CHAPTER I

THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND

Introduction

Abuse against Overseas Filipino Workers is one of the prevalent social problem according
to the Department of Foreign affairs, Philippine Overseas Employment Agency, and Overseas
Worker Welfare Administration. OFWs has experienced abuse from their employers. It is really
a warning that eagerness is conducted the indeed concern of OFWs persevere. OFWs are
considered with the prejudice relationship between employer as maltreatment and discrimination
acted and practiced that dictate employers to think O FWs are commodities, slaves, and take
control laws against humanity, while the OFWs are hardworking, patient, obedient, trustworthy,
and scared to God. (Vatican, Manila Bulletin)

This awareness encourage employers to be precise with the employment contract.

Employers are just biased just to maintain their elitism. OFWs are also humiliated by their abusive
employers. Some OFWs are accused of theft and beaten by their employers. Sexual abused and
rape they experienced of some OFWs. An OFWs are complaining for sexual abuse in some ways
is unbelieving for being nasty by figuring their attractiveness.( Manila Bulletin 2019)

These are some of the events that shared to the helpless OFWs. Abuse against OFWs
occurred in Asia, Middle East, and some parts of Europe and America. Most of the cases are
happened in the Middle East.

Huge problems occurred is the lack of evidences and injustice in Asia and Middle East. As
many cases still unsolved, silence persisted. Many of the abused are outspoken due to a financial
reason, they need job so they just kept silence and suffered a lot. Others are lack of courage and
knowledge on how to fight for their rights.

The history of this remains in the record of DFA, OWWA, and POEA. Abused against
OFWs are unsolved due to lack of evidences, injustice, and discrimination. Todays, a lack of
courage and evidence is an issue to keep silence of the affected OFWs. On the other hand

1
Philippine government now is very powerful enough to negotiate with the lawmakers of another
country.

The history of abused against OFWs is a difficult task, negotiation is the way to acquire
justice among abused OFWs. The history of abused against OFWs are sometimes ignored,
abandoned, and set aside. The history of abused against OFWs is like the historical view of slavery
way back Medieval era and Elizabethan era or before world war 1. The abuse can exist both public
and private worldwide of humanity and at any period of their extent, mostly OFWs are women,
we are dreaded by these kind of threat of abuse in this important protection of their future so that
the OFWs know their rights and act for their rights. Abuse against OFWs are inhumane and
violation against humanity.

Different abuse occurred, the outcome of abuse against OFWs deviate in accordance on
the situation of the specific crime, the connection of the employee with the abuser, the location
where it happened. In sexual abuse impacts abuse against OFWs has been suffered of depression
or health problems that leads the abused OFWs to a mysterious disappearances.

Before President Rodrigo Roa Duterte took office several cases unsolved, Filipinos
imprisonment, death penalty, disappearances and death of Filipinos abroad. Middle East and Asia
has recorded as the most abusive of OFWs.

The advantage of this research is to implement of the human rights law and all the rights
of all people in order to eliminate discrimination against OFWs. And also to publish the necessary
information for the benefit of the OFWs rights and their freedom in implementing the role of law
through education, lectures, and training as intellectually study the cases. Lastly, to monitor OFWs
and their employer and inform them and supervise them to implement the law of human being and
most of all to inform them that God is justice.

Background of the Study

The study of this research paper, abuse against OFWs and their rights is about informing
all the OFWs about their rights as an employee that our present government is strongly supportive
for the OFWs employment contract and laws must prevail when they experience abusive act of
their employers. Middle East and Asia has a long commercial relations way back from 1900A.D

2
up to the present. Philippines is the pathway to the neighboring countries as the law of the sea has
been implemented. During the time of Spanish Mexican colonialization our culture of slavery has
exercised. Through colonialization by the Mexican-Spanish, many Filipinos sent to Mexico as a
slave during Spanish colonialization here in the Philippines. Because of our international
relationships among nations, business of import and export has developed, sending Filipinos to
work abroad, is a kind of exportation or as they say “ human exportation”. It is an effective
business here in the Philippines before President Rodrigo Roa Duterte took office OFWs are
HEROES because of their remittances for their loved ones that can help to sustain the Philippine
economy.

As of the data analysis of POEA, DFA, and OWWA many Filipino applicants and they are
looking for a job overseas, they shared their experiences and stories. Most of the OFWs are afraid
to lose their jobs and afraid of unemployed status. About their personal experience are mostly
exclusive because personal information is their rights and must be protected. . (Vatican, Manila
Bulletin 2019)

Statement of the Problem

The study attempts to find out the problems encountered by Overseas Filipino Workers in
their employment abroad occurred and how the government and its agencies implement the
program and services to the OFWs.

