:t 66 :: ^ .

/
CHAPTER IV

REGIONAL DIVISIONS

Indian sources mention several geographical

names which, on critical examination of relevant data,*
may be taken to refer to different regional divisions
of Bengal. These names can be divided into several
groups on the basis of the implications of their
geographical connotations.

HJNDRAVARDHANA. VARENPRA
*• t

One such group may be formed by the names

Pundra, Paundra and Pundravardhana or Paundravardhana.
4 » *■ * * • * .

Hth this group we may associate Varendra or Varendri.

Pundra finds no mention in the RgVeda. The

antiquity of the name goes back to the date of the
Aitareya Brahmana where the Pundras are mentioned along
' , " 1
with the Andhras, Sabaras, Pulindas and Mutibas.
They are further referred to in the Sankhyayana Srauta

1; Book VII, I85 Haug's translation, PP. 469 - 70.

 /
i 67

2 3 ,4
Sutra. tile Mahabharata. the Harivamsa. the Jaina-
5 6
kalpasutra and in the Ramayana.

None of the texts mentioned above furnishes

us with any evidence regarding the geographical denota­

tion of the term Pundra or Pundriivardhana. The digvijaya

section of the Mahabharata. however, may provide us with

a possible clue. The epic hero Bhima there in his isast

Indian campaign is said to have killed the king of

Modagiri (Monghyr) } then having conquiered Pundra and

Kausiki-Kaccha, he fell on the Vahgas.

According to geologists the river Kusi or Kosi

/ 8
(Sanskrit Kausiki) once flowed through North Bengal*

2. XV, 26.

3. Mbh, I, Civ, 52-65} II, XXX.

4. Rarivamsaparva. XXXI, 33 - 42.

5. Jacobi, 33E, P. 288.

•6* Ramayana * IV, XL, 23 - 25.

7. Mbh. II, XXX.

8. JASB, 1895, PP. 1-24.

 68

This is also supported by old traditions quoted by Dr*

® •/

Buehanon Hamilton. So Kausiki-Kaccha may refer to "the

banks of the river Kosi” in Worth Bengal. It is not

unlikely that they occupied the•Southernmost regions

of North Bengal and that the Ganges (present Padma)

flowed between Vanga and the territory of the Kausiki-

Kaechas* In that case, the Pundras of the Mahabharata

should be regarded as occupying comparatively northerly

portions of North Bengal and not necessary the whole

of it.

The geographical ddnotation of Pundravardhana

can be ascertained with more accuracy from the account

of the Chinese pilgrim Hsiianrtsang who visited India in

the 7th century A.D. We are told that from wKa- chu-wu-khi-lo.

travelling ieast, he crossed the Ganges and after a journey

lu
of about 600 j,i reached the Pun-na- fa-tan-na country”,

and that ”from Pun-na-fa-1art"na the pilgrim travelled east

1]
above 900 li crossed a large river, and came to Ka-mo-lu-p'o”.

9. Martin, Eastern India. Vol. Ill, P. 15.

10. Watters, Travels of Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, P.184.

11. Ibid, P. 185.

 69

Ka-churwu-khi-lo has been identified by Cunningham

12
with Kankjol, 18 miles to the South of Ra.imahal. Pun-na-fa-
13
tan-na can be restored as Pundravardhana. The river, which
• *

the Chinese Pilgrim crossed over to Ka-mo-liar no (Kamarupa),

14
may be identified with the Karatoya.

Hsuan-tsang*s Pun- na- fa-1 sng- na . therefore, was

geographically confined between the Ganges on the West and
the Karatoya on the east. Probably the Padma branch of the
15
Ganges separated it from Karnasuvarna on the South.

12. Chuningham, Ancient Geography of India, P. 478.

13. Wattere, op. cit. , P. 185; Cunningham, op. cit. , p. 480.
14. According to T’ane Shu the river Ka-lo-tu flowed between
Pundravardhana and Kamarupa.Ka-lo-tu. it appears, is the
Chinese pronounciation for Karatoya, though Watters (op.cit.,
P. 187) mistook it for the Brahmaputra. According to the
Yoginitantra (1, 11, 60) also the Karatoya was the western
boundary of Kamarupa.
15. Hsiian-tsang refers to it as Ki e- lo-na- su-fa- la-na
(Watters, op. cit. , P. 191) and states fete that the Lo-cho-
mi-chi vihara or the Raktamrttika-vihira was in this
locality, Cunningham (op.cit. , p. 500) restored Kie-Io­
na- su-fa-la-na as Kiranasuvarna, which according to him
••must be looked for along the course of the Suvarnariksha
river, somewhere about the districts of Singhbhum and
Barabhum." Recent discovery of a seal at Chiruti in the
Murshidabad district (Monthly Notice. Asiatic Society,
July 1963) referring to the Mahavihara of Raktamrttika
definitely shows that at least the Chiruti region formed
portions of Karnasuvarna.
 70 • i f

From the Gupta period onwards, however, Pundra-

vardhana or Paundravardhana formed a bhukti or a province

under different imperial authorities. Subsequently it came

to denote practically the whole of Bengal excluding the

16
territory lying to the West of the Bhaglrathi.

Another geographical unit which was co-extensive

with large tracts of North Bengal was Varendra or Varendri.

The lexicon called Trikandas'esa refers to Varendri

' 17
as an integral portion of Pundravardhana. This is corro­

borated by several epigraphic documents. The Silimpurins-

18
cription, belonging to the reign of Jayapala of Kamarupa,

mentions Varendri as being included within the country of

19
Pundra. The Kamauli Plate (L.38) of Vaidyadeva records the

grant of land to a Brahmin family belonging to Varendri.

20
According to the Tarpandighi Copper-plate inscription of

16. See Chapter V, P. 125 , n.-35\

17. Trikandasesa, P. 15.

18. El, XIII, PP. 283 f 95.

19. El, II, P. 347 ff.

20. N. G.Majumdar, m, P. 104.

 71

Laksmanasena Varendri was within the Pundravardhana-hhukti.

• « . • — ■

The term is used in a few more inscriptions as a geographi-

21
cal unit.

• 22
The Madhainagar inscription of the reign of

Laksmanasena records the grant of a village called Dapaniya-

‘ ' •
Pataka near Kantapura in Varendri within Pundravardhana-
23
hhukti. Another inscription refers to Natari as a village

in Varendri.

Kantapura of the Madhainagar grant may Pe

24
identified with Kantdnagara of the Dinajpore district

and Natari easily reminds us of Natore in the Rajshahi

25
district. Thus the extensive region comprising of at^least

the districts of Rajshahi and Dinajpore corresponded to

Varendri.

21. The Deopara prasasti refers to a guild of artists of

Varendra (N. G. Majumdar, op. eit. , PP. 42-56). The Keoar

image inscription mentions Varendri (El, XVII, P.355).

According to the DevipurSna ^arendra was an important

seat of Sakta worship (ch.XLII, I).

22» N. G* Majumdar,, Op. cit. P. 106 ff.

23. A.K.Maitreya, Gaptdalekhamala. P.133.

24. M, P.20.

25 • Ibid.
 72

26
In the third canto of the Rama capita, Sandhya-

karanandin gives an account of the land of Varendri __

its geographical denotation, topography, flora, fauna

_ •
etc. We are told that Varendri was hounded hy the Ganges
27
on the South and the Karatoya on the &ast.

