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THE LUTE MUSIC AND RELATED WRITINGS IN

THE STAMMBUCH OF JOHANN STOBAEUS

DISSERTATION

Presented "to "the Graduate Council of "the

North Texas State University in Partial

Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

By

Donna M. Arnold, B.M., M.M.

Denton, Texas

December, 1981
Arnold, Donna M., The Lute Musio and Related Writings in the

Stammbuch of Johann Stobaeus. Doctor of Philosophy (Musicology), December,

1981, ^08 pages, 11 musical examples, bibliography, 186 titles.

The Stammbueh or album of Johann Stobaeus, MS Sloane 1021 in the

British Library, is dated January 8, 16U0. Stobaeus, its owner, was

Kapellmeister in Konigsberg, East Prussia. The album contains l6U pieces

for ten- or eleven-course lute, including dances, secular pieces with

generic titles, and settings of chorale tunes. Other major material

includes two short sets of lute instructions; instructions for singers

of liturgical music; poems by members of the Komgsberger Diahterkre^s;

and short rhymes and epigrams, many of which concern the lute.

The dissertation presents a complete modern edition of the lute

music and lute instructions, with commentary; biographical data con-

cerning Stobaeus, with background material about Konigsberg and East

Prussia; a selection of poems and epigrams, featuring all poems con-

cerning the lute; and commentary on the literary material, especially

the evidence it provides that the manuscript might have been compiled

in its entirety around the written date of l6U0, even though the music

is old-fashioned.
Copyright by

Donna M. Arnold

1981

11
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
iv
LIST OF EXAMPLES

Chapter
1
I. INTRODUCTION

II. THE COMPOSER 5

Some Background Concerning Konigsberg and


East Prussia
The Life and Career of Stobaeus
Stobaeus' Creative Output

III. THE MUSICAL PORTIONS OF SLOANE 1021 25

A Description of the Lute Tablature


The Style of the Music
Attributions to Other Composers
The Lute Instructions
The French-Tablature Instructions
The German-Tablature Instructions
Authorship of the Instructions

IV. THE LITERARY PORTIONS OF SLOANE 1021 59

The German of Stobaeus1 Time


The Konigsberger Dichterkreis and Its Poems
The Date of the Manuscript
A Sampling of the Poetry
The Epigrams
Poems Concerning the Lute

EDITION OF THE LUTE INSTRUCTIONS 99

EDITION OF THE LUTE MUSIC 1^0

CRITICAL NOTES 385

BIBLIOGRAPHY 396

111
LIST OF EXAMPLES

Example P&ge

1. "Alia CChoreae polonicae]fol. 73v 33

2. "Nu "bin Ich durch liebe zu trawren gebracht," 33


fol. 50v

3. "Pavan Hi span," fol. 22v 3^

It. "Aufzug: Gar sehr ist mir mein I J entzundt," .... 35


fol. ^

5. "Nu "bin Ich durch liebe zu trawren gebracht," 35


fol. 50v

6. "So soltu doch mein Liebchen sein," fol. 51r 37

7. "Vaulte," fol. 38

8. "Ob Ich schon wegziehe," fol. 7 W 39

9. "Courant Sans Chanterell," fol. ^9v ^0

10. "Praeludium," fol. W ^2

11. "Alia ECourantl," fol. b9r ^3

IV
Chapter I

INTRODUCTION

The manuscript Sloane 1021 in the British Library is a Stammbuch

which "belonged to Johann Stobaeus, 1580-16^6, Kapellmeister in Konigsberg,

East Prussia. His ownership is established by his signature, which

appears at the end of the manuscript on folio 115r. The term Stammbuch,

or album, refers to a particular type of book kept by individuals for

collecting remembrances from friends and a variety of other handwritten

material that they wanted to preserve. The obsolete English term "common-

place book" has a similar meaning.1 The custom of keeping Stammbucher

arose in the sixteenth century as an outgrowth of humanistic ideals con-


2
cerning friendship. It became a very popular practice which did not
3
die out until after the middle of the nineteenth century.

Owners of Stammbucher wrote in them personally and took them

to social gatherings at home and abroad where they passed them around
lj.
to friends and acquaintances for their contributions. Naturally, the

1. Leonard Forster, "Four Poems by Opitz in MS. Sloane 1021 in the British
Museum," Neuphilologische Mitteilungen XXXVIII (1937), 82, describes
Sloane 1021 as Stobaeus' commonplace book.

2. "Stammbuch," Brockhaus Enzyklopadie (Wiesbaden: F.A. Brockhaus, 1973),


XVIII, 6.

3. "Stammbuch," Der Grosse Brockhaus, 15th ed. (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus,


193M, XVIII, 1+8-1+9.

1*. "Stammbuch," Allgemeine deutsche Real-Encyklopadie fur die gebildeten


Stands. Conversations-Lexikon, 10th ed. (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus,
185^), xiv, 1+09.
identities and interests of the owners and other contributors were re-

flected in their writings; thus, extant Stammbucher which belonged to

musicians are often excellent sources of music and musical information.

This is certainly true of Sloane 1021. In addition, since Stobaeus

socialized with many poets his book is an excellent source of poetry.

Although there has been no major study of Stobaeus' album, two

publications have listed its contents in detail,^ and two articles have

presented thorough studies of its major poems.^ The list compiled by

Augustus Hughes-Hughes at the British Museum is particularly commendable

for its accuracy. Since these sources exist it is unnecessary to present

another detailed list of pieces and poems here. What is needed, however,

is a general list which conveys an idea of the character of this manu-

script to someone who has not examined it.

The predominant language of the manuscript is German, mostly

written in deutsche Schreibschrift, the uniquely German handwriting

which is sometimes called "Gothic script." Short sections and isolated

words in Latin are written in Roman letters. The verbal and musical

contents are interspersed in an informal manner, suggesting that the

writers worked without any particular organizational plan:

5. Augustus Hughes-Hughes, Catalogue of Manuscript Music in the British


Museum. Volume III. Instrumental Music, Treatises3 Etc. (London:
British Museum, 1909), and Hans-Peter Kosack, Geschichte der haute
und Lauten-Musik in Preussen, Ph.D. dissertation, Albertus-Univer-
sity of Konigsberg (Wiirzburg: Buchdruckerei Konrad Triltsch, 193^).

6. Forster, op. cit., 82-88, and Robert Priebsch, "'Grethke, war umb
heffstu mi' etc., das 'Bauer-Lied' Simon Dachs," Miscellany Presented
to Kuno Meyer, ed. by Osborn Bergin and Carl Marstrander (Halle a.S.:
Max Niemeyer, 1912), 65-78.
1) l6h pieces for ten- or eleven-course lute, written
in French tablature;

2) two treatises on lute-playing, mostly of undetermined


authorship;

3) a lengthy discussion of music fundamentals, apparently


directed to singers of liturgical music;

it) tunes by Heinrich Albert, written in mensural notes;

5) miscellaneous short sections or comments concerning


music;

6) illustrations of instruments, including lutes;

7) drawings of persons, two of which depict lutes;

8) illustrations of right-hand position for lutenists;

9) lengthy poems, mostly serious, by members of Konigsberg's


poetic circle;

10) short rhymes and epigrams, mostly humorous, dealing with


various aspects of the human situation;

11) poems and short rhymes, mostly light-hearted, praising


music in general and lutes in particular.

In the process of this study the entire manuscript was tran-

scribed. However, the complete transcription will not be reproduced

here. Some of the inclusions are so. unrelated to each other that it

would be awkward to consider them in the same study, and there is much

material which is of no particular interest to musical scholars. Instead,

this study will concentrate on the lute, which clearly dominates the

manuscript, for the overwhelming majority of folios are occupied by the

music itself. The transcriptions of the music and lute treatises will

be presented in full and discussed. In support, commentary will be pro-

vided concerning Stobaeus' life and career. This necessitates discussion


of Konigsberg and its poetic circle, which itself probably provided the

impetus for the writing of the Stammbuch.

The assistance of Professor William J. Weiersheuser and Professor

Benito V. Rivera in the preparation of the German and Latin texts is

gratefully acknowledged.
Chapter II

THE COMPOSER

Some Background Concerning Konigsberg and East Prussia

For almost seven hundred years, from its founding in the thir-

teenth century until its destruction in World War II, the city of

Konigsberg, East Prussia, was an important center of German culture.

With the opening of its university in 15^, it also became an important

center of Lutheran learning."'" The young Stobaeus, a native of the small

city of Graudenz (now Grudzi§dz, Poland), journeyed to Konigsberg in 1595

in order to obtain his education. After achieving his objective, he found


2
employment and made his home there. A summary of the city's history is

helpful to the understanding of the atmosphere in which he lived, and

certain political matters must be explained before his career is discussed.

The region of East Prussia was Christianized by the Deutschritter

Orden, or Order of Teutonic Knights, in the thirteenth century. The Order

was founded in the 1190's to provide hospitals for Crusader knights in

the Holy Land, but by that time the Crusades were dying out. Instead of

disbanding, the Order redefined its purpose, and by authority of the Papal

"Golden Bull of Rimini" of 1226, it turned to missionary work in the area

1. E.J. Feuchtwanger, Prussia: Myth and Reality (Chicago: Henry Regnery


Company, 1970), 19.

2. Robert Eitner, "Stobaeus, Johann," AZZgemeine Deutsche Biographie


(Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1893), XXXVI, 26l.
3
around the Baltic Sea to the east of the river Vistula. Seeking to

convert the pagan Prussians by force rather than persuasion, the Knights

"built many fortified castles as they pressed to the east, and under the

provisions of the Golden Bull, they "became the rulers of the lands and

peoples they subjugated. Konigsberg was founded around a castle built


. 1+
by the Knights in 1255> in honor of a visit from King Otakar of Bohemia.

The original city or Altstadt, incorporated in 1286, was joined by the

suburbs of Lobenicht in 1300 and Kneiphof in 1327. These three cities

formed what might now be called a metroplex, each city having a separate

government until 172^.^ The cathedral, where Stobaeus held a post for
6
many years, was located in Kneiphof.

The fourteenth century was the golden age for the Teutonic Knights.

They had already achieved military domination of the Prussians in the

thirteenth century, and were able to turn their attentions to organization

of government, development of trade, and imposition of Germanic culture

in their territories. They were highly successful in these activities,


7
and attained a formidable political and economic status. It was during

3. Feuchtwanger, op. cit. , 17.

k. Hannsjoachim W. Koch, A History of Prussia (London: Longman, 1978),


10.

5. Hans Engel, "Konigsberg," Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed.


by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1958), VII, 1369.

6. Engel shows a photograph of this no longer existing building, ibid. ,


1373-137^.

7. Feuchtwanger, op. cit. , 18.


this fruitful period, in 13^0, that Konigsberg "became a member of the
8
Hanseatic League.

Unfortunately, the riches and power of the Knights eventually

"brought about corruption and detrimental political entanglements, and

the fifteenth century saw the gradual collapse of the Order, Even

without its inner decay, it probably could not have survived long in

a world where medieval knightly institutions were growing obsolete.

The Order was defeated decisively by Poland and her allies in the so-

called Thirteen Years1 War (1^5^-1^66), and at the Peace of Thorn on

October 19, lU66, Prussia was allowed to remain under the control of

the Teutonic Knights only as a fief of the Polish crown. The Grand

Master of the Order, whose predecessors had once been among Europe's

wealthiest rulers, was allegedly ragged and in tears as he swore an


9
oath of fealty to the King of Poland.

The last man to be Grand Master of the Order was Albrecht

von Hohenzollern, Margrave of Brandenburg, who was elected in 1511.

By that time the Order was in such a state of decay that change was

inevitable. Lutheranism was spreading rapidly in Prussia, and Albrecht

was converted to the new faith. Upon the advice of Luther, Albrecht

secularized the Order and acknowledged the suzerainty of the Polish

crown in 1525. Prussia became a secular duchy with Albrecht, in resi-

dence at Konigsberg, as its first Duke."^

8. "Konigsberg," Encyclopaedia Britannica (Chicago: William Benton,


196U), XIII, UT7.

9. Koch, op. cit. , 19.

10. Feuchtwanger, op. cit. , 19.


Under Albrecht's rule Konigsberg experienced a flowering of learn-

ing and culture. In 15^U he founded the university, later called the

"Albertina" in his honor; by l6UU it was flourishing with an enrollment

of 2,000.11 Albrecht was a knowledgeable patron of music who corresponded

with several famous composers of his day and welcomed foreign musicians

to his court. He engaged in particularly significant correspondence with


12
Ludwig Senfl, who sent him pieces. Among his visitors were Adrian Petit

Coclicus, at court from 151*8-1550, and Valentin Bakfark, at court from

1551-1553.Being a convert to Lutheranism, Albrecht took a lifelong

interest in the Lutheran chorale, and has been identified as the author

of a number of chorale texts.1'' The strength of the Lutheran tradition

in Konigsberg's musical life owed much to Albrecht's influence.

After his death in 1568, the title of Duke of Prussia was in-

herited by his son, Albrecht Friedrich. After the long and beneficent

rule of his father, it was very unfortunate for Prussia that Albrecht

Friedrich suffered from a mental illness that rendered him incompetent

to execute his duties. He had attacks cf deep melancholy, and could

only be cheered by song and lute playing; consequently, the variety of

11. "Konigsberg," Allgemeine deutsche Real-Eneyklopadie fur die gebildeten


Stande. Conversations-Lexikon, 10th ed. (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus,
1853), IX, 130.

12. Joseph Muller-Blattau, Geschichte der Musik in Ost- und West-Preussen,


2nd ed. (Wolfenbuttel: Moseler Verlag, 1968), 31.

13. Ibid., 32.

ll+. Ibid. , U1+.

15. Ibid., 27-29.


music at court declined after his accession. After his incompetence

became apparent, the House of Hohenzollern provided administrators to

rule Prussia in his stead, but he retained the title of Duke until his
IT

death in l6l8. The first administrator to serve was Prince Georg

Friedrich of Preussen-Ansbach, who took up residence in Konigsberg in

1578; after his arrival the musical situation improved. However, he

became extremely unpopular, and feared that he would be assassinated.

This caused him to remove his residence to Ansbach in 1586, from where
l8
he administered Prussia in absentia until his death in 1603-

After his death, the administration was taken over by the Electors

of Brandenburg. Their claim to authority rested on several factors: the

Dukes of Prussia belonged to their ruling house; the Hohenzollerns had

retained control of the duchy during Albrecht Friedrich's illness; and


19
two successive Electors had married daughters of Albrecht Friedrich.

The Duke of Prussia was still nominally a vasal of the King of Poland;

however, in l6ll Elector Johann Sigismund secured from Poland the formal
20
enfeoffment of the House of Hohenzollern with Prussia. When the

16. Ibid. , k6.

17. Feuchtwanger, op. ait., 19-

18. A. Mayer-Reinach, "Zur Geschichte der Konigsberger Hofkapelle in den


Jahren 1578-1720," Saxrmelbande der Internationalen Musikgesellsehaft
VI (190U-1905), U3.

19. Taken from the chart of the family tree of the House of Hohenzollern
in Koch, op. oit., 202-203.

20. Ibid., 39•


10

hereditary Dukes died out with the sonless ATbrecht Friedrich in l6l8, the

right of succession was transferred to the Electors of Brandenburg.

Three Electors ruled Prussia in the first four decades of the

seventeenth century: Joachim Friedrich served as administrator from 1605

until his death in 1608; Johann Sigismund as administrator from 1608 until

his abdication due to ill health in 1619; and Georg Wilhelm as Duke from
21
1619 until his death in 16^0. Most of the Thirty Years' War took place

during the rule of the weak and indecisive Georg Wilhelm. His basic policy

of neutrality was a failure, for neutrality was untenable in that disastrous

conflict. Although the Elector was a Calvinist, he had a Roman Catholic

adviser, Schwartzenberg, whose policy favored the Holy Roman Empire. Under

his influence Brandenburg fought against Sweden from l637-l6UO, but with
22
inadequate forces, it was devastated.

Konigsberg, in its far eastern location, was spared much of the

war's misery, although it suffered from the economic misfortunes of its

Brandenburg rulers. Because of its relative isolation, it was a haven


23
for students from all over Germany who sought to avoid the perils at home.

Georg Wilhelm and his court took refuge there when conditions in Brandenburg
2h
deteriorated, and thus it was there that the Elector died in December, 16U0.

He was succeeded by his twenty-year-old son Friedrich Wilhelm, who, unlike


21. Ibid., 36, 395 hi.

22. Feuchtwanger, op. cit. , 22.

23. "Konigsberg," Brockhaus Enzyklopadie, 17th ed. (Wiesbaden: F.A.


Brockhaus, 1970), X, h25.

2k. Feuchtwanger, op. cit. , 22.


11

his father, was a strong Protestant sympathizer and made peace with Sweden
25
soon after he came to power. This young man faced problems which were

nearly insurmountable; however, under his skillful leadership Brandenburg-

Prussia emerged from near-ruin to assume its position as a major European

power, and Friedrich Wilhelm earned the nickname of the Great Elector.

The Life and Career of Stobaeus

Little is known of Stobaeus' early life; he was born on July 6,

1580 to Jakob and Agnes Koffnatzia Stobaeus, and attended school in his

native town of Graudenz (Grudzi§dz),2^ which is located in modern-day

Poland about fifty miles south of Gdansk. His mother's family was of
27
Polish ancestry. In 1595 he moved to Konigsberg to attend a Sahola
pO

paroohialis, lodging with its rector, Valentinus Raschius. Konigsberg,

now the Soviet city of Kaliningrad, is slightly over one hundred miles

northeast of Graudenz, and it probably offered the best educational op-

portunities of any German city within a moderate distance of the young

man's home.

In 1599 Stobaeus began his studies with Johann Eccard, Vize-

kapettmeistev of the Ducal chapel. One year later he entered the city's

25. Ibid. , 2k.

26. Robert Eitner, "Stobaeus, Johann," Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie


(Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1893), XXXVI, 26l.

27- Lucjan Kamienski, "Jan Stobeusz z Grudzi§,dza," Pomevania, Rocznik


Korporacji Studentow III (Poznan: University of Poznan, 1928), 120.

28. Eitner, op. ait., 26l.


12

famous university, but details of his activities there have not been re-
29
corded. The university offered instruction in music, and he likely

availed himself of it. While he was a university student he tutored the


30
son of a man named Bernhard Tegius, and lodged in his home.

During the years l601-l602 Stobaeus was employed as a bass singer

in the Ducal chapel; records of its quarterly expenditures report his


31

name and salary. The chapel existed under unusual circumstances that

stemmed from Duke Albrecht Friedrich's incompetence to rule. "When Prince

Georg Friedrich came to Konigsberg to rule in his stead in 1578, he brought

his own chapel with him from Ansbach. His Kapellmeister was Teodoro Riccio.

For a short time his chapel co-existed with that of the Duke, but in the
first quarter of 1579? almost all of the members of the Ducal chapel were
32

dismissed.

It was in the capacity of Vizekapellmeister to Georg Friedrich

that Johann Eccard moved to Konigsberg in 1 5 8 0 . When the unpopular Prince

returned to Ansbach in 1586, his Kapellmeister and several members of the

chapel accompanied him, but Eccard did not. Consequently he was placed

in charge of a chapel which remained in residence at Konigsberg, which


33
was reorganized the year after the Prince's departure. As explained

29. Hans Engel, "Konigsberg," Vie Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed.
by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1958), VII, 1370.

30. Eitner, op. cit. , 2 6 1 .

31- A. Mayer-Reinach, "Zur Geschichte der Konigsberger Hofkapelle in den


Jahren 1578-1720," Sammelbande der Internationalen Musikgesellsohaft

vi (190U-1905), 6 2 .

32. Ibid. , 38.

33. Mayer-Reinach, op. cit. , h3*


13

above, the Prince continued to govern Prussia even though he no longer

resided there. Since his official chapel was with him in Ansbach, the

chapel that remained in Konigsberg occupied a subordinate position and

its members were not well-paid. Although Eccard was actually in charge

in Konigsberg, he was not allowed the title of Kapellmeister while the

Prince still governed, which turned out to be a period of eighteen years.

The Prince died in l603, and Eccard finally received the promotion he

deserved in 160^.^ It was in Eccard's subordinate chapel that Stobaeus

was employed in 1601. During this time he developed the deep admiration

for Eccard which culminated in his famous editions of Eccard1s Preussisahe

Festlieder forty years later.

Perhaps through Eccard's influence, Stobaeus left the chapel late

in 1602 to assume the position of Cantor at the cathedral church and


35
school of Kneiphof. There is no specific information about his work

there. It was during his lengthy tenure that the insane Albrecht Friedrich

died. In 1626 Stobaeus was appointed Kapellmeister to the Ducal court,

and thus entered the service of the Elector Georg Wilhelm. He remained

in the court post for the rest of his life.

3^. Adam Adrio, "Eccard, Johannes," Vie Musik in Gesehichte und Gegenwart,
ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Barenreiter, 195*0, III, 1070.

35^ Eitner, op. ait., 261.

36. Eitner, ibid., was under the impression that no chapel existed in
Konigsberg after Johann Sigismund became Elector of Brandenburg and
administrator of Prussia in 1608, and that Stobaeus' appointment was
honorary. However, his actual service is documented by quotations
of surviving chapel records (Mayer-Reinach, op. ait., 6l-66).
Ik

According to Eitner, Stobaeus continued to serve as Cantor at


37
Kneiphof after he became Kapellmeister. However, Winterfeld suggested

that he had relinquished his post as Cantor before he received the offer

from court, because in 1626 he signed several occasional works as "Musicus

und Burger obgemeldeter Stadt Kneiphof" and "ausgedienter Tonkiinstler"


OQ
rather than his customary "der Stadt Kneiphof Cantoren." There is no

further evidence to clarify the matter. If he had resigned as Cantor,

it may have been because his voice was no longer adequate. On the other

hand, if he held both posts simultaneously, it may have been only until
a new Cantor could be found.
Apparently Stobaeus did not actively seek the appointment at

court, but the reputation which he enjoyed caused him to be nominated


39
anyway. Members of the court chapel had been ill-paid throughout the
tenures of Eccard and his successor Johann Crocker, and the latter was
1+0

outspoken m his dissatisfaction with the working conditions. If

Stobaeus had heard from him, he might have been less than eager to inherit

his situation.

The most serious problem which Crocker passed along to Stobaeus

was financial. In an establishment which had not benefitted from gen-

erous spending for a long time, Crocker and Stobaeus had to contend with

37- Eitner, op. ait., 26l.

38. Carl von Winterfeld, Der evangelisahe Kirohengesang und sein Ver-
haltnis zuv Kunst des Tonsatzes (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel, 18^5;
reprint, Hildesheim: Georg 01ms, 1966), II, 10l+.

39- Ibid.

1+0. Ibid., 102.


15

the additional hardships brought about by the Thirty Years' War. During

this time, as Stobaeus tried to equip his chapel and provide for his

family on inadequate sums of money, he incurred heavy debts from which


kl
he "was never able to recover.

Information concerning Stobaeus1 family is incomplete. It is

known that he was married three times. His first marriage took place in

l6oU, which was not long after he received his appointment at the ca-

thedral. His first wife, a widow named Esther Moller, who only lived

until 1606, bore him a son and a daughter. Those children, whose names
U2
have not been recorded, did not outlive their father. His second

marriage, to Elizabeth Hausmann, took place in l60T; Eccard wrote a

Latin motet in commemoration of the occasion, but unfortunately it has

been lost. Three daughters and a son were born of that marriage, but
I13
only the son outlived the father. Elizabeth died in l6l6, and on
July 10, l6lT Stobaeus married the widow Regina Montfort Moller; the
kk
motet for that wedding was written by Sweelinck.
k$
Several sources report that Regina bore Stobaeus no children.

However, Winterfeld mentions two daughters whose names were Regina and

kl. Ibid., 105.

k2. L.H. Fischer, "Biographisches uber Johann Stobaeus," Monatshefte fur


Musikgeschichte XV (1883), 68.