1. What are the problems encountered by overseas Filipino workers in their employment abroad?

2. How do the OFWs solve the problems that they encountered?

3. What are the ways to stay safe as Overseas Filipino Workers?

4. How does the government help the OFWs abroad?

Significant of the study

The study on the Problems Encountered by Overseas Filipino Workers in their employment
abroad. The result of the study will hopefully give better insight and beneficial to the following:

3
To the job seeker. The study will be useful to all potential job applicants to have an insights in
job requirements and enhance their skills for improvements.

To the policy makers in the House of Representative. The result of this study may be used of
basis for the higher officially to strengthen their support in all aspects in formulating plans and
activities that will help.

To the POEA, DFA and OWWA. They can make an effective management of all recruitment
agencies, the results of this study may likewise help the POEA,DFA, and OWWA to give fully
support in response to meeting the major goals of the programs implementation. The findings of
the study with also enable them to discover the problems and challenges that might exist with the
newly implemented laws. This will serve to motivate them to find ways and means that will
strengthen it weak points and further enhance its strong points.

To the Government officials. This study will help them to determine the problems encountered
by OFWs in their employment abroad in seeking justice and likewise help them devise the
necessary adjustments in facilitating instruction.

To the OFWs. The results of the studies provide useful information on how to cope with the
challenges may encountered in their job or seeking employment abroad. On the other hand, this
study will beneficial a guide to OFWs who faces the challenges and problems they encountered in
their employment abroad.

To the Consular and Embassy official. This study will be beneficial for the related researchers.
This may lead to the areas that will development program.

To the Future Researchers. This study will provide them related information that they can use
in their own related research study and may also explore the extent of employee attraction and
retention employer factors in organizations. A final avenue for future studies consists in exploring
the processes which underline the organizational choice decisions of prospective applicants.

4
Scope and Delimitations of the Study

This study is conducted to determine the problems encountered by the overseas Filipino
workers in their employment abroad and how the OFW solve the problems that they encountered.
Techniques to solve the problems in order to stay safe and seek the assistance of the government.

Definition of Key Terms

. OFW-Is a term often used to refer to Filipino migrant workers and a people with

Filipino citizenship who reside in another country for a limited period of

Employment.

.Employment contract-Is a kind of contract used in labour law to attribute rights and

Responsibilities between employee and employer to a bargain.

.Agreement-A negotiated and typically legally binding or unbreakable arrangement

Between employee and employer as to a course of action.

.Attache-A person on the staff of an ambassador, typically with specialized are of

Responsibility.

.Ambassador-An accredited diplomat sent by a country as its official representative to

A foreign country.

.Consul-An official appointed by a government to live in a foreign city’

.Consulate-The place or building in which a consul’s duties are carried out.

.OWWA-Overseas Worker Welfare Administration as an agency of the Department of

Labor and Employment of the Philippines and it protects the interests of Overseas

Filipino Workers and their families, providing social

5
 CHAPTER II

Review of Related Literature and Studies

This chapter is compiled of distinct studies accumulated to reassurance the aspects of the
research. The detailed literatures and studies quoted were categorized from current to past that
were suitable to study.

Foreign Literature

Temporary work exists in a variety of forms. The most traditional form is casual labour,
which remains common, especially for low-skilled work in sectors such as construction and
agriculture. Increasingly familiar is direct employment on fixed-term contracts, often associated
with white-collar work as well as regular seasonal employment in other occupations. However,
the fastest growing form of temporary employment in many countries is temporary agency work
(TAW). TAW involves a triangular arrangement in which an agency intermediates between the
worker and the client organisation in arranging temporary employment assignments (Mitlacher
and Burgess, 2007).

Employment in temporary agency work has at least doubled throughout Europe over the
last decade. In Scandinavia, Spain, Italy and Austria, temporary agency employment has increased
at least five-fold, accounting for 1.3 per cent of the agency employment in the European Union by
the end of the decade (Malo and Munoz-Bullon, 2006).

The first section of the report analyses recent trends in temporary agency work in Europe,
USA, Canada and Australia based on available statistical data from the International Database on
Employment & Adjustable Labour (IDEAL) of 2004, the CIETT (International Confederation of
Private Employment Agencies) database (1999, 2000, 2006) and data from the national surveys
on temporary agency work in the EU, prepared for the European Industrial Relations Observatory
in 2005; it is supplemented by relevant academic articles (i.e. Burgess, J. and L.W.; Mitlacher and
Burgess, 2007; Lowe and Schellenberg, 2001; Fuller and Vosko, 2007).

