sometimes
one can have unmetered access with a pass for a day or month, etc. It
may or may not serve as a regular café as well, with food and drinks
being served’ (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki);
- Manga café ‘a kind of café in Japan where people can read manga
[comics and print cartoons]. People pay for the time they stay in the
café. Most manga cafés also offer internet access like internet cafés
and vice versa, making the two terms mostly interchangeable in Japan.
Additional services include video games, television, snack/beverage
vending machine, and more. Like Japanese cafés in general, smoking
is usually permitted’ (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki);
- Pavement/sidewalk cafe ‘an outdoor part of a coffeehouse or cafe’
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki);
- Viennese café ‘a typical institution of Vienna that still plays an
important role in Viennese culture and tradition. Unlike some other
café traditions around the world, it is completely normal for a customer
to linger alone for hours and study the omnipresent newspaper. Along
with coffee, the waiter will serve an obligatory glass of cold tap water
and during a long stay will often bring additional water unrequested.
[…] Many cafés provide small food dishes like sausages as well as
desserts like cakes and tarts’ (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki).
These compound nouns can be grouped from the point of view of their
meaning into establishments where coffee is served: cybercafé, internet
café, manga café, pavement cafe, sidewalk cafe, Viennese café; types of
coffee: crème de café; amount specific to a certain utensil used in the
preparation/consumption of coffee: cuillerée à café; utensil used in the
preparation/consumption of coffee: cuiller à café.
Discussion
Compound nouns containing the borrowing café, mentioned by English
language dictionaries and dictionaries specialised in food as formations
well-established in the English language, represent a wide range of
semantic fields: types of coffee (café au lait, café brûlot, café liégeois,
café filtre, café noir, café renversé, crème de café), utensils used in the
preparation/consumption of coffee (cuiller à café), amount specific to a
certain utensil used in the preparation/consumption of coffee (cuillerée à
café), establishment where coffee is served (Café Konditorei), and a
metaphoric use (café society) and have a relatively limited use since they
are known only by professionals (be they linguists or cooks). On the
contrary, compound nouns containing the borrowing café, not
mentioned by English language dictionaries or dictionaries specialised in
food, since not yet formations well-established in the English language,
represent a single semantic field: establishment where coffee is served
(cybercafé/internet café, manga café, pavement cafe/sidewalk café, and
Viennese café).
As we can see, no evolution has been noted from the point of view of
the semantics of the word phrases containing the borrowing café for the
last 50 years. In fact, their semantics has reduced to a single one, as a
result of the natural evolution of the traditional café (initially, also a place
for information exchange used to chat to friends, find out local
information, play traditional or electronic games, read the paper, send
postcards home, etc.) into more modern forms of café (cybercafé/internet
café, manga café) that promote new technologies, as they did in the
1950s, when they promoted the car in California, for example. As Internet
access is in increasing demand, many bars, cafes and pubs have terminals,
so the distinction between the Internet cafe and the “normal” café is now
eroded.
Conclusions
The conclusion to be drawn from the research is that widely spread
modern languages such as English are actually living organisms
continually changing and giving rise to new formations with the help of
borrowings and based on its internal means of enriching the vocabulary.
The assumption that undergraduates specializing in food service and
agritourism should learn the English of food services as a language for
specific uses is, thus, confirmed – there is no way they can infer the
meaning of compound nouns containing the word café on the basis that
they must designate either a ‘type of coffee’ or a ‘type of establishment
serving coffee’.
Research results show that other corpora of specific nouns and/or
compound nouns (e.g., the corpus of the words and phrases containing
the noun coffee) should be studied in the same way.
References
and Food Technology. Cambridge: Woodhead Publishing Limited.
Cybercafé/internet café, manga café, pavement cafe/sidewalk café, and
Viennese café [Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki]
Petroman, Cornelia, Petroman, I. & Tolić, Snježana. (2008). Café: A
Sinclair, Ch. (2005). Dictionary of Food. London: A & C Black.
FOOD-RELATED METAPHORS IN CULINARY
TOURISM ADVERTISING
NADEŽDA SILAŠKI AND TATJANA ĐUROVIĆ
Introduction
The main trigger for writing this paper was a recent launch of a new
promotional video intended to attract tourists to visit Serbia and especially
to enjoy Serbian food. Though extremely heterogeneous, and influenced
primarily by Turkish and Greek dishes, Serbian cuisine is not specifically
noted for its sophistication: it is known for being particularly tasty, which
has already attracted a lot of tourists worldwide to visit Serbia. The new
four-minute promotional video targeted at foreign tourists and, therefore,
in English was named Soul food (Online: http://www.youtube
.com/watch?v=BgOzgAX_rzM&feature=player_embedded#) effectively
making use of the metaphor ART IS FOOD in which the use of music,
reading, painting, and other forms of art are metaphorically structured and
conceived of as eating, while a human craving for “feeding the soul” is
described as fulfilling hunger. Such a highly successful title for a
promotional video, however, exhibits a lot of playfulness in that the video
literally talks about delicious food eaten in various parts of Serbia, while,
at the same time, its name implies that Serbian food is so exquisite and
unforgettably appetizing that it can be compared to art and that it can be
regarded as the food not intended exclusively for eating, but for “feeding
the soul”, as well.
International Culinary Tourism Association defines culinary tourism as
“the pursuit of unique and memorable eating and drinking experiences”
promoting all types of gastronomic adventures. This form of tourism has
now become extremely popular because local cuisine is often believed to
be one of the most motivating factors in choosing a tourist destination.
Culinary tourists want to be informed in advance about the culinary
attributes of a region they are travelling to, and they carefully plan their
trips on the basis of promotional material available in print and online
media so they can experience local cuisine in full. In other words, as
256 Food-Related Metaphors in Culinary Tourism Advertising
tourists are increasingly beginning to absorb not only “the sights and
sounds” of their travel destinations but also engage in various food-
related activities, national tourist organisations and independent travel
agencies should carefully design their tourist web sites and brochures in a
highly persuasive way, so that they make a profound effect on prospective
travellers, urging them to visit the places mentioned therein.
After having seen the Soul food promotional video clip, which is the
classic example of a successful use of metaphor for persuasive purposes,
we were quite intrigued to examine the conceptual FOOD metaphors in
English which are used in promotional discourse, especially the discourse
of culinary tourism, which advertises travel destinations where tourists can
experience the food of a country or region.
Theoretical Framework
The paper is set in the theoretical framework of Conceptual Metaphor
Theory, developed by researchers within the field of Cognitive
Linguistics, whose originators (Lakoff & Johnson 1980) and proponents
(Kövecses 2002, Semino 2008, etc.) claim that metaphor operates not only
at the level of language, as previously held in more traditional approaches
to metaphor, but also at the level of thinking. More precisely, metaphor is
a fundamental conceptual instrument whereby the structure of the more
substantial and literal source conceptual domain partially maps onto the
less structured, more abstract and less easily understandable target
conceptual domain. These mappings (or a set of systematic
correspondences) between the source and the target area let us reason
about abstract target area in terms of the (usually) real source area.
According to Conceptual Metaphor theorists, conceptual metaphors are
lexicalised through linguistic metaphors (more commonly called
metaphorical expressions), which are their surface, linguistic realisations.
Lakoff & Johnson (1980) suggest that the conceptual framework is
metaphorically structured and “the essence of metaphor is understanding
and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another”. However, the
mappings between the two domains are limited, highlighting certain
aspects of the target, which makes metaphor one of the main instruments
of persuasive discourse such as advertising, as they serve the purpose of
avoiding making explicit statements.
As they are flooded by several competing products, copywriters are
facing one of the main challenges: how to organize a persuasive
advertising text that will attract the attention of a reluctant audience
remarkably directly by fully using “the resources of language and inviting
Nadežda Silaški and Tatjana Đurović 257
creative and subtle readings from their users” (Goddard 1998). Metaphor
allows the advertiser to highlight the aspects of the target area which suit
his/her intentions, while at the same time, it downplays those aspects of a
concept which the advertiser deems as unnecessary, unwelcome or
unwanted. In other, “culinary” words, as Tanaka (1994) argues, engaging
in covert communication enabled through the use of metaphors, “if and
when it works, allows the advertiser to have his cake and eat it.” Semino
(2008) points out that metaphors perform two main functions in
advertisements: they, firstly, “can be used as attention-grabbing devices,
especially when they are relatively novel and salient”, and secondly, “they
can be used in order to present what is being advertised in terms of other
entities that have the characteristics which the advertisers want us to
associate with the product”.
In line with the most significant cognitive linguistics concept of
embodiment and being the primary activities of the human body, food and
eating are one of the main sources of metaphor in English. It is, therefore,
the aim in the paper to determine which food-related metaphors in
English are used in promotional writing, which advertises culinary tourist
destinations.
Topic-Triggered Metaphors in Discourse

Kövecses (2010) claims “context plays a crucial role in understanding why
we use certain metaphors as we produce discourse” and “[c]onceptualizers
seem to rely on a number of contextual factors when they use metaphors in
discourse”. One of the most significant factors this author lists is the
impact of the immediate linguistic context, which is responsible for the
selection of certain metaphors. Thus, “the particular concepts that refer to
the specific process we are talking about may influence the selection of the
linguistic metaphorical expressions” that we use (Kövecses 2010). In
addition, in discourse we often encounter metaphorical expressions “where
the choice of the source domain or scenario appears to be inspired by some
aspect of the topic under discussion or of the communicative situation”
(Semino 2008). These are “topic-triggered metaphors” (Koller 2004) or
“situationally triggered metaphors” (Semino 2008), which “involve the use
of some aspect of the topic under discussion as source domain or scenario”
(Semino 2008). In the context of writing texts for web sites intended for
culinary tourists, this means that, in order to present and discuss the issue
of food tourism, various food-related metaphors can be used, which
“may increase the rhetorical force of the text for particular audiences, as
these [situationally triggered] metaphors rely on pre-existing, non-
metaphorical and highly evaluative associations between source and target

domains.” (Semino 2008). Such metaphors are often exploited for writing
advertising slogans and creating puns, when they have “a humorous and
attention-grabbing function” (Semino 2008). Semino also suggests “the
choice of a source domain/scenario that is linked to the topic or the
communicative situation may be a deliberate strategy [our italics] aimed
not just at entertaining, but also at persuading and influencing behaviour”,
which are, in addition to informing, the most prominent goals of any
advertising discourse. If the topic or situational triggering is a deliberate
strategy employed by advertisers, what are those food-related metaphors,
then, which are used effectively, creatively and vividly to advertise
culinary tourism and help achieve the AIDA (Attract the attention of the
customer, raise customer Interest, create Desire, and urge Action)
requirements?
The examples of food-related metaphors have been excerpted from
various websites dealing with culinary or food tourism. Various texts
inviting tourists to visit various culinary destinations of the world were
extracted and compiled in one Word file, totalling around 50,000 words.
The analysis then proceeded in the following way: the texts were read
carefully in order to identify those metaphorical expressions which we
intuitively felt provided instantiations of food-related metaphors. We
then applied the metaphor identification procedure (MIP) proposed by the
Pragglejaz Group (2007) in order to investigate the metaphoricity of the
expressions as well as to determine their contextual and basic meaning.
The basic meaning is defined here as that which is more concrete, related
to bodily action, more precise, as well as historically older (Pragglejaz
Group 2007), thus encompassing the etymological meanings, as well.
Having established the existence of metaphoricity, we then extracted the
sentences, parts of sentences or titles of texts containing those expressions
which both of us judged to be metaphorical. Some of these will be used to
illustrate the points in the analysis that follows.
Food Metaphors in Culinary Advertising

After a careful analysis of FOOD metaphors excerpted from culinary
tourism advertising materials, it turned out that the leading metaphor,
which structures this kind of discourse, is the TOURIST DESTINATIONS ARE
FOOD metaphor. Due to the “pressure of coherence”, as Kövecses (2005)
calls the “pressure” put on metaphor producers who, according to him,
adjust their metaphors and metaphorical expressions so as to fit the context
and the topic of the text thus preserving its coherence, FOOD metaphorical
expressions linguistically realising the TOURIST DESTINATIONS ARE FOOD

metaphor abound in such a kind of discourse which advertises culinary
and gastronomic tourism. Food becoming a key attribute of a tourist
destination, the act of consuming the destination is embodied as the act of
consuming food, as the following examples show (henceforth, all
metaphorical expressions will be italicised):
Delicious Italy
Experience firsthand the good tastes of Tuscany
Flavours of Morocco
Hungry for Italy
Italy tastes good!
Taste of India
The following list will give you a taste of the most popular honeymoon
destinations!
The arch TOURIST DESTINATIONS ARE FOOD metaphor is further

linguistically underpinned by some metaphorical expressions giving rise to
the TRAVELLING IS TASTING/EATING FOOD metaphor. Equating tourist
destinations to FOOD as one of the most vital aspects of life, with its
smells, tastes, and textures invoking the most pleasurable experiences,
serves to symbolically convert tourism, i.e. travelling, into an equally vital
part of life. The desire for travelling is typically likened to an appetite, the
natural sense of wanting to satiate hunger, underlining also a highly
rhetorical effect of FOOD metaphors in culinary tourism discourse. Let us
illustrate the TRAVELLING IS TASTING/EATING FOOD metaphor with some
examples:
Americans have a voracious appetite for Italy

Are you driven by your insatiable curiousity for culinary arts?
Eat your words – cooking lessons in Italy
Food tourism is on the boil
Hopefully we have managed to whet your appetite for food travel
If you have a healthy appetite for culinary travel, you won’t want to miss
these delicious destinations
Make a tasty journey
Travellers seem to have a growing taste for culinary travel
Travellers seem to have a healthy appetite for culinary tourism
More sophisticated travellers are said to visit some destinations in search

of experiencing new things that are qualitatively different and more
diverse than those at the home base of tourists. Travelling to different
destinations invokes the fondest memories of so many different things,
food memories being among the most powerful ones. Since the sensory
attributes of food typical of some destination make travellers enjoy an
extremely intense experience, the perceived correlation between enjoying
visits to new places and relishing the taste of food may be conceptually
represented as the EXPERIENCING NEW THINGS IS TASTING FOOD metaphor.
Furthermore, tourism is considered a window into another culture, so
ingesting food characteristic of some culture is perceived as ingesting that
culture, its history, customs, identity, etc. The examples below illustrate
the EXPERIENCING NEW THINGS IS TASTING FOOD metaphor:
Feast your way around the globe