1+3- Ibid.

HH. Ibid. \ for a modern edition of the motet see Yereeniging voor Noord-
Nederlands Muziekgeschiedenis, Werken van Jan Pietevszn* Sweelinck,
ed. by Max Seiffert (?s.-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 190l), IX,
37-^7.

1+5. Eitner, op. cit. , 26l; Fischer, op. cit. , 68.


16

Agnes, and states that the former was named for her mother. He goes on

to relate that Stobaeus provided them with dowries and that they were

married in 1636 and 1639 respectively If they were born soon after

the marriage in l6l7, they would have "been of marriageable age in 1636

and 1639. After the death of Regina in 16^0, Stobaeus did not remarry

It is not known whether the family continued after he and his children

died.

Winterfeld reports that when Stobaeus died, his considerable

debts fell on members of his impoverished family. Seeking relief, they

petitioned the Elector for aid. Friedrich Wilhelm, who was an enthu-

siastic patron of Stobaeus' music, complied with an edict to the court

in Kneiphof which had jurisdiction over the estate, asking for leniency.

Remembering Stobaeus1 long and excellent service to the community, the

court was pleased to comply.^

When he came to power in 16U0, the Great Elector was only twenty

years old. His esteem for the music of Eccard and Stobaeus was demon-

strated when he paid for the printing of the second part of their
k9
Preussische Festlieder. Since Stobaeus had experienced so many hard-

ships, the Elector's favor was a well-deserved blessing in his final

years. It is somewhat curious that such a young ruler admired such con-

servative music; however, his Protestantism might account for his interest.

U6. Winterfeld, op. eit. , II, 105.

kj. Eitner, op. ait., 26l.

HQ. Winterfeld, op. ait., II, 105.

1+9. Ibid. , 106.


IT

Stobaeus died of a heart attack on September 11, l6U6; his funeral

service was held on September 2 1 . ^ Many people admired him for his per-

sonal qualities as -well as for his music, and he was sincerely mourned.

It was a well-established custom in Konigsberg to provide special poetry

and music to honor a deceased person, and several works were produced in

honor of Stobaeus. Konigsberg1s most famous poet, Simon Dach, wrote two
51
poems, one of which was set to music by Georg Colb. Valentin Thilo

wrote a "Memoria Stobaeana," which was dedicated to Stobaeusf friend


52
Marco Scacchi, Kapellmeister to the King of Poland.

Poets and composers of Konigsberg wrote a large number of works

for special occasions; it would not be incorrect to say that this was a

business for them. However, when Dach wrote about Stobaeus it was a

labor of love rather than a business matter, for the two men had been

friends for a long time. The last two stanzas of the rather lengthy

"Schreib ich denn in diesen tagen" testify to Dach's high esteem for
53
the departed composer:

Halt, o gast! Stobaeus glieder


Sind in dieser grufft verhiillt,
Welcher Preussen hat erfiillt
Durch sehr kunstreich-heilge lieder,
Welt und seines ruhmes klangk
Kriegen einen untergangk.

50. Fischer, op. cit. , 68.

51. Eitner, op. cit., 26l.

52. Fischer, op. cit. , 68.

53. Quoted from Hermann Osterley, ed., Simon Bach (Tubingen: L.Fr. Fues,
1876), 762.
18

Unterdessen wil ich bauen


Ihm ein denckmal in mein hertz,
In dasselbe soil der schmertz
Sein gedachtnis tieff hin hauen;
Weil ein geist sich regt allhier,
Lebt Stobaeus auch in mir.

StobaeusT Creative Output

Most of Stobaeus* career was devoted to the composition of

religious vocal music for the use of church and court chapel. It is

his chorale-motets for which he is most remembered today, and for which

he was renowned in his own lifetime. The atmosphere of Konigsberg, with

its strong Lutheran tradition and university, was conducive to the de-

velopment of sacred music.

In 1599 the young Stobaeus began to study with one of its finest
5I1
composers, Johann Eccard, 1553-1611, who was to be the decisive musical

influence of his life. Eccard, called the father of the "Prussian


55

Tonschule," had been a student of Orlando di Lasso while employed as

a singer at the court chapel in Munich.^ As explained above, he went

to Konigsberg as Vizekapellmeister to Prince Georg Friedrich in 1580,

and spent most of the rest of his career there.

Compared to such men as Lasso, Eccard was limited both in the

size and nature of his creative legacy. He devoted considerable effort

to chorale settings for congregational use. According to Lutheran

5*4. Eitner, op. oit. , 26l.

55. Winterfeld, op. oit. , II, 102.

56. Adrio, op. oit. , IO69.


19

stipulations, these had to be simple in style, with the chorale in the

top voice so that it was easy for the congregation to follow. Eccard was

successful in achieving the desired simplicity without sacrificing musical

quality, enhancing chordal texture through the use of Soheinpolyphon


57
(pseudo-polyphony). In his more complex works he combined the simpli-

city of chorale or song style with the style of the motet.^ Eccard's

lyric gift was displayed to advantage in a chordal, melody-oriented

style, and several of his motets which exemplify it are still in the

choral repertory.

Stobaeus set out to emulate Eccard, which he did with consider-

able success. It is significant that he never deviated markedly from


Eccard's style, even though he lived almost to the middle of the seven-
59

teenth century. His most important publications were new editions

of collections by Eccard which he augmented with works of his own. The

first of these was Geistliohe Liedev auf gewdhnliohe preussische Kirchen-

Melodeyen, published in 163^, in which the chordal, pseudo-polyphonic


6o
style dominated. The second was the two-volume Preussische Festlieder,

published in l6h2 and l6Ui+,^ containing motets for the entire church
57- Ibid., 1071.

58. Ibid., 1072.

59- Dieter Hartwig, "Stobaeus, Johann," Die Musik in Gesohiohte und


Gegenwart, ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1965), XII,
1361.
60. Ibid.

61. Joseph Muller-Blattau, Gesohiohte der Musik in Ost- und West-


Pveussen, 2nd ed. (Wolfenbiittel: Moseler Verlag, 1968), 31, states
that it was the 16hb volume for which the Great Elector paid printing
costs.
20

year and also pieces for special occasions. Bukofzer cites this and a

collection of motets published "by Eccard in 1597 as establishing the

prototype of the chorale-motet with migrant cantus firmus and advanced

harmonic vocabulary

Two collections were devoted entirely to Stobaeus' own music:

Die Teutsche Litaney..., published at Konigsberg in 1610, and Cantiones

sacvae harmoniae 4-10 vocibus3 item aliquot Magnificat 5-6 vooibus,

published at Frankfurt in l62k. The former is no longer extant and

there is no modern edition of the latter. Many chorale tunes and

chorale settings by Stobaeus were published in collections of devotional

music both during his life and after, and many of his settings achieved
6h
considerable popularity.

Gelegenheitsgesange, or pieces for special occasions, were an

important part of Stobaeus' output. Both occasional music and occasional

poetry were popular in many locales in his time, but they enjoyed a

particular popularity at Konigsberg. The contacts which Stobaeus made

with middle-class citizens while serving as Cantor at Kneiphof helped

him to receive many commissions for such works; his ability and reputa-

tion even helped him to receive commissions from members of the nobility

before his position at court introduced him to their society.^ Of

62. Manfred Bukofzer, Musio in the Baroque Era (New York: W.W. Norton,
19^7), 8U.

63. Hartwig, op. ait. , 136^.

6h. His chorale tunes are printed, with contemporary sources cited, in
Johannes Zahn, Die Melodien der deutsohen evangelischen Kirchenliedev
(Gutersloh: 1899; reprint, Hildesheim: Georg 01ms, 1963).

65. Winterfeld, op. oit. , II, 107.


21

approximately 280 Gelegenheitsgesange written "by Sto"baeus, 112 are preserved

in a collection at Gottingen. In his article on this collection, Hans Haase

reports that printed copies of the pieces by Stobaeus, along with seven

pieces by other composers, are bound in six part-books bearing the date of

16*11. The author quotes the titles of all the items in chronological

order, but unfortunately says nothing about the music itself.^ The

titles reveal that Stobaeus wrote more music for weddings than for any

other occasions. It is interesting that items 97 and 108 are the wedding

pieces which Stobaeus wrote for his daughters Agnes and Regina.^

Most German musicologists who investigated the Prussian Tonschule

in the nineteenth century were unaware of the Stammbuch containing Stobaeus'

lute music. This is because it was acquired before their time by the

English collector, Sir Hans Sloane, 1660-1753. After Sloane's death, his

remarkable collection provided the initial holdings for the founding of

the British Museum.^ It is unfortunate that German scholars lacked the

opportunity to examine Stobaeus' manuscript, but considering the devasta-

tion of East Prussia in World War II, its residence in London may have

saved it from destruction.

The signature which appears at the end of the Stammbuch (folio

H 5 r ) reads: "Johannis Stobaei Sereniss. Electoris Brandenburg:

66. Hans Haase, "Eine wichtige Quelle fur Johannes Stobaeus Grudentinus,
6 Sammelbande aus Konigsberger Bestanden in Gottingen," Festschrift
Friedrich Blume zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. by Anna Amalie Abert and
Wilhelm Pfannkuch (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1963), 176-188.

67. Ibid., 18U, 182.

68. For the history of the Sloane collection, see Gavin Rylands De Beer,
Sir Hans Sloane and the British Museum (London: Oxford University
Press, 1953).
22

in Prussia Capellae Magistri, manus apposita Regiomonti die 8 Ao. l6Uo"

(Johann Stobaeus, chapelmaster to the Most Serene Elector of Brandenburg

in Prussia, signed in Konigsberg, day 8, year l61+0).^9 This verifies

Stobaeus' ownership, although it does not prove that he was the composer/

compiler of the lute music. However, the music is stylistically homo-

geneous, and all of it appears to have been copied in the same hand,

suggesting that it was the work of one person. In the absence of evi-

dence to the contrary, that person is presumed to be Stobaeus.

The pieces in Stobaeus' album belong to the tradition of in-

digenous German and Eastern European lute music which flourished in the

sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This was a tradition of short and

simple dance pieces which did not require virtuoso technique on the

instrument, but which possessed a very definite flavor and charm all

their own. In spite of their widely differing dates of composition,

it is surprising how much similarity of style can be found among the

works of such men as Hans Newsiedler, Valentin Bakfark, Matthaus Waissel,

Woiciech Diugoraj, Johann Stobaeus, and Bartiomiej Pekiel. It is fortunate

that m lutenists' continual search for repertory, some of this music is


70
being discovered and performed, for an almost exclusive emphasis on the

English tradition, however magnificent it may have been, gives a very

distorted picture.

69- This date was misread as "die 8 NoCvembr.D 16^0" in Wolfgang Boetticher
Handschriftlich uberlieferte Lauten- und Gitarrentabulaturen des 15.
bis 18. Jahrhunderts, series B, vol. VII of Repertoire international
des sources musicales (Munich: G. Henle Verlag, 1978), 190.

70. For example, the recording Central European Lute Music, 16th-17th
Century, performed by Andras Kecskes (Hungaroton SLPX 11721), demon-
strates the similarities among some of these masters.
23

Most of Stobaeus' music is simple, and as is the case with many-

large collections, it varies in quality. Even the best pieces from this

manuscript do not qualify as great music, hut many are very good and it

is hard to believe the really poor quality of some of the pieces that are

intermingled with them. This matter will be discussed further in the

section concerning the style of the music. There are a number of static,

poorly—written harmonies and melodies, and severely over—used accompani-

ment patterns and cadential formulas. Nevertheless, the good pieces and

poor pieces share a common style which seems to come from one composer.

The poor writing might be explained by saying that Stobaeus did

it during his student years. This, however, is unlikely, for the literary

evidence shows that the entire manuscript was probably compiled close to

the 161+0 date that appears with Stobaeus' signature; at this time he was

around sixty years of age. It does not seem probable that he would have

saved very poor pieces from his student years for inclusion in his Stammbueh

forty years later. Thus, another explanation must be sought.

There is no evidence of Stobaeus' skill as a lutenist, or for that

matter, of his having been a lutenist at all, but considering the lute's

great popularity in his time, it is likely that a professional musician

such as he would have owned one and been able to play it even if he were

not an expert performer. The following hypothesis is proposed: Stobaeus

was a lutenist of average or intermediate ability who was not required to

play professionally. As a relief from the demands of the court, he com-

posed, arranged and collected the lute music in his Stammbueh to entertain

himself and his friends, and to provide his students with pieces to
2k

practice. He intended the music for informal use and enjoyment, and pur-

posely did not devote strenuous effort to writing or revising it.

In examining the pieces, one sees that he was not really at home

in the secular style. Still, there is much in the collection that is

fresh and likeable, and would he especially useful for performers who

are not ready for music with advanced technical demands. Perhaps most

interesting of all, it shows that there was another side to Stobaeus'

creative life.
25

Chapter III

THE MUSICAL PORTIONS OF SLOANE 1021

A Description of the Lute Tablature

In all pieces "but one Stobaeus used French lute tablature. Most

of the time he wrote for an instrument with six courses which were stopped

and four bass or diapason courses which played fixed pitches; there are,

however, five pieces which call for a fifth diapason. It would be in-

teresting to know what sort of lute Stobaeus played, particularly whether

it was the variety with a fingerboard wide enough to accomodate ten or

eleven courses,1 or was a theorboed variety where diapasons ran alongside

fingerboard. Unfortunately, the lute illustrations in the manuscript

do not clarify this matter. On folio 2r there is an illustration of a

lutenist playing an instrument of at least thirteen courses, but the peg-

box is not included in the drawing and the width of the fingerboard is

not clear. The entire lute shown on folio l+2v has only six courses.

Another drawing, that of a fingerboard (folio l*3v), shows four diapasons

but does not illustrate how they were pegged.

Stobaeus presented only one piece in German tablature (folio ^3v).

This cumbersome system was obsolete in the seventeenth century, so the

1. There are many period illustrations of such lutes, for example, the
title page of Jean-Baptiste Besard's Isagoge in avtem testudinancffn
(Augsburg: Steffan Michelspacher, 1617); reprinted in his Instruk-
tionen fur Laute 1610 und 1617, Series C vol. I of Institutio pro
arte testudinis (Neuss/Rhein: GbR-Junghanel-Paffgen-Schaffer, 1971+)
26

composer must have included "the example for historical interest, perhaps

for the benefit of his students. It was explained "by means of a finger-

board illustration like the one published by Hans Newsiedler in Eiti hJew-

geordnet kunstlich Lauteribueh of 1536.2

In Stobaeus' French tablature the letters were on rather than


3
above the lines. The open strings and first five frets were used most

frequently, but as many as ten frets were sometimes employed, as is evi-

denced by the occurrence of the letter TTlf!. Stobaeus designated the

diapason courses with the numerals 7-11 rather than the more common letter

a with horizontal dashes above it. Apel assigns this numeral system to

the period of French innovation between 1620 and 16^0.^ Curiously, Stobaeus

illustrated the letter a system on folio ^3v beside his drawing of a

German-tablature fingerboard.

Except for one section, Stobaeus' pieces use the Renaissance tuning

in which the courses are in the interval pattern Either a G or

A tuning would have been appropriate for the transcription, but G was se-

lected (g'-d'-a-f-c-G) because of the G-D-A-F-C that was actually mentioned

on folio 39v, along with instructions for tuning a lute with another in-

strument. In this tuning D minor, G minor, F major and C major are the

most common keys in the collection. The diapasons are tuned as follows:

2. A modern reproduction of this popular illustration is easily accessible


in Willi Apel, Theflotationof Polyphonic Music 900-1600, 5th ed. (Cam-
bridge, Mass.: The Mediaeval Academy of America, 1953), 75.

3. David Lumsden, "The Sources of English Lute Music (151*0-1620)" (un-


published Ph.D. dissertation, Cambridge University, 1956), 76, cites
this as an old-fashioned feature of his notation.

4. Apel, op. ait., 70.


27

7 F, 8 E, 9- 10 C, and 11—B. These pitches may he altered hy ac-

cidentals where the keys or modes so require.

On folios l6r through 19v there are eleven pieces which do not

use the Renaissance tuning. The composer gives no warning of the change,

but it is obvious when the notation calls for a five- or six-note chord

to he stopped across the same fret, for without retuning, this produces

dissonance. Hans—Peter Kosack, discussing the manuscript in his survey

of Prussian lute music, called attention to these eleven pieces, but he

stated incorrectly that they require the tuning of d'-b-g-d-B-G.^ Actually,

two different tunings are needed. One uses a major triad, but in second

inversion rather than root position as Kosack suggested; the other changes

the third and fifth courses of Renaissance tuning. If one selects pitches

that do not require the diapasons to be changed, the resultant tunings

are: f sharp'-d'-a-f sharp-d-A, and g'-d'-b flat-f-B flat-G.

Since all courses of the lute except the highest were normally

double—strung, the matter of octave doublings should be considered. In

the sixteenth century the fourth through sixth courses were usually tuned

in octaves to improve their sound, while the higher second and third

courses were tuned in unisons. Early in the seventeenth century, however,

lutenists were able to obtain strings of a better quality which gave more

pleasing sounds in the lower register. Thus, the practice of tuning in

octaves was abandoned, and it was possible to add diapason courses which

5. Hans-Peter Kosack, Gesohiohte dev Laute und Lauten-Musik in Preussen,


Ph.D. dissertation, Albertus-University of Konigsberg (Wurzburg: Buch-
druckerei Konrad Triltsch, 193*0, 88.
28

brought even further improvement of lower sonorities.^ Stobaeus was

writing well into the seventeenth century, for an instrument with five

diapasons, and since he did not specify any desire for octave doublings,

he probably did not want them.

Stobaeus1 standard meter signature was | , which Apel cites


4-. 7

as the predominant signature of the sixteenth century. Rhythms in the

tablature were indicated with complete mensural notes rather than the

headless stem-and-flag system which requires reduction in transcription.

It might seem that the signature requires the halving of values,

but in most of these pieces it does not. Such a reduction would produce

many small note-values, which would convey an inappropriate impression of

quickness in modern notation.

It is apparent from the way in which he used it that had the

same meaning for Stobaeus as c has for present-day musicians. The other

signatures found in the manuscript are c f 3 . c • C 3 . 3 , and

c • In many instances the composer seems to have been careless or

imprecise in his uses of them. For example, he was not consistent in as-

signing the same signatures to all dances with the same generic titles. So
ff n
many pieces in triple meter have the numeral 3 in their signatures that

it seems to have been his policy to designate them in that way, but he did

not add the !t3!f in all cases. He did not reserve some signatures for quick

pieces and others for slow pieces. As was customary in the mid-seventeenth

6. Ian Harwood and Diana Poulton, "Lute, k: History," The New Grove Dic-
tionary of Music and Musicians, ed. by Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan
Publishers Limited, 1980), XI, 3^9.

7. Apel, op. cit. , 19U.


29

century, he did not use the signatures in a proportional sense. Since

there were no suites or traditional pairings such as pavan and galliard,

it was not necessary to use the change of signature between one piece and

the next for proportional purposes.

Since most of the pieces are barred, the rhythm is simple to read.

In French tablature there is no way to show sustained notes, however, be-

cause only one rhythmic symbol appears at a time. Keeping in mind that

notes cannot be sustained very long on the lute, the process of polyphonic

interpretation is not difficult. The problems caused for the modern editor

stem from the composer's careless errors, particularly his failure always

to change symbols when necessary. This matter is considered further in

the discussion of the style of the music.

Symbols for fingerings are discernible on the following folios:

W , 5r, 31v, 32r, 5kr, 5Uv, 69r, 69v, JOr, lllv, and 113v. Most of these

are right-hand fingerings that tell the player which fingers should pluck

the strings; they are designated by dots beneath the letters of tablature,

as shown in the section of treatise on folio 25v. Left-hand fingerings

are given on folio lllv in the form of dots beside the letters, as is

shown in the section of treatise on folio 2hv. On folios 5Ur and 5 W

left-hand fingerings are indicated by numerals beside the letters; this

is the system illustrated on folios 2Jv and 28r, which Stobaeus copied

from Jean-Baptiste Besard. All of these systems of indicating fingerings

are further discussed in the analysis of the treatises. From their limited

use, it appears that Stobaeus did not normally find such indications necessary,

His use of symbols for ornaments was even more limited than his use

of fingerings. Ornaments occur only on folios 31v, 32r, 51+r, 5 W , 69v, 70r,
30

and lllv. Stobaeus used two symbols: } and . The former, often

referred to as the comma, was a widely-known symbol that was mentioned in

several treatises. It was used to symbolize a variety of ornaments. For

example, Nicolas Vallet used it for an upper appoggiatura, while Thomas


g

Mace used it for an appoggiatura from below. The other ornament as applied

to a single note was not so common. One source in which it appeared was

the Robarts lute book (ca. l651+-l668). The editor of the facsimile edition

of this source suggested that the sign be interpreted as an appoggiatura


9
from below.
As clarified in Stobaeus' treatise material, the Baroque concept

of ornamentation was not limited to notation by symbol. Certain written—

out passages such as melodic sequences, which might not be considered

ornamental by the modern performer, were considered as such by Stobaeus

and his contemporaries. What this means with regard to the music is

that considerable ornamentation was already there in the mind of the com-

poser; this would account for his extremely limited use of symbols. As a

result the performer should be very cautious in improvising any ornamenta-

tion for which the composer does not call. With this in mind, no editorial

ornaments were added in the transcription. Additional commentary on the

written-out ornamentation is provided in the discussion of the treatises.

8. Diana Poulton, "Lute, 6: Ornamentation," The New Grove Dictionary of


Music and Musicians, ed. by Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan Pub-
lishers Limited, 1980), XI, 355-356, gives this information in her
excellent summary of symbols for ornaments in numerous treatises.

9. Spencer, Robert, ed., The Robarts Lute BooJcs c. 1654—68 (Kilkenny:


Boethius Press, 1978), preface.
31

The Style of the Music

Among the pieces in Stobaeus' album, dances with generic titles

constitute the largest group. Of l6k separate works, seventy-one are

dances; seventeen are settings of chorale tunes; twelve are without title;

and the remainder bear descriptive titles. None have texts. Several of

those with descriptive titles are settings of famous early Baroque tunes

such as More Palatino, Fortune My Foe" and "Ey du feiner Reiter."

None of the dances are grouped into suites or traditional pair-

ings, nor does the composer/compiler adhere to any other organizational

principle in the manuscript. The most common practice is to group the

same kinds of pieces, for example, to copy several courantes or several

settings of More Palatino in succession; this is, however, not an un-

usual practice for the time. In such groupings he often gives the titles

to the first pieces only, designating the rest with the Latin terms Alia,

Aliud or Alitev. Parts of these series sometimes represent the work of

other composers, and occasionally, other composers are cited. An example

of this is seen on folios 68 and 69 where he presents two anonymous settings

of the well-known "Bergamesco" theme, followed by two more which are ascribed

to "Deck" and "Th. Lind. Lub."

Stylistically there is a homogeneity among all the pieces, even to

the extent that the works attributed to others might also be Stobaeus*

arrangements. There are few distinct differences between the dances and

love songs or chorales. By the same token, there are few characteristics

which differentiate one dance from another. Following is a tabulation of

the types of pieces by generic designations:


32

Courante 18
Choreae Polonicae 16
Galliard 9
Praeludium 8
Pavan 5
Ballet 1+
Bergamesco k
Branle 3
Courante-Sarabande 2
Alman Mor 1
Passamezzo 1
Phantasia fugate 1
Ronda 1
Vaulte 1
Zinck-pass 1

Among the less familiar terms are "Choreae Polonicae," a catch-all for

Polish dances, and "Zinck-passwhich is probably a Germanization of

the French "cinq-pas."