The second section outlines the profile of temporary agency workers, utilizing the results
of an investigation by the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working

6
Conditions of 2006 (Arrowsmith, 2006) and IDEAL (Berkhout et al., 2006), combined with data
obtained from the national surveys on temporary agency work in the EU in 2005 mentioned above.
Data on the USA, Australia and Canada was obtained from academic articles (i.e. Mitlacher, 2006;
Hall, 2006 and Fuller and Vosko, 2007 respectively); academic papers also supplemented the
analyses on the Netherlands, Germany and Portugal (i.e. Tijdens et al. 2006; Mitlacher and
Burgess, 2007; Mitlacher 2007; Boheim and Cardoso, 2007).

The next section examines motives for using agency labour, considering both employers’
and agencies perspectives. Analysis here is based on recent relevant EU, American, Australian and
Canadian literature (i.e. Stanworth and Druker, 2006; Hakansson and Isidorsson, 2007, Garcia
Hernandes, 2007 etc.).

The section on the international experience of agency work utilizes the findings of
empirical studies on the use of agency work as a labour market policy tool (i.e. Jahn and Ochel,
2007) and the conditions of agency employment (i.e. Stone, 2007; Granford et al., 2006).

The analysis in the section on the legal issues of temporary agency work is based on
academic studies on the Directive (i.e. Nedegaard, 2007), recent surveys on the possible effects of
the Directive in the UK conducted by the CBI and CIPD, and academic studies, as well as national
surveys on temporary agency work in the EU, conducted in 2005 for the European Industrial
Relations Observatory. Analysis on the legal framework in the USA and Australia is based on
academic research (i.e. van Jaarsveld, 2006; Hall, 2006).

The analysis in the last section on the employment rights of undocumented workers
benefited enormously from data and materials available through the database of the Migration
Policy Institute in Washington (MPI), the World Refugee Surveys of 2006 and 2007, the annual
SOPMEI Reports on Trends in International Migration available through the OECD as well as
national empirical studies on labour laws and enforcement mechanisms in Austria, Belgium, Italy
and Spain.

7
 Agency work is rarely distinguished in official statistics, which renders international
comparisons difficult. Eurostat and OECD databases cannot be used to assess the impact of agency
work on the economy. Part of the difficulty stems from the fact that different definitions of agency
work are used. There are also differences in the way data are collected in different countries and
by whom, resulting in a lack of consistency between the statistics on agency workers in different
countries.

For example, the UK Labour Force Surveys are likely to undercount the number of agency
workers mainly because of definition problems. The LFS asks respondents whether their work is
not permanent in some way and if so whether they are in seasonal work, working on contract for
a fixed period or on a fixed task, doing agency work, casual work, or not permanent in some other
way. Some workers, who are supplied by agencies, will be classified as fixed-term workers or self-
employed rather than as agency workers. The LFS will also miss those workers who are supplied
by an agency but paid by the user and also those individuals who self-assess themselves as
employees of the user firm when they are in fact agency workers.

Similarly, in Australia the official estimation of agency employment is also problematic:

first, there are potential differences in employee status as some agency workers may be employed
on a self-employment contracts basis, which can result in understating agency employment;
second, agency assignments can be very short, just a few hours or days. This is usually the case
for professional assignments or in construction. Since the national Labour Force Survey takes
stock employment estimates at one point in time on a monthly basis, it can potentially miss short-
term assignments associated with agency employment (Mitlacher and Burgess, 2007).

In Canada, there is no clear legal definition of temporary work, in particular, of agency

employment. Especially problematic in this regard are agency jobs, where individuals may have
continuous employment over an extended period with a single agency. Lowe and Schellenberg
(2001) argue that even though these individuals may work at different clients’ job sites, perhaps
experiencing some uncertainty about future assignments, their employment may be no more

8
precarious than that of permanent employees. As result, some workers employed through an
agency may not consider themselves to be ‘temporary’. This creates potential measurement error,
given that the Labour Force Survey and many other surveys on employment trends in Canada rely
on self-reported status to classify employees as either permanent or temporary (ibid). Similar
problems are encountered in the UK Labour Force Surveys where data on agency employment is
based on self-reports (for example, inadequately differentiating self-employment and fixed-term
contracts) (Arrowsmith, 2006).