Join our mouth watering, fun, interactive cooking classes today
Quench your thirst for culinary adventure
Savour France culinary tours
Treat your palate to a unique culinary adventure like no other
Whatever your skill level, budget, or schedule, Gourmet Getaways has the
perfect culinary escape to please your palate!
Opting for a particular destination represents a visitor’s volunteer

undertaking, underlining the aspect of inquisitiveness and curiosity about
other cultures in many different ways. Choosing a destination on the basis
of its culinary tradition, whether authentic or not so, implies a visitor’s
intentional action to identify the cultural distinctiveness of a particular
destination, to note similarities or draw contrasts. Thus, the metaphor
which we call the CHOICE OF DESTINATION IS MENU or CHOOSING A TRAVEL
DESTINATION IS EATING conveys the idea of freely choosing the destination
of your liking equated with going through the menu and picking the meal
that stands at your disposal. We illustrate this metaphor with the following
examples:
From well-known culinary schools to country inns, from a weekend class

to a weeklong course, you’ll find detailed profiles on a whole menu of
cooking school options
Here – take a bite, this is our menu of culinary tours
We offer diverse menus of culinary classes
You can select from a menu of culinary and cultural travel experiences to
enhance your international cooking class adventure...
In addition, the CHOICE OF DESTINATION IS MENU or CHOOSING A TRAVEL

DESTINATION IS EATING metaphor constructs the image of a tourist as of a
connoisseur who, similarly to a food or wine connoisseur, by choosing the
right destination enjoys a lot and seeks an authentic experience.
Conclusion
The persuasive power of metaphor has made it an extremely useful tool of
writing promotional texts. In this paper, an attempt has been made to
determine what food-related metaphors are used by copywriters in
culinary tourism advertising texts written in English. By intertwining
literary language, which, in this case, refers to food and all types of
gastronomic experiences, on the one hand, with metaphorical expressions
relating to food, on the other hand, copywriters are equipped with a useful
instrument of persuasion which reinforces the strength of their advertising
message. Exemplifying the theme TOURIST DESTINATIONS ARE FOOD
metaphor with several metaphorical expressions and developing it further
via three sub-metaphors, TRAVELLING IS TASTING/EATING FOOD,
EXPERIENCING NEW THINGS IS TASTING FOOD, and CHOICE OF DESTINATION
IS MENU or CHOOSING A TRAVEL DESTINATION IS EATING also linguistically
supported, we have attempted to show: firstly, how the contextual
situation, here related to culinary tourism thus food-related frame,
foregrounds metaphors from the source FOOD area to convey positive
perception of a particular destination and develop a strong desire to see it;
and secondly, how copywriters of tourist promotional discourse, by aptly
utilising literal associations between the source – FOOD and the target
domain – TOURISM, strive to convey their message by linking it to the
experience which is universal thus comprehensible to all people. Although
contextually triggered so consciously induced and lacking originality,
universality and embodied nature of the FOOD metaphors attests they are a
highly effective rhetorical vehicle for structuring different social activities,
such as culinary tourism and travelling in general.
Acknowledgement
The paper is the result of research conducted within project no. 178002
Languages and cultures across space and time funded by the Ministry of
Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.
References
Epicurious. For People Who Love to Eat. Online:
http://www.epicurious.com.
Flavour of Italy. Online: www.flavourofitaly.net.
Food Tour Corporation. Online: www.foodtourcorp.com.
FoodReference.Com. Online: www.foodreference.com.
Goddard, A. (1998). The Language of Advertising. London and New

York: Routledge.
Gourmet on Tour. Culinary Adventures. Online:
www.gourmetontour.com.
Gourmet Safari. Savour the World! Online:
http://www.gourmetsafari.com.
International Culinary Tourism Association. Online:
www.culinarytourism.org.
Koller, V. (2004). Businesswomen and war metaphors: ‘possessive,
jealous and pugnacious?” Journal of Sociolinguistics 8 (1): 3-22.
Kövecses, Z. (2002). Metaphor. A Practical Introduction. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
—. (2005). Metaphor in Culture. Universality and Variation. Cambridge:
—. (2010). Metaphor. A Practical Introduction. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2nd edition.
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Chicago University Press.
Pragglejaz Group (2007). MIP: A Method for Identifying Metaphorically
Used Words in Discourse. Metaphor and Symbol 22 (1): 1-39.
Semino, E. (2008). Metaphor in Discourse. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Soul Food. . Online:
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mbedded#.
Tanaka, K. (1994). Advertising Language: A Pragmatic Approach to
Advertisements in Britain and Japan. London: Routledge.
The Culinary Adventure Company. Online:
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The International Kitchen. Online:
http://www.theinternationalkitchen.com
The Savoury Spoon Cooking School and Marketplace. Online:
http://www.savoryspoon.com.
COCKTAILS AS METAPHORS:
AN INQUIRY INTO DRINK NAMES
Introduction
Drink-related vocabulary may prove to be useful as well as engaging
study material for learners of English for Special Purposes, especially in
domains like tourism and food services. Food and drink are essential items
in cultural or touristic encounters and always provide visitors with the best
sense of hospitality pertaining to the places and people offering them. In
addition, English happens to be the mother tongue of a large number of
famous cocktails, which have become popular international classics.
Therefore, language related to such significant universals of all
destinations represents highly relevant input in the English class.
The present paper examines cocktail names as evidence for the
significance of metaphor in organizing language. The cognitive metaphor
paradigm within applied linguistics focuses on correspondences across
different conceptual domains, resulting in conceptual metaphors (Lakoff &
Johnson 1980). In this case, cocktail names incorporate metaphors in terms
of which we represent feelings, states, abstractions, etc., based on
perceived correlations and hypothesized analogies. This exploration aims
at identifying several such conceptual metaphor schemas in cocktail
denomination. For instance, different figurative connotations surfacing in
names like ‘Kamikaze’ or ‘Paradise cocktail’ reveal semantically charged
conceptualisations, which help decode human perceptions and cultural
associations related to drinking.
National pride is a feature which generates confusion over the issue of
word histories in the area of drinks, given the disputed claims upon the
origin of various beverages. To start with, the etymology of the word
cocktail is highly controversial, as countless stories are believable, but
none is guaranteed. The Online Etymology Dictionary quotes one of H.L.
Mencken’s most plausible versions, tracing the origin of the word to
Antoine Amédée Peychaud, the apothecary who invented Peychaud bitters
264 Cocktails as Metaphors: An Inquiry into Drink Names
in 18th c. New Orleans. He would mix brandy with his bitters and serve
them in eggcups. The French coquetier (meaning ‘egg-cup’) was then
corrupted to the similar-sounding cocktail, thereby giving the content the
name of the container. Subsequently, the word first attested in 1806
extended its meaning starting with the 1920s to any combination of
substances (OED). The aspect of interest to this paper is the first meaning
of the word, as listed by the Collins English Dictionary (2009), that of
‘mixed drink with a spirit base.’ It should, therefore, contain a distilled
beverage mixed with other ingredients, such as liqueur, juice, fruit, honey,
milk, spices, or flavourings. What genuine cocktails have in common is
that they are essentially based on spirits, yet another profoundly
metaphorical notion with a long history behind the word.
According to the Collins English Dictionary (2009), the term spirit has
several meanings: ‘the force or principle of life that animates the body of
living things; temperament or disposition; liveliness’; it also refers to any
distilled alcoholic liquor such as brandy, rum, whisky, or gin (CED). The
following discussion uses Conceptual Theory to reveal the profound
connections between the different meanings of this term. Initially meaning
‘animating or vital principle’, the word spirit derives from the Latin
spiritus ‘soul, courage, vigour, breath’. The plural form spirits meaning
‘volatile substance’ initially occurs as an alchemical idea, first attested in
1610; eventually, the word acquired the meaning of ‘strong alcoholic
liquor’ by the 1670s (OED), not unrelated to its primary meaning.
It is language that stands proof of the conjunction between alcohol and
the metaphysical, e.g., spirits of wine (meaning ‘alcohol’), eau de vie
(literally ‘water of life’ in French), or the ancient aqua vite for ‘brandy’
borrowed from Latin, also meaning ‘water of life’. Similar linguistic
intuitions are evident in the names of several other spirits whose
etymologies revolve around metaphors of life and spirit. For instance,
whisky is an Anglicization of the Irish uisge beatha, literally ‘water of life’
or the equivalent Gaelic loan-translation of the Latin aqua vitae applied to
alcoholic drinks since early 14th c. (OED). Correspondingly, conceptual
metaphors at work in cocktail names play upon associations between
drinks and the spiritual side of human beings, their desires, yearnings, or
anxieties.
As Blue (2004) notes, it is no accident that distilled beverages are
known by the name of ‘spirits’, since they embody the spirit of the
substances they are made of, which makes any analysis of spirits a
‘spiritual pursuit’. Grapes, grains, potatoes, or sugarcane are all
transmuted into ‘rarefied quintessences’ (Blue 2004). Moreover, the term
‘spirit’ started to be employed in reference to alcohol by Middle Eastern
alchemists concerned with elixirs around the 10th c. The vapour discharged
during alchemical procedures, much as during alcohol distillation, was
called a spirit of the original material. Medieval alchemists and others who
had knowledge of the art of distillation were actually in a pursuit to
discover the spirit of life (Blue 2004). In a metaphorical way, they have
done so by offering us spirits, keeping this symbolic allusion always in
attendance.
Spirits were passed to Medieval Europe in the linguistic formula of
aqua vitae, given the alchemists’ claim of having discovered the much
sought after elixir of life. Gradually, aqua vitae spread in a wide range of
dialectical forms throughout the areas occupied by ancient Romans. Loan-
translations of the Latin expression were applied to the locally-produced
spirit wherever the science of distillation arrived. Thus, the French named
spirit eau-de-vie; the Irish Gallicized it into uisige beatha, which, in time,
gave whiskey; the Russian zhizennia voda ‘water of life’ was shortened to
voda, finally resulting in the diminutive form vodka ‘little water’;
Scandinavians shortened it to aquavit (Blue 2004). The histories of these
international renowned spirits are, thus, metaphorically intertwined with
the very history of the words that represent them.
Material and Method

The linguistic corpus of this paper consists of a sample of the most popular
cocktail names illustrating the metaphorical use of language. The corpus is
examined from a semantic viewpoint, addressed in terms of Conceptual
Metaphor Theory. It is structured thematically, in semantic clusters of
expressions, underpinned by a range of master metaphors (such as the
death metaphor or metaphors of pleasure, bliss, etc.). The material for this
paper has been supplied by English language dictionaries and cocktail
recipe compilations. The Online Etymology Dictionary has also
complemented the elucidation of some etymological grounds for
explaining drink names.
Results
Cocktails have often received metaphorical names connected to their
perceived effects upon drinkers or other aspects they may be associated to.
These expressions are commonly used in English by speakers of other
languages as well, while occasionally being considered as carriers of
metaphorical meaning. The paper attempts to detect and investigate such
concealed connotations in English of drinks. Also, the results show general
conceptual metaphor framings occurring in standard cocktail names, such

as drinks are feelings, drinks are human states, drinks are positive, drinks
are evil, etc., as it may be inferred from the following analyzed items.
Several cocktail names call to mind human qualities meant to be
associated to the ones who prefer these particular drinks. For instance, the
Cosmopolitan, or informally cosmo, is a direct reference to the consumer
as a worldly cosmopolite, based on the meaning of the word, i.e. ‘a person
who has lived and travelled in many countries, especially one who is free
of national prejudices’, ‘sophisticated or urbane’ (CED). It follows that
persons drinking the cocktail known by this name are figuratively
associated to qualities like being free from prejudices and cosmopolite, as
framed by the conceptual metaphor drinks are people. The same analysis
is applicable to the Modernista, also known as the Modern Maid Cocktail,
the Dandy, the Gentleman, the Pink Lady, or the White Lady. These drinks
have all been baptized in reference to the one who consumes them, who is,
thus, associated to stylishness and sophistication. Such names indicate the
periodic metaphoric patterns which work by substituting the drinker for
the drink which purportedly represents him/her.
Cocktails may often be named after real persons or fictitious entities.
As the label presents itself, the Benedictine was conspicuously named after
a monk who made the liqueur with herbs at a Benedictine monastery in the
16th c. (CED). The Bloody Mary was named after the 16th c. Queen of
England, Mary Tudor, who earned the soubriquet for her fierce
prosecution of Protestants (OED). The drink seems to have gotten its
metaphorical name simply by association with its bright colour given by
the tomato juice. Its non-alcoholic version called Virgin Mary is also a
metaphorical reference to piety and purity related to the lack of spirits. The
origin of the Margarita (Spanish for ‘daisy’) is highly disputed, but the
most plausible explanation is that it was named after a person. The Rob
Roy cocktail is named for the Scottish folk hero Robert Roy MacGregor, a
highland freebooter in the 18th c. considered an equivalent of Robin Hood
(OED).
Whether real or imaginary, some cocktails first made their appearance
in novels and movies. Such is the Vesper Martini, named by fictional
secret agent James Bond in Fleming’s 1953 novel Casino Royale after the
novel’s lead female character. It turned out a real drink, which became
famous as a complement to the ‘Bond mystique’ (Felten 2007). The
history of the Martini itself is shrouded in darkness, as various claims are
made upon its origin. One version holds that it would probably be a
corruption of Martinez, a town in California, where the drink is said to
have originated. Others maintain that the name comes from ‘Martini &
Rossi’, an Italian company that makes vermouth, which is an essential