Almost all of the pieces in the album are short; the typical

length is about thirty measures, and it is safe to say that none have

complicated structures. The overwhelming majority are binary. In Stobaeus'

notation it is sometimes difficult to distinguish whether dot-like strokes

at double bars are decorative or functional; however, the fact that double

bars occur frequently without dots argues for making the distinction. The

most common formal structures are simple binaries of which the majority

are closed, that is, their first sections end in the tonic key. Within

this format both sections are often repeated, although occasionally only

the second part has repeat marks. These structures may be diagrammed as

follows:

a
I II: b :
II > and || : a : || : b : ||

There are sixteen pieces in which the basic simple structures are aug-

mented by figural variations; these range from the simple to the ambitious,
33

but none of them are very successful. In addition there are five paired

dances in the Tanz-Naahtanz format which are generally more successful.

Works displaying structures markedly different from the binary

are the chorale settings and the preludes. The former are restricted to

the forms of the chorale tunes themselves, and most of them are free-

sectional. The preludes tend to have an improvisatory quality, and are

through-composed rather than organized into sections.

Based on the G tuning used in the transcriptions, the keys of

G minor, D minor, F major and C major are the most common. The harmony

comes from the transitional period before functional harmony was clearly

established, although the pieces are predominantly tonal. The strong

functional relations of tonic, dominant and subdominant are colored by

modal characteristics. For example, there are frequent changes of mode;

in minor keys there is much vacillation between i-I, and iv-IV, with

many final cadences on I. There are also frequent shifts between the

minor and relative major. Examples 1 and 2 show typical harmonic pro-

gressions in minor keys.

Ex. 1. "Alia CChoreae polonicaeD," fol. 73v.

G minor: i VII VI III iv I ig i V VI V III IV I V I || i VI VII v VI IV

V ig IV V I

Ex. 2. "Nu bin Ich durch liebe zu trawren


gebracht," fol. 50v.

G minor: i V^/III I H g III V/III i V I || i Vg/lII III i V/III i V I


3^

The vacillation between i and I produces frequent cross-relations,

as may be seen in the following example:

Ex. 3. "Pavan Hispan," fol. 22v.

mm
¥ 2

p
* j =
^ J ./
r r

The composer seems to have been experimenting with such modal changes,

and occasionally the results are very lovely and expressive. It should

be remembered that the problem of interpreting musioa ficta does not

exist in a tablature notation, so the composer's cross-relations may be

taken at face value.

Typical progressions in the major tend to be simpler than those

in the minor, as may be seen in the following:


35

Ex. 4. "Aufzug: Gar sehr ist mir mein \ /


entzundt," fol. l*5r. >/

F major: V IV vi V I || I Vg I V I Vg I V ii I vi V I

Many of the pieces have cadential tonic chords which lack the third, which

gives those pieces a misleading archaic quality. Scholars who favor an

early date for this manuscript might cite this feature in support of their

case, "but the remainder of the harmony belies a date that might be assigned

to those cadences alone.

Although most of the melodies are distinctly major or minor, there

are some which have a strong modal flavor. The Dorian is the most popular

mode. The next example, for which the progression was quoted in example 2,

is a particularly successful specimen of it:

Ex. 5* "Nu bin Ich durch liebe zu trawren


gebracht," fol. 50v.

1
V * 4
'
1 1
t#-
1 1 1- f

r r r
36

* r J
1 f
r ^

j,
r
j - or in
r
i r
A, JP v

Several features of this melody are characteristic. The range is about

an octave and a fifth; step-wise motion and skips of a third predominate;

the contour moves in gentle waves; and there is melodic activity in more

than one register, which exploits the tone-colors of the instrument.

There are frequent melodic sequences. Unfortunately our composer

does not follow the axiom of three repetitions, and at times he simply

does not know when to stop, as may be seen in this excerpt:


37

Ex. 6. "So soltu doch mein Liebchen sein," fol. 51r.

•J,,) JJ -j J—i
j.
-r-r— —
r r
^ — W = r lf? ^ j
' r f 1i 2 — H
f^T J j l
Hrh j J
'r f r' r r ' -t-n^
iff | | j ij ij, i
^ s •{—
5-' j. k=rH
aVO
r rj' rj. rj-
i
A IT
T^ I -r
7
rr
' V ' f f ' •r r ' 1= t = H =
\)0 ^ •

r :'r '
/ ° ,i.
( III !
j ['• [h— f
i 1 J. a 71
^ » f M i f ^ iT f ^
38

In some instances Stobaeus wrote simple four-square phrases of the

type which later became the norm, but as often as not his phrases contain

odd numbers of measures. Example 7 shows how a cadence is extended to

create a nine-measure phrase. A seven-measure phrase is illustrated in

example 8.

Ex. 7- "Vaulte," fol. 15v.

j | |

an r r f
Z T "
•" i =
r r
r r
i j .

m; p' —

' ' r
to

J JJ J — J _ J J J

r
/r

V
1
Ji n n s~}f —j . ft 1
f " r r
0
39

Ex. 8. "Ob Ich schon wegziehe," fol. T W .

1
' A- J? j j

vy if v

——
•) j j w
faT, ~
*t —^ # M

Stobaeus did not normally use the style brise, but there are a

few pieces which show features of it. In this "broken style," arpeggios

and snatches of melody in different registers provide continuous sound on

an instrument which lacks the ability to produce sustained chords. Example

9, "Courant Sans Chanterell," is closer to this style than most of the

other pieces.
Uo

Ex. 9« "Courant Sans Chanterell," fol. btyv.

# r r ' • » 1' j- = * =

Lp LL=^J ^ f M w' t • " 0

# r
m
r
d J— * * A

* J' ./J
b 1
l-*)>
'h
U Ur—1
— j

f—f~

fl/f r r r
j- J J

UhPwfr ^f
'• r r L=^J
r r
20
—* 1
1+1

There is a sort of question-and-answer effect between the higher and

lower registers, especially beginning in measure 23. Much shorter exam-

ples of this technique are found in many of the pieces.

The rhythm of most of this music is simple, but it poses some

complex editorial problems. These seem to be caused both by carelessness

in notation and by occasional intended rhythmic irregularities which a

modern editor might interpret in more than one way; unfortunately, it is

not always easy to distinguish between the careless errors and the in-

tentional irregularities. In example 10, however, the improvisatory style

suggests that the rhythm was not always supposed to fit conveniently into

four-beat measures:
k2

Ex. 10. "Praeludium," fol. W .

T ' ** # J. J J. J J.
-11 J ^ j 1
*F J
p/-

p=nry -
1 r r
r£rh /—

m m m

Dynamics and tempo are two elements which cannot be discussed

at length with regard to this music. The only information which might

relate to dynamics is the treatise material on folio 2br which advocates

thumb-out technique rather than thumb-under because it provides a brighter

sound. If this opinion was indeed Stobaeus1 own, it might be that he

preferred a sound less quiet than that favored by earlier lutenists. A

treatise excerpt on folio 26r makes short mention of dance tempos: "Den

Tact soil man in Pavanen, Phantaseyen, Fugen, Madrigalen und andern stucken

langsam schlagen. In Volten, Curanten geschwinde In Galliarden." ("One


kk

from the manuscript that they possess very much individuality. This being

the case, one wonders what sort of associations Stobaeus and his contem-

poraries may have had with them. Whether or not the dance tunes were meant

for dancing must also remain conjectural, but their simplicity might well

have lent them to that purpose.

Attributions to Other Composers

Most of the lute music in this collection does not bear the name

of any composer. Since Stobaeus was the owner of the album, the unmarked

pieces are presumed to be his work. There are, however, ten distinguish-

able names that appear on some twenty-six pieces. Unfortunately, Stobaeus

did not cite the full names; instead, he wrote abbreviations of all or

part or wrote the last names only. Although he used Roman letters rather

than deutsahe Schreibschri^ft for most of them, the very tiny script is

extremely difficult to read. In his remarkably accurate list of the con-

tents of this manuscript, Augustus Hughes-Hughes made suggestions regarding

the identities of the individuals."^ The present reading of the names

disagrees with Hughes-Hughes in only one place. In contrast, Hans-Peter

Kosack's list is not entirely reliable.11

Following is a list of the names cited in the manuscript together

with the folios on which they are to be found:

10. Augustus Hughes-Hughes, Catalogue of Manuscript Music in the British


Museum. Vol. III. Instrumental Music, Treatises3 Etc. (London: British
Museum, 1909), 68-69.

11. Hans—Peter Kosack, Geschichte der Laute und Lauten-Musik in Preussen,


Ph.D. dissertation, Albertus—University of Konigsberg (Wurzburg:
Buchdruckerei Konrad Triltsch, 193*0, 85-88.
^5

1) Decker or Deck., 23r, 53v, 66v, 69r, 75r, 113r, 113v, l l W ;

2) Henckl or Henck, 29v, 31r, 73v;

3) Kul., 66r;

Leonis, 65v;

5) Linn., 73r;

6) Frid. Lin., 6r;

7) Thorn. Lind. Lub. or Th. Lind. Lub., 31v, 5kr twice, 69r;

8) Madel, 52v, 66r, 73r;

9) Johann Wade (Wada?) Madl., 53r;

10) Magdelung, 52r;

11) Petro Moro, 17r;

12) Frans Rasch, 52r.

On folios 9v and 50r there may "be two more names, hut the letters are

so tiny as to be indistinguishable. Hughes-Hughes did not cite them,

probably because he was also unable to read them. . There might well have

been some others which are now faded beyond recognition.

Not one definite identification can be made from Stobaeus' trun-

cated citations; however, it is at least possible to make some suggestions,

The name to appear most often is "Decker," with eight attributions. There

is no record of a composer by that name in Konigsberg, but perhaps he was

an amateur of insufficient recognition to be remembered in history. On

the other hand, if the man was not from Konigsberg, he might have been a

member of the musical Decker family of Hamburg. Eberhard Decker, 1532-

ca. 160U, was a cantor; his son Joachim, ca. 1575-l6ll, and his grandson
k6

12
Johann, 1598-1668, were both organists. It is known that Eberhard wrote
13 ll
lute music. Hughes-Hughes suggests Joachim as the Decker in question,

but on the basis of dates, Johann seems to be the best possibility of the

three.

A suggestion for "Frid. Lin." is Friedrich Lindner, ca. 15^0-1597,

who was primarily a composer of motets, but since he was much older and

his career was in Ansbach and Nurnberg,1^ quite distant from Konigsberg,

he seems an unlikely candidate. On the list is a "Thorn. Lind. Lub." who

cannot be identified; Hughes-Hughes gives his name as "Thomas Lindner

Lubecensis" (of Lubeck),"'"^ but there is apparently no record of such a

person. Perhaps Hughes-Hughes was merely guessing, in which case Lindner

might not even be the right name; also, "Lub." could refer to Lublin as

well as Lubeck. Whatever the case, "Thorn. Lind. Lub." and "Frid. Lin."

might have been members of the same family. The name "Linn." on folio

73r might also refer to one of them.

Similarly, given the inconsistencies in contemporary spelling,

"Madel," "Johann Wade Madl.," and "Madl." might all refer to the same

12. Frederick K. Gable, "Decker, Joachim," "Decker, Johann," The New Grove
Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. by Stanley Sadie (London:
Macmillan Publishers Limited, 1980), V, 316.

13. "Bibliographische Mitteilungen," Monatshefte fur Musikqeschichte XXXVI


(19010, 17-

ll+. Hughes-Hughes, op. cit. , 68.

15. Franz Krautwurst, "Lindner, Friedrich," The New Grove Dictionary of


Music and Musicians, ed. by Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan Pub-
lishers Limited, 1980), XI, 1+-5.

16. Hughes-Hughes, op. cit., 68.


i+7

17
person. Kosack cited a "Magdeburg," but this was apparently a misreading

of Magdelung. Perhaps Kosack jumped to conclusions because he was aware

of Joachim Magdeburg, who lived from 1525 to 1599 and was cantor in Pilsen.18

There is, however, no evidence to connect him with Stobaeus or Konigsberg.

The cases of "Petro Moro" and "Frans Rasch" are slightly different

from the others. Instead of being written in small Roman letters as de-

scribed above, these names are written in deutsohe Sohreibsohrift of a

normal size. Although Kosack lists them as composers,"^ their names may

be part of titles instead: "Courant Petro Moro," and "Courante Frans Rasch."

Since the men cannot be identified, this cannot be clarified. The only

Moro on record is a Giacomo Moro da Viadana, dates unknown, who flourished


20
m the last decades of the sixteenth century. There was also a Johann

Rasch, ca. 151+0-l6l2, who was an organist in Vienna,21 but it is unlikely

that either of these men was connected with the Moro and Rasch of this

manuscript.

IT. Kosack, op. oit. , 8 5 .

18. Reinhold Jauernig and Konrad Ameln, "Magdeburg, Joachim," Die Musik
in Gesohiohte und Gegenwart, ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Baren-
reiter, i 9 6 0 ) , VIII, 1^77-1^78. Another unlikely suggestion is
Madelka, about whom see Leon Handzel, "Madelka, Simon Bar Jona,"
Die Musik in Gesohiohte und Gegenwart, ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel:
Barenreiter, i 9 6 0 ) , VIII, 1410-1411.

19. Kosack, op. oit., 85.

20. Tagliavini, Luigi Ferdinando, "Moro, Giacomo da Viadana," Die Musik


in Gesohiohte und Gegenwart, ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Baren-
reiter, 1 9 6 1 ) , IX, 597-598.

21. Othmar Wessely, "Rasch, Johann," Die Musik in Gesohiohte und Gegenwart,
ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1 9 6 3 ) , XI, 1.
1+8

For the remaining names of "Henckl," "Leonis," and "Kul.," there

are few clues. There were two Italian composers named Leoni: Giovanni

Antonio who lived from the end of the sixteenth century until shortly
22
after 1652, and Leone, who lived from ca. 1560-1627.23 Hughes-Hughes
2k
read the name as "Leo" but there is no one of that name to consider.

He also suggested that Kul." meant "Culmbach," ^ hut again no one can

be identified with that name.

The Lute Instructions

The French-Tablature Instructions

There are two short sections of lute instructions in Stobaeus'

album. The first is modern and pertains to French tablature. This sec-

tion (folios 2kr through 28r) is entitled "De Methodo studendi in testu-

dine" and contains eight short chapters:

1. The Right Hand (folio 2l+r)

2. The Left Hand (folios 2l+r-25r)

3. Full Chords (folio 25r)

Coloraturas (folios 25r-25v)

22. Claudio Sartori, Leoni, Giovanni Antonio," Die MusiJi in Gesch.ioh.te


und Gegenwavt, ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Barenreiter, I960)
VIII, 61+5-61*6.

23. Claudio Sartori, "Leoni, Leone," Die Musik in Gesohiohte und Gegenwavt,
ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Barenreiter, i960), VIII, 61+6-61+7.

2l+. Hughes-Hughes, op. ait., 68.

25. Ibid.
b9

5. Mordents (folios 25r-26r)

6. Tactus (folio 26r)

7. Proportion (folio 26r)

8. The Tuning of the Lute (folio 26r)

Following these short chapters the writer presents some advice to lute

students concerning aptitude, choice of an instrument, development of a

quick hand, methods of practice, and rhythm. Concluding this portion are

some specific examples of left-hand fingering.

The most significant part of the entire section is its short first

chapter concerning right-hand technique. In it Stobaeus advocates the

thumb—out hand position which became popular in the seventeenth century.

It superseded the sixteenth-century position in which the thumb moved

toward the palm of the hand and under the fingers; this older position

had evolved from the fifteenth-century technique of playing the lute with

a plectrum.2^ Stobaeus actually condemns the old technique, supporting

his position by mentioning famous lutenists who subscribe to the new.

Among them is Dowland, who is reported to have changed from thumb—under

to thumb-out. Stobaeus ascribes the advantage of a crisp and bright

sound to the new technique, while criticising the old for producing a

dull, muffled sound. Among the writers to discuss thumb-out technique,

Stobaeus is notable for the clarity of his statements.2^

26. Paul Beier, "Right Hand Position in Renaissance Lute Technique,"


Journal of the Lute Society of America XII (1979), 6.

27• Douglas Alton Smith and Gerhard .Sohne, "Eine neue historisch-
theoretisch und practische Untersuchung des Instruments der Lauten,"
Gitarre/Laute I (1979), 23.
50

In chapter 2 on left-hand technique Stobaeus points out that the

player does not stop the strings with the whole hand, for the thumb does

not stop. Instead, it stays under the fingerboard in a position which

would allow the fingerboard to rest on it. It is obvious that it does

not rest on it, however, for one is told that the thumb should move with

the fingers as they go up and down the fingerboard. One is further ad-

vised to keep the fingers near the strings while they are not playing,

and to use the fingers in order. Following the latter advice are exam-

ples clarifying that the index finger should normally play the first

fret (b), the middle finger the second fret (c), and so forth. Beginning

with the index finger, the fingers are numbered 1-1+, and the system of

indicating fingerings with one to four dots placed to the right of the

tablature letters is illustrated. The discussion of left—hand technique

closes with instruction in holding a bass or discant note while other

parts play figurations (coloraturas). A cross ( + ) above or below a

tablature letter signifies that the note should be held.

The third chapter is restricted to a very brief explanation of

full chords, which are said to be easy if one follows the rule "index

finger plays the first fret (b)." Chapter It, which is not much longer,

consists of a description of coloraturas. These are in the form of

stereotyped figurations or written-out ornamentation. Two types are

differentiated: simple and conjunct. The simple are single lines with-

out accompaniment, and are to be played with the thumb and index finger

the right hand. The conjunct are lines with one or more accompanying

notes, and are to be played with the index and middle fingers. If the

figuration begins on the beat, the thumb begins the simple ornament but

the conjunct ornament is begun by the middle finger.


51

The fifth chapter shows two kinds of "mordents;" the first orna-

ments a note with the note below, while the second is described as a one-

note trill or a quick repetition of the same pitch to be played with the

little finger. A written-out example is shown for the first, but only

instructions and an example of an appropriate place to apply it are given

for the second. One is advised that all Movdanten may be improvised ac-

cording to the wishes of the performer.

Chapter 6, concerning the tactus, is a simple illustration of men-

sural notes from o through ^ (semibreve through semifusa), telling

which portion of the metrical unit is assigned to each note. The semi-

breve (whole note) is worth an entire beat. Chapter 7> on triple or pro-

portion, deals with the proportional relationship between two and three

which occurs when a dance in duple meter such as the galliard, courante

or volte is followed by a variation in triple meter. The important infor-

mation here is that in the variation in triple meter, a whole unit is equal

to a half unit of the duple dance rather than the one for one equation that

the neophyte might presume. The last chapter illustrates how the tuning

of a lute may be tested by playing a series of unisons or octaves in which

one string is open and the other stopped.

The advice to students and the examples of right-hand fingering

which follow the eight chapters are copied from works by Jean-Baptiste
28 .
Besard. The advice is abridged from his Isagoge ^n artem testuavnavvam

and the examples from his Novus partus, both of which were published in

1617. Since there has been much confusion regarding Besard's publications,

28. I am grateful to Douglas Alton Smith for calling this to my attention.


52

the situation should be explained here. His lute instructions were first

published in 1603 in an anthology entitled Thesaurus harmonious, of which

he was the editor. It contains i+03 pieces in French tablature by Besard

and many other important lutenists of his time.29 The instructions, en-

titled De modo in testudine studendi libellus," are written in Latin.^

Since they achieved considerable popularity, Besard published a revised

edition of them in 1617, with a new anthology of lute music entitled

Novus partus. A German translation of the revised instructions was issued

in the same year as a pamphlet, under the title of Isagoge in artem testu-

dinariam. The translator, identified only as "I.N.," added a few remarks


31
of his own but made no important changes. It is interesting that for

some unknown reason, the German version was issued a few months prior to
32
Novus partus.

On folios 26V and 27r of his album Stobaeus, without citing his

source, copied two non-consecutive passages from the Isagoge in artem

testudinariam. Although Stobaeus abridged the material and changed a few

words, there is more than enough identical wording to verify that the

passages are derived from the Isagoge and are not, as might be suspected,

29. Wolfgang Boetticher, "Besardus, Jean-Baptiste," Vie Musik in Gesohiohte


und Gegenwart, ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Barenreiter, 19^-9-
1951), I, 1816.

30. The instructions were translated into English by Robert Dowland with
the assistance of his father John, in their Varietie of Lute-Lessons
of 1610; for a discussion of this publication see Diana Poulton, John
Dowland (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), 386-389.

31. Julia Sutton, "The Lute Instructions of Jean-Baptiste Besard," Musical


Quarterly LI (April, 1965), 3^7.

32. Ibid.
53

independent translations from Thesaurus harmonious or Novus partus. The

passages in question are on pages 1—3 and 18 of the ZsaQO03.'^~' The exam-

ples of left-hand fingering on folios 27v and 28r of Stobaeus' album are

also from Besard. Their abridged headings in Latin identify their source
2k
as Novus partus, pages 3-7•

Stobaeus divides Besard's advice to lute students into sections

which may be summarized as follows: l) In order to achieve success, a

student must love music and must practice; however, he should take care

to achieve a sensible moderation and not to practice too strenuously.

2) One should select a lute which is neither too large nor too small, but

suited to one's hand. This lute should have at least ten c o u r s e s , f o r

the more courses a lute has, the better it sounds. 3) In order to develop

a quick hand, one should avoid rubbing oil of tartar or wearing gloves or

rings on the hands; instead one should keep his hands clean and avoid

strenuous exercise such as fencing, h) Once a person has begun such study,

he should keep it up. One time might be better than another for practice,

but once the student finds the right time he should work very hard, prac-

ticing a piece until he has mastered it. When working on a piece one

should practice it section by section rather than all at once. It is

33. For a facsimile reprint of this work see Jean-Baptiste Besard, In-
struktionen fur haute 1610 unci 161?', Series C vol. I of Institutio
pro arte testudinis (Neuss/Rhein: GbR-Junghanel-Paffgen-Schaffer,
197*0; passages copied by Stobaeus are on pages 8-10 and 25 of this
edition.

3*t. In the same reprint edition these passages are on pages 32-36.

35- This provides additional evidence that the material is derived from
Besard's publications of 1617, for they are for a ten—course lute,
while the Thesaurus haxnonious of 1603 is for an eight—course lute.
5^

better to begin with pieces which present no particular difficulties with

stops or rhythms. One should be careful with the beat and not hurry. In

the beginning there is nothing better than to proceed with patience, and

nothing worse than to hurry. Chords and individual notes should be played

slowly and cleanly. The player should be concerned with his facial ex-

pression, and should keep his right arm firm and steady. The thumb and

fingers should not move too much when playing coloraturas.

The German-Tablature Instructions

On folios 36r through ^llr of his album Stobaeus presents some

older lute instructions which pertain to German tablature. The section

begins with some general comments. The lute is praised as the best-

loved and most artistic instrument commonly heardj a person who desires

to learn to play it is advised that he must have a real love of lute

music and be very diligent in order to succeed.

After this introduction, the author presents five short chap-

ters :

1. True Left-hand Fingering (folios 36v-37r)

2. Striking and Ornamenting with the Right Hand (folios 37r-38r)

3. The Small Cross and Its Meaning (folio 38r)

k. Tuning the Lute (folios 38r-38v)

5. Rhythm (folio 38v)

Chapter 1 contains some information quite similar to the modern in-

structions . the player should keep his left hand free to move up and

down the fingerboard and should keep his fingers low, in a side-by-side
55

position if possible. The system of dots for left-hand fingering is ex-

plained; one dot over a tablature letter indicates the index finger, two

dots the middle finger, three dots the ring finger, and four dots the

little finger. This is illustrated on folio 38v by a small drawing of

a left hand with dots on the fingers. The same system is similarly il-

lustrated in Hans Newsiedler's Ein Newgeordnet kunstliah Lautenbuah of

36

1536. The chapter gives a few examples of fingering, pointing out that

in stopping three strings on the same fret, it is unnecessary to use

three fingers. The player is cautioned to make sure that all voices

sound clearly.