By the Ganges, Sandhyakaranandin evidently meant

the present Padm# which Ramapala crossed for entering

Varendri. The information furnished hy the Rateacarita

regarding the geographical denotation of Varendri is thus

28
more substantial in character.

The western boundary of Varendri is, however, hy

no means clear to. us.

29
According to the Vallalacarita Varendri was one

of the constituent provinces of the empire of Vallalasena.

26. For the date of the work see Introduction, Ramacarita.

ed. R.G.Basak and R.C.Majumdar.

27. Ramacaritam III, 10.

28. In the Vallalacarita one MahSsthana, a sacred place

having a temple of Siva is mentioned as belonging to the

easterri part of Varendri.

29. Vallalacarita, ed. H.P.Shastri, P.14.

 :; 73 ::

The Tabagat-i-Nasiri mentions Barind as a wing of the

30
territory of Lakhnawati on the eastern side of the Ganges*

Varendri also formed an Administrative unit under

31
the political division of Pundravardhana-bhukti.

SUHMA AND RADHA

The antiquity of the term Suhma may he traced hack

to the time of Patanjali who flourished in the second

32
century B. C. In ;,his Mahabhasya reference is made to
33
Suhma along with Vahga and Pundra. According to Jaina

30® Tabaqat-i-Hasiri, Vol. I, P* 584-85®

31. JB , P*9y ff; Ibid, P.1U6 ff.- See also Chap.Y.P.

32. IA, Ii PP®2yy-302j Belvalkar, Systems of Sanskrit

Grammar, P® 32.

33. Mahabhasya under Panineya IV 2, 52

Mahabhasya Ed. KifiLhorn, II, P. 281.
 74

tradition - though of a much later date, - contained in

the Ayaranea Suita. Mahavira travelled among the pathless
34
countries of the iSdhas in Vajjabhumi and Subbhabhumi.

Ample reference to the Suhmas as an eastern people

35
can he obtained from epic and Puranie sources. The digvis-
»

.iaya section of the Mahabhgrata, however, is more precise

in locating the Suhmas beyond enlisting them as an ethic
stock of the east. It is stated that Bhima, in course of
his eastern campaign defeated the Vangas and then subjugated
the rulers of Tamralipta, Karvvata, Suhma and the peoples
36
inhabiting coastal regions. It definitely indicates the
proximity of Suhma to the sea as well as to Tamralipta.

The above inference receives further eorrobora-

.,37
tion from the account of Raehuvamsa of Kalidasa, which
seems to indicate that the entire tract between the

34. SBE, XXXI, BK. I, PP.84 - 5. In Buddhist tradition it

is Lala while Jaina tradition refers to Ladlia or Lada.
35. Harivamsa, Harivamsaparva. XXL, 34, 42; BhavisyaPurana,
XLVI, 49} Mbh. , I, civ, 53.,55} I CXLII, 29; II, XXVII, 21;
II, XXX, 16, 25.
36. Mbh, II, XXX, 16, 23 - 27.
37. Raghuvamsa , IV, 35.
 :: 75

Bhagirathi and the Kansdi stretching southward as far

38
as the sea belonged to the Suhmas. Hence Tamralipta also
appears to have had formed, in the days of Kalidasa, the
• 39
southernmost region of Suhma abutting on the sea.

This topographical relation is also suggested by

the Dasakumaracarita of Dandin. It refers to Damalipta as
a thriving centre of trade and commerce belonging to
40
Suhma. Damalipta, according to Hemacandra, is a synonym
41
for Tamalipta or Tamralipta.

As has already been stated Tamralipta in the

digvi.iaya section of the Mahabharata is dissociated from
42
Suhma, Karvvata and other coastal regions. The Puranas

38. See our discussion on the geographical system of Vaiiga.

In the Brhat Samhita, (Chapter XVI) it is placed between
Vahga and Kalihga. Suhma is mentioned in the Matsya Parana
(Ch. 113) , and Kalki Purana (Ch. XIV)*
39* Verse 34 of the Raghuvamsa shows that Raghu in course
of his east-Indian campaign reached the sea-coast dark
with palm-trees and defeated the-Suhmas. It probably bears
an allusion to the proximity of Suhma to the sea.
40. Dasakumaracarit, VI, Ed. Kale, Bombay, 1926, P. 14©
41. Abhidhanacintamani, Bhumi Khanda, V.45.
42. Mbh, II, XXX, 23 - 27.
 :i 76 ::

mention it as a territorial unit through .which the Ganges-

43
flowed. In the seventh century A.D. HS-ueui-ltsang travelled
900 li from San-mo-1a-to to To-mo-li-chi which was 1400 li
44 #
in circuit.

It is thus apparent that Tamralipta in the early'

centuries of the Christian era sometimes formed a separate
political unit and sometimes belonged to Suhma. Its incor­
poration within Vanga, is however vouchsafed by no other
45
evidence but a Jaina Prajinapana.

Suhma is referred to as an eastern country in

_46 / _ . -47
the Brhatsamhita and in Rajasekhara*s Kavyamimamsa.
--------------------- 48
The Pavanaduta of Dhoyi, a work of the 13th century A.D,
on the other hand, locates the Suhma country along the
49
Valleys of the Bhagirathl. If we accept the reading Suhma

43. Matsyafiirana, CXXI, 50 - 51.

44. 'matters, Travels of Hiuen Tsana. Vol.II, PP.189-90.
45. IA, XX, P. 375.
46. Brhatsamhita. V, 37; XIV, 5; XVI, 1.
47. Kavyamimamsa (GOS, No. 1), P. 93.
48. HBR, Vol. I, PP. 363 - 65.
49. Pavandutam, 27, 28, 32; Ct. the expression Gariga~vl-"
ciplutaparisurah in V. 27.
 77 ::

50
instead of Brahma in verse 33 of this Ka vya. we may per- '
haps suggest that the Triveni region in the Hoogly district *
where the Yamuna and the Sarasvati emanate from the Bhagi-
51 .
rathl, formed portions of Suhma even in the 13th century
52
A.D. Suhma* s proximity to the sea is perhaps indicated in
53
verse 27 of this poem.

50. Q.frigil;33 j Ct. loyakmdasarasanipatafi Suhmasimanti-

ninam. In some manuscripts'the reading the ... tad-Braiima...
(Pavanaduta. Ed. Chintaharan Chakravarty, P. 11, n.4).
51. Ibid., 36.
52. Brahmottara, however, according to the Matsya-Purana
(CXXI, 50-51), is one of the countries through which the
Ganges flowed. Both Suhma and Braiypaottara are mentioned
in tiie Kavyamimamsa (Gos.No. I, P.93) as countries of the
east. Alberuni refers to a country called Brahmottara. It
has Been suggested that Brahma was the name of a Janapada
in Radha and that the Suhmas and the Brahmas formed one
ethnic group (IHQ. VIII, PP.524 - 27). In the Ain-i-Akbari»
however, Brahmottar is mentioned as one of the Mahals of
Satgaon (Ain-i-Akbari. Ill, P. 154)..
53. The capital of Suhma, according to V.36 of the Pavana-
dutam, was Vijayapuri. Identification of this city is not
beyond doubt. The Pavanadutam, however, seems to indicate
that it lay to the north of Triveni, where the Sarasvati
and the Yamuna branch off from the BhSglrathl.
 78

Another geographical term related to Suhma was

Radha. According to a tradition, recorded in Jaina

Avaranga Sutta, mentioned earlier, Vajjabhumi and Subbha-

• 54
bhumi were component parts of Lhdha. Subbhabhumi is

generally taken to he the corruption of Suhmabhumi or

55 *
Suhma. And, the equation shows that only a portion of
Ladha or Radha was known by the Geographical term Suhma.