ingredient of the cocktail (OED). The drink became so celebrated for its
distinct character that Hemingway placed dry Martini-drinking in his list
of the ‘manly arts’, adding to the cultural prestige of dryness (Felten
2007). What is more, the cultural prestige that dryness is attached to the
idea of manliness or that it connotes strength of spirit and character has
also enforced this acquired taste. Finally, the Hemingway cocktail shares
its other name with the author’s book, Death in the Afternoon, and it was
invented by Ernest Hemingway himself.
Names of cocktails containing metaphors of desirability, love, and
sensuousness are ubiquitous, perchance more than any other type of
metaphor. Passion Cocktail, Orgasm, Screaming Orgasm, Sex on the
beach, Banana Bliss, etc. are among the various cocktails which
straightforwardly promise to provide pleasure, gratification, or inspiring
states of mind. For instance, the Golden Dream and many other cocktails
containing ‘dream’ or ‘delight’ metaphors all allude to the impact these
drinks produce upon the senses. Expressions based on the epicurean
delight metaphor make use of provocative images intended to be
psychologically fit. Such cocktail names create images of intense pleasure,
as well as the message that we have a right to happiness. However, though
they may be expressively redolent of gratification, pragmatic analysis in
context would immediately reveal the inference that they do not always
produce accurate information. Literalness certainly must be disengaged in
cases where euphemistic or ‘innocent’ use of language occurs (Angelface,
Fallen Angel, etc.). What is more, certain expressions are linguistically
ambiguous in that they simulate innocence, as in the name of the Long
Island Iced Tea, a strong cocktail which mixes several spirits. In the
Angel’s Delight and other ‘angelic’ mixtures, strong spirits add sharpness
to the sweetness, making them less candid than announced by the names.
Moreover, a large number of cocktail names containing paradisiacal
references are grounded upon the drinking is goodness metaphor,
connoting cherished and positive aspects. Names like the Paradise
Cocktail are beguiling metaphors of the state to which any cocktail will
expectantly transfer its consumer. These names are also given in terms of
degrees of satisfaction envisioned by consumers. While some cocktail
names metaphorically bring heavenly spaces down to earth (e.g., Absolute
Heaven, Purple Heaven), others allude to more realistic enjoyable places
such as the beach or a tropical island (e.g., Hypnotic Breeze, Sea Breeze,
Tropical Dream, etc.). The bright colours and fruitiness of these drinks
transport drinkers to paradisiacal realms which embody a break from
reality. All these names advertise the anticipated effects of blissful
fascination meant to captivate the senses. The effects promised by

cocktails revolve around overwhelming sensory experience, such as
euphoria and friskiness. A perfect example would be the Gin Fizz cocktail
family, which share the defining feature of an acidic juice and carbonated
water. Among the ‘endless permutations’ of this once widely accepted
cocktail, there is the Golden Fizz if egg yolks are used to make it and the
luxurious Diamond Fizz if soda water is replaced by champagne (Felten
2007).
Besides spiritual wellbeing, drinks may also attempt to obtain
restorative physical effects, maintaining or reinstating good health. The
drink called Flu Shot promises to serve as a fortifier and to strengthen the
drinker, just as Painkiller does to keep aches away. The Corpse Reviver
represents a whole line of cocktails owing their name to the fact that they
were originally intended as ‘hair of the dog’ (i.e. hangover) cures. It is a
drink alleged to be able to figuratively take the drinker back to life. Also,
if a quick drink has done wrong, the false insinuation is that more of it will
do better. This medieval drug rested on the philosophy of the Latin
aphorism similia similibus curantur (‘like cures like’), as do homeopathic
remedies.
Cocktails containing metaphors of high desirability are opposed to
those connoting danger or combat. Names in this category play upon
allusions to the possibly damaging effects of alcohol. Some illustrative
examples of these mental schemas are represented by names like Artillery
punch, Depth Bomb, Kamikaze, etc. Some names representing extreme
natural phenomena may also find connotations in the danger zone:
Earthquake, Hurricane, Dark and Stormy, Thunder, etc. Another well-
represented category is that of drink names containing metaphors of evil.
For instance, Fallen Angel is a euphemistic cocktail name, with a heavenly
resonance, but carrying satanic undertones, while others more
transparently point to the epitome of evil: Devil’s Cocktail, Red Devil,
Satan’s Whiskers, etc. These drinks are particularly strong, have a red or
dark colour, include pepper or other spices, and they all threat to have
damaging effects upon consumers.
Several negative connotations are based on the image schema of
drinking is death or drinking is harmful. For example, Death in the
Afternoon is an absinthe-based cocktail related to the decadent life style of
turn-of-the-century Paris. Absinthe was notorious as the artists’ drink of
choice, and the cocktail name alludes to the bohemian habits of drinking
absinthe in the afternoon, replacing the British 5 o’clock tea. A reference
to death is also concealed in the name of the Black Velvet, created in 1861
expressly to mourn the death of Prince Albert, Queen Victoria’s Prince
Consort. The variation Poor Man’s Black Velvet replaces champagne with
apple cider, a less noble ingredient (GC). The Hangman’s Blood cocktail
is a combination of spirits and dark beer, which makes the tag a probable
allusion to both its strong reddish colour and to the fact that it keeps
pouring, due to the deceptive feeling of being light and beery. Another
reference to blood is exploited by the name of the famous Sangria (the
Spanish for ‘bleeding’), which stands for a red wine and orange punch
originating from Spain (CED).
Also, metaphors connoting perilous situations indicate the effects that
are likely to occur in case of strong alcohol. The name of the Earthquake
cocktail is derived from the obvious effects of this strong cognac and
absinthe mix, which figuratively jolts or shakes up the drinker. Another
example is the Wallbanger cocktail, probably so called from its effect on
the locomotive skills of the consumer, just as the Brain Teaser is likely to
impinge on the mind. The Screwdriver cocktail enforces the same allusion
to the piercing effect of alcohol shared by the adjective screwed or screwy
in the sense of ‘drunk’. By means of a comparable conceptual association,
the word gimlet also designates the same cocktail, as well as a tool for
boring holes, presumably from its ‘penetrating’ effects on the drinker
(OED). Such a drink may be required to ‘mend’ a situation, just as it
appears to function in the novel The Short Happy Life of Francis
Macomber, as an indication that the safari has gone wrong (Hemingway,
in Felten 2007).
Such expressions connoting risk or exposure to vulnerability usually
operate to inform drinkers against abuse. Insidiously, these names also
serve to challenge consumers to prove their resistance and triumph over
the alleged effects of drinks. Numerous cocktail names contain weaponry
and powerful paraphernalia intended for the diehard daredevil to face up to
(e.g., Absolute Suicide, Serial Killer, etc.). The cocktail name Kamikaze
also contains an allusion to the dangerous if not suicidal effects of the
strong drink. Here, the drinker is associated to World War II Japanese
pilots who performed suicidal missions on aircrafts loaded with
explosives, just as the glass bearing the cocktail (CED). The Gin Sling
contains a reference to ‘a weapon serving to catapult stones or other
missiles’, the verbal meaning being ‘to hurl with or as if with a sling; to
throw’ (CED). Figuratively, the drink’s name may either refer to the way
the gin is prepared at a dash, or to the predictable effect upon the drinker.
Similarly, the Brandy Smash is more likely to allude to its shattering
effects, as the recipe instructions merely describe gentle handling (Felten
2007). The Hair Raiser brings to mind walloping emotional highs, while
the Knockout or the Zombie cocktail may be quite debilitating. These are
all dangerous cocktails because the fruity taste conceals their extremely
high alcoholic content, generating most powerful effects.
The sensory effect produced by such drinks is sometimes assimilated to
explosive devices, as in the Bouncing Bomb, Depth Bomb, Malibu
Bomber, Sake Bomb, etc. The Artillery punch combines several spirits
with fruits, so named for its strong explosive effect. Conceptual metaphors
related to combustion are exploited in several other cocktail names. Drink
as fire or drink as fuel metaphoric schemas carry connotations of strength,
vigorousness, and intensity, promising to confer energy to the one who
dares approach such substances. For example, in the Blazing Fire cocktail,
though grenadine is added to the spirits, it is not so much the mild reddish
tint that accounts for the name, but rather the strong taste and effect.
Numerous easily graspable metaphors resort to aspects like colour,
shape, or mixed prominent features of the drink they name. A Horse’s
Neck is a brandy cocktail containing a long twist of lemon peel the shape
of which is graphically alluded to by the name of the cocktail. The Tequila
Sunrise is named for the aspect it has when poured in a glass, as the denser
ingredients (grenadine syrup) settle, while the tequila and orange juice
yield colour gradations, making the drink look like a sunrise. The Jack
Rose is a classic cocktail named on account of both the applejack
ingredient and the colour given by the grenadines. A large number of
cocktails uncomplicatedly relate to the colour of the drink. For instance,
Bloodfeast, Blood Fetish, Bloody Mary, Brain Haemorrhage, Hangman’s
Blood, True Blood, Blood and Sand, and many more are named in
reference to the colour red.
Other cocktail names like Emerald bay or the Grasshopper allude to
the colour rendered by the peppermint or mint cream. Likewise, a Brown
Grasshopper displays a brownish colour from the additional coffee it
contains, while a Flying Grasshopper contains extra vodka, adding an
allusion to the lifting effect of the drink to the colour reference. The Blue
Angel cocktail is given its colour as well as its name by the Blue Curaçao
liqueur. The Golden Fizz takes its name from the colour rendered by the
egg yolks used to make it, while the Silver Fizz contains egg white. The
Golden Dream designates an orange liqueur cocktail in reference to its
yellowish colour, as well as to the effect it produces upon the consumer.
So does the Purple Heaven, which combines a colour reference to its
grenadine and raspberry ingredients, while also promising instant delivery
to a euphoric state. Thus, several cocktail names seem to have more than a
single connotation, building on a combination of metaphor schemas, just
like cocktails are mixtures of ingredients.
Conceptual metaphors entailed by the expressions above often involve

moral values associated to pleasure or peril, thus displaying various
patterns of conceptualizing different drinks. Such expressions draw human
nature and moral features in terms of the general conceptual metaphor
according to which drinks are human states. This outstanding conceptual
metaphor encompasses several related domains referring to drinks as
feelings, denoting people or animals, describing features, and abstractions
like good or evil. Several such metaphor patterns have been identified by
means of the analyzed corpus.
Discussion
The corpus illustrates ways in which drinks are conceptualized according
to various human-related target domains. Conceptual Metaphor Theory
proposes a consistent perspective on systematic metaphor pervading
language and thought, based on conceptual schemas or mappings. The
paper suggests that cocktail names rely upon such transfers of meaning
while it identifies image-schemas as scaffoldings upon which metaphors
within the corpus are built. Decoding them, as shown by Lakoff &
Johnson (1980), entails the analysis of schemas underlying metaphors,
which serve as transfers between different experiential domains. For
instance, cocktail names such as Absolute Heaven, Banana Bliss, or
Paradise cocktail are implicitly underlain by the master metaphor
according to which drinks furnish pleasure, ecstasy, and high spirits. Other
cocktail names draw upon the metaphor drink is fuel or drink is
combustible, as in Blazing Fire, Depth Bomb, etc. Also, images of drink as
danger and drink as evil (e.g., Hurricane, Devil cocktail, etc.) go along
with views of the body as a locus of defiance and disobedience.
There is a generous set of cocktail names built upon the master
metaphor drinks are persons. Thus, cocktail names containing metaphors
of prestige allude to taste and stylishness (e.g., the Dandy, the Gentleman,
the Pink Lady, the White Lady, etc.). Some cocktail names metaphorically
activate human moral values attached to positive or negative aspects. Such
aspects are usually shared from a cross-cultural point of view. For
instance, the universal appeal of sweetness constitutes the experiential
basis for attaching sweet tasting drinks to positive states, bitter taste to
unpleasant situations, or too strong taste to dangerous effects. Similarly,
underlying connotations reveal conceptual domains like ‘good’ or ‘bad’.
Thus, value connotations with self-evident off-putting hints connect this
type of metaphor to the semantic field of moral values. The underlying
conceptual metaphor such expressions stand upon is that drinks are human
nature.
In another scenario, the drink is an animal metaphor schema is justified
by conceptual associations alluding to sensations provoked by the drink.
For instance, the Scorpion cocktail warns that it contains a dangerous sting
in the tail, whereas the green-coloured cocktails named the Cricket, the
Grasshopper, and the Flying Grasshopper insinuate bouncing and vibrant
overtones. The effect of these drinks seems to make the client leap with
joy or get moving like crickets or grasshoppers, in addition to the colour
hint. Thus, the conceptualization of drinks as animals is sometimes
paralleled by the implied schema humans are animals, as the drinkers’
states are seen in terms of more comfortable experiential domains (i.e. the
one who drinks the cocktail becomes a Flying Grasshopper). These
expressions point to the existence of a semantic transfer of the attributes
associated with the animal to refer to aspects concerning either the drinks
or the drinkers.
It is often the case that analogies are grounded upon certain universals,
typical ways of perceiving reality, or shared human experience. However,
occasionally, cocktail names are culturally-motivated; for instance, sweet
or ivory drinks tend to be associated with women, while strong ones are
seen as fit for men and dryness is an acquired taste. Other cocktail names,
such as the Vesper Martini, are conditioned by cultural or extralinguistic
information in order to be processed. However, most of the analysed
phrases are conceptually motivated; thus semantic decoding is possible.
For instance, the fact that cocktail taste is usually experienced as
irresistible justifies the fact that names often go along with metaphors of
attractiveness. Also, analogies of various organoleptic aspects represent
additional substantiations of conceptual associations.
Furthermore, it may be conjectured that some of these metaphors also
play an inherent cognitive function. One example would be the use of
drink-as-person metaphor schema, which facilitates the assertion of
certain kinds of identities and appurtenance to ethnic groups. This is
obvious in the case of cocktail names based on the conceptual metaphor
according to which ‘cocktails are persons’ and connoting prestige, style, or
other esteemed notions. The Gentleman cocktail, the Modernista, or the
Cosmopolitan are examples of drinks – or rather drink names – which
stand for desired qualities to be associated to the consumers of those
respective drinks. Several of the strong cocktails (e.g., the Dry Martini)
operate the acquired taste of dryness as an implication of masculinity or
social status (Felten 2007). However, there may be less ‘in a name’ than
we hope for when investing these with cultural values.
Moreover, another conjecture is that cocktail names often play a

cognitive role in that they serve to legitimize alcohol-drinking or, on an
even deeper level, pleasure indulging. The dualistic clash between health
and satisfaction is grounded in traditional western systems of thought,
which associates real satisfaction with evil and sin. Such transgressions are
overcome by means of metaphoric names, which call to mind images of
happiness functioning as forms of legitimizing hedonism (e.g., the
Paradise cocktail). Finally, drink names containing allusions to health or
wellbeing (e.g., Corpse Reviver, Painkiller, etc.) integrate two equally
prominent human desires, health and happiness, implied to occur
simultaneously in the best of cases.
As illustrated, drinks are often conceptualized as people, animals,
states, and other abstractions, making use of imagination, as well as
perception and traditional knowledge about the qualities of drinks. Along
these lines, several general metaphor patterns have been identified: drinks
are persons, drinks are animals, drinks are sensations, drinks are fuel,
drinks are effects, drinks are positive, and drinks are evil. Cocktail names
sometimes contain direct metaphors drawing on the most salient aspects,
like colour, taste, or shape. In other cases, metaphors are more complex
and require extra-processing or even etymological knowledge. Numerous
expressions highlighting sensations confirm that the origin of metaphorical
language is actually the seductive quality of the ‘metaphors we live by’
(Lakoff & Johnson 1980). Such linguistic corpora may be employed in the
use of conceptual metaphor theory to vocabulary learning in ESP courses
for students specializing in tourism and food services.
Conclusion
The highlight on metaphorical patterns in the exemplified corpus of words
is an attempt to highlight the importance of conceptual metaphors in
everyday language, as well as ESP learning. Such an analysis of metaphor-
based expressions could only be established upon the recognition of the
immense variety and inexhaustible occurrence of this type of
figurativeness. The analysis has revealed that drink names can be
considered metaphorical by virtue of the fact that their formulations
include mappings or transfers from different domains. This particular kind
of language has been explored with the goal of helping students better
understand symbolic meanings and underlying implications. Thus, the
semantic approach, complemented by Cognitive Theory, promotes
students’ understanding of figurative use of language. Also, corpora such
as cocktail names are intended to make English for Specific Purposes