In Austria, there were 593 agencies in 1996 supplying 14,548 workers to 4,190 user
companies. By 2004, following growth that was sustained throughout the preceding eight-year
period, the number of agencies and workers had almost trebled and the number of user companies
had grown to 14,341; sectors that are currently expanding their use of agency labour include the
metal and electronics industries, with increases of 32% and 27% respectively in 2003-2004. Other
countries that have also registered growth since 2000 include Ireland, where a 5% GDP annual
growth contributed to a 68% growth in TAW between 2002 and 2003; Finland, where TAW
employment doubled between 2001 and 2003; and Luxemburg where the number of agency
workers doubled between 1998 and 2003. However, a strong rate of TAW growth does not
necessarily mean a significantly bigger presence in the economy as a whole. For example, in
Denmark, the number of agency workers rose by 60% between 1999 and 2004 but this represented
an increase of only 0.1% in terms of the proportion of total employment accounted for by TAW.
In Belgium, the proportion of the labour force employed by agencies remained steady, from 2.09%
in 2000 to 2.14% in 2004 (Arrowsmith, 2006).

Today, the temporary agency market in the Netherlands is dominated by six large
internationally operating agencies namely, the Randstad Group (of Dutch origin), United Services
Group (a merger between Start and Unique), Adecco (Swiss-based), Vedior (French), Manpower
(USA) and Content (owned by the Belgian Solvus Group) (Tijdens et al., 2006). According to
Statistics Netherlands, the number of agencies in the country dramatically increased between 1995
and 1999, and really exploded after the relative liberalization of the industry in 1998-99; the
licensing system was abolished together with a number of restrictions related to placements,
maximum placement duration, limitations on the ability of TWAs to obstruct TA employees from

9
entering into direct employment contracts with the user firms; other rules remained such as the
prohibition on posting workers to user firms which were on strike; the dual responsibility of user
firms and agencies for the payments of social premiums and taxes, and an equal wages clause for
TA workers. Compared with the rest of the Dutch population, migrants appear to be more often
employed through an agency. In 2000, the total share of migrants in the temporary agency
workforce was 33% compared to 18% in the total workforce. Official statistics point to the fact
that female temps in the country are doing more hours of parttime work than their male colleagues;
for example, in December 2004, 39% of the male temporary agency workers worked over 35
hours; the corresponding figure for female temps was 24% (Tijdens et al., 2006).

In many countries, the steep growth observed in the second half of the 1990s slowed down
from the turn of the decade. For example, in Germany, in 2005 443,949 persons were employed
on average as temporary agency workers, which is a remarkable increase compared to the average
number of 134,443 in 1994; the overall proportion of agency work increased from 0.5% of the
workforce in 1994 to 1.4% in 2004 but it is still at a moderate level, showing no indication that
agency work is substituting regular jobs (Burgess and Mitlacher, 2007). In France, the average
growth of TAW in terms of employment was just over 2% annually between 1999 and 2004,
though the peak year was 2000 where there were increases of 9.6% in construction, 16.6% in the
industrial sectors and 23.2% in services. In the Netherlands, employment in TAW grew by 3.8%
in 2000 but the rate of growth has since slowed down to reach 2.5% in 2004 and 3% in the third
quarter of 2005 (Tijdens, K. et al. 2006). This cyclical effect was particularly evident in Norway
where the number of agency workers peaked in 2001 and then fell in absolute terms by around
15% in the subsequent two years, although the number of agencies has continued to grow
following deregulation in 2001.

The vulnerability of temporary migrants in the labour market is a policy issue that has
received attention from a mix of international agencies (eg, the International Labour Organization
(ILO), United Nations (UN) and European Union) and those responsible for migrant welfare
locally (governments and non-governmental organisations).

10
This report reviews the available international and New Zealand research on temporary migrants’
vulnerability and exploitation in the workplace. In particular, the review highlights research gaps
and whether there are effective interventions that mitigate the vulnerability of temporary migrant
workers.

Temporary migration needs more research attention

There is considerable and growing literature on immigration to New Zealand on the nature
of labour market flow composition through to the process of settlement and labour market
outcomes for a variety of migrant groups. In the wake of the 1986/87 changes to immigration
policy and another round of changes just after 2000, immigration has become a significant
contributor to labour supply. However, much of the focus has been on permanent migration and
its outcomes. As this review makes clear, temporary migration – which has become a much more
substantial characteristic of the New Zealand migration system, including labour supply – has
received much less attention.