It is not unlikely that Suhma originally denoted

the southerly portions of Radha. Subsequently it fell into

disuse and was replaced by the term Daksina - Radha of

m. * *

literary texts and epigraphie documents. Sometimes, however,

even in the mediaeval period, the name Suhma was occassionr

56
ally used and extended to embrace the whole of Radha.
Nilakantha in his commentary on the MahabhSrata. refers to
57
Suhma and Radha as synonymons terms.

54. IA, XX, P. 375.

55. See Jacobi, Acawanga Sutra, Bk. I, VIII, Section 3

in SBB, XXII, P. 84.

56. Rajasekhara (10th century) uses the term Radha

instead of Suhma (Karpuramanjari. Act. I).

57. Mbh. Ed. Panchanan Tarkaratna, P. 242.
 :i 79 ::

58
Radha is mentioned as Lddha in Jaina tradition.
;,59 6d
The Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa records the tradition
that Ceylon was colonised hy Vijaya who came from Simha-
51
pura in Lala, identified with Radha. The Khajjuraho inscrip­
tion of Dhaiiga refers to the wives of the kings of Kanci,.
Andhra, Radha and Anga as being imprisoned by the Candella
62
ruler. In the Naihati Copper plate inscription of Vallala-
sena ancestors of the Senas are stated to have settled in
63
Radha.
^ 64
The Bhuvaneswar Prasasti of Bhattabhavadeva
refers to Radha as a ’waterless' and ’arid region', a
description which is still applicable to the westerly
lands of the Burdwan division.

58. IA, XX, P. 375.

59. Dlpavms'a, IX
60. Mahavamsa.
61. IA, XI, n.2.; XII, P.65, PP. 54 - 55.
62. El, I, P. 138. '
63. = & G.Majumdar, IB, PP. 68-80.
64. JB, P. 35.
 :; 80 s;

The Dievi.iaya - Prakasa records a tradition that

Ra^ha lay to the north of the river Damodar and to the

65
west of Gafida. According to the Tabaquat-i-Nasinifial,

i. e. Radha, was to the west of the river Gang and formed

66
the left wing of Lakhnanti. The cumulative evidence seems

to indicate that Radha in early mediaeval Bengal was

coextensive with a large tract of the Burdwan Division

and was separated from the rest of Bengal by the river

Bhagirathi.

In the map of Jao de Buffos Rara is placed on

the western banks of the Ganges opposite to Gartda and

Bleave shows in the same place Para, evidently a mistake

67
for Rara, The name disappeared from subsequent maps and

is not traceable in the mahals of the Ain-i-Akbari.

From the tenth century onwards epigraphic and

literary documents refer to the sub-divisions of Radha,

viz, , Daksina-Radha and Uttara-Radha. The Gaonri inscrip-

‘ 68
tion of Vakpati Munja mentions Daksina-Radha. In the

65. Quoted from Vasumati.- 1340 (B. S.) P. 610.

66. Tabaquat-i-Nasiri, I, PP. 584r85. The Ballalacarita of

Anandabhatta also suggests that Radha lay to the west of

the Ganges.

67. J A S B . H.S. IV, No. 5, P. 287.

68. El, XXIII, P. 105.

 s: 81 i:

69
well-known Tirumalai Bock Inscription of REjemdra Cola

Takkana-Ladam (i. e. Daksina-Radha) is distinguished from

Danda-bhukti, Vangala-desa and Uttara-Radha.

,70
The Prabodhacandrodaya of Krsna Misra

suggests that Bhurisresthika, identified with modern

71
Bhusrsut on the Damodar in the Hooghly district,
belonged to Daksina-Radha* The Chandl of Kavikaiikana
72
i3ukundarama, again, refers to Navagrama and Damunya in

the Howrah and Hoogly districts.

Uttira-Ladam (Uttara-Radha) is mentioned in the

73
Tirumalai Rock Inscription of Rajendra Cola* Earlier

reference to it is found in the Indian Museum Plates of

74
Ganga king Devendravarman, to be dated in the 9th century
75
A*Do The Belava Copper-plate of Bhojavarman refers to the

village of Siddhala in Uttara-Radha; and, Siddhala has been

76
identified with Siddhajigram in the present Birbhum district

69. Silt I» P. 96; II, PP. 106-7.

70. Prabodhacandrodaya. Nirnayasagar Edition, Canto II,

PP. 52, 58, 59.

71. BBS, P.21.

72. Calcutta University Ed. Pt. I, P. 20.

73. SII, I, P. 96; II, 106-7.

74. El, XIII, P. 74.

75. N.G.Majumdar, IB, PP. 14r24.

76. HBR, P.22.

 '82 si

of West Bengal. Another inscription, viz., the Naihati

77
Grant of VallSlasena , records the grant of a village

called Vallahittha in Svalpadaksina-vithi of Uttara-Radha-

mandala "belonging to Vardhamana-bhukti. Vallahitthd' has

"been located in Balutiya on the northern fringe of the

78 •
Burdwan district.

79
In the Saktipur Grant of Laksmanasena, however,

mention is made of Kahkagramabhukti. The villages granted

in this record are associated with the river Mora which

definitely shows that Uttara-Radha denoted an area which

at least partly included the Mayuraksi Valley flowing through

the Birbhum district. It is 'not quite unlikely that the river

A jay, forming the northern boundary of the present Burdwan

district, separated Northern Radha from the South in mediae­

val Bengal as well.

On the east, Uttara-Radha seems to have had been

bounded by "the Bhagirathi and as such large tracts of the

present Murshidabad district could have been included within

this regional sub-division.

77. N® G. Majumdar, IB, PP. 68-80.

78. V S P P, XVII, PP. 232-34 and map facing P.231.

79. El, XXI, PP. 211 - 29.

 !» 83 «»

( C )

GAUDA

_ 80
The Astadh.vayi of Panini mentions one Gaudapura.
•

Location of this Gaudapura is, however, not indicated. More

helpful in this regard is the Arthasastra1s reference to
Si
Gauda along with Vahga and Pundra. Association of these
names may perhaps suggest that Gauda like Vahga and Pundra
should have been in Eastern India.