‘appetizing’ and enjoyable for students in general.
It may be concluded that cocktail names depend on metaphors which
are prevalent in the structuring and functioning of language. As shown
above, drinks represent a significant area through which various aspects
related to human nature may be conceptualized and understood. Moreover,
the universality of English is also reflected in the omnipresence of
cocktails, which may be considered ‘international’ trademarks, with a few
imported exceptions. The analysis confirms that such commonly-shared
metaphors may also be used as a tool in intercultural communication.
Learning and sharing the English of food and drink are steps to becoming
better equipped for the guest-host encounter in the world of tourism and
travel-related services.
References
Blue, A. D. (2004). The Complete Book of Spirits: A Guide to Their
History, Production, and Enjoyment. New York: HarperCollins.
Carter, R. & Nunan, D. (Eds.). (2007). The Cambridge Guide to Teaching
English to Speakers of Other Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Cocktail recipes. Online: http://www.drinksmixer.com/cat/1/.
http://dictionary.reference.com]. (CED)
Felten, E. (2007). How’s Your Drink?: Cocktails, Culture, and the Art of
Drinking Well. Evanston: Agate Surrey.
Great Cocktails. Online: http://www.greatcocktails.co.uk. (GC)
IBA List of Official Cocktails. Online: http://www.iba-world.com/
Lakoff, G. & Johnson, M. (1980). Metaphors We Live By. Chicago/
London: University of Chicago Press.
(OED)
ALTERNATIVE USE OF COMMANDS
IN TOURIST INDUSTRY ADVERTISING
TATJANA ĐUROVIĆ AND NADEŽDA SILAŠKI
Introduction
Being one of the most prevalent forms of mass communication advertising
permeates almost every aspect of life. Although advertising is transitory,
its effects are “longstanding and cumulative” (Goddard 1998) and it is
likely to affect a majority of people in a number of ways. Therefore,
advertising discourse should not be dismissed as a “trite discourse written
for the uneducated” (Goddard 1998). If advertising did not have a
tremendous impact on the consumer, producers would not spend vast sums
of money in it. However, as they are flooded by various competing
products, copywriters are facing one of the main challenges: how to write
a persuasive text that will attract the attention of a unwilling audience
remarkably quickly by fully using “the resources of language and inviting
creative and subtle readings from their users” (Goddard 1998).
Having become one of the fastest growing industries today, tourism
heavily depends on advertising, whose main goal is to encourage potential
tourists to travel to specific destinations, which may shape their perception
of these places and people living there. Given the ambiguous character of
the tourist product – since along with “selling” destinations and services,
tourism also “sells” expectations and authentic experiences – tourist
industry advertising rests on the same principles applied to advertising for
other products or services. Namely, persuasion and information are the
two most critical functions of advertising, which indicates that this typical
representative of a persuasive genre is created with a particular
communicative goal in mind, varying across types of advertising, but
mainly aimed at persuading the listener, viewer or reader to adopt a certain
kind of mindset and act accordingly, in the desired direction. These two
main functions of advertising serve as guidelines for the choice of the
verbal and visual means employed by the copywriter. This is in line with
tourism promotional discourse as part of “commercial consumer
276 Alternative Use of Commands in Tourism Industry Advertising
advertising” defined by Leech (1966) as “advertising directed towards a

mass audience with the aim of promoting sales of a commercial product or
service.”
The language of advertising is pretty loaded. Therefore, it is not
surprising that it has been submitted to different kinds of analyses
(Vestergaard & Schroder 1985, Toolan 1988, Myer 1994, Tanaka 1994,
Cook 2001, etc.). Most people involved in advertising would agree that the
language used in advertising discourse differs in style and grammar from
that of conventional discourse. However, it is necessary to emphasize that,
although the language of advertising, like most “minimalist” texts (Toolan
1988), possesses its distinctive style, it should not be regarded as a form
which deviates from other language varieties. Nevertheless, it is true that
the language of advertising as a genre possesses certain distinctive traits.
However, they are unique if treated as part of the way the final
communicative purpose of advertising is achieved. Beneath the mask of
simplicity, advertising discourse is subtly and carefully structured –
copywriters often use unexpected innovative strategies, creatively
exploiting the language within the traditional linguistic patterns and
techniques (Silaški 2008). In this way, the rhetorical purpose of the author
– to attract and retain the attention of the reader, forcing her to memorise
the advertising text and urging her action – is achieved through the
systematic use of the typical patterns but in innovative and innovative
ways.
In this paper, therefore, we deal with the tourist industry advertising,
one type of persuasive promotional genre, in an attempt to answer the
following question: since advertising uses a subtle language in order to
hide the real consideration of copywriters, what are the alternative uses of
commands, in addition to the imperative, in tourist brochures, the main
form of promotional material in this type of advertising? In order words,
what other, less obtrusive and less invasive, methods of persuasion and
calling to action do copywriters use so as to induce customers into buying
the advertised product/service?
The data we gathered for the purposes of this analysis have been
compiled from both print and online sources – websites of various tourist
organisations in the UK and the USA, travel agency websites, as well as
some tourist brochures in English in printed form. Some of the sentences
which include linguistic devices used to issue a command or a request are
used in the text to follow in order to illustrate our points.
Tatjana Đurović and Nadežda Silaški 277
Advertising as a Genre: Urging Action

If, following Swales (1990), we define the genre as a communicative event
which is shaped by the author’s communicative goal, we may be justified
in saying that advertising is a prime example of a promotional, persuasive
genre whose overarching function is to successfully persuade readers to
agree to accept, or to do something through verbal influence and pictures.
This is exactly why many authors argue that advertising is essentially a
persuasive genre, although it may have some other functions, such as to
warn, inform, or frighten.
Dealing with the rhetorical structure of promotional discourse, Silaški
(2008) argues that one of the moves which is almost unavoidable in all
types of promotional genres is urging action whose “main communicative
goal is to urge prospective customers to take a prompt and specific action
in order to hasten the purchase” (Silaški 2008). Similarly, in tourism
discourse which “attempts to persuade, lure, woo and seduce millions of
human beings, and, in doing so, convert them from potential into actual
clients” (Dann 1996), the urging action move is equated with constantly
generating and fostering motivation and desire for travelling. This move is
somehow logically supposed to be linguistically realised by means of the
imperative, the most direct and the least subtle way of addressing the
consumer. However, despite the need to be as aggressive as possible in
attracting new customers, copywriters rarely explicitly urge their
customers to actually buy the advertised product or a service, opting
instead to seek more subtle ways of attracting their attention. This clearly
indicates that the vibrant hard-selling advertising techniques which place a
significant amount of pressure on the customer have been replaced by
much less direct, subtly persuasive and much more suggestive soft-selling
advertising, which “appeals to the emotions and tries to establish a link
between a product and beauty or wealth, romance or self-confidence,
success or prestige” (O’Donnell & Todd 1991). Almost as a rule, a call to
action (buying the advertised product or service) is masked as information
or advice (Vestergaard & Schoeder 1985). Copywriters use a number of
distinct verbs, traditional euphemisms in advertising language for buy, in
order not to appear to be imposing themselves on the audience, and
because buy has certain unpleasant connotations (such as money and
parting with it).
Commands in Advertising
Myer (1994) points out “the generic sentence type for the ad is the
command, or imperative, because all ads are urging us to some action”.
Myer’s captivating comment about the omittance of “please” in
imperatives comes down to the following: advertisers overlook “please”
because, as he points out, “we cut out the politeness devices if we are
asking someone to do something that benefits the hearer, not the speaker”
(Myer 1994). This is exactly how “advertisers would like to present their
commands, as benefits to us” (Idem). If, according to Jakobson, the
essence of any act of verbal communication entails the addresser, in this
case, a copywriter, who sends a message to the addressee, i.e. the general
travelling public, orientation toward the addressee so as to convince her to
act (the conative function of the language in Jakobson’s terms) (Jakobson
1960) finds its purest syntactic expression in the imperative. The role of
imperative sentences as used in the tourism industry advertising is not to
give orders, but to influence emotions or attitudes, to urge them to avail
themselves of the various destination opportunities advertised in tourist
promotional material. Thus, in the sentence Discover the beauties of
Venice! the imperative discover is not used in its usual, command
grammatical function, but has the pragmatic function of inducing the
traveller to act in a certain way. It is quite an invitation to potential tourists
to overcome the difference between their current experience and potential
experience fulfilled through travel.
Nevertheless, commands and requests as expressed via direct
imperative sentences derive a sense of controlling the attitudes and
behaviour of the tourist in a more blatant manner, which in turn asks for
more indirect, subdued and polite ways of persuading her to travel to some
destination. In other words, although “[b]uy X! is the most direct
exhortation to action one can think about” (Vestergaard & Schroeder
1985), it is as already stated and proved by linguistic research, rarely used
in today’s increasingly sophisticated advertising, or rather, readily
substituted with other language devices.
In this section, we deal with several other ways in which the “urging
action” move may be realised in the tourist industry advertising discourse:
giving advice, stressing product benefits, providing information, making
recommendations, etc. – which may be linguistically realised by rhetorical
questions: the use of modal verbs (mainly can and should), negative
interrogatives, why not-questions, etc. These linguistic choices may be said
to belong to “conventionally indirect” strategies (Blum-Kulka, House &
Kasper 1989) whose goal is to mitigate requesting force of the imperative
mood, all these linguistic devices stemming from one of the most powerful
rhetorical functions of tourism advertising, that of suggesting to visit a
certain place, to try a certain cuisine, etc.
Probably the most effective way of masking an open call to action is
through offering advice, which is innocently given “in the spirit of
friendship” (McCracken 1993), thus creating a strong bond between the
seller and the buyer. Copywriters often take an encouraging, advice-giving
stance when issuing instructions or commands to potential customers. As
far as linguistic devices used for this purpose are concerned, the most
frequent one is the modal verb should which, instead of commanding,
issues a strong recommendation to the buyer, as in the following
examples:
At the same time, you should not forget the rich flavour and aroma of fresh
Greek fruits, such as grapes, apricots, peaches, cherries, melons,
watermelons, etc.
So, if you are looking for winter vacation destinations in India, you should
try the following spots.
Advice, however, may also be offered and linguistically realised by means

of the modal verb can, especially if the copywriter wants to avoid direct
address:
If you wish to have an adventurous vacation, then you can try out rock
climbing.
Of course, if you really want to experience the ultimate vacation
destination, you can rent out the entire island for your family and friends.
The modal verb can is particularly suitable for providing information to

potential consumers about the benefits of a product or a service they are
offering, or perhaps about the product availability or use. This technique
of disguising the direct call to action is illustrated by the following
examples:
...with plenty of beautiful scenery, and by following these tips, you can
enjoy your holiday even more!
Apart from skiing, you can try several other exciting winter activities in
Slovenia’s winter resorts.
If you know you want to go to Orlando with the kids next summer, you
can now call Sonya at Amidst the Mountains Vacation Rentals.
If you need a detailed map to guide you around Greece, in this section you
can download useful tourist and route maps of regions and main cities of
the country.
You can now enjoy a taste of the Florida Lifestyle by staying in your own
private Orlando villas or Condo.
Many questions used in advertising are in effect rhetorical, posed for its
persuasive effect without the expectation of a response and assuming only
one possible solution. The following examples include rhetorical questions
which aptly and carefully hide the command behind the veil of a subtle
suggestion:
Do you want to enjoy what New York has to offer without feeling like a
tourist?
Isn’t It Time You Took A Vacation?
Time to hit the beach! Isn’t that precisely what we all look forward to?
Want to enjoy your holiday?
Two of the examples above include negative interrogatives, a special and

a remarkably strong, yet cautious method, which uses indirect ways of
calling to action.
Yet another method of achieving indirectness in issuing commands in
advertising discourse is by means of the alleged rhetorical why-not
questions, which, though “masquerading” as questions, in fact, are “a
conventional form of suggestion” (Lee 2007), as the following examples
show:
For example, if there’s no extra cost, why not try scuba diving, or flying on
a trapeze at one of the resorts that has circus-related activities?
Going on a vacation soon? Why Not Go For A Costa Rica Adventure
Travel Vacation?
Why Not Try A Seaside Cottage Rentals For Your Next Romantic
Getaway?
Why not try something different this year and spend your vacation time
getting active?
Advertisers often rely on the alleged inclusive imperative of the “let’s”