Groups of migrant workers particularly vulnerable to exploitation

This report discusses the issue of vulnerability in terms of labour market engagement and
whether some migrant workers are especially vulnerable in terms of their work situation or
experiences.

Vulnerability is especially connected to the precariousness of employment, although not

all temporary migrant workers are vulnerable and not all suffer from disadvantages in the
workplace. That said, literature shows that low skill and education levels contribute to
vulnerability in the workplace and that being a migrant exacerbates this vulnerability.

International and local evidence shows that certain groups of migrant workers are particularly
vulnerable to exploitation in the workplace:

• migrants who are not native English speakers

• migrants who are low-skilled or unskilled workers

• migrants from low-income source countries

• remittance workers

11
 • women (especially those in the sex industry or domestic service)

• young adults (including international students and working holidaymakers)

• workers with precarious migrant status and

• undocumented or trafficked labourers.

Forms of employee vulnerability

Employee vulnerability commonly manifests in:

• contractual issues (eg, not receiving a contract or contract substitution),

• payment of wages (eg, no payment, late payment, underpayment, and no provision of

holiday or sickness payments)

• hours of work (eg, excessive hours, unsociable hours and non-guaranteed hours)

• lack of job security (eg, no provision of termination notice)

• concerns around occupational safety and health (OSH) (eg, high injury rates and fatalities
in the workplace and lack of adequate workplace training)

• work-family relations (eg, lacking quality family time, transnational motherhood and
separation from adult children).

Visa category under which temporary migrants arrive

The extent of vulnerability is difficult to establish although the size of the temporary
migrant populations in a country like New Zealand are more easily identified. The number of
temporary migrants in New Zealand increased in the period up to 2011. However, the visa
category under which temporary migrants typically arrive has changed; the number arriving under
skilled worker categories has fallen, largely due to the impact of the global financial crisis in New
Zealand and the concomitant decline in skilled labour demand.

The main categories available to those wishing to come to New Zealand are for international
students, those who can fill labour market shortages through the Essential Skills Policy, those on
Working Holiday Schemes, and those who come through the Family Stream, the Recognised
Seasonal Employer scheme and a range of ‘other’ categories.

12
Policy recommendations to mitigate vulnerability

Overall, responses to temporary migrant workers’ vulnerability and exploitation are varied
and encompass responses at both central and local government level, responses from employer
organisations and employers, as well as temporary migrants themselves. While there is a body of
literature that provides a range of policy recommendations to mitigate the vulnerability of
temporary migrants, only limited evidence could be found of successful initiatives that address
the exploitation of temporary migrant workers.

At the transnational level, the ILO and UN have released a series of declarations,
covenants, conventions, recommendations and frameworks promoting the welfare of migrant
workers on a global scale. Guidelines have also been developed for source countries to protect
and promote emigrants’ well-being and to maximise the developmental impact of labour
migration. New Zealand’s Recognised Seasonal Employer Scheme would be one example.

Policy recommendations for host countries, largely provided by international agencies, cover:

• the design and implementation of immigration policies

• OSH support and training

• labour regulation and enforcement

• regulating transnational recruitment agencies worker empowerment.

Educational programmes go some way to educating migrants on their rights and responsibilities
with regard to labour market engagement and helplines provide a valuable tool for migrants who
require advice.

A multi-pronged approach to programme development is recommended whereby migrant groups,

union representatives, employer organisations and policy makers work together to develop
suitable strategies for dealing with temporary migrant worker exploitation and vulnerability.

Areas for future study

Overall, we found little comprehensive New Zealand-based research on the exploitation

and vulnerability of temporary migrant workers in the labour market. Some of the research is
dated, is very small in scale or relies heavily on self-selecting samples. Although inferences can

13
be made from such research, they have limited reliability and the findings cannot be assumed to
apply to all temporary migrant workers. That said, the literature collated for this research reveals
gaps or limitations in the New Zealand-based literature, and these limitations raise possibilities
for future study.

Areas of future study include:

• the experiences and potential vulnerability of the international student population,

working holidaymakers and lower skilled temporary work visa holders

• the industries that have growing numbers of both migrant and temporary migrant
workers such as the cleaning and hospitality industries, information technology and dairy
farming

• gender-specific elements of migration and associated workplace exploitation and

vulnerability.

A mixed-method approach to studying this far-reaching topic is suggested. However, we

acknowledge the difficulties of carrying out both quantitative and qualitative research in this area.