VarShamihira in his Brhatsamhita distinguishes

0

Gaudaka from Paundra, Tffmraliptaka, Vahga, Samatata,

82
Vardhamana , etc.

A more definite picture emerges from a combined

study of certain literary and epigraphic testimonies. The
Haraha inscription states that Isanavarman caused "the
Gaudas living in the sea-shore, to remain y/ithin their

80. Panini, VI, 11, 99. S.Sen (Bgnelg Safiityer Itihasa

Vol. I, 2nd Ed. p.4) thinks that the city of Gaudapura
was situated in a region which was Aryanised and hence
it did not belong to eastern India.
81. Arthasastra, ed. Jolly, Vol.I, P. 51.
82. Brhatsamhita, XIV, 6-8.
 :: 84

83
proper realm in future1’. Another inscription describes
the lord of Gauda as ’’lying in the watery fort of the
84
sea”. Epigraphic evidence thus incorporates some
coastal areas in Gauda. •

Hiu&n-frsang's itinerary shows that he moved

from Tan-mo-li-ti to the country of Kie-lo-na- su- fa-la- na
• 85
near the capital of which was Lo-to-mi-Chih monastery.
From this region he went to Wu- Ch * a-Tan-mo- li- to or Tala-
87
ralipti might have included modern Tamluk region and
Lo-to-mo-chin or Raktamrttikd monastery has been located
' 88
near Chiruti in the Murshidabad district. The fact that
H&wan-!tsang moved from the country of Karnasuvarna
(including the Murshidabad district) to a region in coastal
Orissashould suggest that the territory of Karnasuvarna
stretched up to littoral West Bengal. This stands to
reason even if it is suggested that Hiii&n-tsang went from

83. SI, XXV, P. 117.

84. El, XXII, P. 135* -
85. fetters-, Travels of Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, P. 191.
86. fet tcra«• HEWoloit. , P. 193.
87. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India. P. 504.
88. S.R.Das, Ra.ibadidanga, Preface, III.
 85

Karnasuvarna to wu-ch' a through Tgmralipta, hut did not

mention the latter's name as he.had already described it.

It is interesting to note that HSuetn-lsang speaks

/ ,
of SasShka as having been the king of this Karnasuvarna

country. Apparently the same ruler is called in the Harsa-

89 ^ ,
carita as the lord of Gauda. Gauda under Sasdrika might

have extended even beyond these limits. The Dubi plates

allude to the struggle between Susthitavarman and Bhask-

aravarman on the one hand, and the king of Gauda on the

90
other. The region and place of contact between them might

have been in the North-Bengal - Upper Assam area. In fact «

the Dubi plates regrant a gift originally made by Bhuti-

91
varman earlier perhaps in North Bengal. The fact that

Hiuen Tsang went from Pundravardhana in North Bengal to

92
Ksmarupa should indicate that one area was accessible to
/■ / _
the other. And as the Gauda. king Sasarika was a contemporary

of Bhlskarvarman, it is not unlikely that Sasdhka was the

Gauda king mentioned in the Dubi plates. This inference

93
extends Sasahka's rule to Pundra. This means at least

89. Harsacarita, tr. Cowell and Thomas, P. 178.

"V

90. El, XXX, PP. 287 - 304.

91. Ibig.

92. letters, op. cit. , P. 185.

93. The evidence of the Aryaman.iusigmulakalpa, though not

/
fully reliable, postulates Sasahka's rule over Pundra.
t * •
 ;: 86 ::

temporary extension of the (political) name Gauda to

r

North Bengal. We do not know whether this geographical

term had Been similarly used to denote the coastal area

of Orissa up to Ganjam where an epigraph of a subordinate

f .
of Sasanka was discovered.

• A similar political use of the geographical term

may he noted in the Gaudavaho of Vakapati. According to

»

it a king of Gauda was on the throne of Magadha or that

Gauda was under the ruler of Magadha during the reign of

; 94
Yasovarman of Kanauj.

Expansion of political or cultural influence of

the Gauda
% people in the mediaeval .period may have sometimes
been responsible for the wider connotation of the term

Gauda. For example we can refer to Yasodhara, a commentator

on the Kgmasutra of VStsyayana who states that Gauda

.95
extended southward as far as Kalinga. The Saktisahsama-
, ^
tantra again located Gauda between Vanga and Bhuvanesa,
96
evidently Bhuvaneswar in Orissa.

94. Gaudavaho, W. 414 - 17.

95. Kamasutra. P. 295.

✓*

96. Saktisaneamatantra» P. 67.

 87

Nevertheless, parts of flibst Bengal continued

to be associated with the name Gauda. According to a

drama, called Anargharashava. Campa was the capital of

97 •
the Gaudas. Campa has been identified with Campanagarl
98
mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari as a Sarkar of Madaran. •

This survey of the different connotation of the

name Gauda suggests that originally it denoted parts of
' 99
West Bengal. And sometimes atleast the Gauda country

stretched up to the sea (i.e., the Bay of Bengal). With

S' /
the extent of suzerainty under Sasahka, the Gauda monarch,

the political limits of the Gauda country expanded. It

included parts of North Bengal and may have even extended

100
in the south-west as far as the Ganjam district in Orissa.

This expansion of the area denoted by the term

Gauda resulted in its application to the most powerful

101
kingdoms of early mediaeval period which included atleast

97. JASB, 1908, P. 279.

98. Ain-i-Akbari. Vol. Ill, P. 117. It lay on the left bank

of the Damodar (Hunter, op.cit Vol. I, p. 368).

99. HBR, P. 14.

100. Gan jam plate, El, VI, P. 143 ff.

101. S.B.Chaudhury, Ethnic- Settlements in ancient India.

P. 176.
 88

, parts, of West Bengal or areas which had already been

associated with the name concerned. In the inscriptions

,
of the Rastrakutas and the PratihSras, Pala kings are
'

styled Gaudesvara, Gaijidendra, Gandaraja etc.

102
In the

Deopara inscription, the lord of Gauda is mentioned among

103 ‘
the rulers defeated by Vijayasena. •

A wider denotation of the term can be traced in

^ 104
the Kgyyadarsa of Dandin. It refers to Gau^i and Vaidap.-

bhl as the two principal styles of literary composition.

Gauda in this context no doubt refers to Eastern India

«

in general.

The widest diffusion of the name Gauda is how­

ever betrayed by the term Panca Gauda which refers to

105
Gauda, Sarasvata, Kanyakubja, Mithila and Utkala. The

reason behind this diffusion may have been political as

well as cultural. It has rightly been suggested that the

term Paneagauda is reminiscent of the extent of the empire

106
of Dharmapala.

102. Cf. The copper plate of Vaidyadeva (El, II, P. 355),

Wani Grant of Govinda III (IA_, XII, P.160), IA, XIV, P.140.

103. IB, P.42 ff.

104. Kavyadar/a. I, 40, 42.
/
105. Sabdakalpadruma. Kanda-II (under Gauda), P.370. Gf.

Ra.iataranginl, IV, 468; El, XXXII, P. 48.

106. HBR, P. 14 .Cf.Ru * iX i. 1^. j XV U.O W* of.El, X-GCj-I P .O

- * "XO
9
 :: 89 ::

According to the Monghyr grant, the attendants

of Dharmapala, in course of his wandering campaigns, per­

formed religious rites at Kedara, Gokarna, confluence of

107
the Ganges and the sea and at otl'er holy places.

Tha Khalimpur Copperplate agaj.n tells us that

rulers of Bhoja, Matsya, Madra, Kuru, Yadu, Yavana, Avanti,

GandhHra and Kira attended the installation ceremony of the

108
King of Kanyakubja. The passage leaves no doubt that the

paramountcy of Dharmapala was acknowledged throughoug North­

ern India. And this fact is clearly reflected in the epithet

Uttarapathasvamin applied to Dharmapala in the Udayasun-

10 9
dari-Katha.

107. El, XVIII, PP. 304-07.

108. Khalimpur Copperplate V. 12, Ga&dalekhamala, P.14.

Cf. V. 12 of the Khalimpur Inscription of Dharmapala (El,

IV, P.243 ff) in which lords of Bhoja, Matsya, Madra, Kuru,

Yadu, Yavana, Avantf, Gandhara and Kira are said to have

attended the ceremony held at Kanyakubja.