form, which does not seem as intrusive and blunt as its usual second-
person you imperative. Such “first person inclusive” imperatives (called
like that because they involve you and I, i.e. we) somehow conceal the fact
that the buyer is the one who is supposed to make a decision regarding the
purchase:
Let’s find out more about the best urban attractions you will find in the
cities in Scandinavia.
Maybe you have some extra money this time and want to try something
different? Let’s take a journey and discover some great theme vacations!
Finally, copywriters also employ another, even much softer and more
sophisticated, technique of giving advice without even mentioning the
pronoun you, focusing solely on the advertised product, in our case, a
tourist destination. Employing the formula to be worth trying, copywriters
skilfully avoid any direct address, let alone the use of imperative, using
instead a disguised form of advice-giving. This technique is illustrated
with the following examples:
Fun Royale is one of the best all-inclusive resorts worth trying out.
The richness of India’s spiritual and religious traditions is truly an
experience worth trying.
Thus, whether you love nature and the outdoors or simply the feel of the
place, a California spa vacation is something worth trying!
The selected linguistic strategies prove to this other aspect of tourist

brochures, the persuasive one, which tends to be more important than that
informative. The discursive strength of alternative directives hinges on
masking the strong nature of direct imperative sentences by trading on
collaboration between the creator of advertising message and its recipient,
i.e. the tourist who should understand it as prompting to act.
Conclusion
In this paper, we have attempted to show what linguistic choices are used
to encode the messages to prospective tourists in the tourist industry
advertising. By analysing tourist industry advertising texts which
“construe[s] the valorisation of a destination” (Mocini 2009), we have
tried to explain how the communicative intention of the creator of a tourist
text – persuading tourists to visit a particular destination by generating an
image of that destination as the most valuable alternative – is conveyed via
different communication strategies, such as the use of modal verbs can and
should, of negative interrogatives, of the rhetorical why not-questions, etc.,
whose goal is to subdue the blatant force of the imperative mood. Devising
more memorable advertising messages couched in carefully chosen
linguistic means serves to heighten their persuasive and suggestive
features which, in turn, helps to determine the perceived value of the
destination, the ultimate goal of promotional discourse of tourist
brochures.
Acknowledgement
The paper is the result of research conducted within project no. 178002
Languages and cultures across space and time funded by the Ministry of
Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.
References
Blum-Kulka, S., House, J. & Kasper, G. (1989). Cross-cultural
Pragmatics: Requests and Apologies. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.
Cook, G. (2001). The Discourse of Advertising. London: Routledge.
Dann, G. M. (1996). The Language of Tourism: A Sociolinguistic
Perspective. Wallingford: CAB International.
Goddard, A. (1998). The Language of Advertising. London and New
York: Routledge.
Jakobson, R. (1960). Linguistics and Poetics. In T. Sebeok (Ed.), Style in
Language. Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press. 350-377.
Lee, C. (2007). Impoliteness in English Tourist Documents: Is it real or
not? Journal of British and American Studies 16: 51-80.
Leech, G. N. (1966). English in Advertising: A Linguistic Study of
Advertising in Great Britain. London: Longman.
McCracken, E. (1993). Decoding Women’s Magazines. London:
Macmillan.
Mocini, R. (2005 (2009)). The Verbal Discourse of Tourist Brochures.
AnnalSS 5: 153-164.
Myers, G. (1994). Words in Ads. London: Hodder Arnold.
O’Donnell, W. R. & Todd, L. (1991). Variety in Contemporary English.
London – New York: Routledge.
Silaški, N. (2008). The discourse of advertising: a comparative genre
analysis of English and Serbian. Primenjena lingvistika 9: 240-250.
Swales, J. (1990). Genre Analysis: English in academic and research
settings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Tanaka, K. (1994). Advertising Language: A Pragmatic Approach to
Advertisements in Britain and Japan. Routledge: London.
Toolan, M. J. (1988). The Language of Press Advertising. In M. Ghadessy
(Ed.), Registers of written English: Situational factors and linguistic
features. London: Pinter. 52-64.
Vestergaard, T. & Schroder, K. (1985). The Language of Advertising.
Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
THE LANGUAGE OF ADVENTURE TOURISM:
A CONTRASTIVE APPROACH
Introduction
Language purism not only means to refuse influences from other
languages on a certain language, but also to make subjective judgements
on dialects and styles. Topics in linguistic purism are mainly connected
with the desire to keep a certain language ‘pure’ by rejecting new forms,
with how a specific language reacts to foreign lexical items, to how a
language is lexically cleansed (if ever!), etc. The problem is “Can we
really fight the massive invasion of English words in almost every field of
activity?” We try to answer this question with the analysis below.
The present research is the first analysis of a corpus of adventure
tourism-related words in Romanian. Our intention is to pursue it by an
analysis of its Croatian counterpart and, further on, by a comparative
analysis of the two corpora (Croatian and Romanian) in search of a
(possibly common) pattern in the development of their vocabularies.
In the past, the ambition of any language was to be a national
language, basis of national education and culture, and an all-purpose
language at all levels – that is, interchangeable with the major culture-
languages, especially, of course, with the dominant language against
which they tried to establish themselves. Before the 19th c., modern states
with well-established culture and language (e.g., England, France,
Germany, Italy, Russia, and Spain) standardized their teaching and
administration languages in grammar, spelling, vocabulary, and
pronunciation, and extended their lexical range to cover new needs.
According to Hobsbawm (1996), things have changed nowadays, and
that because:
- First, we no longer live entirely in a culture of reading and writing:

film, television (both cable and satellite), FM radio, and, more
284 The Language of Adventure Tourism
recently, cell phone place everybody directly within the reach of the
wider world, wider culture, and linguistic assimilation;
- Second, we no longer live in a world where the idea of a single all-
purpose national language is generally feasible: multi-culturality
makes us live in a necessarily pluri-lingual world; and third, we live in
an era when at least for the time being there is a single language for
universal global communication: technology (i.e. computer and
Internet), on the one hand, and business, on the other hand, have
imposed a dominant version of English. Inevitably, the increasing
number of visitors from abroad and resident aliens put great pressures
on any language purism policy.
Though languages can bear within them witness to their contact with other
languages (Slavic, German, Hungarian and Italian in the case of Croatian;
French, German, Hungarian, and Slavic in the case of Romanian), it is not
yet very clear which bilingualism mattered most in Croatia’s and
Romania’s history and culture. What is absolutely sure is the huge impact
English has on both languages at present.
Paradoxically, modern non-written communications media and the
dominance of English as a worldwide universal language are seen as the
main causes of the return of multilingualism, partly revived through the
efforts of the defenders of language purism, an instance of language
contact, as code switching or multilingualism in literature, or interference.
As Leerssen (2003) put it,
<Cultural nationalism> comprises a number of activities and initiatives, in

a variety of cultural and social fields, and ranges from the revival of
traditional sports to language purism, from the editing of medieval texts to
the building of historical monuments.”
Purist impulses or cultural movements can mobilize and configure

concepts of “foreign” and “native” in linguistic terms. Some cultures and
countries have tried and are trying to preserve their languages:
- The Japanese want to dump poorly understood foreign words; Iranians

ban usage of foreign words;
- The Koreans argue against “blatant foreignisms” on two basic
premises: they are ‘foreign words’, and any of them are difficult to
understand;
- The British think foreign words are seldom de rigueur.
Some others have sought not merely to replace foreign words but to
provide a way of producing needed new words. For example, the German
writer, linguist, educator und publisher Joachim Heinrich Campe
developed about 11,500 translations for foreign words, of which about 300
survived (e.g., Hochschule for Universität “university”, Lehrgang for
Kursus “course”, Streitgespräch for Debatte “debate”) (W). The Icelander
Vikør (cited by Michael T. Corgan) suggested three systematic strategies
for developing new words and meanings for Icelandic:
- To give new meanings to existing words;

- To derive words from concepts already existing;
- To make compound words of existing Icelandic terms to fashion
required new words); and a fourth one, that is a bow to the inevitable:
- To let words enter the language, especially in usage popular among the
young, since they are eventually adopted by all.
Examples of Turkish words (jok, sirće, vala, vrića, etc.) used in Slavonia
(Eastern Croatia) can be found in works of Croatian writers (R. Aleksić, J.
Vončina) who considered them unnecessary. Owing to Bogoslav Šulek,
Croatian standard language was in 19th c. released from foreign words,
particularly German ones. Nives Opačić also deals with “Penetration of
English Words into the Croatian Language”. And so did the supporters of
Romanian purism in the 19th c., when they tried to replace the French
cravate (from < Croate, because Croatian soldiers used to wear such an
accessory!) meaning “tie” by Rumanian degâtlegău (literally “necktie”) –
which, by the way, did not work! Russia’s Upper Parliament House
rejected language restrictions, while Germany’s 100 words of the c.
include many in English!
Purism nowadays is no longer about purism in minor languages, in
endangered languages, in regional languages, or in mixed languages: there
is also purism in the preference of British English at universities and in
linguistic prescriptivism in computer-mediated communication.
Material and Method

Our analysis aimed at studying the terminology specific to adventure
tourism, defined in Wikipedia as “a type of niche tourism involving
exploration or travel to remote areas, where the traveller should expect the
unexpected. Adventure tourism typically involves travelling into remote,
inaccessible and possibly hostile areas. It may include the performance of
acts that require significant effort and grit and may also involve some
degree of risk. According to the (U.S.-based) global Adventure Travel

Trade Association, “adventure travel” may be any tourist activity
including two of the following three components: a physical activity, a
cultural exchange or interaction, and engagement with nature.” (W)
We have consulted the most important English language dictionaries of
the moment in search of definitions for the terms belonging to tourism
adventure, and the most important comprehensive Croatian (Anić 2006)
and Romanian (DEX) language dictionaries to see if these terms have
become or not part of the two vocabularies.
Results
We have inventoried one hundred and forty-six terms denoting activities
specific to adventure tourism as defined above.
Of these one hundred and forty-six terms, only nineteen (13%) have
Romanian equivalents that can be grouped into four categories:
- Terms that have existed in Romanian before the appearance of the

“sport” (and, implicitly, of its name) and that have nothing to do with
their English counterparts (four terms, i.e. 21%): climb (or climbing)
“an event that involves rising to a higher point (as in altitude) using
one’s hands and/or one’s feet to ascend a steep object; it is pursued
both recreationally, either to get to a destination otherwise
inaccessible, or for its own enjoyment” (W) > Rom căţărat (DEX);
hiking “a form of walking, undertaken with the specific purpose of
exploring and enjoying the scenery” (W) > Rom drumeţie (DEX);
mountain climbing (or mountaineering) “the practice of climbing to
elevated points for sport, pleasure, or research” (AHDEL, CEE, DCU,
WN) > Rom alpinism (DEX); walking “a leisurely pursuit in which
one foot must be touching the ground at all times, and the lead leg
must be straight as it passes under the torso” (CRE, W) > Rom marş
(DEX);
- Terms that are the direct translation of their English counterparts (eight
terms, i.e. 42%): alpine skiing (or downhill1) “a timed ski race on a
steep slope in which competitors take the most direct route to the finish
line following a course with relatively few turns and attaining very
high speeds” (AHDEL, DCU, W, WN) > Rom schi alpin (DEX);
canoeing “travelling in or propelling a canoe” (AHDEL) > Rom
canotaj (DEX); heliskiing “off-trail, downhill skiing on glaciers or on
remote mountains to which the participants are brought by helicopter”
(AHDEL, DCU) > Rom helischi (DEX); ocean kayaking (or sea
kayaking) “kayaking on sea/ocean water” (W) > Rom caiac pe