In chapter 2 on right-hand technique, the player is told to use

the thumb and index finger for playing runs and coloraturas. It is in-

teresting that the author advocates the thumb—under technique which was

denounced in the preceding modern instructions. The thumb-under tech-

nique is commended here for giving greater dexterity in ornamenting. In

connection with the right hand, the author explains two more uses of dots.

When two dots are found beside a letter, the chord on that beat should be

played with all of the fingers rather than the thumb alone. A dot be-

neath a letter indicates that the index finger should be used; this

applies particularly to runs or figurations played by the thumb and

index finger.

Chapter 3 on the small cross conveys information similar to the

modern instructions: a note marked with a cross should be held while a

36. A facsimile of this work is reprinted as Series A vol. I of Institutio


pro arte testudinis (Neuss/Rhein: GbR—Junghanel—Paffgen-Schaffer«
197*0 .
56

moving part is being played. In this section the cross is supposed to

be beside the letter rather than above or below it as in the modern in-

structions .

The tuning method in chapter ij- is like the one given by Newsiedler

and also by Matthaus Waissel.^ As was customary, no pitch was specified

for the top string; rather, it was to be tuned as high as the performer

wished and the string could stand. The method specifies that the low

string is to be tuned to the same pitch as the high string, at the octave

(actually two octaves). Once the outer strings are tuned, the timing of

the rest of the strings is derived by matching the following at the octave

(strings are numbered from the top):

the second fret on the low string and the third string

the third fret on the third string and the fifth string

the second fret on the fifth string and the second string

the third fret on the second string and the fourth string

In this chapter on tuning, the organization of the entire section

breaks down. There are brief discussions in Latin on fingering and rhy-

thm; a method for tuning two descant lutes and one bass lute together;

short poems about the lute; short instructions for tuning a lute with the

violin, harp or cither; another tuning method for a single lute; and

finally, on folio k2r, on a page jammed with scriptural quotations relating

37- Waissel's treatise has not been reprinted; however, it is discussed


and translated by Douglas Alton Smith, "The Instructions in Matthaeus
Waissel's Lautenbuch," Journal of the Lute Society of America VIII
(1975), ^9-79•
57

to music, drawings of two left hands, one giving the names of the fingers

and the other showing letters of German tablature on different parts of

the hand. The latter is a sort of adaptation of the Guidonian hand for

lutenists, showing which letters of tablature are played in first, second

or third position rather than showing solmisation syllables as in Guido's

system. Stobaeus illustration is similar but not identical to several

shown in Ain sohone kunstliohe undevweisung by Hans Judenkunig.38

Authorship of the Instructions

Both the older and newer sets of instructions in Stobaeus' book

contain information which is found in many other sources• Presuming

Stobaeus to be the writer, it is uncertain which, if any, of the in-

structions were original with him. The only outside sources which have

been identified to date are the works by Besard which are discussed above.

It is possible, however, that all of the material was copied from pre-

existing sources. A reasonable hypothesis is that Stobaeus had access

to a number of printed and hand—copied lute treatises which circulated

among his friends and colleagues, and that he copied some of his favorite

excerpts in his album along with his own remarks. Although he may have

copied from some sources which no longer exist, more of his sources be-

sides Besard may yet come to light.

It is not safe to infer that Stobaeus endorsed all of the ma-

terial included in the treatises. It is particularly likely that the

38. Helmut Monkemeyer, ed., presents a facsimile of the text of this work
along with his transcription of the music (Hofheim am Taunus: Friedrich
Hofmeister, n.d.).
58

older instructions using German tablature were included purely for didactic

purposes. Several points suggest that he did not endorse the material in

the newer instructions; for example, the small cross which symbolized a

held note did not appear in any of the pieces, and the use of dots to in-

dicate fingerings was rare. Recently some scholars who have mentioned

this manuscript in studies of lute technique have attempted to use the

treatise material as evidence in dating the manuscript. Such evidence

is inconclusive, however, for the instructions could have been copied

years after they were first written. This must have happened in the case

of the German tablature material. It is established that the Besard ex-

cerpts were not copied before 1617, but this does not contradict literary

evidence suggesting that the whole manuscript was compiled about 1638.

39• See Beier, op. ait., 20-21; he is incorrect in assuming that "l6 c.
19 (folio ^0r) is a date. Instead it is a source location for an
excerpt: Lib[er] 16 a[anto] 19. The passage is a history of the
quasi-mythical musician Arion; for his story see Edith Hamilton,
Mythology (New York: Mentor Books, I9U2), 289.
59

Chapter IV

THE LITERARY PORTIONS OF SLOANE 1021

The German of Stobaeus' Time

Identification of historical period and dialect is very important

in approaching a German manuscript, for throughout its evolution, the

German language consisted of a rich diversity of dialects. For someone

accustomed to modern standardization, the extent of this diversity is

difficult to imagine. In broadest terms, the German dialects may be

classified as High (Hoch) or Low (Nieder). These potentially confusing

words do not refer to quality, but rather to the altitude of the regions

where the dialects originated. Central German (Mitteldeutsch) is some-

times classed separately, but it is more often classed as a major sub-

division of High German.

The low dialects developed in the flatlands along the North Sea

and the Baltic Sea. On a modern map, this would include the northern

coasts of the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic

Republic, as well as portions of Poland and the Soviet Union. The high

dialects developed in the mountainous southern regions which now include

Austria, Switzerland and Bavaria. The central dialects developed in a

strip of land which now cuts across the center of the Federal Republic

and the south of the Democratic Republic.1 The sub-dialects within

1. Based on the map in Robert Priebsch and W.E. Collinson, The German
Language, 3rd ed. (London: Faber & Faber, 19^8), facing 1*96.
6o

these broad groups were fostered by the plethora of sovereign states

which governed German-speaking peoples.

Since High German has achieved predominance, the development

of modern German is normally chronicled according to its evolution.

Scholars of the language recognize these approximate periods: Old

High German, 770-1050; Middle High German, 1050-1350; Early New High
2
German, 1350-1650; and New High German, l650-the present day. Some

authorities further divide the Early New High German period by labeling

1350-1520 as "earliest."3

Amid a bewildering array of dialects, conscious and unconscious

moves toward standardization were beginning toward the close of the

Middle High German period. The following influences were particularly

instrumental in creating a standard language: l) imperial and municipal

chanceries regularly began to keep records in German rather than Latin

in the fourteenth century, and the writing styles of the most important
chanceries, the so-called Kanzleispraehen, became models in their re-
i|

spective dialects; 2) printing from moveable type was invented in the

middle of the fifteenth century, and this caused the dialects of the

most important printing centers, the so-called Druokerspraohen, to be

disseminated; and 3) Martin Luther's translations of the New Testament

2. W. Walker Chambers and John R. Wilkie, A Short History of the German


Language (London: Methuen & Co., 1970), 31.

3. Priebsch and Collinson, op. cit. , 38i+.

h. W.B. Lockwood, An Informal History of the German Language (Cambridge:


W. Heffer, 1965), 130.

5. John T. Waterman, A History of the German Language, rev. ed. (Seattle:


University of Washington Press, 1976), 127-128.
6l

and the whole Bible were published in 1522 and 153^ respectively, and

his so-called Bibetdeutsch was read by a wide audience.^

Luther acknowledged that his translation was based on the writing

style of the Saxon Chancery, 'which ... is representative of the East

Central dialect. He was such a gifted writer that he improved greatly

upon his bureaucratic model, enlivening a stilted style with skillful


7
borrowings from the language of the common people. Both the success of

the Reformation and quality of Luther's writing helped his translation

to achieve tremendous popularity, which proved decisive in making the

East Central dialect the basis of a standard written language. As might


be expected, the areas which remained Catholic were the slowest to adopt
g

it. As Luther's Bibetdeutsch became more and more influential, the

terms Hochdeutsch or deutsche Hochsprache acquired the meaning of "standard

German," and by the end of the sixteenth century the Hochsprache had be-

come the dialect of upper-class and educated Germans in Protestant areas.

In northern districts the indigenous Low German lost status and became
9
reserved for country people and members of the lower classes.

It is interesting that the East Central dialect was also used by

the Teutonic Knights in East Prussia; they took it with them when they

colonized the pagan land in which Prussian, a Baltic rather than Germanic

language, was originally spoken. They used East Central German both for

6. Priebsch and Collinson, op. cit., 390.

7. Ibid.

8. Waterman, op. cit. , 133.

9. Lockwood, op. cit.) 126.


62

official and literary purposes until the early fifteenth century. How-

ever, as their power waned, their dialect was superseded by East Elbian,

a sub-dialect of Low German. Simon Dach's poem entitled "Grethke Lied,"

copied on folios 8jv and 88r of Stobaeus' album, preserves an example of

it."^1 Much of it is unintelligible to a student of modern German. For-

tunately, since Stobaeus and his circle were members of the educated

class, they normally wrote in the deutsche Hochsprache derived from the

East Central dialect, as it existed in the closing decades of the Early

New High German period. Except for Dach's digression, this was the German

used in Stobaeus' album. After some minor adjustments, a person who reads

the modern Hoehsprache can decipher it with little difficulty.

Most of the German words in the album are written in deutsche

Schreibschrift; this characteristically German handwriting is often

loosely termed "Gothic," but to be more precise, it should be called

"German cursive." It evolved in the sixteenth century from true Gothic


12
cursive, which was the informal counterpart of Gothic print. Early

in the same century Fraktur, a highly decorative German variety of Gothic


13
print, came into fashion. There are a few examples of Fraktur in

Stobaeus' album. Deutsche Schreibschrift and Fraktur have always been

10. Priebsch and Collinson, op. cit. , 369-370.

11. This poem is discussed in depth by Robert Priebsch in his article,


"'Grethke, war umb heffstu mi' etc., das 'Bauer-Lied' Simon Dachs,"
Miscellany Presented to Kuno Meyer, ed. by Osborn Bergin and Carl
Marstrander (Halle a.S.: Max Niemeyer, 1912), 65-78.

12. Priebsch and Collinson, op. cit. , ^19-^20.

13. "Fraktur," Der Grosse Brockhaus, 15th ed. (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus,
1930), VI, k23-h2k.
63

so closely associated with the German language that they have been

used exclusively for German words. This is true in Stobaeus' album,

where Roman letters are used for Latin. The Fraktur and Schveibschvift

which were so firmly implanted by Stobaeus' time were to remain in use,

albeit with slight modifications, until the mid—twentieth century. The

early Sahreibsahrift is more ornate than later styles, but its basic

letter shapes are the same.

The German of Stobaeus and his friends has not been modernized

in transcription, since such a change would destroy much of the album's

distinctiveness and charm. Thus, it is useful to mention some ways that

this late Early New High German differs from the modern. No attempt will

be made to give a technical explanation such as a linguist would expect;

instead, some points will be mentioned which should help an ordinary

reader of modern German to make sense of the earlier texts.

Fortunately, the grammar of the l630's was quite similar to the

modern; the writers did make frequent use of the subjunctive, so the

reader should watch for it. The spelling is the source of most of the

problems, for it was not yet standardized in Stobaeus' time. In the

album educated writers spelled differently from one another, and in-

dividual writers used variant spellings of the same words. It is

apparent from its deliberate use that this variation was a feature of

learned writing; a writer demonstrated his knowledge by showing off

the multiple spellings in his repertory. Many spellings which have

since become standard were then in use, but they were only among the

options. Also, modern rules for capitalization did not yet exist;
61*

while proper names and first words in sentences were capitalized con-

sistently, other words were capitalized at the whim of the writers.

Some important differences in vowel usage which occurred in

the early period were:

1) u was often replaced by w in the combinations eu and au;

2) i was sometimes replaced by y in the ei combination;

3) the combinations eu and au, which are pronounced alike,


were used interchangeably;

k) umlaut symbols (") were not used consistently; words which


now require them appeared both with and without them;

5) words with the short-e sound which are now spelled with a
were usually spelled with e;

6) words with the long-e sound which are now spelled with ie
were often spelled with i alone.

Prior to the last years of the period, Early New High German made no

distinction between initial i and j, or initial u and y; since the album

was probably copied around 1638-16^0, which is relatively late in the

period, it seems justifiable to make those distinctions in transcribing

it. It is especially apparent that the album's writers were differen-

tiating initial i and j.

Following are some examples to illustrate the above points.

Early spellings come from Stobaeus' album:

New High German Meaning Early New


(Modern German) High German

1) Frau Mrs. or woman Fraw

2) reimen to rhyme or reymen


to make sense
65

3) Fraulein Miss or young Freulein,


lady Frewlein

U) Fraulein Fraulein,
Frawlein

5) hatte ich if I had hette ich


(subjunctive)

6) er sieht he sees er siht

Some important differences in consonant usage which occurred

in the early period -were:

1) consonant sounds which were elided in pronunciation were


usually spelled that way;

2) medial z was often preceded "by t;

3) medial k was often preceded "by e;

k) tt and th were interchangeable;

5) certain medial and final consonants, especially m, f and


were used both singly and doubly;

6) p or t was usually inserted between m and another consonant.

Following are some examples of these points:

New High German Meaning Early New


(Modern German) High German

1) Magst du das? Do you like that? Magstu das?

2) gezogen pulled (past getzogen


participle)

3) merken to notice mercken

) Gott God Goth

5) Freundschaft friendship Freundschafft

6) er kommt he comes er kompt


66

The Konigsberger Dichterkreis and Its Poems

The Renaissance in literature occurred much later in German

lands than in many other parts of Europe. Although sixteenth—century

German writers were acquainted with literary activities in France and

Italy, it was not until the first decades of the seventeenth century

that Renaissance ideas were actually put to use in the German language.1*1

The work of poets of those decades is of special interest in connection

with Stobaeus, for he knew several poets of importance whose work is

recorded in his Stamribueh.

German poetry was in a state of decline in the days of the

Meistersinger, and many literati of the sixteenth century wrote poems

in Latin rather than German; however, by the end of the century there

was an awakening interest in vernacular poetry.1^ The seventeenth cen-

tury saw the establishment of many poetic-literary societies or Spraoh-

gesellsahaften which were dedicated to the advancement of the German

language. Members of these groups formulated theories, produced original

works, and translated important foreign works into German. The inspira-

tion for this kind of society came from the Florentine Aoademia delta

Crusoa or Academy of Bran, founded in 1582, which sought to refine the

Italian language as a miller refines bran from wheat in order to make


1(D
flour. Like their model, the German groups often had fanciful names,

lit. J.G. Robertson, A History of German Literature, 3rd ed. (Edinburgh:


William Blackwood & Sons, 1939), 206.

15. Ibid. , 207.

16. Robertson, op. ait. , 211-212.


67

and their members took pseudonyms which related to those names. The

earliest German group on record was the Fruchtbringende Gesetlschaft,

founded under the auspices of the Prince of Anhalt in l6l7, whose mem-
17
bers assumed names relating to the plant kingdom.

The reform of German poetry was a major concern of the Spvach-

gesellschaften. An urgent problem faced by the poets was form, which

was a weakness of the style handed down by the Meistersinger, and the

solution was found in importation of forms from abroad. Georg Rudolf

Weckherlin, 158^-16535 was one of the first German poets to write son-
18
nets and Alexandrines. His work was overshadowed, however, by that

of Martin Opitz, 1597-16399 who was the most influential German poetic

reformer of the seventeenth century. From 1619-1620 Opitz studied at

the University of Heidelberg, during which he was active in a circle

of young poets. Unfortunately, the outbreak of the Thirty Years' War

forced him to abandon his studies and flee the country. For the dura-

tion of his life he was frequently on the move, and he seems to have

had a restless disposition. He made a career of travelling widely in

the service of various nobles and dignitaries, publishing a steady stream

of poetry, studies of poetics, and other literary works as he went. His


19
last position was in Danzig, where his life was cut short by the plague.

17. Hermann Kluge, Geschichte dev deutsohen Bational-Litevatuv, 19th ed.


(Altenburg: Oskar Bonde, 1888), 8 3 .

18. Robertson, op. cit., 208.

19. Biographical data from Marian Szyrocki, "Opitz, Martin," Die Musik in
Gesohiohte und Gegemwart, ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Barenreiter,
1962), x, 118-119.
68

Both as a poet and theoretician Opitz has suffered the fate

of being idolized in his own time and disliked by posterity. His most

important achievement vas a book of poetics entitled Zte Buch von der

deutschen Poeterey, published in 1624. In it h e established principles

of verse-vriting based upon alternation of accented and unaccented

syllables instead of the simple syllable-counting system which had been

passed down from the Meistersinger-, he also advocated a standardized

form of High German for literary usage, and expounded rules for writing

many different kinds of poetry. 20 As he acknowledged, much of the book

was borrowed from foreign writers, to the extent that he has been de-

scribed as its compiler rather than its author. 21 I n any case the book

achieved a phenomenal success; the time was ripe for its message, and

it was widely disseminated with the help of the literary societies.

These rules for writing poetry set an authoritative standard that was

only superseded by the writings of Gottsched over a century later. 22

As might be expected, however, the rules outlived their usefulness and

helped to bring about pedantry and artificiality in the works of some

of Opitz' followers. Justly or unjustly, many literary scholars blame

Opitz for these evils. 23

As a poet Opitz was versatile, although he was at his best in

the lyric style. He was not first to introduce Alexandrines, but it

20. Robertson, op. ait., 211.

21. Ibid., 210.

22. Ibid., 211.

23
* f° r Kuno Francke, Social Forces in German Literature, 3rd ed
(New York: Henry Holt, 1899), 179.
69

was he who made them an effective part of German poetry.2^ it is of

interest to musical scholars that he was also the librettist for Schtitz'

Dafne, the first German opera, of which the music is now lost. 25 Es-

pecially when compared to what had come before, Opitz* style possessed

a novelty and refinement which his contemporaries admired greatly. He

made the mistake, however, of placing too much dependence on his own

rules as the means to becoming a great poet. In the judgment of pos-

terity, mere adherence to rules was unable to elevate his poetry above

mediocrity. As one author expressed it, hardly ever has such a mediocre

poet come to such high honor as Opitz.26 It is nevertheless undeniable

that he made a great contribution to the development of German poetry.

Perhaps his finest legacy was that he inspired and guided other poets

whose talent was greater than his own.

Among the poets whom he inspired were the members of a Spraoh-

gesellsohaft in Konigsberg called the Konigsberger Diahterkreis or

Freundeskreis, whose poems constitute the major literary material in

Stobaeus album. It is not apparent that the group had one constant

theme m the manner of the Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft, but its members

did take pseudonyms. L.H. Fischer reports that Johann Stobaeus was an

active member, and that his pseudonym was " D e l p h i s U n f o r t u n a t e l y

2h. Kluge, op. ait., 85.

25. Szyrocki, op. ait., 120.

26. Alfred Bies e Deutsche Litemtuvgeschichte, 23rd ed. (Munich: C.H.


•DecK:, I, 375.

27. L.H. Fischer, "Johann Stobaeus ein Mitglied des Konigsberger Dichter-
kreises, Monatshefte fur Musikgeschichte XVI (l88i0, 91.
70

Fischer does not explain the significance of that name. It might seem

strange that Stobaeus belonged to the group, for he was more nearly con-

temporary with an older generation of Konigsberg's poets, represented

by such men as Petrus Hagius, 1569-1620, who was a rector at the ca-
28
thedral school. Stobaeus outlived many of the older poets, however,

and became involved with the new generation. Among those younger artists,

the three discussed below were named in the album as authors of poems.

The man regarded as the founder of the group, and also as its

finest poet, was Simon Dach, 1605-1659. He went to Konigsberg in 1619

m order to study at the cathedral school, where he was a pupil of Hagius.

Later he attended the university, after which he returned to the cathedral

school as an assistant teacher. In 1639 he was appointed Professor of

Poetry at the university, where he remained for the rest of his life. 29

Like many of his colleagues he wrote a large number of Geleg&riheita-

gedichte, among which were poems to commemorate the third marriage and
QQ

the death of Stobaeus. It is fortunate that many of Dach's works were

published during his lifetime, and many survive. In common with many

other Konigsberg poets of the older and younger generations, he is repre-

sented in Eccard and Stobaeus' Preussische Festlieder.31 Dach was an

28
' S^77G°edo\e' *ur Geschichte der Deutschen Dichtung aus den
Quellen, 2nd ed. (Dresden: L.S. Ehlermann, 1887), 122.

29. Biographical data from Goedeke, op. cit123-12U.

3°. These are indexed and quoted in Hermann Osterley, ed., Simon Dach
(Tubingen: L.Fr. Fues, 1876).

31 liStS titlSS DaCh


' thifSollection!" ^ ^ °therS Which are in
71

enthusiastic follower of Opitz, but it is ironical that Dach is now

considered to have been the better poet of the two. He possessed a

genuine lyric gift and depth of feeling which mere adherence to rules
32
could not produce.

The poet who was a spiritual leader to the group was Robert

Roberthm, 1600-16^8. Unlike Dach and most of the others, he enjoyed

the advantage of having studied and travelled in many different countries

of Europe, including France, England and Italy, before settling per-

manently m Konigsberg. His sophisticated literary background was a

rich treasure to the friends, and it enabled him to obtain distinguished


posts in the city.

Gatherings of the BiohterTa>eis were held at the homes of some of

its members, and the most famous meeting-place of all was Heinrich Albert's

garden. Albert, who lived from l6ok to 1651, was Heinrich Schutz' cousin.

Albert first arrived in Konigsberg in 1626, but left the next year on a

diplomatic mission to Warsaw which resulted in his imprisonment there;

after his release in 1628, he returned to Konigsberg where he made his

home. In 1630 he obtained the post of organist at the cathedral church.3l+

It was around this time that the activities of the Diehterkreis began.35

32. Robertson, op. oit. , 2ll+.

33. Goedeke, op. oit., 128.

3h. Biographical data from Helmuth Osthoff, "Albert, Heinrich," Die Musik
in Gesohiohte undGegenwavt, ed. by Friedrich Blume (Kassel: Baren-
reiter, 191+9.1951), i, 288.

35. Hermann Osterley, Simon Daehs seine Fveunde und Johann Roling (Berlin-
W. Spemann, 1883), iii.
72

Albert named his garden the Kurbis-Hutte, which translates

literally as "pumpkin-hut," but might more accurately be called "pump-

kin-arbor." He took steps to immortalize it by entitling one of his

publications, a cycle of tricinia for which he also wrote the poetry,

the Musiaalische Kurbis-Hutte.36 It is reported that Albert encouraged

the poets who met in his arbor to leave remembrances by copying examples

of their work onto the pumpkins, a request that they are said to have

granted. Although this now suggests a humorous occasion, such was not

the case. Influenced by the ephemeral aspect of their endeavor, the

poets recorded melancholy rhymes dealing with human frailty and the
37
passing of time.

Albert's most important works were his collections of Arien,

published in eight sets between 1638 and 165O. These established his

fame as one of the leading German song-writers of his time. In addition

to solo songs, the Arien include polyphonic pieces; Osthoff has drawn

attention to the fact that Albert wrote more and more polyphony in the
38

later sets. Since Albert's texts were mainly the work of his friends

in the Dichterkreis, the Arien are an excellent source for their poetry. 39

There are two important links between Stobaeus' album and the

Arien. One is that there are several poems by members of the Dichterkreis

36. Osthoff, op. ait., 289.

37 DeT
' zu^Kun^dT^^l ,^Va:n^eUsa}le Kirohengesang und sein VerK&ltnis
zurKunst des Tonsatzes (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hart el, 181+5; reprint
Hlldeshpim!
Hildesheim: r TPnvfT nimo
Georg 1 C\CLC\ II,
01ms, 1966), tt 115. 9 s9 Jj ±11 u,

38. Osthoff, op. ait., 291.

39- Ibid.
73

which appear in both sources.^ The other is that a few of Albert's

monodic all copies of pieces which are found in the published

collections, are written in Stobaeus' album; these are found on folios

59r-62r and 6 W . It is possible that they are in Albert's own hand.