109. Udayasundari-Katha, PP. 4-6.

 90

Dharmapala’s son Devapala also exacted tribute

from the whole of Northern India extending from the Hima­

layas to the Vindhyas and from the Eastern to the Western

110
ocean. Extent of the empire of »the early Palas might

have been responsible for the use of the term Gauda as

111 --------~

denoting Northern India in general.

The Bho.ia Prabandha records a tradition that

Bhoja of the Paramara dynasty of Malays' ruled over Gauda

112 '

and Daksinapatha. D. C.Sircar perhaps rightly points out

113
that Gauda in the above context stands for Northern India
♦ ✓

as distinguished from the South.

Extent of the imperial zone of the Pala Kingdom

under Dharmapala and Devapala can be surely accounted for

the widest diffusion of the term Gauda, which, as has

already been pointed out, sometimes came to denote

Northern India in general.

110. Badal iillar Description, V. 5.

111. JBR, P. 14.

112. Bho.iaprabandha , Calcutta Ed. P. 3.

113. Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India,

Delhi, 1960, P. 121.

O
 :: 91 ::

( D )

V A N G A

The Vangas as a tribal people are mentioned in

_ 114 j
the Aitareya Aranyaka. The egression Vangavagadhascera-*
padah occurring in the text has been emended by scholars
~T _ 115
to Vangamagadhah which preserves the names of the ethnic
groups of the Vangas and the Magadhas. But as the exact
significance of the original expression is still obscure,
the antiquity of the ethnic designation also remains vague.

The Vangas are, however, clearly referred to in

116 117 x
the Baudhayana Pharmasutra, the Puranas , the Arthasastra
• 118 119 ‘ 120 121
of Kautilya, the Mahabharata« the Ramayana, Buddhist texts,

114. Aitareya Aranyaka, II, 1.1.

115. BBR> P. 8.
116. B a .udha y a na Dhar ma sutra, 1.1.25-31.
117. Mark. Pur., P. 325 n.
118. Arthasastra, II, 11.

119. Mbh. , VII. 9. 15; 1.215.9; II. 30; III, 253. 8.

120. Rama yana, II. 10. 36-37.

121. Ang. Nik. , I, XIV, 3; Milindapahho, VII, 3. 42.
 92

122
the Mahabhasya of Patanjali and other literary texts.

In the Baudhayana Dharmasutra the Vangas are

mentioned in a list of peoples who lived iji regions
* 123
beyond the zone of Aryan civilization. In the Puranas,
however, they are often associated with the ethnic stock*
• 124
of the Ahgas, Pundaras, Kalingas and Suhmas, whereas
the Ramayana refers to the Vangas as one of the peoples
125
who had political alliance with the rulers of Ayodhya’.

The earliest reference to Vanga as a territorial

unit is to be found in a passage of the Arthas'd'stra of
Kautilya - where white and soft cotton fabrics manufac-
126
tured in Vanga are regarded to be of the finest quality.

But none of the texts mentioned above helps us

in having any idea regarding the geographical denotation
of the term Vanga.

In the Digyi.iaya section of the Mahabharata,

however, we are told that having killed the king of

122. Mahabhasya, II, P. 282,

123. Baudhayana Dharmasutra. I, I, 25-31, I.
124. Mark. Pur. , P. 325 n.
125. R a may ana, II, 10. 36-37.
126. See No, 118, Sf.Varigakam-Svetam-Snigdhanudukulam.
 : : 93 ;:

Modagiri Bhima subjugated the ruler of the P undr as and

the 'Potentate who ruled on the banks of the river_Kausiki*.
Then he fell on the Varigas and having subdued the Tamralip-
tas, Karvatas, Suhmas, people living in coastal regions and
127
barbarians, he reached the banks of the Lauhitya. It is thus
evident that Vanga, according to the great Epic, was disso­
ciated from Pundra, Tamralipta, Suhma, Karvata and at least
parts of the coastal areas of Bengal. Nevertheless, it did
not exceed the natural boundary formed by the river Lauhitya.
Book XIV of the Great Epic, however, seems to indicate the
128
extent of Vanga up to the sea.

In the fourth canTto of the Raghuyamsa, Kalidasa

while describing the conquests of Raghu, says that after
having defeated the Suhmas, he exterminated the Varigas and
set up pillars of victory in the islands situated within
129
the streams of the Ganges.

Next it is stated that "having (then) crossed the

/•
river Kapisa with his army by means of bridges of elephants,
130
he proceeded towards Kaliriga" through Utkala.

127. Mbh. , II. 30. .

128. Ibid., XIV. 82 , 24.
129. Raghuyamsa, IV. 36.
130. Ibid. , IV. 38.
 :: 94 : :

This verse has been interpreted'by scholars,

including Prof. H.C.Raychaudhury, as indicating that

the western boundary of Vanga in the days of KHlidasa •

,131
extended up to the Kapisa, identified with modern

Kasai flowing through the Bankura and Midnapore districts

132
of lest Bengal.

This conception of the geographical conno­

tation of Vanga can be questioned on several grounds.

First, verse 36 of Canto IV of the Raghuvamsa clearly

implies that by Vanga Kalidasa denoted the land between

the channels of the Ganges or the territory situated

between the old courses of the Bhagirathi and the Padma.

Secondly, verse 34 definitely shows that in the south

territories of the Stihmas extended up to the sea. This

is not in consonance with the view that the Kapis^a or

the Kasai separated Vanga from Utkala. It’rather implies

that the land» between the Bhagirathi and the Kasai

131. HER, P. 16.

132. The source of the Kapisla, however, is stated to

have been the Rksa-parvata. The editors of Rajas'ekliara’s

Kavyamlmaiflsa~ (G. 0. S. ) are inclined to identify the

Kapisa with the Suvarnarekha".

 95 :

stretching southward up to the sea, formed a part of Suhma.

Hence the Kapisa of Kalidasa flowed between Shtuna and

133
Utkala.

It should be noted that Raghu first subjugated

the Suhmas and then entered into Vanga-. So the poet felt

it tantologous to mention again the name of Suhma through

which the hero was marching on his way to Kalinga.

, It is therefore more probable that in the days

of Kalidasa,Tamralipta belonged to Suhma and littoral Vaii-

ga by between the extereme mouths of the Ganges.

133. See our article in Proc. IHC. , Pt.I, Allahabad

session, 1965-66. S.M.Ali observes that " the deltaic

triangle lies between the Bliaglrathi-Hooghly and the

Padma. This appears to be coterminous with the ¥anga coun­

try of the Puranas. This identification is not only based

on regional relationship but is also supported by Ptole-

my's account of Gangaridae and Kalidasa's Raghuvamsa

(Geography of the Puranas. P. 151). It must be mentioned

that the earliest epigraphic reference to Vanga is found

in a Nagarjuni Konda Inscription (El, XX, PP. 22-23) and

in the Meherauli Pillar Inscription(CII, III, P. 141).

 \

96

A wider denotation for Vanga is furnished by the

Jaina Upanga Pra.lnapana which refers to Tamralipti as

134
belonging to Vange. In the Dasakumaracarita of Dandin, on
the otherhand, Damalipta, a variant of Tamralipta, is *
136
referred to as a city within Suhma.