mare/ocean (DEX); parachuting (or skydiving) “the act of jumping
out of an aircraft and eventually landing with the aid of a parachute”
(CRE, W) > Rom paraşutism (DEX); paragliding (or parapenting)
“the sport or activity of flying by means of a paraglider” (AHDEL, W)
> Rom parapantă (DEX); recreational ski “ski as a leisure” (W) >
Rom schi recreativ (DEX); water skiing “recreational and sport in
which persons, either barefoot or mounted on special skis made from
wood, plastic, or reinforced fibreglass, are towed across the surface of
the water by fast-moving motorboats” (CEE, CRE, KEMD, W) > Rom
schi nautic, schi pe apă (DEX);
- Terms that are the indirect translation of their English counterparts
(five terms, i.e. 26%): creeking “kayaking on very technical and
difficult rapids” (W) > Rom caiac (DEX); cross-country flying (or
cross-country soaring) “gliding for hours” (W) > Rom deltaplanorism
(DEX); cross-country jumping “a style of skydive where the
participants open their parachutes immediately after jumping, with the
intention of covering as much ground under canopy as possible” (W) >
Rom paraşutism amator (DEX); hang gliding “the sport of launching
oneself from a cliff or a steep incline and soaring through the air by
means of a hang glider” (DCU, WN) > Rom deltaplanorism (DEX);
sailing “the sport or pastime of travelling over water in a suitable craft,
using wind power acting on sails” (CEE, CRE, W) > Rom navigaţie cu
ambarcaţiune cu pânze (DEX);
- Terms that have been borrowed as such to represent either their
English counterparts, or one of the synonyms of their English
counterparts (two terms, i.e. 11%): downhill2 (or free boarding, long
boarding, mountain boarding, single-track, skateboarding,
snowboarding) “the act of sliding down a snow-covered slope while
standing on a snowboard” (W) > Rom snowboarding (not attested);
surfing (or surf boarding) “the sport of riding on the crest or along the
tunnel of a wave, especially while standing or lying on a surfboard”
(AHDEL, CEE, DCU, W) > Rom surfing (DEX).
For the rest of one hundred and twenty-seven terms (87%), we can only
supply the translation of their definition if we want to avoid borrowing
them as they are: aid climbing “climbing rocks using artificial devices
placed in the rock to support all or part of the climber’s body weight,
normally practiced on rock formations that lack necessary natural features
suitable for free climbing” (W); all-terrain-boarding (or mountain
boarding, dirt boarding) “a new board sport, derived from snowboarding,
and practiced during warm months while there is no snow available” (W);
animal trek “voyaging on animals’ back”; animal watching “the
observation and study of animals with the naked eye, or usually through a
visual enhancement device, most commonly binoculars, for recreational or
social reasons” (W); backpacking (or bush walking, tramping, trekking)
“a type of tourism that combines hiking and camping in a single trip” (W);
barefoot skiing “water skiing without the aid of skis” (W); bird watching
(or birding) “the observation and study of birds with the naked eye, or
usually through a visual enhancement device, most commonly binoculars,
for recreational or social reasons” (W); birding (see bird watching); body
boarding “a form of wave riding using a body board, an amateur activity
among travellers” (W); bodysurfing “the art and sport of riding a wave
without the assistance of any buoyant device such as a surfboard or body
board“ (W); bouldering “climbing short, severe routes on boulders or
small outcrops” (W); bungee/bungy jumping “an activity in which a
person jumps off from a high place (generally several hundred meters/feet
up) with one end of an elastic cord attached to his/her body or ankles and
the other end tied to the jumping-off point” (W); bush walking (see back
packing); bush walking on skis “a type of tourism combining hiking and
skiing in a single trip” (W); bush whacking (see bush-bashing); bush-
bashing (or bush whacking, cross-country hiking, off-trail hiking)
“hiking off the path or trail” (W); canuding “the act of canoeing in the
nude” (W); canyon hiking “hiking down a canyon” (W); canyoneering
(or canyoning) “travelling in canyons using a variety of techniques that
may include walking, scrambling, climbing, jumping, abseiling, and/or
swimming“ (W); canyoning (see canyoneering); climbing (see climb);
cross-country hiking (see bush-bashing); cross-country mountain biking
“mountain biking off-trails” (W); cross-country soaring (see cross-
country flying); cruising “sailing where vessels have accommodation
enabling the crew to live aboard for extended periods” (W); day sailing
“sailing where vessels have no sleeping accommodation” (W); deep-sea
diving (or dive, diving, free diving, scuba, scuba diving, skin diving,
underwater diving) “diving in the sea water using self-contained breathing
equipment to stay underwater for periods of time greater than human
breath-holding ability allows” (W, WN); dirt boarding (see all-terrain-
boarding); dirt jump (or dirt jumping) “the practice of riding bikes over
shaped mounds of dirt/soil: the idea is that after riding over the <take off>
the rider will become momentarily airborne, and aim to land on the
<landing>“ (W); dirt jumping (see dirt jump); dive (see deep-sea diving);
diving (see deep-sea diving); downhill1 (see alpine skiing); downhill3 (or
land luge, luge road racing, street luge) “the recreation of sledding on an
inclined dry surface” (W); dry-tooling “climbing rock using the tools for
ice climbing”; dune bashing “driving over sand dunes, frequently
associated with tourism in the Middle-East” (W); end-to-end hiking (or
end-to-ending, thru-hiking) “the process of hiking a long-distance trail
from end to end” (W); end-to-ending (see end-to-end hiking); expedition
cruising “a genre or type of ocean cruising for pleasure or research” (W);
fell running (or hill running, mountain running) “the sport of running
and racing, off road, over upland country where the gradient climbed is a
significant component of the difficulty” (W); fell walking (or hill
walking) “the recreational practice of walking or climbing in hilly or
mountainous terrain, generally with the intention of visiting the tops of
hills and mountains” (W); fly surfing (or kite boarding, kite land
boarding, kite surfing) “using a power kite to pull the rider through the
water on a small surfboard, a wakeboard, or a kite board” (AHDEL, W);
free boarding (see downhill2); free climbing “rock climbing using only
natural features of the rock formation” (W); free diving (see deep-sea
diving); free ride “a branch of mountain biking“ (W); free solo climbing
“free climbing without a rope or other protective gear” (W); freestyle (or
freestyle events, play boating, rodeo, white water rodeo) “a more
gymnastic and artistic kind of kayaking” (W); freestyle events (see
freestyle); greenlaning (or two-tracking) “motor drive along unpaved
tracks, forest tracks, or older roadways that may have fallen into disuse”
(W); hill running (see fell running); hill walking (see fell walking);
hydro foiling “navigating with a hydrofoil (a boat with wing-like foils
mounted on struts below the hull) (W); ice climbing “the recreational
activity of climbing ice formations such as icefalls, frozen waterfalls, and
cliffs and rock slabs covered with ice refrozen from flows of water” (W);
ice sailing “sailing on ice” (W); indoor climbing “a form of climbing that
can involve bouldering, top roping, and leading in an indoor environment
on wood or plastic holds” (W); kite boarding (see fly surfing); kite
buggying “driving a light, purpose-built vehicle powered by a traction kite
(power kite)“ (W); kite jumping “parachuting while suspended by a kite”
(W); kite land boarding (see fly surfing); kite skiing “using a power kite
to pull the skier up the slope” (W); kite surfing (see fly surfing); knee
boarding “an aquatic sport where the participant is towed on a buoyant,
convex, and hydrodynamically shaped board at a planning speed behind a
motorboat“ (W); land luge (see downhill3); long boarding (see
downhill2); luge road racing (see downhill3); mountain boarding (or all-
terrain-boarding, dirt boarding) is “a type of extreme sport using a
skateboard-like board to descend mountain terrain; a combination of
snowboarding, skateboarding, and mountain biking” (W); mountain
boarding (see downhill2); mountain running (see fell running);

mountain unicycling (MUni) “an emerging adventure sport that consists
of traversing rough terrain on a unicycle“ (W); mountaineering (see
mountain climbing); mud plugging “driving as far through a large area of
wet mud or clay as possible without becoming stuck” (W); off roading “a
recreational pursuit on a driving surface which is not conventionally
paved, popular among a small sub-section of the owners of four wheel
drive or all-terrain vehicles“ (W); off-road safari “safari on a driving
surface which is not conventionally paved“ (W); off-trail hiking (see
bush-bashing) “hiking off the path or trail” (W); para motoring (or
powered paragliding) “a form of ultra light aviation where the pilot wears
a small motor on his/her back (a para motor) and runs into the air with lift
from a paraglider wing” (W); parapenting (see paragliding); parasailing
(or parascending) “a recreational activity where a person (two or three
people may also ride at the same time) is towed behind a vehicle (usually a
boat) while attached to a parachute“ (W); parascending (see parasailing);
play boating (see freestyle); powered paragliding (see para motoring);
racing “sailing where craft, grouped into different classes depending on
size, type of rig, and whether mono or multi-hull, compete on waters
ranging from an inland lake or river to the oceans of the world” (W);
rafting “a recreational activity utilizing a raft to navigate a river or other
bodies of water” (DCU); regular stand-up surfing “the sport of riding on
the crest or along the tunnel of a wave, especially while standing on a
surfboard” (W); river running “a tour down a river, to enjoy the scenery
as well as experiencing challenging white-water” (W); river tracing (or
river trekking) “a combination of trekking and climbing and sometimes
swimming along the river” (W); river trekking (see river tracing); rock
climbing “the sport or activity of climbing sheer rock faces, especially by
means of specialized techniques and equipment” (AHDEL, W, WN); rock
crawling “a highly technical category of off roading in which vehicles are
typically modified” (W); rock racing “rock off roading in which vehicles
are typically modified and there are no penalties” (W); rodeo (see
freestyle); roped climbing “the sport or activity of climbing ice or sheer
rock faces, especially by means of a rope” (W); scuba (see deep-sea
diving); scuba diving (see deep-sea diving); sea kayaking (see ocean
kayaking); section hiking “hiking a complete trail by hiking all of its
individual sections, not in continuity or, necessarily, in sequence” (W);
single-track (see downhill2); skateboarding (see downhill2); skin diving
(see deep-sea diving); skurfing (or wake boarding) “a surface water sport
which involves riding the wake of a speed boat on a single board, in which
the rider is towed behind a boat, or a cable skiing setup, but typically at
slower speeds” (W); skydiving (see parachuting); snorkeling/snorkelling

“the practice of swimming at the surface of a body of water while
equipped with a diving mask, a shaped tube called a snorkel, and usually
swim fins“ (AHDEL, DCU, W, WN); snow climbing “the recreational
activity of climbing areas covered by snow” (W); snow kiting “an outdoor
winter board sport, combining the airfoil and techniques used in kite
surfing, with the footgear and gliding surface used in snowboarding“ (W);
snowboarding (see downhill2); solo climbing “free climbing in which a
climber progressing alone uses a rope and protection devices including a
self belay system” (W); sport lead climbing “free climbing using pre-
placed, permanent bolts for protection” (W); street luge (see downhill3);
street riding “a type of bicycling sport, in which the basic idea is to
perform tricks using obstacles such as benches, stairs or inclined walls”
(W); surf boarding (see surfing); surf kayaking “racing a surf ski on flat
water” (W); surf-skiing “skiing on water in a surf ski (a light recreational
water craft with a long narrow displacement type hull, an open or sit-on-
top cockpit and almost invariably with a foot pedal controlled rudder)”
(W); thru-hiking (see end-to-end hiking); top rope climbing (or top-
roping) “free climbing involving the suspension of a rope from an anchor
located at the top of a short climb” (W); top-roping (see top rope
climbing); tow-in surfing “a surfing technique where a surfer is towed
into a breaking wave by a partner driving a personal watercraft or a
helicopter with an attached tow-line” (W); trad/traditional lead climbing
“free climbing using mostly removable protection, but also fixed bolts if
these were put in on the lead” (W); tramping (see backpacking); trekking
(see backpacking); two-tracking (see greenlaning); underwater diving
(see deep-sea diving); wake boarding (see skurfing); wake skating “an
adaptation of wakeboarding that employs a similar design of board, but the
rider is not bound to the board in any way” (W); white-water kayaking
“the sport of paddling a kayak on a moving body of water, typically a
river” (W); white-water rodeo (see freestyle); winch events “accessing
areas that would be impassable without the use of a winch (traversing deep
gullies, steep slopes, etc.) by vehicle” (W); windsurfing “a surface water
sport using a windsurf board, also commonly called a sailboard” (W).
Some of the terms above, taken separately, have been already attested
by Romanian language dictionaries (DEX): indoor, jumping, surf,
surfing, top, and trial. Except for top (which comes from music), all the
rest come from sports (Figure 2-22).
Discussion
The great number of terms (one hundred and twenty-seven, i.e. 87%)
belonging to the field of adventure tourism, that have no equivalents in
Romanian, and for which it is difficult to try and supply any equivalents
whatsoever because the only solution would be to translate their own
definitions, make us think that language purism indeed stands in the path
of language maintenance and, even worse, in the path of language natural
development.
Figure 2-23. Share of sports-related words of English origin in Romanian: 13% -

translatable into Romanian; 87% - not-translatable into Romanian
Linguistic compromise is preferable, at least as far as this field of

knowledge is concerned, since only few Romanians practice extreme
sports and use the terminology analysed above.
Conclusions
We do not agree with the linguist who said that “English […] is today for
intellectuals what Latin was in the Middle Ages”, since Latin in the
Middle Ages was only spoken by the chosen ones, i.e. by scholars, while
English is spoken nowadays by almost everybody aged 7 to 77 and having
access to spoken mass media. However, we agree that the Tower of Babel
remained forever uncompleted because God condemned the human race to

everlasting linguistic conflict!
Language dictionaries lack complete, concise definitions of the types
of adventure tourism mentioned above. There is need for cooperation
between lexicographers and sports and/or tourism specialists in the field.
This research will be followed by a similar analysis of the corpus of
adventure tourism-related words in Croatian and, further on, by a
comparative analysis of the two corpora (Croatian and Romanian) with the
purpose of identifying possible common patterns in the borrowing and
adaptation of English borrowings.
References
Anić, V. (2006). Veliki rječnik hrvatskoga jezika. [The Great Dictionary of
the Croatian Language]. Zagreb: Novi liber.
Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia. (2004). Online:
http://www.reference.com. (CEE)
Corgan, M. T. Language as Identity: Icelandic Confronts Globalization.
Online:
http://www.hi.is/Apps/WebObjects/HI.woa/swdocument/1008299/grei
n+Corgans.rtf.
Crystal Reference Encyclopedia. Online:
http://www.reference.com/help/crystal.html. (CRE)
Dictionary.com Unabridged. Online: http://dictionary.reference.com.
(DCU)
Hobsbawm, E. (1996). Language, culture, and national identity
(Multiculturalism based on language). Social Research. December 22,
1996. Online: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G1-19100677.html.
Kernerman English Multilingual Dictionary. Online:
http://dictionary.reference.com/help/kdict.html. (KEMD)
Leerssen, J. (2003). Philology and National Culture – Situating and
mapping cultural nationalism in Europe. Online:
http://cf.hum.uva.nl/natlearn.
Lovmo, M. S. Language purism in Korea. Online:
http://www.geocities.com/mlovmo/gallery15.html.
Perković, Anica & Raţă, Georgeta. (2008). Notes on the Language of
Adventure Tourism. Journal of Linguistic Studies 1 (1): 71-78.
Roget’s New Millenium Thesaurus. Online: http://thesaurus.reference.com.