Perhaps most interesting is a setting of Dach's "Nimfe gib mir selbst

den mund on folio 6kv, which contains the only example of figured bass

in the album. As a composer of continuo-Lieder Albert was progressive,

and in this regard there was strife between him and the conservative

Stobaeus, who probably never wrote continuo. The relationship between

the two men is said to have improved when Albert sought instruction from

Stobaeus in counterpoint, in which subject Albert was weak and open to

criticism. 1 This instruction may account for the increase of polyphony

in the later sets of Arien. The presence of the continuo-Lieder in the

album suggests that the older master took at least some interest in the

genre, and supports the report that relations between the two composers
had improved.

The Date of the Manuscript

In addition to the date of 16U0 which appears with Stobaeus'

signature on folio ll5r, the date 1638 in the form of »A5. 38" is re-

corded in three places: on folio iky with Simon Dach's name, folio 62r

1 0
' ' das 'SuPr 0 ? 3 * o b e r t Priebsch, "Grethke, war umb heffstu mi etc
n 3 Misoellan
bv « y Resented to Kuno Meyer ed'
SlsHgir11 1
^ Carl
(Halle a.S. : Max Nie^er,'

k1 Grudzi dza
' P mcJZ Stu
^ >" Pomerania, Eocznik
12g ° <lentow III (Poznan: University of Poznan, 1928), 128-
lb

with Heinrich Albert's name, and folio 6 W with Dach's name. These

names and dates accompany the poets' works. Since one has no way of

knowing in what order the contents were copied, a date in a Stammbueh

is not necessarily conclusive. Still, it may be significant that these

dates occur at the beginning, middle and end of the book. The presence

of any specific dates is welcome in this case, since dating of the musical

evidence is only speculative. Since there is no solid evidence to the

contrary, the possible validity of these dates must be allowed, and this

would pinpoint 1638-16^0 as the period during which the Stammbuoh was

copied.

It is interesting that the Dichterkreis received a visit from the

esteemed Martin Opitz in 1638; this was an event which prompted much cele-

bration and artistic activity.1,2 There are four poems by Opitz in Stobaeus'

Stamnbueh; one of them is on folio 62r where the date of 1638 appears, which

suggests a possible connection with Opitz' visit. In his article on these

four poems, Leonard Forster pointed out that the versions in the album are

less refined and correct than the published versions. He accounted for the

discrepant readings by suggesting that Stobaeus copied the poems from memory

3
or hearsay. Forster was apparently unaware of the date on folio 62r; if

at least one of the poems could be connected with Opitz' visit, Forster's

opinion might need reconsideration.

'2- ait
-• 289 reports Aibert
*
43. Leonard Forster, "Four^Poems by Opitz in MS. Sloane 1021 in the
n is Museum, Neuphilologische Mitteilungen XXXVIII (1937), 87.
75

Poems in the album by members of the Diehterkreis, copied in several

hands, also vary slightly from printed sources. As Forster suggested for

the Opitz works, perhaps all of these poems were copied from memory or hear-

say; if so, however, it was probably some of the poets rather than Stobaeus

who quoted them. What seems still more plausible is that the poems were

copied from no-longer-preserved manuscripts that circulated among the


kh
friends; these manuscripts might even have been other Stammbucher. If

people copied poetry of which they were not the authors, it would have been

easier for them to be unaware of textual corruptions in their sources.

In common with the major poems, there are many epigrams and short

rhymes m the album which are copied in several hands. These were most

likely quoted from memory or created spontaneously. It seems very likely

that the album was taken to the meetings of the Diehterkreis, and that

these examples from various contributors were obtained there. It may have

been the meetings that influenced Stobaeus to keep a Starmbuah, for such

cultivated gatherings would have provided excellent opportunities for

collecting material.

This strong connection with the Dichterkreis could provide a clue

about the purpose of the lute music. Stobaeus might have composed and

compiled it at least partly with the intent of entertaining the poets at

their meetings. If so this would help to account for his interest in a

genre which for him was uncharacteristic, for the chorale settings and

chorale motets for which he was famous would not have been appropriate on

those informal and probably convivial occasions.

hk
' it^likely^' 'h a d t 0 a<toit t h i S p o s s i M l i t
y even
though he thought
76

A_Sampling of the Poetry

This discussion should not end without some examples of the major

poems in the Stam,buch. The following work by Simon Dach (folio 59v) has

the regular metric accents advocated by Opitz, and also shows features o f

Petrarchism, which Opitz introduced into German poetry. In Petrarchan

conceits the external beauty of a lady is extravagantly praised, often

through use of metaphor,**5 and a cold-hearted lady with a suffering lover


)I
are stock figures:

1.

Soil den Schonste Doris Ich


Ewig leben ohne Dich?
Werd Ich endlich meiner pein
Durch Dich auch befreyet sein?

2.

Nein Du fehrest immer fortt,


Giebest nicht auf meine wortt,
Ich mus ruffen ohne ruh
Und Du stopffest die Ohren Zu.

3.
Du verhullest Dein gesicht,
Das Ich Dich anschawe nicht,
hieran hastu Deine Lust,
Aber sihe was Du thust.

Ik
Sihe Die Zeit leufft ohne rast,
Und fiihrt was Du jetzund hast,
Gleich als einen raub daran,
wehrestu gleich noch so schon.

f,r!™Sra/0rStrV:me Iay Hre: Five Studiee


i" European Petramhiem
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 10.
b6. Ibid. , 19.
77

5.
Deiner Brust hoch edles par,
und Dein goltgemengtes Haar,
Auch Dein purpur Angesicht
wird vergehen vie ein liecht.

6.
Die Natur gibt nichts umbsonst,
Darumb weil sie Ihre gonst,
Dir so trefflich hat erweist
Las mich sein Der Dein geneust.

7-
Warumb gibt die traube wein,
wenn
m&n nich"t soil lus"fcig S6in5
Soil man leiden hungers noth,
Warumb gibt das korn den brott.

Darumb schonste las uns jetzt,


weil die bluth uns noch erhitzt,
In der siissen froligkeitt,
Enden unsere Jung Zeitt.

9.
Wenn das Alter Kompt heran,
wird dass alles abgetahn,
Denn der greisen Jahre Ziel,
weder lieben kan noch wil.

10.

Konen las deiner augen schein,


Einmal enden meine pein,
Mach in Deiner Zarten schos,
mich der liebes burden los.

11,

Nun Ich weis du wirst dich noch,


Geben unter Dieses Joch,
und mir nach dem Alten sinn,
Lasse mich den karn Ziehen.
78

12.

Weil voraus ich noch bey Dir,


treulich halte fur und fur,
Trewe liebe wird zuletzt,
mit gewiindschter ruhe ersetzt.

AMEN

The following examples (folio 62v) demonstrate poetic parody,

of which these men were fond. In the first poem, Simon Dach has written

of the sun's radiant course and attendant joys of spring, while in the

second, Robert Hoberthin has parodied it stanza for stanza, telling how

the sun has departed and the cold of autumn has squelched those spring-

time joys:

VERIS TEMPORE FERVET HYMEN.

1.

Die Sonne rennt mit prangen


durch ihre frulings bahn
und lacht mit ihren wangen
den runden weltkreis an.

2.
Der Himmel kompt zur erden
Erwarmt und macht sie nas,
Drumb mus sie schwanger werden
Gebiihret laub und gras.

3.

Der Westwind lesst sich horen,


Die flora seine braut,
Aus liebe zu verehren
mit blumen, gras und kraut.

k.

Die Vogel kommen nisten


aus frembden landern her,
und hengen nach den Lusten;
Die Schiffe gehn ins Meer;
79

5.
Der Schafer hebt zu singen
von seiner Phyllis an,
Die welt geht wie im springen,
Es frewt sich was nur kan.

6.
Drumb wer an jetzt zum Lieben
Ein gutes mittel hat,
Der fliehe es aufzuschieben
Und folge gutem rath;

7.
Weil alles was sich reget
In dem es sich verliebt
Und sich zu gleichem leget,
Hiezu ions anlas giebt.
Simo Dach.

AUCTUMMI TOLLIT TAEDIA LONGA VENUS.

1.

Die Sonn ist abgegangen


von ihrer hohen bahn
und schielet dass verlangen
der welt nur seitwerts an.

2.
Die lufft entzihet der Erden
Dass warme himmel nass
Davon entgeht den heerden
Die weid an laub und grass.

3.
Der Nordwind lesst sich horen
Dass alien Thieren grawt
Mit frieren zuversehren,
Der felder laub und kraut.

Der wald gleichteiner wusten


von thier und vogel leer;
Mars stellet ein sein rusten,
Der kauffman schawt das meer;
8o

5.

Der Schafer lesst sein singen


und heitzt den Of en an,
Die kalte zu bezwingen
verkreiicht sich was nur kan.

6.

Drumb wer an jetzt Zum Lieben


Ein Zimlich mittel hath,
Der woll es nicht verschieben
Und loffle sich nur satt!

7.

Denn wer es recht erweget,


Sihet wie sich alles iibt,
Dass es sich Dichte leget
und so die warme liebt.
Roberthin.

The Epigrams

Among German poets of the seventeenth century, the epigram en-

joyed a vast popularity. One factor that stimulated their interest was

the study of the Greek Anthology, a large collection of epigrams, epitaphs,

songs and rhetorical exercises that was compiled over a period of almost

2,000 years. Imitations of the anthology were popular in Latin literature

after the fifteenth century when they influenced both French and Italian

Renaissance poetry.1+7 Martin Opitz was one of several poets to translate

portions of the Greek Anthology into G e r m a n , a n d such translations in-

fluenced the creation of original epigrams.

7. Greek Anthology, The New Encyclopaedia Bvitannzca (Chicago: Helen


Hemingway Benton, 1974), micropaedia IV, 706-707.

1+8. See Max ^Rubensohn, Grieohisohe Epigramne und andere kleinere Dioh-
{Z±ZrU *eut-.Sohen Vtersetzungen des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts
(Weimar. Verlag von Emil Felber, l897), 37-52, for Opitz' transla-
"Gions •
81

Stobaeus' album is studded throughout with epigrams, proverbs

and short poems copied in various hands; most are in German, but a few

examples are in Latin. The composer and his friends used every available

space, for even the bottoms of most pages of tablature are covered with

these little rhymes. Although literary scholars have done a thorough

study of the long poems in this manuscript, they have curiously passed

over the epigrams with mere mention. In several ways the epigrams are

more interesting, for while the long poems give a view of the skill and

artistry of the poets, they tend to be somewhat tedious and pretentious,

with some of the artificiality of style which has brought criticism to

Opitz and his school. In contrast, the epigrams are simple and direct,

and provide a treasure-house of insights into the interests and attitudes

of the people of the time.

It is unlikely that most of the epigrams are unique to this manu-

script. Instead they seem to represent a body or type of material that

was familiar to the members of Stobaeus' circle, and in some cases to a

wide segment of the German population. There are several examples of

variant versions of the same rhymes which appear on separate folios in

different hands.

Most of the epigrams are short and incisive commentaries on

aspects of the human condition, with wit and humor to increase their

impact. Despite the fact that Stobaeus and his friends lived through

the time of the Thirty Years' War, this subject is mentioned only once,

and political subjects are not mentioned at all. Instead, the range of

subjects covers personal matters, mostly of a pleasant nature, and even


82

unhappy themes are mitigated by humor. It is encouraging that men llylng

in an age of much hardship were thus able to set their cares aside.

It would be redundant to quote all of the epigr^s, for they tend

into convenient subject groups in which many poems are similar.

Since this material has not been quoted before, however, it should not be'

passed by once again with mere mention. Characteristic examples have

been selected which give a good overview of these works; they will be

discussed according to subject groups.

Aging and the passing of time provide a good starting point, for

they were favorite concerns of the writers. It has already been described

how the KSnigsberg circle, in connection with Heinrich Albert's pumpkin

arbor, wrote some truly melancholy poetry on these very subjects. The

following rhyme, complaining that the poet does not know how long he will

live, when he will die, or where he is going, typifies the much lighter
tone of these works:

Ich leb und weis nicht vie lang


Ich sterb und weis nicht wan,
Ich fahr und weis Gothlob wohin
Mich wundert das ich so trawrig bin.

(folio iir)

The following example is possibly derived from a work in the Greek An-

thology. A young girl is told to enjoy love in her youth, because it

will not be offered to her when she is old:

Magdlein lerne tugend,


Lass dich hertzen in der Jugend,
Wenn du wirst^alt und dir die augen rinnen,
Welcher Juvenis will dich Lieb gewinnen?

(folio 5v)
83

This may be compared to a poem in the Greeli Anthology by Asclepiades,

who lived in the third century B.C.; if the two works are not actually

connected, they are certainly alike in spirit:

Thou grudgest thy maidenhood? What avails it'


When thou goest to Hades thou shalt find none'
to love thee there.
The joys of love are in the land of the living,
but in Acheron, 4dear virgin, we shall lie
dust and ashes. "

The difficulties of marital mismatches provided an apt target

for humor, as in this rhyme of an old man and a young wife:

Ein alter Man und junges weib


leben selten in einigkeitt.
Denn sie ist warm und er ist kalt,
Sie ist jung und er ist alt.
Sie begert mehr aller vermag,
drumb zancken sie sich tag und tag.

(folio 9v)

This rhyme compares a hard nut and a bad tooth to a young wife and an

old man:

Ein harte nuss ein stumper Zan


Ein Junges weib ein alter Man
Zusamen sich nicht reimen woll
Ein jeder seins gleichen nehmen soil.

(folio l6r)

It is amusing that the same rhyme occurs on another folio in reverse,


with an old wife and a young man.

h9. Quoted from W.R Paton, ed., The Greek Anthology (London: William
Hememann, 1927), I, 169. wixxiam
84

The problem of money ranked with the problem of time as a favorite

complaint. One poet says that if gone were not gone, he would be richer
than he has become:

Hin ist hin,


wehr hin nicht hin
So wehr ich reicher
als ich gewesen bin.

(folio 4r)

Yet another laments that if you »ant fine horses, „omen, meat and vine.

you must have a heavy purse:

Wer will auf schonen Rosen sitzen


Und schlaffen bey Jungen schneeweissen Zitzen,
Und essen gebraten das gar ist,
Und trincken wein der klar ist,
Der muss einen beutel haben der schwar ist.

(folio 15v)

German writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have

been criticised in modern times for their occasional lapses into vulgarity.

It tends to be a shock even to some sophisticated moderns to learn that

such a revered person as Martin Luther is known to have used indecent

language. In common with the great man, members of Stobaeus' circle are

on record as having done the same. For example, the following advocates

eating dung and defecating gold as the means to win young ladies:

Friss dreck und scheiss wider golt,


So werde dir die jungen Megdlein holt

(folio 31v)
85

This rhyme brings up the favorite subject of all the epigrams:

women, especially the courting of their favor and the enjoyment of their

company. Treatment of the subject is light-hearted, as in this example

which says that if playing the lute and singing with pretty girls were

part of belonging to the Carthusian Order, the writer would become a


monk:

Lauten schlagen und singen


Mit schonen Frewlein ringen
Wehr das der Cartheuser orden
So wehr ich auch ein Monch geworden.

(folio 4r)

Following are other typical examples. God in the heart and the beloved

in arm banishes sorrows and also keeps one warm:

Goth im hertzen die liebste im Arm


Vertreibt schmertzen macht auch warm.

(folio 5r)

To have young girls and old money is the best thing in the world:

Junge Megdlein und altes Geld,


1st das beste in der weldt.

(folio llv)

Great men and beautiful young women should be served well and troubled
little:

Grossen Herrn und Schonen Jungfrawen


Soil man woll dienen und weinig trawen.

(folio 12r)
86

In the only comment on war In the whole manuscript, the poet says that he

prefers strolling with young women to losing his body and his life In the

war:

Lieber wil ich nach Jungfrawen spatzieren


Den im krieg Leib und Leben verlieren.

(folio J+7r)

Women of ill repute are not neglected. This rhyme says that a woman

who likes to drink brandy, wink at fellows and shuffle her feet will be-

come a whore if she is not one already:

Ein Jungfraw die gern brandwein trinckt,


Den Gesellen mit den augen winckt,
Thut mit den fiissn scharren aufr erden,
Ists keine hur so wirds gewis ein werden.

(folio l^r)

These more explicit lines tell what to do to a woman who is beautiful,

naked, young or has a baby:

1st sie schon, Amate.


1st sie nackend, Probate.
1st sie Jung, Laudate.
Bekombt sie ein kind, Baptirate.

(folio llr)

To close the subject of love with more refinement, here is a rhyme which

says that there is no greater joy than to love and be loved, and no greater
sorrow than to love and not to be loved:

Kein grosser frewd ist hie auf erden


Als lieben und geliebet werden,
Hergegen ist kein grosser pein
Als lieben und nicht geliebet sein.

(folio 8r)
87

As seen in these poems about women and love, many of the writers'

attitudes, even though softened by humor, were prejudicial. At its most

basic level this prejudice involved fixed ideas of people's character

traits or places m society. In this example a student without heart, a

young woman without merriment and a widow without money are declared to

be of no use in the world:

Ein Student ohne hertz,


Ein Jungffraw ohn schertz,
Ein Wittil ohne gelt,
Seind wenig nutz in der welt.

(folio litr)

A fair without thieves, a young wife without love, a gentleman without

land, a Jew without a pawn, and an old goat without a beard are contrary
to nature:

Ein Fahrmarck ohne diebe,


Ein Junges Weib ohne Liebe,
Ein Herr ohne landt,
Ein Jude ohne pfandt,
Ein alter Bock ohne Barth,
1st wider die natur und arth.

(folio 7r)

Prejudice on a broader level encompassed cities, regions and nations.

In rare cases preconceptions were even complementary, as in this rhyme

which says that the poet would be a hero if he possessed the wit of

Nurnberg, the cannon of Strassburg, the might of Venice, the pomp of

Augsburg, and the riches of Ulm:


88

Der Niirnberger witz,


Der Strassbiirger geschutz,
Der Venediger macht,
Die Augsburgische Pracht,
Der Ulmer gelt,
Hett Ich das, so wer Ich ein helt.

(folio I3v)

The uncomplementary tone of the next example was far more typical.

Whoever comes from Leipzig without a wife, from Wittenberg with a

sound body, and from Helmstadt without being mugged, can boast of

good luck:

Wer von Leiptzig kombt ohne Weib,


Von Wittenbergk mit gesunden Leib,
Von Helmstadt ungeschlagen,
Der mag woll von gutem gluck sagen.

(folio 52r)

A similar international example says that whoever comes from Sweden

without being imprisoned, from Denmark without being hanged, and from

Poland without being robbed, can say that he walks on lucky shoe-

soles :

Wer aus Schweden kompt ungefangen,


Auss Dennemarck ungehangen,
Auss Polen unbestolen,
Der sage Er gehe auf gliicklich schusolen.

(folio Tlr)

Since these rhymes do not refer to specific events, it would not be

surprising to find the same rhymes with names of other cities or coun-

tries substituted, depending on the prejudices of different writers.


89

It has been pointed out that Stobaeus was of Polish ancestry;50

however, the following is somewhat critical of the Polish. It seems to

be a seventeenth-century rendition of the Polish joke. Bows, gossip

and clothes are well-understood by Poles:

Auf Kleider Reverentz und schnacken,


Verstehen sich wol die Polacken.

(folio 71r)

This suggests that Stobaeus did not identify with his Polish heritage.

On the verso of the same folio it is worse for the Russians and Lithu-

anians, who are only grudgingly considered to be human:

Russen, Littawen sind auch Leiithe.

(folio Tiv)

Most scathing of all is this scatological description of how three

ravens flew, who defecated a Swabian; out of the stink came a Franco-

m a n , who made a Bavarian on the bank; out of all that came the Austrian,

and from hunger he defecated a Polak and a Hungarian:

Es flohen drey Raben,


Die schissen einen schwaben,
Und aus dem gestanck ward der Franck.
Der macht den Bayern aufr banck,
Dass geschahe ohn alles gefehr,
Drauss ward der Ostreicher,
Und Derselbe schiss fur hunger
Einen Polen und beschoren Ungern.

(folio 7ir)

50 K
' ™ i ^ s 5 i ' " J a n S t ° b e usz z Grudziadza," Pomevania, Rocznik
Korporaajt Studentow III (Poznan: University of Poznan, 1928), 120.
90

Of course there are no degrading remarks concerning the citizens of

Konigsberg or "the Duchy of Prussia.

On the subject of drinking, one who is drunk is said to speak


from the heart:

Trunckner mund spricht des grund.

(folio 109r)

In the next example, whatever the poet drinks causes a problem. If

he drinks water his mouth droops; if he drinks shyly he will become lazy;

if he drinks beer he will be full; if he drinks wine he will drink him-

self dull; consequently, he does not know what to drink:

Trinck Ich wasser so hengt mirs maull,


Trinck Ich schewrer, so werd Ich faull,
Trinck Ich bier so werd Ich voll,
Trinck^Ich wein so trinck Ich mich doll,
Ich weiss nicht was Ich trincken soil.

(folio 53V)

It might seem strange to make a transition from drinking to God,

but it is done in the following rhyme. The poet is praying that God

give him strength for his hard journey, help him to avoid drunkenness,

and help him to sing praises joyously:

Ach Goth zur schweren wanderschafft,


Verleih mir deines Geistes krafft,
Hilff das Ich meid die Trunckenheith,
Und Dir lobsing mit Freidigkeith.

(folio 115r)

This is typical of the writers' attitude toward religion, which in the

context of these light-hearted poems, is shamelessly practical. God is


91

included in everyday happenings and worldly schemes of which He might be

vary. For instance, someone is hoping i n the Lord and waiting for the

time when a rich man dies and he gets his wife:

Ich hoffe auf Goth und warte der Zeitt


Stirbt ein Reicher, so bekom ich sein weib.

(folio l6v)

Another example features a student asking God for necessities such as

a hat and shoes, and then concluding by asking for a pretty wife and

few children:

Ach Gott durch Deine gute!


Bescher einm Studentn schu und hute
Mantel und Rocke,
Ziegen und Bocke,
Schaffe und Rinder,
Ein schon weib und wenig Kinder •

(folio 13v)

Perhaps most representative of these writers' attitudes about life is

this rhyme advising a person to act in a manner appropriate to each

situation. One should be pious in church, discreet on the street, care-

ful around gentlemen, friendly in bed, sumptuous at court, correct in

business affairs, pleasant at the table, and diligent at home. Whoever

does all of these things will please both God and the world:

In der kirchen andechtig,


Auf der gassen zuchtig,
Bey herrn fursichtig,
Im bethe freundlich.
Zu hoffe prechtig,
Zu sachen richtig,
Uber tisch frolig,
Im hause fleissig,
92

Wer diese stiicke helt,


Goth und Weld wollgefellt.

(folio 79r)

As a final example, here is some good advice which is translated in


the writer's format:

tell know,
Do not do all that you can,
believe hear,

judge see.

Sag
weist,
Nicht Thue alles was du kanst,
Gleub horest,
Richte siehest.

(folio illy)

The location of this example indicates that the writer associated it

with religion, for it is copied on the folio where Geistliahe Lieder

begin.

Poems Concerning the Lute

In the epigrams and other short rhymes the lute is a very

popular subject. Since this study concentrates on the lute, the rhymes

which speak of it are presented here with summaries of their content.

All of these are light or humorous, but they provide some interesting

considerations. One of the most important is that the lute was strongly

associated with romantic love in the minds of the writers. Its lovely
93

sounds were recommended several times as an invaluable aid to winning

the ladies. For the men of Stobaeus' acquaintance, the lute must have

been the quintessential instrument of courtship.