/
According to Yasodhara, a commentator on the

Kamasutra of Vatsyayana, Vanga lay to the east of the

136
Lauhitya* It is, however, difficult to describe the

course of the Lauhitya or the Brahmaputra in the days

/
of Yasodhara who belonged to the thirteenth century
137
A.D. m
have already seen that the course of this

river fluctuated from time to time between the present

Jenai which joins the Padma at Goalumdo (23.50 N.,

89.46 E.) and the old course of the Brahmaputra which,

flowing through the Mymensingh district unites with the

Meghna at Bhairavbazar. The latter channel was prepond­

erant during the days of Kennel*s Survey (1764 - 77 A.D.),

but we cannot say whether Yasodhara by Lauhitya meant

Kennel*s Brahmaputra.

134. IA, XX. P. 375.

135. Dasakumaracarita. VI, Mitraountacarlta.
136. Cf. Vanga Lahitvat Purvena* Kama sutra. PP. 294r*96.
H. C. Chakladar remarks that Yasodhara*s positions are
absurd. He had no personal acquaintance with the eastern
part of India (Social Life in Ancient India : Studies in
Vatsyayana*s KamasStra. P. 66). The AHMK, however, states:
**Lauhityat-tu-tate-ramye-vaneadesesu-sarvatah (P.325, V.9a)
137. Struggle for Empire» P. 330.
 97

The Madanpara Inscription of the thirteenth.

138 . ,
century A.D. , "belonging to the reign of Visvarupasena
tiirows some light on this problem It records grant of
a village called PinjokSTsthi in Vanga within Pundravar-
dhana-bhukti. PinjokSTsthi has been identified with Pin-
jari, a postal village near Madanpada in Kotalipada par-
139
ganah of the Faridpur district. From epigraphie evidence
it is thus clear that at least portions of the Faridpur
140
district belonged to Vanga in the thirteenth century which
is not in consonance with the statement of Yasodhara.

According to Hemacandra, however, Vanga and

141
Harikela were synonymous terms and Harikela, which is

138. N.G.Majumdar, IB, P. 132ff. , D. C. Sircar, JAS (L),

XX, No.2. P. 209 ff.
139. JASB, 1896, Pt. I, pp.6-15.
140. H.C.Ray Chaudhuri (HBR, P. 15, n.10), however observes
that Sonargaon the chief city of Vanga during the period of
eetrly Muslim rule, is situated about 2 miles inland from
the Brahmaputra creek (Huntel?, op. cit. , Vol. V, P.71 and
map.). . '
141. Abhidhana cintamani ,* IV. 23.
 98 ::

142
regarded as the eastern limit of .East India by I - tsing,
143
has been equated with modern Sylhet. It must, therefore,

be conceded that extensive' regions#, lying to the east of

the Brahmaputra, were once component parts of the geogra­

phical system of Vanga.

/■ ,

In the Saktisangamatantrathe entire tract from

144
the sea up to the Brahmaputra has been called Vanga. The

extent of the geographical term dither to the east or to

the west has not been indicated in this text. But it . is

not quite unlikely that the Brahmaputra in this context.

connotes the old course which might have formed the natural
145
boundary to the north and east of Vanga.

142. Takakusa, I-tsing, P.X/VI; Chavanes, Memore de

Religions Eminents, PP. 106, 14-45. P. L Pal (The marly

History of Bengal, I, PP. Ill - IV) draws our attention

to two manuscripts in the collection of the Dacca Univer­

sity, in which Harikela has been used as a synonym for

Srlhatta.
/
143. In the Saktisangamatantra, however, Sylhet is refe-
/■

rred to as Silahatta (Part III, Ch. VII, vegse 17 of the

\

G. 0. S. , no. Civ.)

144. Va.irakaram Samarabhva Brahmaputrantagam Pare / Van-

gadeso maya proktah sarvasiddhiprodarsakah// (Saktisan­

gamatantra , P. 67).

145. See Chapter II B.

 : : 99

Early epigraphic and literary documents seem to

indicate the existence of different suh-divisions of the
geographical system of Vanga. The Brhat-Samhita' mentions
Upa-Vahga in the list of countries of the South-eastern
146
division of India. According to a late mediaeval work
called Digvi.laya-Prakasa Upavanga denoted Jessore and the
147
adjoining forest regions, prohahly indicating portions
of the Sundarhans.
, 148
In the Madanpada grant of Visvarupasena and the
^ 149
Idilpur Copper-plate of Kesavasena Vikramapura nas Been
referred to as another suh-division of Vanga. Provenance
of the aforesaid inscriptions seem to indicate that Vik­
ramapura, at least in the Sena period included portions of
150
the district of Faridpur.

146e Brhatsamhita, XiV. 8..

147. S. Mitra , Yas'ohar-Khulnar 11ihas, P.69. Digvi.iaya

Prakasa is a late work assigned to c. 1600 A.D.

148. 3B, P. 132 ff.

149. Ihid, PP. 118-131.

150. P. R. . Bhandarkar Vohme , p. 342.

 100 ::

151
The Kamauli copper-plate of. Vaidyadeva refers

to Anuttara-vanga or Southern Vanga i. e. territorially

equivalent to portions of Southern Bengal* It is not

totally improbable that the Ganges might have flowed bet­

ween northern and southern Vanga as the river Ajay seems .

152
to have separated Northern Radha from Southern Radha.

153
The Sahitya parisad copper-plate of Visvarupasena

refers to Vahgala-vadjbhu in the Ramasiddhi - Pataka of

the Navya region of Vanga. Ramasiddhi is the name of a

village in the northern fringe of the Buckergunge dis-

154 ,
trict and Vangalavad'a is regarded as being coextensive
155
with the Gaurnadi region of the same district. It thus
156
transpires that Navya was another subdivision denoting

the -Southern extremities of the Dacca division which

abounds in creeks and rivers and is navigable (navya) all

through the year.

151. El, II, P. 349 ff; Gaiidalekhamala, P. 140 ff.

152. HBR, P. 22.

153. IB, P. 140 ff.

154. IHQ, IV, P. 637 ff.

155. _JAS (L), XX, no.2, P. 209.

156. S.B.Chaudhuri, op.cit. P. 183.

 101";;

157
The Rampal Copper-plate inscription mentions

Candradyi'Pa which, according to scholars, corresponded

to the Buckergunge district and portions of the districts

158 * 159
of Faridpur and Khulna. The Madhyapada inscription

refers to Vahgalavada and - ndra - durpa, the latter

Being restored as Candradvfpa. Vangalavada lay to the

v$outh of Ramasiddhi and the latter has been identified with

a place in the Gaurnadi region of the Buckergunj district,

Candrdv|>a .was one of the Parganahs into which Sarkar Bakla
160
was divided in the time of Todarmal's assessment. It
. 161
seems that Abul Fazl used Bakla as a synonym'for Candradapa. •

157. IB, PP. 1-9*, El, XII, PP. 136-42.

158. El, XII, P.141; S.Mitra, Xasohar-0-Khulnar-Itihas

P.140; IRAS. 1896, P.130; JASB. 1873, P.226.

159. IB, P. 140 ff,; The Sahitya Parisad Copper plate

records grant of eleven plots of land, two of which lay

in Rains s i ddlii- P at aka in Navya region of Vanga in the

P a undr a va r dha na-bhukti.