(RNMT)
Samardžija, M. (1993). Jezični purizam u NDH. [Language Purism in
Croatian]. Zagreb: Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada.
Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki.
(W)
WordNet®. Online: http://dictionary.reference.com. (WN)
THE LANGUAGE OF SPORTS
AND ADVENTURE TOURISM:
AND PETRU-EUGEN MERGHEŞ
Introduction
The main objective of this comparative study is to establish the etymology
or primary word of English borrowings in the Romanian of sports and
adventure tourism. The study analyses their origin, as well as the
connection between the words’ etymology and their semantic evolution.
Our intention is to draw a comparative analysis between borrowings and
counterpart words in both languages, in search of common patterns in the
development of their vocabularies. The comparative approach helps
making inferences about the shared or related vocabulary in the realm of
adventure tourism, where word transfer or borrowing has become the
rule. Besides word variation in form and meaning, it is interesting to detect
which words derive from pre-existing ones and which were later borrowed
into Romanian from English, while also making hypotheses about
semantic alterations.
The present study presents research results on a corpus of adventure
tourism-related words in English and Romanian. The specific
terminology of adventure tourism is defined in the Wikipedia as ‘a type
of niche tourism involving exploration or travel to remote areas, where the
traveller should expect the unexpected’ (W). The mechanism through
which most words in the field of adventure tourism develop is closely
connected to marketing and customer hunt issues. Tourism service
providers emulate each other and compete with other offers on the market.
While trying to come up with the most attractive tourist experience, they
often outdo themselves promising extraordinary possibilities of
entertainment. In the case of Romanian tourism service providers, who are
often multinational giants (e.g., Eximtur), the foremost source of word
296 The Language of Sports and Adventure Tourism
creation seems to be the adoption of English borrowings, which sound

more tempting to the Romanian Anglophone public. In addition,
compounding is also a major source for the creation of new words in both
English and Romanian, starting from names of sports or activities which
already exist in the language. Several newly emerged words are difficult to
discuss, since they have not yet been recorded in dictionaries and their
meaning is debatable amongst tourism experts. In the case of a large array
of words which have preserved both English form and meaning, the
ubiquitous presence of the English language may be considered a matter of
linguistic fashion or prestige. New words appearing in English are directly
borrowed as such into other languages, such as Romanian, where no other
existing words are at hand to describe more or less new experiences. This
often narrows down our research to English etymologies, the main aim
remaining that of analyzing the linguistic device of making up new words
by combining or putting together old words.
Most frequently, compounds are formed from pre-existing words put
together to function as a new concept. According to Carstairs-McCarthy
(2002), a compound is ‘a word containing more than one root or
combining form’. The meanings interrelate in such a way that a new
meaning comes out. In linguistics, a compound is ‘a lexeme that consists
of more than one stem’. From a semantic point of view, compounds are
classified as follows (W):
- Endocentric, whose structure A + B denotes a special kind of B:

alpine skiing, water skiing;
- Exocentric, whose structure A + B denotes a special kind of an
unexpressed semantic head: end-to-ending;
- Copulative, whose structure A + B denotes the sum of what A and B
denote: expedition cruising;
- Appositional, whose structure A and B provide different descriptions
for the same referent: fly surfing.
The most common case in the language of sports and adventure tourism
appears to be the endocentric compound, which indicates that ‘A + B
denotes a special kind of B’.
Materiel and Method

We have consulted the Online Etymology Dictionary, the Merriam-
Webster Online Dictionary, Partridge’s Etymological Dictionary of
Alina-Andreea Dragoescu and Petru-Eugen Mergheş 297
Modern English, and the Explanatory Dictionary of Romanian Language

to see if the terms have become part of the two vocabularies or not.
A large array of sports-related words is mainly used to describe
completely novel experiences. Besides, the massive invasion of English
into other languages, such as Romanian, explains the great number of
words borrowed from English as such. Therefore, the etymological
approach applies mainly to (yet fresh) English words in the field of
adventure tourism.
Results
We have inventoried one hundred and forty-six adventure tourism-
related words as defined above. Only nineteen (13%) of them have
Romanian equivalents and, of these, only four terms (i.e. 21%) existed in
Romanian before the appearance of the sport they have come to designate,
yet unrelated to their English counterparts: climb(ing) (> Rom căţărat)
‘the activity of using one’s hands and feet (or indeed any other part of the
body) to ascend a steep object’ (W) [ < OE climban < WGmc klimbanan
‘go up by clinging’] (OED); hiking (> Rom drumeţie) ‘a form of walking,
undertaken with the specific purpose of exploring and enjoying the
scenery’ (W) [< hiking (1809), slightly different form hyke ‘to walk
vigorously’; it also received the extended sense of ‘raise’ (as wages)
(1867)]; thus, the initial meaning of the verb is definitely the etymological
source of the present-day hiking; mountain climbing or mountaineering
(> Rom alpinism), used in English sometime before 1877 (MWD), refers
to ‘the practice of climbing to elevated points for sport, pleasure, or
research’ (CRE); walking (> Rom marş) ‘a form of racing in which the
competitor’s advancing foot must touch the ground before the rear foot
leaves it’ (CRE) [< OE wealcan ‘to toss, roll’ + wealcian ‘to roll up, curl,
muffle up’; however, the meaning shifted in early ME, perhaps from
colloquial use of the OE word: ‘Rarely is there so specific a word as NE
walk, clearly distinguished from both go and run’ [Buck in OED]; though
several meanings of the verb still exist today, the initial OE meaning has
altered, shifting from a reference to the whole body to one ‘in reference to
the movements of the foot raised and lowered’ (P).
Furthermore, a small number of Romanian terms appear to be the
direct translation with slight modifications of their English counterparts
(eight terms, i.e. 42%): alpine skiing (> Rom schi alpin) ‘a recreational
activity and sport involving sliding down snow-covered hills with long
skis attached to each foot’ (CRE). The etymology of the English
endocentric compound is to be found in literature before 1321 in the case
of alpine [< L Alpinus < Alpes ‘the Alps’] (MWD) and in 1755 in the case
of ski [< Nor ski, related to ON skið ‘snowshoe’, OE scid ‘stick of wood’,
G Scheit ‘log’ < PGmc skid- ‘to divide, split’] (OED); canoeing (> Rom
canotaj) ‘sport of propelling a canoe through water’ (CRE) [< E canoe
from 1555 < Sp canoa, term used by Columbus < Arawakan (Haiti)
canaoua] (OED); heliskiing (> Rom helischi) ‘off-trail, downhill skiing
that is accessed by a helicopter’ (W) [< heli- ‘ascending’, ‘climbing up’,
first used before 1697, + ski, related to ON skið ‘snowshoe’, OE scid ‘stick
of wood’, G Scheit ‘log’ < PGmc skid- ‘to divide, split’] (MWD);
ocean/sea kayaking (> Rom caiac pe mare/ocean) ‘kayaking on
sea/ocean water’ (W) [< ocean (c. 1290) < OF occean (12th c.) < L
oceanus < Gk okeanos ‘the great river or sea surrounding the disk of the
Earth commonly ocean sea’ + kayaking < kayak (1757) < Dan kajak <
Greenland Eskimo qayaq ‘small boat of skins’] (OED); parachuting (>
Rom paraşutism) ‘the act of jumping out of an aircraft and eventually
landing with the aid of a parachute’ (CRE) is an English word used from
1785 [< F parachute ‘that which protects against a fall’, a hybrid coined
by French aeronaut François Blanchard from para- ‘defence against’ < L
parare ‘prepare’ + chute ‘fall’] (OED); paragliding/parapenting (> Rom
parapantă) ‘a recreational and competitive flying sport’ (CRE) [< para-
‘defence against’ < L parare ‘prepare’ + chute ‘fall’ + glide < OE glidan
‘move along smoothly and easily’ < WGmc glidan] (OED); recreational
ski (> Rom schi recreativ) ‘ski as a leisure’ (W) [< recreation (1390)
‘refreshment or curing of a person, refreshment by eating’ < OF
recreacion (13th c.) < L recreationem ‘recovery from illness’ < recreare
‘to refresh, restore’ < re- ‘again’ + creare ‘refresh oneself by some
amusement’ (c. 1400)]; this lexeme has undergone consistent modification
in meaning until it has come to refer mainly to a leisure time activity, in
this case combined with the lexeme (OED); water skiing (> Rom schi
nautic, schi pe apă) ‘riding on skis along the water’s surface while being
towed by a motorboat’ (CRE). The same secondary lexeme appears in an
endocentric compound form with the lexeme water [< OE wæter < Goth
wato of unknown origin] (OED).
Similarly, only a few terms are the indirect translation of their English
counterparts (five terms, i.e. 26%): creeking (> Rom caiac) ‘kayaking on
very technical and difficult rapids’ (W) [< creek < creke (1449) ‘narrow
inlet in a coastline’ < kryk (c. 1230) probably < ON kriki ‘nook,’ perhaps
influenced by Anglo-F crique < Scandinavian < Norman ‘inlet or short
arm of a river’ (1577) ‘small stream, brook’ in AmE (1622). Though still
in connection with its etymology, the present meaning of the word has
altered to refer to a particular sports activity pursued on such waters;
cross-country flying (> Rom deltaplanorism) ‘gliding for hours’ (W) [<
cross < OE cros < L crux ‘stake, pole’ possibly of Phoenician origin
‘extending or lying across’] (MWD). The meaning of the neologism is
obvious, as the other lexemes form an endocentric compound: country
[(1234) > OF cuntree ‘district or (land) spread before one’] (OED) and fly
‘to soar through air’ [< OE fleogan (before 1010)] (OED; MWD); cross-
country jumping (> Rom paraşutism amator) ‘a style of skydive where
the participants open their parachutes immediately after jumping, with the
intention of covering as much ground under canopy as possible’ (W). The
same etymology is applicable in this case, with the compound jumping [<
jump (1530), perhaps onomatopoeic (cf. bump)]. Another theory derives it
from words in Gallo-Romance dialects of south-western France (cf. jumba
‘to rock, to balance, swing’ < yumpa ‘to rock’). Other meanings along
time would be ‘to attack’ (1789) and that of ‘to do the sex act with’ (1638)
(OED). Quite uncommonly, despite the subsequent alterations of meaning,
the present jumping is to be traced back to its original etymology; hang
gliding (> Rom deltaplanorism) ‘sport of flying in unpowered aircraft that
are light enough to be carried by the pilot’ (CRE) [< gliding < glide +
hang < OE hon ‘suspend’ + OE hangian ‘be suspended’ (16th c.)] (OED);
sailing (> Rom navigaţie cu ambarcaţiune cu pânze) ‘navigating a
sailboat for recreational or competitive purposes’ (CRE) [< sailing < sail <
OE segl ‘referring to piece of canvas fastened to a mast, etc., ‘to catch the
wind’ or ‘a cut piece of cloth’] (OED).
Only two terms (i.e. 11%) have been found to represent either their
unmodified English counterparts, or one of the synonyms of their English
counterparts: skateboarding or snowboarding (> Rom snowboarding) ‘the
act of sliding down a snow-covered slope while standing on a snowboard’
(W) [< snow < OE snaw (before 1010) ‘a layer of snowflakes (white
crystals of frozen water) covering the ground’ (MWD) and board [< OE
bord ‘a plank, flat surface’] (OED); surfing (or surf boarding) (> Rom
surfing) ‘sport of gliding toward the shore on a breaking wave’ (CRE) [<
surf (1685), probably from earlier suffe (1599), of uncertain origin,
originally used in reference to the coast of India, hence perhaps of Indic
origin]. The verb surf ‘to ride the crest of a wave’ dates from 1917, while
surfing dates from 1955. It was later also recorded in the Internet sense in
1993 (OED), but the latter is not the meaning we have in view.
The greater majority of one hundred and twenty-seven terms (87%)
appear to have no linguistic counterpart and they are used as such by
connoisseurs and tourism service providers, representing new borrowings
into Romanian.
Discussion
There is a great number of terms (one hundred and twenty-seven, i.e. 87%)
belonging to the field of adventure tourism that have no equivalents in
Romanian and for which it would be difficult to supply any perfect or well
sounding equivalents. This has led experts to conclude that borrowings
from the English language are preferred, since only few Romanians have
access to novel experiences, practice extreme sports and use the
terminology discussed here above.
We further discuss the etymological origin of only a sample of these
words which belong to the field of sports and adventure tourism alone.
However, in all cases, though there is no Romanian counterpart, there is a
clear and traceable source in English where these compounds can all be
found to originate, as with all the examples given above. For instance, aid
climbing ‘climbing rocks using artificial devices placed in the rock to
support all or part of the climber’s body weight, normally practiced on
rock formations that lack necessary natural features suitable for free
climbing’ (W) is a compound consisting of two lexemes: aid (1475)
‘help, assistance’ < OF aidier < L adjutare < adiuvare ‘thing by which
assistance is given’ (1597) (OED). It is notable that the Latin form of the
word is similar to the Romanian a ajuta/ajutor, lending itself to translation
rather than borrowing. The second lexeme, climbing, as explained above,
is derived from climb [< OE climban < WGmc klimbanan ‘go up by
clinging’] (OED). While the other compounds which have been found can
only be mentioned here for lack of space, the etymological pursuit may be
carried on in the same manner. More importantly, we suggest that
Romanian equivalents for all these terms which are not supplied by
Romanian dictionaries, thus as yet unattested, ought to be found and put
forward for further discussion in a future research, possibly taking
etymology into consideration: all-terrain-boarding, animal trek, animal
watching, backpacking, barefoot skiing, bird watching (or birding), body
boarding, bodysurfing, bouldering, bungee jumping, bush walking (on
skis), bush bashing/whacking, canuding, canyon hiking, canyoneering (or
canyoning), cross-country hiking (or mountain biking, soaring), cruising,
day sailing, (deep-sea) diving, dirt boarding, dirt jumping, downhill, dry-
tooling, dune bashing, end-to-end(ing) hiking, expedition cruising,
fell/hill/mountain running, fell/hill walking, fly surfing (or kite boarding,
kite land boarding, kite surfing), free boarding, free climbing, free diving,
free ride, free solo climbing, freestyle (events), greenlaning (or two-
tracking), hill running (or walking), hydro foiling, ice climbing/sailing,
indoor climbing, kite boarding / buggying/ jumping/skiing /surfing (or
land boarding), knee boarding, long boarding, mountain boarding/

running/unicycling, mountaineering, mud plugging, off roading, off-road
safari, off-trail hiking, para motoring (or powered paragliding),
parapenting, parasailing, parascending, play boating, powered
paragliding, racing, rafting, regular stand-up surfing, river running/
tracing/trekking, rock / crawling/racing, roped climbing, rodeo, scuba
diving, sea kayaking, section hiking, single-track, skateboarding, skin
diving, skurfing (or wake boarding), skydiving, snorkel(l)ing, snow
climbing, snow kiting, solo climbing, sport lead climbing, street riding,
surf kayaking, surf-skiing, thru-hiking, top rope climbing (or top-roping),
tow-in surfing, trad(itional) lead climbing, tramping, trekking, two-
tracking, underwater diving, wake boarding, wake skating, white-water
kayaking, white-water rodeo, winch events, and windsurfing (W).
Conclusions
As Perković & Raţă notice in their own research on the issue, the need is
felt for cooperation between lexicographers and sports/tourism specialists,
as language dictionaries lack complete definitions of the types of
adventure tourism under discussion. Further research might compare the
corpora of adventure tourism-related words in Romanian and English
with a view to identifying common patterns in the adaptation of English
borrowings. Translations and definitions should also be supplied to help
students in tourism and agro-tourism related areas better grasp the
meanings of these neologisms.
References
Crystal Reference Encyclopedia. Online:
http://www.reference.com/help/crystal.html. (CRE)
Dragoescu, Alina-Andreea and Mergheş, Petru-Eugen. (2008). An
Etymological Perspective on the Language of Sports and Adventure
Tourism. Journal of Linguistic Studies 2 (2): 23-28.
Merriam-Webster Dictionary. (2011). Online:
www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary. (MWD)
(OED)
Partridge, E. (1966). Origins. A short Etymological Dictionary of Modern
English. London-New York: Routledge. (P)
Perković, Anica & Raţă, Georgeta. (2008). Notes on the Language of