Several examples indicate that men were expected to play the

lute for women; one rhyme (folio 29r) even suggests that men accompanied

female singers ("seiten klingen, Jungffrawen singen"). There are no

corresponding examples, however, which indicate that women played the

lute for men. This may be because the rhymes were written from the

point of view of male suitors hoping to impress women with their music,

or it may be evidence that in Konigsberg society the lute was a man's

instrument. In either case the poems testify that lutes were prevalent

and beloved, and that the poets counted their music among the joys of
life.

1.

A pleasant personality, a handsome appearance, a tender heart, and above

all the noble art of the lute win the favor of pretty young ladies:

Ein frolicher feiner frischer mirth


Liebliche wort und grosses guth
Feine geberde, auch zierlicher schertz
Eine schone gestalt und mildes hertz.
Vorauss die adeliche Lauten Kunst
Macht bey schonen Jungfrawlein gunst.

(folio 2r)

2.

If lute-playing and singing with pretty girls were part of the Carthusian
Order, I would become a monk:
9^

Lauten schlagen und singen


Mit schonen Frewlein ringen
Wehr das der Cartheuser orden
So wehr ich auch ein Monch geworden.

(folio itr)

3.
Rhine vine, the sound of the lute and pretty tail young ladies banish

much sorrow when employed at the right time, and when one also seeks

an art that nourishes them with honor and favor:

Reinischer vein und Lauten KLang,


Schone Jungfrawen gerad und Lang,'
Vertreiben gar viell siegs und Leidt,
Wen man sie braucht zu rechter zeith,
Und sucht daneben eine Kunst
Die Ihn ernehrt mit Ehr und gunst.

(folio 7v)

k.

A young fellow is happy when he plays the lute beautifully and a lovely

young lady sits on his lap:

Ein Junggesell frewt sich als dan,


Wen er schlegt Uf der lauten schon,
Und sitzet in dem schosse sein,
Ein hubsches schones Jungfrevlein.

(folio lOv)

5.
When shopkeepers go for a walk, barbers play the lute and whores spin,

there is little money to be made:


95

Wen kaufleute spatzieren gehn,


Balbirer auf der lauten schlehn,
Und Huren spinnen,
1st bos gelt zugewinnen.

(folio llr)

6.

All of my hope and trust are in God and beautiful young women. Strings

resound, women sing, and whoever does not enjoy that is worthless:

Auss Gott und schone Jungffrawen


Stehet all mein Hoffnung und vertrawen.
Seiten klingen,
Jungffrawen singen,
Wer das nicht gern hort,
1st nicht ein scherben werth.

(folio 29r)

7.
With the sweet sound of my lute I sing a lovely song; Argus list
ens
carefully and is especially pleased with this song:

Mit meiner sussen lauten klang,


Ich gar ein schones liedlein sang,
Argus streckt die ohren bald,
Die stimm erquickt ihn mannigfalt,
Und ward ob diesem lied besonder,
Bewegt mit frewden, lust und wunder.^1

(folio 3^+r)

51 Edith Hamilton
" ' Mythology (New York: Mentor Books,
gUS Was a wat
' , I' chman with one hundred eyes; the messen-
dlS lshei as a
playing Tlonl'f ^ shepherd, gained his confidence by
s im o n a ree
d pipe, and proceeded to kill him.
96

8.
«hen you play the lute, pay attention, play clearly, have a firm grip,

do not be lazy about mordents, and observe the tactus correctly if you

want pleasant courtship:

Langsam schlagen merck erstlich,


Z ^ n ^ h + £ e f l e i S S ^ S e d i C h Z U s c h ^ e n deutlich,
Zum drithen greif der Lauten voll i n s maull,
Zum vierdten sey in movdanten nicht faull
um letzten soltu den tact ohsexwtven
So du wilt mit lust hofieren.

(folio 39r)

9.
Good wine and the sound of the lute fre^v, a n^ + Q n
lute, iresh and tall young girls, banish
care and heart's sorrow when used at the right time:

Guter wein und Lauten klang,


Junge Magdlein frisch und lang,
Vertreiben sorg und Hertzeleidt
Wenn man sie braucht zu rechter Zeit.

(folio 39v)

10.

You call me the lute; I am well known to students. God is well pleased

with me; my sweet tone earns me praise and honor. My lovely singing

moves the heart and emotions, banishes sorrow and creates joy. Whoever

holds my art in honor pleases God and man; it is pleasing to everyone

when it is presented at the right time:


97

Testudo

Ein Laut werd Ich von dir genanth


Studenten "bin Ich wolbekantt.
Solche Wahmen fiihr Ich mit Der thatt
An mir Gott gross gefallen hatt.
Ihm spiel und sing mit sussen thon
Drumb hah Ich preiss Ehr und Ruhm
Ich sing so liehlich und so fein
Das sich bewegt hertz, Muth und sinn
Vertreib all Sorg und Trawrigkeitt
Beweg das Gemuth zur froligkeit
Und wer meine Kunst in ehren helt
Gott und Menschen derselh wolgefelt
Hatt gonst "bey Jeder menniglich
¥enn es zu rechter Zeitt geschicht.

(folio l*lr)

11.

If you want to he an agile lutenist, cut your nails and wash your hands

often. Play slowly at first, take pains to play clearly, and observe

the tactus well if you want diligent listeners:

Wiltu aufs Laut en schlagen "behend


Beschneid die Nagel, wasch offt die hand.
Langsam schlagen merck erstiglich,
Befleiss dich zuschlagen deiitiglich,
Den tact soltu auch wol observiren
So du fleissig wilt gehort weren.

(folio Ulr)

12.

If you wish the favor of young ladies, use the praiseworthy art of the

lute, for when they hear the lute resound, their heart leaps for joy:

Wiltu haben Jungffrawen gunst


So brauch die loblich lautenkunst,
Denn wen sie horen die lauten klingen,
Thut Ihn Das Hertz im leibe springen.

(folio l+6v)
98

13.

Good wine, the sound of the lute and pretty girls straight and tall

banish care and heart's sorrow when used at the right time:

Guter wein und Lauten klang,


Schone Maglein gerad und lang,
Vertreiben sorg und hertzen Leidt,
Wenn man sie braucht zu rechter Zeith.

(folio
99

EDITION OF THE LUTE INSTRUCTIONS


100

EDITOR'S PREFACE

The orthography in the following treatises follows that of

Stobaeus' original German. Examples of French and German tablature

are interpolated in the texts as given by the author, but they have

been supplemented by transcriptions into modern notation. In the Ger-

man-tablature treatise the author was careless in his citations of

tablature letters, for he did not always differentiate clearly among

capital letters, small letters or small letters with horizontal dashes

above. It was possible, however, to discern his meanings from the con-

text of the discussion. These careless citations have been corrected

in the transcription.
101

The French-Tablature Instructions


102

De Methodo Studendi
in Testudine.

2kr 1. Von der Rechten Handt, 5. Von Mordanten.

2. Von d. Lincken Handt. 6. Vom Tact.

3. Von Vollen Griffen. 7. De proportione seu triplet.

k. Von Coloraturen. 8. Von Lauten Stimmen.

1. Von der Rechten Handt.

Die Rechte Hand soil kurtz fiir dem Stege gehalten u. d. kleine

finger steif aufgesetzet u. gehalten werden. D. daume soil starck aus-

gestrecket werden, das er fast ein glied den andern fingern vorgehe. Es

sollen auch die finger einwerts unter den daumen fein zu sich getzogen

werden, dz der resonans fein starck klinge. Der daume soil auswertz nit

einwertz, geschlagen werden, wie die Alten zu thun pflegen, u. gemeinlich

die Niederlander und Alte Teutschen. Denn es probiret worden, das es

weit besser den daumen auswertz zuschlagen, klinget reiner scherffer u.

heller, dz ander klinget gar faull u. dumpffig. Ausswertz gebrauchen den

daumen diese Berumbte Lautenisten. In Germania: Gregorius Ruwet,"^" d.

Dulandus Anglus, welcher doch anfanglich einwendig den daumen gebraucht.

In Italia: Zu Rohm Laurentinus, zu Padua Hortensius. In Gallia Borquet,

Mevcuvius Polandus u. andere mehr. Wenn voile griffe zuschlagen, ge-

braucht man alle k finger. Wenn Coloraturen, bisweilen mit dem daumen

1. "Ruwet" is apparently a misspelling of Huwet; the initial R cannot be


mistaken, since he uses the same one for "Rohm.11
103

und Zeiger, bisweilen d. Zeiger u. mittelste finger wie drunten bey den

Coloraturen soli gedacht werden.

2. Von der Lincken Hand

Die Lincke Hand soli fein zierlich angelegt werden, man soil den

kragen nicht mit voller Hand angreiffen, dz d. daum, weis nicht wie hoch,

her fur gerecket u. gesehen werde, sondern der daume soli in dem andern

bunde bait gar unten angelegt werden, also, dz fast der krage darauf

liege u. ruhe, u. die Hand den kragen nicht anrure, sondern dz alles

flach u. hoch bleibe. Wann man fort greiffet, soil der daume allwege

fein leise mit gehen u. den Zeiger folgen, die finger solien auch nicht

hoch aufgehoben sondern fein niedrig gefiihret werden. Man soil sehen,

das man den Zeiger allwege nit auffsetze, wenn es gleich nicht von nothen,-

dan sonst stunde es, als wenn man Cillegible] einen Munch anstechen wolte,

wenn man den Zeiger in die hohe hielte. Man soli ferner obsewiven, dz

die finger ordentlich gesetzet werden, Als d. Zeiger in den ersten, d.

Mittel finger in den andern, d. kleine und Goltfinger in den dritten,

u. den auch in den vierdten bundt.

2W Secundum versum: Index B tangit3 medius C3 tevti-us E et D. In Basso

ast aantu D, E, sibi quartus habet. h. e. Index greifft

4 ,
ip
h " I.
10k

Medius Tevtius E et D in

m
Bassoj auf alien groben seiten bis auf die 3. als:

bo

Ast aantu h. e. auf d 4 u. 5. seiten, greifft d kleine finger D et E.

Als

-4—1 £
oT e
&

D kleine finger greifft auch dz E auf d dritten als

ft—6
-e e-

Auf d groben seiten aber greifft im 1+ bund E d Annularis od goltfinger

Als:
105

-0-
- €1 = ^

D daume wird fur sich selbst kein finger genandt, sond. d Zeiger wird d

erste, d Mittel der Ander, die zwen folgende aber, Als da seyn annularis

et auvioulavis werde, d dritte und vierdte finger genant. Etzliche

griffe od Exempla da ein jed finger seinen Bund innen hatt:

4^
$ - f t -
"GV
-&r

)• o =£= — o
fc- kr
\ ko -e- -O- -kft— -e-
o -o

1. Exceptiones: Wan aber in einem Bundt 2 Buchstaben eynerley, als 2

B od C gefunden werden, so muss d ordinavi finger den Nehesten dabey,

welcher am bequemsten, borgen. Als:

i~A <V c**


Q. » » rid ':* —dU-»—
— ^

£—• -

—c
—& ia./•>-

b• '
106

p — 1
a w- •e-

y.—fi— —b-e—

—e—1

2. Item: wen der kleine in dem b Bundt riicket, so stehet der Zeiger in

dem andern, u. wird der ander fur den ersten Bundt gehalten: Als

f ) — i
-€ri- H
-i

3. Mehr ist zumercken, wenn 2 Buchstaben allein in einem bunde zugreiffen,

dz sie also appliciret werdn:

0^

Vom Stillhalthen: Dieses soil fleissig in acht genommen werd. Dan es

eine Universalis Regula ist, dz man allwege im Bas still halten soil, bis

zu dem andern Bas u. die Mittel Parteyen aussgeschlagen werden: Als


107

C CK <X— 9r— H C . 0. 1
r CCC ^—Gt
r\ h n
tA—y—&— PI |
Q f
C
c
n
^ A /*•
(A "J= ___
Oc
NB Dz + "bedeutet
still halten.

Plura Exempla

r-e a— i i ir
A Dh n i
/A.
r\
— /i i n ...<k
f\b & si- — £ : —

* ph - - n c\ ^ A L» n ri
L\ 1 IA Wr 3 (\ <\~ d c d
r. Pb
C /—
W r
W r»
V Vl VA V» V\
CV *>•» *»•
c c h
/- £

/-
—fc= /-i
(A
et- - d Ck
WV •
1-4—e— o. —
J_

J. J
J, 3h a
c. AA
a
t
v
c v
\ V. d\ ~
— v\ (A L
/—- V
r n\. v-. OL ^
c
•—
fc=r- L.
a
- ri
CA. c
L. c
+
108

25r Also kan auch in Fugen, Phantasien u. Pavanen, In summa in alien stucken

still gehalten werden im Bas, so lange ein and Bas folget, unterdessen

werden die Mittelstimmen fein ineidenter fortgeschlagen, u. dies ist dz

schwereste und fur neweste in testudine zu obsevviren. In Coloraturen

ist es leicht man helt allwege im Bass stille bis die Coloratur ausge-

macht, Als:

fcftt aac <K e , (KC Gt-i


d ce /»
n. n c n r ^ **Cv C/•(A/«J^ i /v
»x r
L i
a C\
, (
A. - c^. -
c c
Ls*
. r
L nA
(
U e '

J» J> ft
fl. c, oi, c<\ <
^cacj * dabd b cyb

-6t-
+

1q. p
rr 1L
109

Es ist auch ferner zu mercken, dz man im Disaant still halten mus, wenn

d Bas aoloriret, denn es ist gebrauchlich u. modus elegans wenn d Disaant

coral helt und der Bass also forth leufft:

> + +
-A
d b a.
e- -4
5-
c n c e a . ~e-6t c t c e a
+
£-
+ /*
k
+
f-
4 e-
£
f e-f ^ e.qce c , a.c a,—r-ft-

j.
d K f\ rt
K n A £—
hD CrhD ^ r
(A Ol C d c j
C i c\ I 1
v\ V\ v« vv V. I v\U r\A r*L A r\ L

a-J

f — — J J ,

\ l ^ • m—— r i» [».» p 0 - f |* P •—# r+-


lv±. LTiT r

d •

ff TT "° ^

3. Von Vollen Griffen.

Diese seind leicht zu finden, wenn man den versiculum: Index B tang it,

in acht nimbt. Allein im Uberleggen gilt hernacher dieser vers nicht,

sondern da mus man den Bundt 5 In welchen d Index oder Zeiger uberlegt

wirdt., fur den ersten acht-en, u. folgen als dan die finger alle nach

d Ordnung, Als:
110

N n =#r
e cice
— e c c 1 • 1,
-9r

Von Coloraturen.

Die Coloraturen seyn Zweyerley: simplices et conjunctae: simpl. seyn,

die ohne Bas durchlauffen, Als

J>
-ear
^Tc <X C 4-Qr-€.-flr-
Or

Diese art wirdt mit dem daumen u. zeiger geschlagen, und d daume fanget

allwege die Coloratur an wen d tact daruber stehet, als alhier fanget d

daume an:

J />
r n 1 km
33 i

•srnrm
(A
C
vl
\ c\ b
v U nL\ ab r\
LA Is VA
r c\ r
Ill

25v Alhier fenget d Zeiger an, weil d tact nicht driiber stehet:

Index inc. a a *
. HCOl
c(t d cc\-

Coloraturae aonjunotae sind, da d Bas od sonst eine Mittelstiimne mit-

gehet, u. diese werd gemacht mit dem Zieger und mittelsten finger: Als

Index et Medius n
lA:1
/~ A n
tzrvrlA.
r- A
S - >A
\\
" V- tA d "d^c
'' VA
f \ " v. vd\
• ti • II • (k
cum Basso. a
/1
a r n
H

m JTT] JTHl -JTT1JU1

Es ist auch zu mercken, das gleicher gestalt den Buchstaben, iiber welch

kein tact, allwege d Index anfenget, ut in hoo pveoedenti Exemplo videre

est. Alhie fengt d Medius an, weil d taot druber stehet.

JO
-4-arM-fo C.(^C.. •ftf , QC S (\b a b <A
ct i' • n » • <a » c\. " •
ft o.
- < * -
112

Wenn ein punct vorhergehet, u. die Nota J


ol auf den Punct folget

ejusdem valovis cum puncto ist, so stehet d Index gleichwol an, sonstn

aber nicht: als:

J-J> , J-
dc(\ j Q.cd . •f c(c d-fc
V-eict
oSlAcr -&T
-e—<£-

J* J. Js J. J> J>
(jicclc^ _ q & cn t eyct^
c j a
6\ H d 'I ' II 6t
6t £ -Gt ft

=t==
TM h L-J-J-
M r Lf -9- fl^AcrJ
[ = i

Wen aber ein punct noten einen Schwartzen noten einer fusen stehet u.

folget eine semifusa darauf, so fenget der Medius widerumb an.


113

5. Von Mordanten.

1. Diese kan man machen, wie man will pro libitu. Es sind etzliche

mordanten od acoentus, die werden geschwinde aufgehoben, und wid urnb

niedergesetzt. Diese gehen gar zierlich, als folget:

J —4-e-
t lI
= : -
Air AJTjj^ el ^ 11 b X<Wv cuv. ^ ^
K £==: | t = -&r- -&r
4v€-
J2— tor -3 *

Xd&K ocm K
j >4L /Cfel jj f
^ £KwA»j=r=
f

&
$ — = = *
H A6" Anji ^ J J "

( r

2. Etzliche werden mit dem kleinen finger also, das d selb fast aufge-

setzet, u. geschwinde gezittert hin u. wid geschuttelt werde, das gehet an

in fine gemeiniglich

-e-
lilt

26r Auch oben im H Bunde, G Bunde, F Bunde, per omnes ohordas, pro ut apte

fieri potest.

6. Be Tactu.

Den Tact soil man in Favanen3 Phantaseyen, Fugen, Madrigalen u. andern

stiicken langsam schlagen, In Volt ens Curanten geschwinde In Galliarden.

Dies ist ein gantzer schlag, vooat. semibrevis.

J Dies ist ein halber, minima, gehen 2 auf einen schlag.

J Dies ist ein viertheil, semiminima, gehen k Aufn schlag.

Dies ist ein Achtheil, Fusa, gehen 8. ufn. schlag.

J) Dies ist ein l6.4theil, Semifusa, gehen 16 uf einen schlag.

7- Von Tripel Oder Proportion.

Alle Galliarden, Curanten3 Volten haben eine Tripel d wegen es unnotig,

dz allwege die 3. vorne angesetzet wirdt veil mans ohne das weis, doch

stehet es einem frey. Es ist auch zu mercken, dz ein Tripel ein gantzer

schlag, so geschlagen wirdt, wie sonst ein halber, ein halber wie ein

schwartze noten, eine Schwartze noten wie eine Fusa. Also zeichnet man

sie O d J
Etzlichen haben diesen tact wie die Organisten

o IcJp-J f? |§-
115

8. Von Stimmen der Lauten.

Es konnen die seiten also gestimmet werden, Erstlich per unisonos,

darnach per octavas.

Per unisonos per 8tavas.

j-e— *1
n -F
A f*"
T
A (A dl
e 01 J «A c/\ c
/I QA L
< S- c
C /i
\
f mA u
* c A n
•f * n

o o

o o

35

be- s:

Die Griffe, in welchem die Mordanten gebraucht werden.

C 3<\c C-
a _(\01 ch\ i\ ^ ~ :—,; — j q f i—Rr
J Q, k
^ 0 aftG: 0<i €r J &
b n b ct c - f a b A <k c <\ j.
e =£— a c c +•
e e e—^ i(\cc
-ft Or-ft; C <A
116

26v 1. Ein Schuler, so er anders kein defeat von Natur hatt; muss einen

sonderbaren lust u. liebe tragen zu d. Music. So gehoret hierzu steter

u. grosser fieis u. ubungh, doch nicht gar zu gros u. iiberschwenglich,

sondern mittelmessig, also dz solches studium, fiir u. fur, doch mit

drscvetvon u. ohn einigen widerwillen getrieben werde. So gehoret auch

hierzu gedult, dz man sich hie in gantz u. gar nit iibereile. Nam

nimia festinans.

2. Was man fiir eine Laute gebrauchen soli. Inprimis erwehle dich eine

Lautte, so entwed nicht gar zu gros, od nicht gar zu klein, sondern fein

mittelmassig, u. zu deiner Hand gerecht sey, wiewol anfanglich nicht

schaden konte. Wan schon die Laute etwz grosser u. harder were, damit

du allgemach die finger lernest in die weite erstrecken. Es wehre dan

sache: dz dir die Hand gar zu kurtz were. Diese Laute soli zum wenigstn

10. od mehr Chovos haben, Dan je mehr (Laut d Experientz) eine Laute

Choros hatt, je besser sie klinget.

3. Von allerley Remedys, so man eine geschwinde Handt zu uberkommen

pflegt zugebrauchen. Ob schon Ihrer viel ihre hende selbst ausstrecken,

od Tartavoli schmieren, Auch woll eysern handschu, od aus bley gemacht

ringe an die finger legen, So rathe Ich doch vielmehr, dz du deine hand

zum offter mall waschest, u. dieselb so viel immer muglich, sauber u.

r e m haltest, dan solche Netzung der Span u. Seenadern nicht allein die

stercke, sond. auch die geschwindigkeit d. handt nicht wenig befordern,

Siehe aber fleissig zu, dz du dich aller andern Ubungen, dadurch die

handt allzufest bezuhent werde: als fechten, od sonstn schwere arbeit

so immer muglich entheltest.


117

Wie man sich weiter im Lauten schlagen verhalten soil: Nach diesem

allem ist von nothen, dz so bait du dieses studivm angefangen, solches

etwz fleissig oontinuivest, In sonderheit aber des Abends, wenn du zu

bette gehest u. morgens so bait du auffstehest, durchaus aber dich nicht

selbst zu fast uberladest. Wan du dich nun ob bemeldter weise beschaffen


findest.

2?r Auch Zeitt u. gelegenheit dir nicht mangelt, so spare keiner ruhe noch

arbeit. Niin dir ein eintziges Liedlein fur die handt, lasse vom selben

nicht ab, ehe du dich desselben etzlicher massen bemuchligest u. im kopf

gefasset habest. Fahre auch im selben Liedlein nicht gleich fort, vom

anfange bis zum ende, sondern theile es in gewisse theile, examinire ein

jedes m sonderheit, u. beharre darauf so lange, u. so viel, ja vepetir

e m stucklem auch 1000 mall, da es notig, bis dz du redlich das u. also

auch folgends alle andere stucklein des fiirgenommen Liedleins wirst zum

ende gebracht od aussstudiret haben. Halte es aber fur viel besser erst-

lich e m solch stucklein anzunehmen, darin nicht viel schwerer griff od

Uberlegens, damit die handt des kragens allgemachlich gewohne. Item

darin nicht viel unterschiedliche mssuren seyn.

Vom Tact u. geburlichen geberden des leibes so unter dem lauten schlagen

gehalthen u. in acht genommen werden soil: Den Tact sollen alle Ankommene

Scholaven, so viel immer muglich, vol in acht nehmen. Zu sonderheit aber

sich fur dem ubereilen huten. Dan ich dir gewisse versprechen kan, das

in diesem gantzen studio nichts niitzlichers sey, als eben anfenglich

fern gemachthen u. mit gedult d. Zeit erwarthen, Hergegen auch nichts

schadlichers als wen du anfanglich eylest, gleich werestu d. Mensur


118

aller dinge wolerfahren, welches doch nicht muglich seyn kan. Derhalben

las dir am meisten angelegen sejm, Alle griffe, alle Buchstaben, so

zwischen den griffen hirein Csic3 gesetzet werden, langsam u. rein zu

exprimiren. Dan die geschwindigkeit allgemach von sich selber naher

folget, die reinigkeit aber nicht also, Es sey dan dz du von anfang dich

derselben befleissigest u. gewehnest.

Unter dem schlagen soltu fein zierlich Geberden brauchen, sonderlich wz

den kopf u. dz Gesichte betreffen thut, u. den rechten Arm steiff u.

stetig haltest. Im gleichen mus der daume u. finger wenn sie im

Coloriren gebraucht werden auch nicht zu fast bewegt werden.

eiusdem
Soli Deo gloria, mihi ipsius
sua

gratia.