160. Ani-i-Akbari. vbl.II, P. 135.

161. J.C. Jack, Bengal District Gazetters, XXXVI, PP. 132-3

•*

Candradvipa is referred to in a miniature lebel in a manus­

cript dated 1015 A.D. (Foueher, Etude Sur L'Iconographic

Bonddhique de L*Ind6. I. P.192, no. 17.

 • •
:: 102 m •

< fi )

JL4. i ft A JL, A

Another term* phonetically similar to Vanga, was

used to denote East Bengal in general*-This is Van g ala.
The earliest epigraphic reference to Vangala is found in the
162
Nesaipplates of Govinda III, /dated 805 A*D* It refers to
Dharma ( i. e. Dharmapala ) as the king of Vangala* This par­
ticular geographical term is mentioned in the Tirumalai rock
163 164
inscription of Rajendra Gala and the Goharwa plate of Karna,
the Cedi king*lit1he Tirumalai Rock Inscription,Vahgaladesa is
described as a region "where the rain never stopped” and is
dissociated from Dandabhukti, Uttara-Radha and Daksina-Radha*
• * r » # '

The king of Vangala-tfesa was Govlndacandra who can easily be

identified with the ruler of that name belonging to the
Candra dynasty of East Bengal*
165
In the Abfyur inscription Vanga and Vangala are
mentioned separately. That Vangala was a separate geographical
unit, distinet from Harlkela appears to be evident from the

162* JAB (L) XXII, PP.133-34.

163. El, IX, P. 229 ff.
164* El, XI, P. 142*
165. El, V, P. 257.

?
 • • • •
103

. _ 166
Dakarqav'a which mentions both Vahgala and Harikela. The

Hammirakavya of Nayacandra Suri ( 15th Century ) mentions

167
Vanga and Vahgala as separate geographical entities*

The observations of Abul Fazi are, however, inter-

esting* He writes: n The original name of Bangal was Bang*

Its former rulers raised mounds measuring ten yards in

height and twenty in breadth throughout the province which

168
were called si* From this suffix the name took its currency"*

Abul Fazl thus equates Vanga with Vangala. D.C.Sircar

points out that>the derivation may be wrong and Vangala may

have sprung from Vah.ga and the Prakrt suffix ala in the
. 169
sense of a notable district belonging to Vanga*

Taking into consideration the reference to Govinda-

Candra of Vangaladesa in the Tirumalai Hock Inscription,

D.C.Sircar observes that the Candra kings are sometimes rep­

resented as lords of Candradvipa and sometimes as lords of

170
Vangaladesa* This fact points to the location of Vahgala

166. IB, P.61.

167. IHQ, XVI, P. 237.

168. Ain-i-Akbari. II, P.120.

16$. Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India,

P. 132.

170. Ibid,
 104

in the coastal region of South-east Bengal* In support of

this hypothesis he refers to the identification of Vangala-

vadabhu in the Ramasiddhi Pataka of the Navya region of

Vanga with modern Bangrora in the Gaurnadi region of the

171
Bucker gunge district. The passage Bhati ha it a aila Varigal
• ' _ jL?2
Lamba Lamb a dadi , occurring in the Manikcandra-raJar can

also points to the location of Vangala in the Southerly

regions of Bast Bengal.

But the manner in which Vangaladesa has been

referred to along with Dandabhukti, Daksina-Radha and

Uttara-Radha in the Tirumalai Inscription rather indicates

that the entire temtory, lying to the east of the Bhagi-

rathl, was included within the kingdom of Govindacandra.

In fact the stronghold of the Candra power lay in the

Tippera region. Their original seat of power, viz. Rohita-

173
giri, has been identified with the Lalmai hills near Comilla.

The inscriptions of the reign of Govindacandra are the

174
following. (1) Mainamati copper plate Inscription;
175
(2) Kulkikundi Bun God Image Inscription ; (3) Paikpara
176
(Dacca district) Image Inscription of the year U ;

171. Ibid. P. 126.

172. C.C.Baner.1ee. Candi-maneala-bodhinr. II, P.765.

4 •

173. IHR, II, PP. 317-18.

174. PIHC, 1960, P. 36 ff.
175. El, XXVII, PP. 24-26.
176. Bharatvarsa. Jyaistha, 1348 (B.S.), P.768 ff.
 :: 105 • •

177
(4) TheBetka Vasudeva Image Inscription of the year 23
178
and (S) the Sandwip island Sun-God Image Inscription*

Findspots of these inscriptions tend to show that Govinda-

candra’s kingdom was not confined to the Buck6rgunge dis­

trict* Rather he held sway over at least the districts of

Dacca* Tippera, Faridpur and Noakhali*

The Tibetan historian Lama Taranath uses the term

Bhangala instead of Vangala and distinguishes it from Radha

179
and Varendra* It is thus clear that by Bhangala Taranath

meant the whole of southern and eastern B engal*

Both the terms, Vanga and Vahgala were us6d simul-

180
teneously at least up to the 10th century A*D. Early Epi-

graphic references to Vangala just permit us to conjecture

177. El, XXVII, PP* 26 - 27.

178. Unpublished* Preserved in the Dacca Museum.

179. IHg, XVI, P. 226.

180* Ibid. It has been pointed out that the reference to

Vanga and Vahgala in the Abfcur inscription does not nece­

ssarily indicate that the two were territorially distrlnct

from each other (IHQ. XII, PP* 77-78, n* 61)*

 106

181
that the term first gained currency in South India B.G.
Sen points out that the words VahgSla and Vahgali were
182
familiar in early medieval times*
* In fact, a poet refers

to the language of Vangala and compares it with the flow

183
of the Ganges*

It must) however) be coneeded that the foreigners

became gradually habituated with the term Vangala to denote

practically the whole of Bengal* A suitable illustration is

furnished by a Nepalese inscription which refers to the

184
invasion of Sultan Shamsuddin with Vangala army * The
Taakhri-Firuz Shahi applies the term to denote the whole
' 186 .

province* The Subah of Bangala during the reign of Akbar

denoted th6 entire territory from Sylhet to Kankjol exclu-
186
dl@g of course Chittagong) CoochBehar} Midnapur and Hizli.

181. For the etymology of the term Vangala see N.Chaudhury

1x1 Modern Review* 1936*

182* B*C*Sen) Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions

of Bengal, PP. 1-2, 86.