Adventure Tourism. Journal of Linguistic Studies 1 (1): 71-78.
Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Online: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki.
(W)
CONTRIBUTORS
Luiza CARAIVAN is a lecturer in English at the “Dimitrie Cantemir”

University in Timişoara (Romania). She holds a PhD in English Literature
from the West University in Timişoara. She authored A Course in
Business English (2003), First Steps in Business English (2009), and Basic
Business Correspondence (2011). She contributed to several volumes in
literary studies, postcolonial studies, tourism, etc. Her main areas of
interest include literature, EFL, and ESP.
Jelena DANILOVIĆ is a PhD student in Linguistics at the University in

Kragujevac (Serbia), where she. She authored articles in applied
linguistics, coauthored MAPS: Mastering Proficiency Skills in English
(2010) and presented at numerous international conferences, both in Serbia
and abroad. Her current interests include English morphology, vocabulary,
and assessment.
Jovana DIMITRIJEVIĆ-SAVIĆ holds a PhD in Linguistics from the

University of Melbourne (Australia). Her research interests include
bilingualism, language contact, sociolinguistics and applied linguistics.
Marta DIMITRIJEVIĆ has an MA and BA from the University of Niš

(Serbia). She is currently working at the University of Niš as a lector of
English. She presented at several international conferences. Her main
topics of interest include cognitive linguistics, second language
acquisition, and the English article system.
Alina-Andreea DRAGOESCU holds a PhD in Philology from the West

University in Timişoara (Romania). She is a qualified EFL teacher and has
been teaching languages for six years. Her expertise includes general
English and different areas of ESP. The latter also provided topics for two
college textbooks and a number of published papers. Her interests are in
the field of conceptual metaphor and other applied linguistics areas.
Tatjana ĐUROVIĆ currently works as an Assistant Professor at the

University of Belgrade (Serbia). She holds a PhD from the University of
Belgrade (2006). Her main research interests include cognitive linguistics,
304 Contributors
ESP, and discourse analysis. She published a number of papers in Serbian

and international linguistics journals such as Journal of Language and
Politics, Ibérica, Gender Studies, Journal of Linguistic Studies, Matica
Serbica Archivum philologicum et linguisticum, Facta Universitatis and
participated in many international conferences. She authored a monograph
on neurolinguistics and ESP textbooks and coauthored a monograph on
Serbian public discourse and ESP textbooks.
Sara HAUPTMAN is a Senior lecturer and the director of Literature

department at Achva Academic College of Education (Israel). She holds a
PhD from Bar-Ilan University (Israel). She has been teaching and
researching for twenty years in the fields of Language of Literature,
Literacy, and Academic writing. She developed programs for teaching
Literature, Literacy and Academic Writing for high school students and
B.Ed. and M.Ed. Students. She also co-developed the Tri-lingual Literacy
Program: Arabic, Hebrew and English – a remarkable intervention
program that advances reading comprehension and writing skills in three
languages simultaneously. She published papers about Literature and
teaching Literature. She participated in international academic conferences
in the fields of literature, literacy and academic writing.
Scott HOLLIFIELD, a PhD student at the University of Nevada in Las

Vegas (U.S.A.), earned a BA in Film Studies and an MA in English
Literature from the Wayne State University in Detroit, MI (U.S.A.).
Recent University of Nevada in Las Vegas teaching assignments have
included Shakespeare’s Comedies and Histories, British Literature c.
1000-1700, and World Literature. He participated in recent linguistic
inquiries while producing solo essays on Kenneth Branagh’s As You Like
It (2006) and Ye yan (“The Banquet” 2006) for the Borrowers and
Lenders: The Journal of Shakespeare and Appropriation. To keep these
various interests in order, he maintains active membership in The
Shakespeare Association of America, The New Chaucer Society, and The
Modern Language Association.
Petru-Eugen MERGHEŞ is currently a professor of physical training at the

Banat University of Agricultural Science and Veterinary Medicine in
Timişoara (Romania). He has a BA in Physical education and sports from
the West University in Timişoara, an MA in Sports management and
promoter activities from the “Vasile Goldiş” University of the West in
Arad (Romania), and a PhD from the Banat University of Agricultural
Science and Veterinary Medicine in Timişoara. He published over 30
The English of Tourism 305
scientific papers and 5 books in the fields of physical training,

performance sports, physical deficiencies and cardio-vascular disease
kineto-therapy, sports psychology, rural tourism, and agritourism.
Marija NIĆIN is a qualified EFL teacher and an MA student at the

University of Novi Sad (Serbia). Her interests include ESP, contrastive
linguistics, vocabulary acquisition, translation and discourse analysis, as
well as curriculum design and materials development. She participated in a
number of seminars in professional development and national and
international conferences of linguists. She is a member and coordinator of
the Centre for Languages for Specific Purposes of the University of Novi
Sad. She is a qualified court interpreter.
Dana PERCEC is senior lecturer in the English Department of the West

University in Timişoara (Romania). She holds a PhD in English literature.
She authored The Body’s Tale: Some Ado about Shakespearean Identities
(2006), Shakespeare and the Theatre: An Introduction (2008), two cultural
history guides, several literature course books, and collections of essays on
topics related to modern Romanian society. She edited several collections
of articles on literary theory. Her interests include cultural studies, gender
studies, and cultural anthropology.
Anica PERKOVIĆ, a PhD student in Linguistics, has been lecturing both

English and Croatian for 34 years. She published papers on general
English, ESP, and Croatian. She participated in national and international
conferences, and she was a CEEPUS project co-ordinator. At the moment,
she is Head of the Department of Informatics and Languages at the Faculty
of Agriculture in Osijek where she gives English language courses.
Cornelia PETROMAN is a Professor at the Banat University of

Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine in Timişoara (Romania).
She holds a PhD from the University of Agricultural Sciences and
Veterinary Medicine of Bucharest (Romania). She specialised in food
processing and food service. She authored Processing Agricultural
Produce (1999) and Processing Agricultural Raw Materials (2010) and
coauthored Pork Production and Processing (1999) and Food Services
(2006, 2008). She published over 100 papers in the fields of hospitality
and food service.
306 Contributors
Ioan PETROMAN is a PhD Professor at the Banat University of

Agricultural and Veterinary Medicine of Timişoara (Romania). He holds a
PhD in Animal Husbandry from the University of Agricultural Sciences
and Veterinary Medicine in Bucharest (Romania) and a PhD in
Management from the University of the West in Timişoara. He authored
Introduction to Tourism (2005) and coauthored Introduction to Cultural
Tourism (2005, 2006), Food Service (2006, 2008), and Managing Cultural
Tourism in the Timiş County (Romania).
Mircea-Ionuţ PETROMAN has a BSc in Veterinary Medicine from the

Banat University of Agricultural and Veterinary Medicine of Timişoara
(Romania). He is currently a PhD student in Hospitality at the same
university. His current interests are cultural tourism and hospitality.
Georgeta RAŢĂ has a PhD in Linguistics from the University in

Bucharest (Romania). She is a qualified EFL teacher and has been
teaching languages for over 36 years. Her extensive experience includes
both standard English and several areas of ESP. She also has
crosslinguistic expertise, having worked in French and Romanian, as well
as English, and understands the practical issues involved in teaching and
learning different languages and transferring research ideas from one
language to another. She is a contributor to the English Profile research
project and regularly organises international events in the field of
education. She participates in the project Languages and Cultures in Time
and Space carried out in Serbia. She published textbooks and dictionaries
in Croatia, Romania, Serbia, and United Kingdom. She coauthored
Compendium of Forage Technical Terms in English, French and
Romanian (CSP, 2012), edited Language Education Today: Between
Theory and Practice (CSP, 2009), Teaching Foreign Languages:
Languages for Special Purposes (CSP, 2010), and Academic Days of
Timişoara: Language Education Today (CSP, 2011), and coedited Social
Sciences Today: Between Theory and Practice (CSP, 2010) Academic
Days of Timişoara: Social Sciences Today (CSP, 2011), and Agricultural
English (CSP, 2012).
Nadežda SILAŠKI currently works as an Associate Professor at the

Faculty of Economics of the University of Belgrade (Serbia). She holds a
PhD in linguistics (2005). Her fields of interest include discourse analysis,
cognitive linguistics, and ESP. She published a number of papers in
Serbian and international journals and participated in various international
conferences. She coauthored a monograph on the Serbian public discourse
The English of Tourism 307
(2009) and three ESP textbooks. She currently participates in the project
Languages and Cultures across Time and Space funded by the Ministry of
Education and Science of the Republic of Serbia.
Rachel TAL holds a PhD in English Literature and has served as Director
of English Studies for the Amal Group of colleges and high schools in
Israel for over 25 years. In this capacity, she has been responsible for the
initiation of many projects that promote peace and understanding between
Jewish and Arab students in Israel, including STAR-Styles of Tolerance
and Respect, a debating program for Jewish and Arab high school
students, a Negotiation program for Jewish and Arab students in
collaboration with Harvard University and book clubs. In addition, she co-
developed the Tri-lingual Literacy Program: Arabic, Hebrew and English
– a remarkable intervention program that advances reading comprehension
and writing skills in three languages simultaneously.
Snežana TOLIĆ has a PhD from the “Josip Juraj Strossmayer” University
in Osijek (Croatia). As an assistant professor, she lectures and coordinates
modules at university undergraduate, graduate, postgraduate, and lifelong
interdisciplinary studies. Her interests are scientific work in agro-
economics, rural and regional development as well as in the
implementation of LEADER programmes. Since 2004, she has been the
director of SLAGALICA production and service family cooperatives
dealing with products and services in agriculture, tourism, and trade.
Ioan TRIŞCĂU has a BA in Law from the “Nicolae Titulescu” University

in Craiova (Romania) and a PhD in Animal Husbandry from the Banat
University of Agricultural Sciences and Veterinary Medicine in Timişoara
(Romania). He currently works as a police officer in Western Romania.
Dragana VUKOVIĆ-VOJNOVIĆ has a BA in English Language and

Literature from the University of Novi Sad (Serbia) and an MA in
Philology from the University of Belgrade (Serbia) and is a qualified EFL
teacher. She is currently working on her PhD thesis in Applied Linguistics
at the University of Belgrade. She has been teaching English at the
University of Novi Sad for over 17 years. Her areas of expertise include
English for Science, English for Tourism and Hospitality, Academic
English, and Business English. Her research interests range from
languages for specific and academic purposes, contrastive linguistics of
English and Serbian, L2 vocabulary development and acquisition, to
discourse analysis, cross-cultural elements in foreign languages, learner
308 Contributors
autonomy, and course design. She participated in all significant linguistics

and language conferences and meetings in Serbia and the area. She
published research papers in LSP: Theory and Practice (University of
Belgrade) and Applied Linguistics (University of Novi Sad). She published
English for Specific and Academic Purposes: Tourism and Hospitality
(2010). She established the Centre for Languages for Specific Purposes at
the University of Novi Sad (2007) and is its first director and coordinator.
Sara ZAMIR holds a PhD in Educational Policy and Administration from

the “Ben-Gurion University” of the Negev (Israel). She is currently the
Head of the B.Ed. – Educational Administration program at the Achva
Academic College of Education, and teaches at Ben-Gurion University at
Eilat Campus (Israel). She is the editor of the scholarly journal Vision &
Deeds published in Hebrew by the Achva Academic College of Education.
She participated in many international academic conferences and
published articles in the fields of peace-education, political socialization,
communication and learning assessment. She published The voice of
Peace in the Process of Education (2008) and her book, Literary Texts as
Peace Agents: Changes and diversity of peace education perspectives in
Israel, is in press.
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The English of Tourism

Book · November 2015

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

Georgeta Raţă, Ioan Petroman

This book first published 2012

Cambridge Scholars Publishing

12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

ISBN (10): 1-4438-4128-5, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-4128-3

List of Tables............................................................................................ viii

List of Illustrations ..................................................................................... ix

Chapter One: Tourism

Special Types of Tourism: Tourism in the Countryside

English Borrowings in the Romanian of Tourism (Travel Agencies)

English Borrowings in the Romanian of Tourism (Sites of Travel

English Borrowings in the Romanian of Agritourism (Internet Sites)

The English of Indian Eco-Tourism

Tourism Terminology in the English of New Zealand

Definienda and Definientia: The Case of Travel

Serbia Marketed Linguistically

Cultural Tourism: The Case of the Banat Region

Cultural Tourism: Authenticity Revisited

Teaching Lingua Franca: The Significance of English for Bedouin

Chapter Two: Hospitality

Semantic Fields: Toilet

Restaurant: An Etymological Approach

Cuisine: A Semantic Approach

Malaysian Cuisine: A New Fusion Cuisine

French Borrowings in the English of Gastronomy

Russian Borrowings in the English of Cuisine

English Borrowings in the Romanian of Cuisine

English Borrowings in Croatian and Romanian Cuisines

English Borrowings in Croatian and Romanian Drink Names

English Borrowings in Romanian Drink Names

Coffee: A Semantic Approach

Café: A Semantic Approach

Food-Related Metaphors in Culinary Tourism Advertising

Cocktails as Metaphors: An Inquiry into Drink Names

Alternative Use of Commands in Tourist Industry Advertising

The Language of Adventure Tourism: A Contrastive Approach

The Language of Sports and Adventure Tourism: An Etymological

Figure 2-7. Source of English cuisine Russianisms: 20 direct borrowings from

The English of Tourism is a collection of essays that would appeal to the

Petroman, Cornelia Petroman And Anica Perković), in the Romanian of

more analysis of the language functions in the tourism context, in

English as a Global Language

Figure 1-1. Languages by the number of native speakers (in millions)

A language achieves a genuinely global status when it develops a

commonly used language (Eurobarometer Survey. Online: http://

After: Eurobarometer Survey.

Figure 1-2. Languages most commonly used in the EU (%)

Brazil, and, in most of the countries, it is emerging as the predominant

English in the Context of the Tourism Industry

hotels and other accommodation facilities) need to be fully prepared to

Needs Analysis of English as a Global Language

Research and Questionnaire

For the purpose of this study of language needs of employees in the

complete a questionnaire on the importance and use of English in their

Often Sometimes Rarely Never

Discussion of the NA Results

For the purpose of this research, we interviewed twenty employees of the

receptionist; a university degree (35%) – most of the reception staff,

Table 1-2. Percentage of hotel employees using English language skills