27v De Applioatione sinistrae manus et quonam sinistrae manus digito attingi

debeat.

ci'k.oi
cT''b^ a ' b a ^ a
c \ 0. C,J
3 (K
(k "V 2C H RJC OL
119

At si ultra D aliae literae aollooentur tunc servato eodem digitorum

ordine, manu infra desoendendum est, et quae omnium inferior litera

reperietur quarto digito attingenda. Reliquae verb superiores aliis

superioribus digitis prout in subsequenti Exemplo videre potes.

(X.'ca(^ a. 'c. 'c a.


e.'c3e. 'c a.,
3 oi'c -6t-
e ^e.

'1"o|"o of' O ^ " o ° | » 0

V f y ^ V p . V £ v v e - + v c H
120

Exemplum in quo semisternendus est primus sinistrae manus digitus ad

saalam E dwn TTU/LZ'WTI A ooouwais. Halt) ubsrlGgen TTI E.

V f ' % , 'e VK'ef'e-


*

Exemplum in quo per orrmes plane ehoros primus digitus sinistrae manus

ad saalam C sterni debet nullo A ooourrente. In diesem ubergeleit


lm
C und gehalten bis zu end.

<k c <1 'ca ^ il |


3
e •hf I —
*f ^f'c 3

Ubi tale signum (S) sub griff a aliqua appositum reperies. Damus man

uberlegen.

• V S H it, ^—... ^ .j -- .j
1
H~c • I K 'b I K 'b IIE L'!)
! I iil 'Hb TT r^ F I
•b " 'b 'l> b 4
5 S 5 S
121

-£€-
-ft <*r3d H 3^
•1 b 1
b t 3t +b-

1) >b 'b 'b


4. ~>C ;? 2C 3c,t , t ,, . '•{'if ^ | ^q ^
28r a.c
7c 2c zq -*e yr: ife ib , iS-i
'b t-e s-g-
p -4fi; M- -*-
•ie £
s s *e M m ii) ib

P Q

^ -&- 8 & O O O 0 o o i

De Litera C et quibus sinistrae manus digitis tangi debeat.

~~ lC ^ C ^C Q Ql—\ r |i-C
*::;c U i S .i;i<* in 3e le
IC IC 1C
r „ ^rH~e 2r£ It 3e
t\ ft.
122

3 M E IC ad. 'C I G- *-e—,


IC T-p3f i 2a ic c a.d[ 3 — i
• <-»f ^ ft
a . )G
i b '4 f -I
[c. 3& i c i c a E - a ^ U +e—»-&
3e ic se — 1€ 1
-+e- IC ic ic |
-+e- t-f 'I? +€-

De Litera D et quis digitus sinistrae manus huio admovendus.

-*4 f-d H-d


<*-+4 -M-
Hr +&-
M-
M- -Mr
H- •ib iA <K-

*4v-
—frf — M U
ae ;< ve.1
^ iO r — - -3r0~ -+€-
-M- *€r- 44- St
—he—arf=-
-c -4-b- -M»-
123
12U

The German-Tablature Instructions


125

INSTITUTIOCHLUS
das ist
Ein kurtzer bericht vie man nach art recht=
schaffener Application beider hende finger auf
der Lauten zu lernen, sich richten soli.

3^r Wiewoll recht gesagt ist von dem Eovatio der da spricht: In nihil

multa est, ist klerlich und offenbar gniigsam in alien freien kunsten und

handtierungen, und sonderlichen in der adelichen und loblichen kunst, so

Musica genandt wird, unter welchen die Laute, die wir fur handen nicht

unter andern Instrumenten das geringste ist, sondern viellmehr das lieb-

ligste und kunstreichste, als wir teglich horen und erfahren. Von

welcher Lauten wir alhie einen kurtzen bericht anzeigen wollen, wie ein

jeglicher liebhaber dieses adelichen Instruments, zu solchem als bait mag

unterwiesen werden.

So wisse nun ein jeglicher anfenger auf der Lauten, das er als

obgemelt, mus eine sonderliche lust, frewd und wollgefallen zu diesem

adelichen Seitenspiel haben. Zum andern einen zimlichen fleis und willen

daran wenden, welcher nun diese zwey zubringt und bey ihm hath auch keinen

mangel an henden und fingern, der wird in kurtzen mit Gothes hulff er-

fahren werden. Dazu nun auch furnemlich ein rechter, getrewer und

fleissiger unterricht dienet. Soil demnach ein jeglicher diese nach—

folgende 5 stuck gantz fleissig lernen und behalten, welche die rechte

art und grund auf der Lauten in sich haben:

Das 1. ist von der waren und rechten Application Der Lincken Hand.

Das 2. von griffen, schlahen Csic3, und colleviren mit der rechten Hand.
126

Das 3. von dem Creutzlein, mit seiner bedeiitiing.

Das von der Laiitenstellung.

Das 5. von der mensur ob den buchstaben, und zifern als ich hernach ein

jegliches, in ein besonder capittel stellen und traotiven will.

36v CAP. I.
Von der rechten waren application der
Lincken Handt.

Applicatio heist wie man recht und ordentlich den kragen der

Lauten in die hand soil nehmen, und damit er die finger auf einen jeg—

lichen buchstaben setzen soil, nach art und weise des liedes so man fur

augen hath zu schlagen, wie dan hernacher bait soil angezeiget werden. 1

So nim die Lauten kragen oder hals in die hand, doch nicht so fest als du

ihn damit halten wollest, sondern das er dir also in der hand umschweb,

damit die hand, wo es von nothen wehre, konne leichtlich auf den kragen

auf und abe fahren. Und halt den ersten finger auf den ersten bund, den

andern auf den andern, und ist das die Summa, das du im greiffen acht

habest, es sein 3. b. oder mehr stimmen, so merck das du die finger, so

immer muglich bey einander behaltest, auch nicht zu hoch uber sich

werffest. ratio. Denn so du auf den kragen weiter hinab must fahren,

so mustu also mit der gantzen hand fortrucken, und der neheste bund da

dir etwas zu greiffen ist, fur kumpt mustu fur den bund aus mit den

andern fingern greiffen und mit dem ersten finger auf denselbigen buch-

staben greiffen, die andern finger darnach, wie obgeredet, einstellen,

wie du es am leichtesten greiffen kanst, damit man solches desto leichter

lernen und verstehen konte, sein die Punctlein dazu erfunden, als nemlich

So du auf einem buchstaben einen punct findest stehen, als c, merck mit
127

dem ersten finger zugreiffen, wo zween als g mit dem andern und so

fortan, wo drey .. oder .. stahn. Die punctlein aber werden dir auch zur

lincken hand dienen, damit du darumb nicht irre werdest, so merck die

drey differentzen: Auf, bey und unter, Auss welchen dass erste zur

A-pplieation uns dienet, Von den andern wollen wir hernach sagen, als von

der rechten hand. Nun will ich dir etzliche exempel furreissen, und dass

vorgesagte (Auf) erkleren. Im fundament so ich dir darunter hab fiirge-

schrieben, findestu erstlich den schlag

Da stehet das c im ersten bund, das D im dritten. So greiffestu das c

37*" mit dem ersten, das D mit dem dritten, und also fort hinaus, wie ich vor-

gesagt, wie du von fingern und punctlein unterwiesen wirst. So sichs nun

begibt, das ein solcher schlag kompt h oder derselbigen einer, so mustu

mit der gantzen hand fortriicken, und den bund da das h instehet, und

alda der oberste buchstab ist, mit dem ersten finger greiffen, und die

andern nahe einstellen. So du noch weiter hinab kommest oder rucken must

und kompt dir ein solcher schlag

2
128

So falir mit der gantzen hand hinal) und greiff 111113 dem ersten finger das n5

und darnach ordentlich die andern, vie es dir am geringsten und leichtesten

ankompt;. Caiit-Gtci. Wen dir a~ber zvey oder 3 buchs"ta"ben in einen "bund

fallen, Gedenck mit dem ersten finger uber zwerg gelegt zu greiffen, als

d: 1

G-
W
1
welches dir das punctlein, welches auf alien dreyen stehet, anzeiget.

Dan mit dreyen fingern zugreiffen ist unmuglich und ungeschickt. Zum

letzten habe acht was du greiffest, das du fein mit aufgerichteten finger

unbeweglich greiffest, damit die stimmen volnkommen klingen, und merck

die finger nahe beieinander zuhalten. So hastu die were rechte Application,

und den gantzen grund gnugsamblich derselbigen verstanden. Denn die

Application ist das grosseste auff der Lauten Ed fui verbosior. Nu will

ich dich die Rechte Hand Lehren fiihren.

Litera tanguntur} nwneri a-minus, idcirco in una parte testudinis numevi

assignantur.

CAP. II.
Von der Rechten Hand, Griff, Schlag, und
Colleratur.

Nach diesem alien so du nun die Application der Lincken Hand woll

verstanden hast, welches aber Exevcitatio et quotid.ianus usus je lenger je

besser lehret, ist auch nicht weinig dran gelegen, das man die rechte Hand

recht zur Lauten schicke und stelle, dazu schicke dich also: Setze zum
129

ersten den kleinen finger ein weinig unter den stern (hinter sich neben

den seiden also wen du schlegst, dz gleich die finger von den stern)

37v auffgehen, und halt den kleinen finger stet und fest auf der Lauten still,

wieviel dir stimmen furkommen, und sihe in die tabeltur was aufeinander

stehet mus geschlagen werden, als da ist

c 9 o 5

D i n g

r A

und d gleichen. Was aber einander gehet, soil nach einander mit dem

daumen und zeiger geschlagen werden als da ist

D 1 f 1 r g 3

Welches ist und heist Colleriren, wie du den Choren wirst. Zum andern

merck auch fleissig, das du die finger also zum schlagen und colleriren

gewehnest, das dir der Zeiger lustig heraus, und der daume hinein in die

hand gehe, welches nicht allein eine grosse zierd ist, sondern auch

grossen nutz hinder ihm hath, so der behendigkeit im Colleriren. Zum

drithen worzu die puncten der rechten hand dienen, wollen wir auch an-

zeigen. So merck hie auch die andern 2 diffeventzen, davon droben


130

gesagt Bey und Under und 1. So du bey etzlichen buchstaben 2 Puncten

findest, zeiget dir an das du diese lbigen CsicD buchstaben nicht mit dem

daumen, sondern den fodersten fingern zweyen oder dreyen hinauf schlagen

was allein in fraeturis totius integri in partes als in tantz geschicht,

als nemlich

k k r oder 5 5

o o n n -&• -e-

*
ob ihr gleich mehr wehren als 5 Vocum.

Be Collevatuvis.

Zum vierdten wie du recht artig colleviven solt, und leufflein

machen lernen, will ich dir auch nicht verbergen. Dazu nun die drithe

differentz noth wird sein Under, welche allein aussweiset, wie man

leufflein soil anfangen, darumb wisse das dir das punctlein das unter

einem buchstab oder zifer stehet, den zeiger anzeiget, mit welchem du

denselbigen buchstaben uber sich zwicken solt, hierbey aber merck die

lateinische Regel Quod Indexiperpetuocolovem finiat. Das der zeiger

das leufflein aushelt, der daume anfenget. E. g.

k n b d o
131

oder k 5 k p k 5 k p k 5 o p

38r Dies sey von der Colleratur gnugsam gesagt. Und merck zum aller letzten,

das du die stiirrmen lernest also fein subtill zusammen schlahen CsicD, das

man alle stimmen fein und jeglich in sonderheith horen mag als Disc:

A. T. B. Nun will ich dir von dem Creutzlein einen kurtzen bericht geben.

CAP. III.
Von dem Creutzlein und seinem Nutzen.

Von dem Creutzlein so du bey den andern buchstaben wirst stehende

finden, will ich dir kurtze anleitung geben, wie du es verstehen solt,

und merck erstlich, das dir das Creutzlein anzeigeth das man auf den-

selbigen buchstaben soli still halten mit dem finger, damit man greiffet,

alss lange es leiden mag, und dan den finger anders wozu brauchen must

quod Latinos dooebit ex-perientia et Exempla. Das gescheht aber darumb,

damit man desto ringfertiger schlagen lerne, und mit vorthell zum theill

auch wegen das Wollstehens. Denn es gibt den buchstaben, darauf du

greiffest und stille haltest einen langen schonen nachklang unter den

andern stimmen, wie du erfahren wirst in kurtzen. Exemplu:

3 f U i o 5 o

2
¥
132

oder 9 i ^ i

So viel behalt auf der lauten alhie von dem Creutzlein, und hor welter

von der stellung.

CAP. IV.
Von der Lauten Stellung

Die Lauten zu richten, ist auch nicht bald zu lernen, jedoch der

ein weinig singen kan, und ein halber Musicus ist, ist dan auf ein

grosses vorthel, Denn der kan die voces conoovdirZ und zusamen stimmen.

Er weiss auch die intevvalla zu vor ex aantu, Doch will ich aus alien

modis und formen, die lauten zurichten, den geringsten weg anzeigen. Thu

ihm also zum ersten: Nimb die Lauten und zeuch die ein 1. erst oder

quint, weiter auf so hoch du wilt und die erleiden mag nach pTopovtio

der lauten, dazu stelle den grossen Bohnhart CsicH ein octav. Darnach

38v greiff das grosse C und die dazu *LYI EODEFFI, Weiter greif aufs n, und

richt die 1. vn eodem. Zum greif das f und stelle die 1+ -in eodem.

Zum letzten greif das o und stelle die 2 dazu •in eodem.

5 C n f o

A 3 1+ 2

it
133

Und so du dem alien recht getahn hast, und die seiten sampt den bunden

recht sein wirstu finden das

5 k p

g 3 c
l — U r->
ig I« t \ y—> •1 —
A C D If 0 if b o—

und andere oonaordantzen zusammen stehen, werden gantz in eodem. Dies sey

von der lauten stellung aufs kurtzste gesagt.

Wie man die lauten im abziig soli richten.

Richte so vie oben gemelt, und wan sie denn also gerichtet ist,

soltu d e n a b l a s s e n , also das sie ein octav niedriger stehe, denn die 2

und so dir das o, die 2 und die'Jfzusammen stimmen, so ist sie im abzug

gerichtet.

De Applications digitorum

Primo digito vel indioe} sunt apprehendendae orrmes literae primi

spatii. Medio digito omnes secundi spatii apprehendito literas. Annularis

vero et aurieularis ita sunt assuefaoiendi in tertio spatio, ut superiores

literae annulari, inferiores aurioulari apprehendantur. Voco autem

superiores, quae aontinentur sub duabus primis et seoundis: reliquas vero

ut sunt: n, o, p inferiores. Simili autem modo sunt applicandi digiti.

Si tabellatura vero pluribusve spatiis asaenderit, quia saepe sunt

apprehendendae duae literae in eodem spatio, simul subiioiunt

diffiailiores taotus.
131+

De mensura.

Mensuram ex notulis facile cognosces, quantum enim valent notulae

in cantionibus3 tantum istae tantum valent in tabellatuva unculae notulis

subscriptae et ita pinguntur

si tres sunt litevae incipiendus est indice, et iterum indice

pevficiendus. Omnis autem 4. aut 6 lineavum pollice incipiendus, post

vero turn indice perficiendus.

Ubi invenituv talis stellula significat digitum in ista

litevaj cui pvaeponituT est obediendum, donee sequentem cursum perfeceris,

apparabit in sequentibus exemplis. Pausa tota I media vel suspivium

. In proportione pausae tota T* media ± cui additur talis

uncula £ quo semibrevem est significat ut fiat proportionis tactus

integer .

signum Repetitionis

Convenientiae

o ||

J
j hhr Tabellatur

H- conficiunt auf d lauten


J) N 8 tactum
j jj
135

Durch diese concovdanten wird Diese nachfolgende tithelch

probiret ob die laute recht stehe: oder punctlein bedeuten die

k finger inder lincken hand


k n f o 5

3 1 h 2 g

f)
-e- & '

- 9): °
— Q

39r Coloraturen werden im Disoant mehrentheils mit den beyden fodersten fingern,

es sey den im final, da man mit dem zeiger und daumen pfleget herunter zu

lauffen, gemacht: Im Bas aber mit dem zeiger und daumen. Jedoch muss man

in der obersten cotovatuven wen sie ungerade sein, und auffwerths gehen

mit dem zeiger, wen sie aber niderwerts, mit dem langen angefangen werden.

Item wen c oder d auf der 5 oder auch auf einer ander seiten kommen, und

bis ins h steigen, so fenget man oben mit dem zeiger auf dem c oder d an,

und greifft darnach mit den folgenden fingern die andern folgenden buch-

staben.

signum repetit signum variat:

-e- tremulationis das wackeln des finger


+ des reissens, wen ich mit dem finger oben zihe und reisse,
als schluge ich unten.

des signum der mordant en setze ich uber die litem, U nd gebrauchs
">
gegen die abzuge, schlage allzeith einen band vorbey.

Schauben wen ich langsam greiffe, und setze die finger von oben
leise an.
136

Wie man 3 Lauten soil ineinander


Ziehen.

Zeuch die erste Disaant lauten die 5 bloss ins g, also das dz

sechste Chor G sey und dz 7 F.

Ferner zeuch die ander Discant lauten ins a ist der Bas oder

sechste Chor A und dz 7. G.

Die Bas lauten zihe ins C also das die 1 oder 5 Chor G ist, und

die 5 ist D.

Hend wurde zum absetzen gebraucht zum Discant diese soala under

welcher G, zum andern darunter A. Zum Bas darunter C stehet.

Haec quidem sunt satis enucleata et clara, sed oportet audiccmus

et habeamus vivos informatores3 uti ait D. Hieronymus: Nesoio quid

efficacis enevgiae viva vox habeat.

Langsam schlagen merck erstlich,


Darnach befleissige dich zu schlagen deutlich,
Zum drithen greif der Lauten woll ins maull,
Zum vierdten sey in mordanten nicht faull,
Zum letzten soltu den tact recht obsewiven,
So du wilt mit lust hofieren.

39v Testudo ouras Tristi de pectore pettiT


Evigit animos Et dulci pectore vocE
Saucia solatuv Sanat quo que vulnera cordis
Tristes laetificat Turbas dulcedine sedaT
Unanimesq. fecit Vario praecordia cantJJ
Dura domare potest Dat denique frugis et illuD
Omnis ut ad saltus Optet procedere virgO
137

Voces Musioae 6

UT queant taxis REsonare fibris


MIra gestorum FAmuli tuorum
SOLve poltutiLAbii reatum.

Alme pater

Guter vein und lauten klang,


Junge Magdlein frisch und lang,
Vertreiben sorg und hertzeleidt
Wenn man sie braucht zu rechter Zeit.

0 Testudo deous Phaebi pulchewima vevum


Te fanrulum plaoidi ayprus arnovis habet.
Quis te donavit pvimum mortalibus aegris?
Non hiemovtalis, sed Deus ipse fuit.

£
-f—&=• -ifr*-
-F-Or-
-e-ar e-et-
*S^- -flr-
a. a. a. 1 c

o J J j>jt

o o

° ° ....

ferr
138

Wie man eine Laute zur 6chorichten Cither stimmen soil.

Die quart uf der Laut soli mit dem ersten Chor uf der Cyther

uberein stimmen.

Zur Violl dass G auf der Lauthe muss mit d. quint auf d. Geig

ubereinkommen zum Instrument. Die quart uf der Lauten soil mit dem D

Oder G gleich laute. Zur harffen. Das G uf der harffen muss mit der

quint auf der Lauten gleichen resonans geben.

Lauten zusamen stimmen: Zeuch den discant so hoch, als ers

erleiden kan, darnach wie die 2da aufm discant lautet, so zeuch die

quintem auf Tenor. Endlich wie die quart ufm Tenor so zeuch die 5tam

auffm Bas.

Lauten uffs Instrument Ziehen: Die 5. auf d Laute mus so hoch

als das G uffm Instrument stehen.

Zur discant Geigen: Die kleineste seide auf der Geigen, mus

stehen als das C auf d 5-, der Lauten.

Zur Zithern die Terti auf der Zither, mus mit der 5ten uberein-

stimmen uf d. Lauten.

^lr Wie man die Lauten stimmen soil

Die 5. stimme erstlich so hoch du wilt und die es leiden kan,

Darnach die b eine 4 von d 5.

Die 3- auch eine 1+ von d 1+.

Die 2. auch eine 3. von d 3.

Die 1 eine 1+ von d 2.


139

Den ersten Bomhart eine U. von d 1.

Den and. Bomh. eine 1 vom erss Bomh.

Darnach greiff dz d auf d 4 so gibts

eine oatav mit d 2: dz d auf d

3ien gibt ein oatav mit d 1: Und

dz c aud f 2d. gibt ein octav mit

dem ersten Bomhartt.


lUo

EDITION OF THE LUTE MUSIC


lUl

EDITOR'S PREFACE

The' following edition is a polyphonic interpretation rather than

a strict transcription, for a polyphonic interpretation gives a much

better representation of how the music should sound. For broader acces-

sibility it is presented in keyboard style rather than the more limited

lute/guitar style which is notated only in the treble clef.

As previously discussed, most of the pieces use Renaissance

tuning and have been transcribed in G. No octave doublings have been

assumed for any of the courses. Stobaeus' meter signatures are repro-

duced as he gave them. In most cases the rhythmic values are unaltered,

but values have been halved in cases where obsolete meter signatures

would otherwise result; such changes are indicated on the scores. Most

of the errors or unclear passages in Stobaeus' notation involve rhythm

rather than pitch. Editorial emendations of any aspects of the notation

other than the reductions or the sustaining of sonorities for polyphonic

interpretation are reported in the critical notes.