183* Saduktlkarnamrta» V, 31. 2.
* V

184. JBOBS, XXII, P. 81 ff.

186* Cf* Raverty, P* 690 n; Ibn Battuta, P. 267; JRAS.
1895, P. 629.
186. For the term Beneala and its variants see Introduction.
 j: 1G7 :s

( JE )

SAMATATA

Samatata is mentioned in #the Allahabad Pillar

Inscription of Samudragupta along with Davaka, Kamarupa,
Nepala, Karttrpora and others as a frontier State of the '
187'
Gupta empire* The Brhatsamhita refers to it as distimgui-
188 ’
shed from Vanga*

Kfcutortsang, who visited India in the seventh

century A.D., relates that from Ka-mo-lu--pto he Wwent
south and after a journey of 1200 or 1300 li reached
the century of San-mo-1a-1'a* This country which was
on the sea-side and was low and moist was more than
189
3000 li in cirant."
190
Kamarupa was in Eastern Assam. Hence Samatata,
situated to the south of Kamarupa as well as on the sea,
should have been in southeast or south Bengal* Ccpning-
ham was of opinion that Samatata of HSii^n-tsang was
191
territorially equivalent to the Delta of the Ganges*

187. Fleet, 011,311, P*

188* Brhatsamhita, XIV, 6-8.
189* Vetters, On Yuan Chwang*s Travels in India, Vol.II,
P. 187. ‘ ^
190. S.B.Chaudhuri, op.cit., PP. 171 - 72.
191. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India. P. 676*
 108

Some welcome light on the geographical location

of Samatata is thrown by I-tsing*s account pf the Fifty-

six Buddhist Priests of China w£o visited India in the

second half of the seventh century A.D. One of these

•
priests, viz., Sheng-ehi found Rajabhata ruling over
192
Samatata. This Rajabhata has almost unanimously been
i

identified with Rajarajabhata of the Khadga dynasty of

192 ' * 194
East Bengal, referred to in the Asrafpur Copperplates

which were issued from the royal camp of Karmanta-vasaka,

195
identified withBadkanta in the Tippera District.

Ihe statement of I-tsing, thus, when read in

conjunction with epigraphic evidence, tends to show that

the Khadgas ruled in Samatata with Karmantavasaka as one

of their administrative head quarters. And, the proposed

identification of Karmantavasaka again indicates the

inclusion of Tippera District within Samatata.

192» Beal, life. XII - XIIj Chavannes, Religions 3

Eminents (I-tsing), P. 128, n. 3.

193. JASB (N.S), XIX, P. 378.

194. MASB . I, Bo. 6, PP. 85 - 91.

195. El, XVII, P. 351; JASB (N.S.), X. P.87.

 ;t 109 ::

Further evidence in this respect is furnished by

196 r 197
the Baghaura and Narayanpur Image Inscriptions of the
198
reign fcf Mahipala I* Both of them refer to Vilikandhaka

in Samatata. It has been identified with the present

199
village of Bilakindhuai in the Tlppera district*

200
The Kailan Copper-plate of Sridharana Rata

again refers to Devaparvata as one of the head quar­

ters of Samatata. Devaparvata, once more mentioned in

201
the Copper plate of Bhavadeva, was the name of one
202
of the spurs of the Mainamati hills near Comilla.

Provenance of the Mehar Copper-plate of Damodaradeva,

196. El, XVII, P. 366a

197. I£, IX, PP. 121-25.

198. The Baghaura Image inscription refers to Bilakimdaka

and the Narayanpur inscription mentions Vilakandhaka.

199. B. C. Sen, Op.cit. P. 92.

200. IH£, mil, PP. 221 - 241.

201. JAS, (L) XVII, P. 127 ff.

202. Ibid.,

203. El, XXVII, PP. 182-191. Samatata is mentioned in an

illustrated manuscript with Champitala as a village in

the Tlppera district (Fourher, Iconography, P. 102, PI,IV.

3). The Bhagalpor Copper-plate of Narayanapala (IA, XV,

P. 304 ff.) refers to Samatata.

 ;: 110 ii

mentioning Samatata"mandala. undoubtedly suggests that

Samatata was territorially equivalent to at least the

Tippera district#
•

It is not unlikely that the Meghna which

practically separates the Chittagong division from the

rest of Bengal formed the western boundary of Samatata

in early periods as well. Such an explanation will

explain on the one hand, the existence of Samatata as

a separate geographical entity, distinguished from that

of Vanga, and, on the other, its association with Davaka

_ a -
and Kamrupa as forming a frontier belt of the empire of
' 204
Samudragupta.

Dr# B.C.Sen, on the ground of the statement of

Hstian-tsang that Samatata was bounded on one side by the

sea, arrives at the conclusion that “the districts of

24 Parganas, Khulna, Buck dr gun;) etc., standing near the

205
sea, were incorporated into Samatata." The fundamental

204. S.B.Chaudhuri, op.cit. PP. 165 - 66.

205. B.C.Sen, op.cit.. P.92. Cunningham thinks that

Samatata denoted the "whole of the present Delta or

triangular tract between the Bhaglrathi river and the

main stream of the Ganges." (Ancient Geography of India.

P. 576).
 : 111 ::

basis of Dr. Sen*s contention is the reference in the

206
Barrackpur Grant of Vijayasena to the measurement of

land in Khadi-visaya according to the standard preva-

207
lent in Samatata. Khadi-visaya is generally regarded

as territorially equivalent to thepresent Diamond

208
Harbour Sub-division of the 24 Parganqs.

Such an identification would definitely show

that the geographical or political limits of Samatata

sometimes extended as far as the 24 Parganas. And, the

description of Biuan-fsang's Samatata, as a “low and

209 .
moist’1 country, tallies with the present climatic

condition of Coastal Bengal. It is further corroborated

by the direction given by the Chinese pilgrim that from

Samatata he travelled west ever 900 li direct to

210
Tan-mo-lih-ti (i.e. Tamralipta).

But the nonmention of any country between Sama­

tata and Tamralipta does not necessarily indicate the

extent of the former over the whole of the littoral por­

tions of Bengal. The intervening tract might well have

been incorporated into the Kingdom of Karnasuvarna.

206. IB, P. 63.

207. Cf. the expression Samatativa-nalena in L. 33 of the

GOu® Barackpur Grant. (IB, P. 63).

208. JRAS. 1935, P. 81.
209. liat ters, op. cit., P. 187.
210. Ibid, P. 189.
 112

211
The reference in the Baraekpur Inscription

to the Samatata standard of measurement prevalent in

KMdi-visaya may also he interpreted in a different

* 0 ,

way* In the Bharella Image Inscription of Ladahacan-

212
dradeva we have a reference to Karmanta which may he

identified with Badkanta mentioned above. In the Rampal

/ „ 213
Grant of Sricandra again we are told that the Candras

once ruled in Rohitagiri which has been regarded as

214
corresponding to the present Lalmai hills near Comilla*

This epigraphic reference thus tends to show that the

Candras of East Bengal once settled in or ruled over

215
the region now incorporated in the district of Tippera,

which should represent the Samatata of old* It is, there­

fore, not unlikely that with the western expansion of

211* See nos 206*

212* JASB. (N.S.), 1914, P. 85 ff| El, XVII, P. 349 ff.

213. JB, P. 4.

214. For the controversy about the identification of

Rohitagiri see IH^, II, PP. 317-18 , 325-27 , 655-56; III,

217, 418.

215. A few more inscriptions of Ladahacandra and Govln-

dacandra, recently discovered from fllainamati near Comilla,

corroborate the inference that the stronghold of the power

of the Candras lay in Samatata.

 • 5 113 ••

Candra hegemony the Samatjata standard of land-measurement

came to he widely current over coastal Bengal and remained

in vogue for centuries to eome»

0. *

The above survey of the territorial and ethno-

•

graphical divisions of Bengal indicates that their bounr

daries did not remain stationary for long. With the

fluctuation of river courses their denotation varied.

More potential factor was the rise of local powers, nth

the gradual extent of these powers territorial denotation

of the particular geographical terms also expanded, both

politically and culturally. Some of these divisions were

again transformed into administrative units like bhuktis.

mandalas.
* i ^
vlsayas
*
etc. B#t two terms, denoting major

portions of Bengal survived. They are Gauda and Vanga.