Ik2

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
Phantasia Fugate, fol. 1U9
Praeludium, fol. W-5r 151
Aliud, fol. 5r 15b
Aliud, fol. 5r 15b
Aliud, fol. 5r
155
Loreta, fol. 5v . . .
157
Pasamezo alias Der Gassenhawer, fol. 5v-6r 159
Wolt Goth ich konte singen p. Frid. Lin., fol. 6r 160
Praeludium Litt., fol. 6r 161
Praeludium, fol. 9v 163
Aliud praelud., fol. 9v-10r 165
Vaulte, fol. 15v 166
Aquinton, fol. 15v 168
Untitled piece, fol. l6r-l6v 169
Bransle, fol. l6v 172
Bransle, fol. l6v-17r 17^

Couran: Petro Moro, fol. 17r 3.7 6

Untitled piece, fol. 17r-17v 178

Untitled piece, fol. 17v 180

Galliarda, fol. l8r 182

Untitled piece, fol. I8r-l8v 18U

Untitled piece, fol. l8v-19r 187

Untitled piece, fol. 19r-19v 190


1^3

Branle, fol. 19 v
191
Dass Bergliedt, fol. 19v
192
Untitled piece, fol. 20r
193
Aliud, fol. 20r
195
Pavan Lacrymae, fol. 21v-22v
196
Pavan Hispan, fol. 22v .
2(A
Aliter, fol. 23r
205
Aliter Decker, fol. 23r-23v
207
Pavana, fol. 29v
209
Henck, fol. 29v
211
Praeludium, fol. 29v
212
Ballet, fol. 30r
213
Variatio prioris, fol. 30r 2lb

Alia, fol. 30r


215
Balletto Venete, fol. 30v
216
Ronda, fol. 30v
217
Henck, fol. 31r 218
Litt., fol. 31r-31v 220
Balletto, Thorn Lind. Lub., fol. 31v-32r . . 221
HExample in old German tablature], fol. l+3v 223
Galliarda Angloise, fol. i+3v 225
Galliarda Angloise, fol. 1+Ur 226
Zinckpass, fol. W r
228
Galliard, fol. i+W
229
Galliard Lacrymae, fol. 4i+v-!+5r
231
lkk

Aufzug: Gar sehr ist mir mein entzundt, fol. l*5r 232

Galliarda, fol. l*5r 233

Untitled piece, fol. b^r 23k

Untitled piece, fol. l*5v 235

Galliarda, fol. l+5v 236

Galliarda, fol. 45v-46r 236

Galliarda Anglica, Testud. min. and Test, maj., fol. kGr .... 238

Curanten, fol. k^r 239

Alia, fol. k^r 2l+0

Courant Sans Chanterell, fol. l+9v 2Ul

Untitled piece, fol. ^9v-50r 2^2

Ich hate mein Liebchen zum Tantze gefuret Curante, fol. 50r . . . 2^5

Nu "bin Ich durch liebe zu trawren gebracht, fol. 50v 246

Curante, fol. 50v 2i+7

Das iinse Magd so saur aussiht, fol. 51r 2^8

So soltu doch mein Liebchen sein, fol. 51r 21+9

Curante, fol. 51v 251

Courante, fol. 51v 252

Courante, fol. 51v 25*1

Courante, fol. 51v-52r 256

Courante Frans Rasch, fol. 52r 258

Courant Magdelung, fol. 52r 259

Courante Madel., fol. 52v 260

Courant, fol. 52v 262

Courant Johann Wade Madl., fol. 53r 263

Curante Spanniolette Ich hab mein Liebchen, fol. 53r 265


1U5

Curante Sarabande, fol. 53v 266

Alia Deck. Cour., fol. 53v 268

Courant la vignC a Th. Lind. Lub., fol. 269

Cur: Sarabande a Th. Lind. Lub., fol. [fragment] 271

Courant, fol. 5 W 272

Courant, fol. 5^v 273

More palatino, fol. 65r-65v 27U

Aliud, fol. 65v . 277

Aliud, fol. 65v 278

More pal. Kul., fol. 66r 279

Aliud Madel, fol. 66r 281

Aliter DeckeCrD, fol. 66v 282

Bergamesco, fol. 68r-69r 28k

Bergeniasco, fol. 69r 292

Aliter Deck Bergam., fol. 69r 293

Aliter Th. Lind. Lub., fol. 69r-70r 29h

Choreae polonicae, fol. 72r 297

Alia, fol. T2r 298

Alia, fol. 72r 299

Alia, fol. 72v 300

Alia, fol. 72v 302

Alia Madel, fol. 73r 30^

Alia, fol. 73r 305

Kaes unnd Broth, fol. 73r 305

Alia, fol. 73r 306

Alia, fol. 73v 307


lU6

Alia vide supra, fol. 73v 308

Alia Henckl., fol. 73v 309

Alia, fol. 73v-7^r

Alia, fol. 7^+r 311

Alia Litt., fol. 7*+r 312

Sanadri, fol. 7 W

Doratka, fol. 7^v 31 Ij.

Schlim y., fol. 7 W 31U

Ob Ich schon wegziehe, fol. 7 W 315

Chorea, fol. 7^v 316

Frantzosisch Liedlein, DeckCerU, fol. 75r 318

Ein klage Lied, fol. 75v 320

Chanson Angloise. Ach wie bin ich von betrubt, fol. 76r . 321

Wo soli ich hin, verwiindt ich bin, fol. 7&r 323

Chanson Mundlein roth wohinen, fol. J6v 32i+

Chanson, fol. f6v 32U

Labellana Fran., fol. 7^v-77r 326

Curante Ach wie bin Ich von , fol. 77r 328

Littaw. Chor. Pol., fol. 77r 329

Labella Franciscana alias Dannenbaum, fol. 77v ... 330

Mundlein roth, fol. 77v 331

Annke de Aschath, fol. 77v 331

Littave Engelsche Leufferch, fol. 77v 332

A1 man mor, fol. 78r 333

Dannenbaum, fol. 78r 335


li+7

Untitled piece, fol. 78r 335

Ey dii feiner Reiiter, fol. J8v 336

Viel trawren in meinem T8v 338

Von den schonen Jiingfrewlein, fol. J9r 338

Alit., fol. 79r 3^0

Habe ich doch alle mein tag nicht gedacht, fol. J9r 3^1

m:
Ach hertziges ^ schmertz erkennen thu, fol. 79v 3^+1

Komb mein Liebchen, fol. 79v 3^+3

Yon der Fort una, fol. 79 v 3^3

Aiiff mein Gesang, fol. 79v 3^5

Bey dir mein , fol. 8lr 3^6

Blaw garn und weissen Zwirhck, fol. 8lr . 3^7

Alio modo, fol. 8lr 3I+8

Als ein Stiidente spatzierete, fol. 8lr 3^9

Miis den die trewe mein, fol. 8lv 350

List und neid jeder Zeit wider mich thun streben, fol. 8lv . . . 351

Von den schonen Jung frawlein, fol. 82r 352

Griiste dich Goth, fol. 82r 353

Viel trawrens in meinem hertzen, fol. 82r 353

Litt. Gesteriges tages abend spatt, fol. 85r 355

Ach soli ich mit klagn, fol. 87v 356

Das Korn hath jetz Reiffen, fol. 87v 357

Dancket dem Herrn, den er ist sehr freundlich, fol. lllv . . . . 358

VariaCtioD, fol. 112r 358

Nii lobe meine Seele den Herren, fol. 112r 359


1U8

Singen wir aus grund, fol. 112r 362

Ach Godt von Himmel sihe darin, fol. 112v 361+

Aiiss meines Hertzens grunde, fol. 112v 366

Nu last uns Gott den Herrn, fol. 112v 368

Nu last uns Gott dem Hern, danck sagen und ihn ehren, fol. 113r . 369

Dancket dem heren denn er ist freundlich, fol. 113r 370

0 mensch wollet bedencken, fol. 113r 371

Her Jesu Christ war mensch und Goth, fol. 113r 372

Gelobet seystu Jesu Christ, DeckCerD, fol. 113r 373

Wie schon leucht uns der Morgenstern, Decker, fol. 113v 37^

In dulci jubilo, fol. 113v 376

Zion spricht a 5 voc., fol. lll+r 378

Was lobes sollen wir dir 0 Vater singen, fol. l l W . 381

Ach wir armen sunder, fol. 11W 383


Phaniasia Fugaie, 1U9

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CRITICAL NOTES

The notes below show the manuscript readings for passages which

have been altered in the transcriptions. The abbreviated form employed

gives the measure number; the voice, if pertinent ( S A T B ) ; the beat of

the measure, with fractions showing divided beats if necessary; and the

original version. For example, 22 h: J) indicates that in the twenty-

second measure of a particular piece, the note on beat b was an eighth

note; h B 1: G indicates that in the fourth measure, the bass note on

beat 1 was a G.

Phantasia Fugate, fol. ijr—k 3: / k k: J ) / 5 1: J ^ / l l B l : d-

flat / Ik B 3: d-flat / 31 2: no rhythmic signs

Praeludlum, fol. h v — 2 0 1:

Aliud, fol. 5r, line 5—b- B 1: G

Aliud, fol. 5r, line 7 — 5 1-1: a-flatT


2

Loreta, fol. 5 v — 2 2 k:

Pasamezo alias Der Gassenhawer, fol. 5v—13-17: no rhythmic signs

Praeludium Litt. , fol. 6 r — 1 k: Jlh / 2: barline after 2 / 6 T 1: d-

flat / J k: / 8 k: / 11 k: / lU-17: no rhythmic signs

Praeludium, fol. 9 v — 1 1: j / 2 1: J / lit T 1: a-flat

Aliud praelud. , fol. 9v-10r~ 15 1: J

Vaulte, fol. 1 5 v — 7 3-1:


/ 1^ 3—3^: / 25 3-1.: / 27: barline
2 2 2
after 2 / 3k 3-1.:
2
386

Aquinton, fol. 15v—no rhythmic signs / 5 T 2-1: a


2

Untitled piece, fol. l6r—21 4-1: J) / 48 1: F-sharp


2

Bransle, fol. l6v—3 S 2-l_: a' / 11: barline after 1 / 13 S 3* a'

Bransle, fol. l6v-17r™7 1: / 16 4: / 18 1: J

Couran: Petro Moro, fol. 17r—l4 3: / 17 2:' ^


Untitled piece, fol. 17r-17v~9 S I : e' / 12 A 1: c' / 12 S 3-1: e-flat' /

25 3-1: « h
2

Untitled piece, fol. 17v—10 2: / 12 B 1: a / 16 1: J / 30 S 3: d-

flat' / 32 3: / 35 3-1: e' / 36 B 2: G


2

Galliarda, fol. l8r-3 T 1: d' / 21 3-3: d-flat' / 22: barline after 2

Untitled piece, fol. l8r-l8v—7 B l : G / 9 S 3 : e' / 10 2: J ) / 12 T 2:

e / 24 B l : G / 40 B 1: D
Untitled piece, fol. l8v-19r—6 T 1: c-sharp' / 6 T 2: b / 10 B 1: C-

sharp / 24 B 1: C-sharp / 25 B 2: G / 36 B 3: C-sharp / 56 B 2: D /

56 S 3-l_: c-sharp'
2

Branle, fol. 19v—10 1: d / 11 1: J / 24 1: J / 27 1:

Dass Bergliedt, fol. 19v—no rhythmic signs

Untitled piece, fol. 20r—7 B l : A / 20 3: J > / 22 3: « b / 25 3: « ^ /

26 3: i / 37 3: i , J>

Pavan Lacrymae, fol. 21v-22v~l4 3: f-sharp1 / 26 B 1: f / 35 S 4-1: e' /


2
40 B 4: a-flat / 50 B 1: a / 60 B 2-1: b / 66 1: J ) / 69 4: J ) /
2
387

91 B 3: a-flat / 91 B k: f / 102 T k-1: b-flat / 10U 1: J / 107 k:


2
Js
• / 108 B 3: a-flat / llU: no rhythmic signs

Pavan Hispan, fol. 22v—no rhythmic signs


Aliter, fol. 23r—1+ 2: J / 6 1: J / 12 1: J / 12 A 3: d1 / lU 1:

J / 17 2-1: / 17 3; / 17 3 _i : J\> / 21 1: J / 25 k:

I ^ ^
• / 26 2: c) / 29 1:

Aliter Decker, fol. 23r-23v—no rhythmic signs / 6 B 1: c

Pavana, fol. 29v—10 1: •>7/ 11 2: / 16 1: J )

Henck, fol. 29v~3 3: / 11 3: J ) / 11-13: no rhythmic signs

Praeludium, fol. 29v--no rhythmic signs / 6 B 3: a

Ballet, fol. 30r 8 3: (c d e-flat) written over bass

Variatio prioris, fol. 30r—8: barline after 3 / 10 h: four /

11 k-1: J / 15 3:
2

Balletto Venete, fol. 30v—3 B 2: A / 3 h: / k: no rhythmic signs /


8 B 1: d

Ronda, fol. 30v—2 2-l_: ^

2
;igns / 21 S 1: d' / 21 1:
Henck, fol. 31r—13 3: J / 16: no rhythmic

J / 21 3: J
21: no rhythmic signs /
[Example in old German tablatureD, fol. l+3v
25 S 1: b

Galliarda Angloise, fol. )+3v—1-1|: no rhythmic signs / 7 3: / 9-12:


no rhythmic signs

Galliarda Angloise, fol. W r — 2 1-1 • ^ / 3 3: / 5 l-3_—3: no


2 h
388

rhythmic signs / 10: / 19: J

Galliard, fol. 1+Uv—13-17: no rhythmic signs / 22-23: no rhythmic

signs / 25: no rhythmic signs / 26 2: three c' / 27: no rhythmic


g

signs

Galliard Lacrymae, fol. ^v-i+5r—2 3: / 3 2-1: J / 9 3: J

Aufzug: Gar sehr ist mir mein entzundt, fol. ^5r—14 3:

Untitled piece, fol. l+5r, line 7 — 3 2-l_: ^ / 9 1: ^ / 10 1: /


2
11: O

Untitled piece, fol. i+5v—18: O / 19: no rhythmic signs

Galliarda, fol. i+5v-46r—J k: d / 9 h: J / 10 Ik J / 13: no rhythmic

signs / 15 k: «i / 16-19 2: no rhythmic signs / 23 «l / 2k B 1:

a-flat

Galliarda Anglica, fol. k6r, Testud. min.—1 3: •! / 6: cl / 9 1: /

10: no rhythmic signs; Test, maj.— after 1 1, no rhythmic signs

Curanten, fol. ^9r—12: no rhythmic signs / 26: no rhythmic signs

Alia, fol. k9v—8 2: J / 23: no rhythmic signs

Courant Sans Chanterell, fol. l+9v—18 B 2-1: E-flat / 35: J


2

Untitled piece, fol. l+9v-50r—k2 1-1: J / J+7 2-1—50: no rhythmic signs

2 2

Ich habe mein Liebchen zum Tantze gefuret Curante, fol. 50r—6: «|) /

13: J) / 23:
Nu bin Ich durch liebe zu trawren gebracht, fol. 50v—pickup to 10: /

18: no rhythmic signs


389

Curante, fol. 50v—17 1: J / 19 3: c !

Das iinse Magd so saur aussiht, fol. 51r—21-23: no rhythmic signs

So soltu doch mein Liebchen sein, fol. 51r—1: J J^/ 2: J /

5-51*: no rhythmic signs

Curante, fol. 51v, line 1—ij. 1: / 9: no rhythmic signs / 11 3: /


15-16: no rhythmic signs / 15 B 2: f

Courante, fol. 51v, line 3—pickup to 20-23: no rhythmic signs

Courante, fol. 51v, line 5 — 1 B 3: g / 5 1: / 31: J

Courante, fol. 51v-52r~6 B 1: g-flat / 13 3: b-flat»


e-flatf
B-flat

Courant Magdelung, fol. 52r—2 3: / 3 3: J / 6 3: J / 18 1: J /

19 1: no rhythmic signs

Courante Madel, fol. 52v—1-2: / 16 1: / 2h 3: J / 25 3: J /

31: no rhythmic signs

Courant, fol. 52v—11 1: c l / pickup to 12: / 13 1: J / 19: no

rhythmic signs

Courant Johann Wade Madl., fol. 53r—23: no rhythmic signs

Curante Spanniolette, fol. 5 3 r — 2 : / 7: no rhythmic signs / 17-21:

no rhythmic signs

Curante Sarabande, fol. 5 3 v — 2 : =1 / pickup to 10: J / 21: J /

21+ B 2: E-flat

Alia Deck. Cour., fol. 53v—10 3: cl / 21: no rhythmic signs

Courant la vigno, fol. 5kr—2 A 2: c' / 6 2-1: J ) / 7 2-1: / 11 3:


2 2

J / 30 3: J / 33 3-1: J )
2
390

Cur: Sarabande, fol. 5iir—10 A 2: c' / 10 S 3-1: J )


2

Untitled piece, fol. 5 W — J A 2: c' / 17 A: f' / 17: ci

Courant, fol" 5l+v—pickup to 10: c)

More palatino, fol. 65r-65v—5 3-4 : no rhythmic signs / 11 1: /

13 3: J)/15fc: / 30 3: J ) / U o U : J ) / kl 3:

Aliud, fol. 65v, line h—11 S l-!L:


2

Aliud, fol. 65V, line 7 — 4 3: J / 12: J J

More pal. Kul., fol. 66r—no rhythmic signs

Aliud Madel, fol. 66r—2 1: J / 3; barline after 2 / k: no rhythmic

signs / 10 1: d / 11 1: c! / 12-13: d on 1, no rhythmic signs

thereafter / 16: no rhythmic signs

Aliter DeckeCrU, fol. 66v—21 1: J / 2k: no rhythmic signs

Bergamesco, fol. 68r-69r—11 3: J / 20 3: c! / 28-31: no rhythmic

signs / 36 h: J ) / k2 k: J / 1*8: d / 55 A 2: f-

sharp / 61+ 2: J / 67: no rhythmic signs / 80: d / 80-88: no

rhythmic signs / 97—103: no rhythmic signs / 105—113* no rhythmic

signs

Bergemasco, fol. 69r—U 1: j / 9-16: no rhythmic signs

Aliter Deck Bergam., fol. 69r—16: no rhythmic signs

Aliter Th. Lind. Lub., fol. 69r-70r—13 1: d / 21 3: J") / 36 1: J * /

38-39: no rhythmic signs / 39: barline after 2 / 1*0 1: J /

^7- no rhythmic signs / 55: no rhythmic signs

Choreae polonicae, fol. 72r—1-2: no rhythmic signs

Alia, fol. 72r, line 3 — 1 3: «b / 3 1: d / 5 A 1: e' / 5 A 3: e1 /

10 B 1: e-flat / 10 3: / lU 1: J ) / 15 S 3: a' / 15 B 3: f /
391

15—16: no rhythmic signs

Alia, fol. 72r, line 5—12: no rhythmic signs

Alia, fol. 72v, line 1—19 B 2: alone

Alia, fol. 72v, line 5—15 1: / 22 2:

Alia Mad el, fol. 73r-8 3: J / 13 1: J ) / lb 1: J ) / l6: no rhythmic

signs

Alia, fol. 73r, line b—6: no rhythmic signs / 12: no rhythmic signs

Kaes unnd Broth, fol. 73r—no rhythmic signs

Alia, fol. 73r, line 6—10: O

Untitled piece, fol. 73r, line 7—6: J / 7 3: J ) / 8: J / 9 3: J )

Alia, fol. 73v, line 1 k 3: / 5 2: / 12: no rhythmic signs

Alia vide supra, fol. 73v—5 1: d

Alia Henckl., fol. 73v—3 1: Jh / k: O / 5 2-1: / 6 2: J /


2

8: no rhythmic signs / 9 1: J ^ / 9 2: / 12 2: J / 15:

Alia, fol. 73v-7l+r—1 b: / 6 3: / 8 3: / 12 3: no rhythmic

signs

Alia, fol. 7^r—1 3: / 7 1: J / 11 1: J / lit 3: J S

Alia Litt., fol. 7^r—10: J / 17: no rhythmic signs

Sanadri, fol. ^bv—5 A 1: e-flat' / 6: no rhythmic signs

Doratka, fol. 73v—no rhythmic signs

Schlim y, fol. 7 W — n o rhythmic signs

Ob Ich schon wegziehe, fol. 7 W — 7 1: J / 7 3: J / 13-lb: no rhythmic

signs

Chorea, fol. 7W--U k: / 5 3: J / 7 3: / J b: J ) / 12 2: J


392

Frantzosisch Liedlein, fol. 7 5 r — 8 3: •! l6 S 2: g'

Ein klage Lied, fol. 7 5 v — / 8: no rhythmic signs / 15 T 1: g' /

19: no rhythmic signs

Chanson Angloise. Ach wie bin ich von betrubt, fol. j6r—12

^-1:
2
J / 18 2: J- / 26 3-1:
2
/ 38 3-1: l b / 39: no
2

rhythmic signs

Wo soil ich hin, verwundt ich bin, fol. j6r—^ 1: / 9 1: J / 10:

no rhythmic signs

Chanson, fol. j6v—5 3: / 9 3: ^ / 12: no rhythmic signs

Labellana Fran., fol. j6v—2 3: / 5 k: / 17 1: / 18: no

rhythmic signs / 19 3: / 21 T 1: c / 21 3: mh / 25 k: mh /

27: barline after 3 / 28 4: / 30: no rhythmic signs

Curante Ach wie bin Ich von , fol. 77r—1 3: « b / U 2-1: /

5 2-l_: J - / 17-20: no rhythmic signs


2

Littaw. Chor. Pol., fol. 77r—3 B 3: e / 9 1: J / 11: J / ll* B 3: c /

lU B U: G / 15 1: J
Labella Franciscana alias Dannenbaum, fol. 77v—11 2:

Mundlein roth, fol. 77v—2 1: / It 1: J / 5 3: J )

Annke de Aschath, fol. 77v—no rhythmic signs

Littawe Engelsche Leufferch, fol. 77v—12 3: / 1^ 1: 4^) / 21: no

rhythmic signs

A1 man mor, fol. 78r—18 3: cl

Untitled piece, fol. 78r, line 7 — n o rhythmic signs


393

Ey dii feiner Reiiter, fol. 78v—8 2: cl / 9 b: J / 10 b: J / 11 It:

J / 12 1+: J / 16 2: J / 20 2: J / 32 2: J
Viel trawren in meinem , fol. 78V—11: no rhythmic signs

Von den schonen Jiingfrewlein, fol. T9r—5 B 1+: alone / 6 b-1: / 7:


2

no rhythmic signs / T A 3: f» / 1 B b: e f-sharp / 11: barline after


c*
2 / 12 B 2-1: G
2

Alit., fol. 79r—19 2: J ) / 20 1: J

Habe ich doch alle mein tag nicht gedacht, fol. 79r—no rhythmic signs

Ach hertziges C P mit schmertz erkennen thu, fol. 79v~3 1: J / 3 3:

/ 8: barline after 2 / 9 4 : J / 10 3: O / 11-12: no

rhythmic signs

Komb mein Liebchen, fol. 79v—no rhythmic signs / 6: barline after 2

Von der Fortuna, fol. 79v—12

Bey dir mein , fol. 8lr—12: no rhythmic signs

Blaw garn und weissen Zwirhck, fol. 8lr—11 S b-1: e'

Als ein Stiidente spatzierete, fol. 8lr—no rhythmic signs / 3 S 1: g1 a' /

3 S 2: b-flat' g' / 6 S 1: c' b


Miis den die trewe mein, fol. 8lv—no rhythmic signs

List und neid jeder Zeit wider mich thun streben, fol. 8lv—3 2: ^ /

18-21+: no rhythmic signs

Von den schonen Jung frawlein, fol. 82r—2 1: J - / 2 3: t b / 3: J ' J

J.J>J / h: no rhythmic signs / J: barline after 1 / 8 1: mi /

9 3: d / 10-11+: no rhythmic signs / 12 1-1: cf


2
39^

Griiste dich Goth, fol. 82r—11: no rhythmic signs

Viel trawrens in meinem hertzen, fol. 82r—15 3: J / 16 3: J /

19-20: no rhythmic signs

Litt. Gesteriges tages abend spatt, fol. 85r—3 B 1: C / 5 1: <J / 6 1:

J / 12 3:

Ach soli ich mit klagn, fol. 8Tv—1 2-l_: J / 2 B 3: C / 11 3: « b /


2

12 2: J
Das Korn hath jetz Reiffen, fol. 8Tv—6 1: J * / 6 It: J ' / lit 1: J ) /

16 1:

Dancket dem Herrn, den er ist sehr freundlich, VariaCtio], fol. 112r—

no rhythmic signs / no "barlines

Aiiss meines Hertzens grunde, fol. 112v—3 1: J / hi: JO / 6: barline

after 1 / 6 2-1: 12 1: / 13 1: « b / 15 1: J * / 15 3:
2

•fo/ 16 1: / 17 2:

Dancket dem heren denn er ist freundlich, fol. 113r—1 2-3: ^\) /

2 1: / 3: no rhythmic signs / k 3:

Gelobet seystu Jesu Christ, fol. 113r—no rhythmic signs

Wie schon leucht uns der Morgenstern, fol. 113v—11: barline before 4-1 /
2

27 k: «1 / 29: no rhythmic signs

In dulci jubilo, fol. 113v—3 B 2: E / 9 1: J / l6 S 3: f-sharp' f' /

32: no rhythmic signs


395

Zion spricht a 5 voc., fol. l l H r — n o rhythmic signs / 2U B 1: c / 1(1 B 1:

Was lobes sollen wir dir 0 Vater singen, fol. 1 1 W — 5 : no rhythmic signs

Ach wir armen sunder, fol. 1 1 W — 2 B 1: G / 5 1: al / 11 4: / l6:

no rhythmic signs / 22: no rhythmic signs


396

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koQ

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Recording

Central European Lute Music> 16th-17th Century, performed by Andras


Kecskes. Hungaroton SLPX 11721.

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