Collecting high quality quantitative data can be difficult. Temporary migrants are not always
separately identified in large quantitative data sets and, indeed, in some cases, responses from
temporary migrants are not intentionally sought. Where temporary migrants are included,
undercounting can easily occur because workers might be employed in the ‘hidden’ or ‘shadow’
economy (and, therefore, not paying tax on their earnings). Although it is impossible to know the
extent to which this occurs, it would be reasonable to assume that it is most likely to occur in
shortterm or transitional work.

Particular concerns for qualitative studies are the small sample sizes that render the results
problematic when generalising to the greater population of temporary migrant workers. Particular
attention needs to be paid to community-driven, culturally appropriate research methods and
approaches that will engage migrant groups. Participatory Action Research provides a possible
inclusive and collective framework for conducting research in a way that can create positive social
change for migrant communities. Q Methodology using images rather than text could also provide

14
a useful quantitatively oriented solution to concerns around research participation rates and
English language proficiency.

Foreign Studies

Thailand’s labour migration

Thai workers began migrating abroad for employment in response to the construction boom
in the Middle East in the 1970s. Thousands of Thai workers, especially from the north-eastern
region of Thailand, went to work in the oil-rich countries of Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
According to the Network

Against Trafficking and Exploitation of Migrant Workers (NAT), the migrant workers
worked well, the companies in the hosting countries paid their travel and lodging costs and were
grateful for the good work. Remittances from this first wave of migrant workers had a significant,
positive impact on the well-being of their families, farms and villages (NAT, 2010).

Since then, the export of Thailand’s migrant workers has become a large business.
According to Ministry of Labour statistics (cited in NAT, 2010), from 1975 to 2010, 3.8 million
people sought work abroad through the formal government channel. Some 70 per cent of them
originated from the North-East, and 60 per cent of them had only a primary school education.
According to the government data for 2010, of the 5.4 million families living in the 18 provinces
that constitute Thailand’s North-East, around 2.5 million had family members working abroad –
45 per cent of the region’s 20 million population. This did not include those who travelled abroad
outside government schemes, many of whom were tricked into paying large broker fees and then
abandoned. This second group of people is estimated to have been as large as the official migrant
group.

Government data as well as information from various banks indicate that over the past 20
years, Thai migrant workers abroad have made significant contributions to the Thai economy.
According to the Bank of Thailand, for instance, Thai migrant workers abroad remitted around
50–60 billion baht per annum between 2000 and 2010 (55 billion baht in 2000, 53 billion in 2006,

15
56 billion in 2007, 63 billion in 2008, 56 billion in 2009 and 55 billion in 2010). From January to
July 2011, remittances had already reached 43 billion baht (through banking channels), which did
not include the cash they carried back home.

Conditions have changed considerably since the early days of overseas migration. Millions
of rural Thais have been motivated to join the global labour market by the propaganda of
recruitment agencies. In Thailand, there has for years been a constantly changing pool of 200–300
recruiting agencies registered with the Ministry of Labour that are responsible for sending out 90
per cent of the 150,000 Thais who are “legally” contracted each year.

For a short while, the Government aggressively promoted the phenomenon of working abroad
by adopting within its Fifth National Economic Plan (1982–86) explicit provisions for the export
of Thai workers. However, later national economic plans turned backed such provisions.
According to the Asian Research Center for Migration (2010):

It became clear that Thai workers often experienced difficult circumstances abroad. In
particular, private employment agencies charged high fees for workers and promised false
high-paying jobs with good work conditions, but many workers later discovered that these
promises would never came true. In some cases, they found that the jobs promised to them
never even existed.

As the prominence of recruiting agencies grew, so too did the fees for their “services”. The fees
now charged by the legal agencies as well as those not registered with the Government have led
workers wanting to go abroad to mortgage their land, homes and belongings or to borrow funds at
high interest rates in order to come up with the cash to cover the upfront fees (NAT, 2010).
Acquiring huge debt before they ever leave Thailand means workers must earn a tremendous
amount to cover both their debt and their dreams. For many migrant workers seeking overseas
employment these days, the money they can earn is no longer enough to cover even the recruitment
fees, let alone improve the living conditions of their family.

Stories of fraud and exploitation are now commonplace. And yet, hundreds of thousands
of rural Thais continue each year to take the risk and apply to be sent into what they want to believe
will be a positive life-changing opportunity in a far-away land.

16
Factors facilitating labour migration

Personal motivations are typically complex, and this is true for people who decide to go
abroad for temporary migrant work. According to Wickramasekera (2002, as cited in Kallstrom,
2011), the traditional explanation of migration as a movement from poor to richer countries has
nowadays become too simplistic because both economic and non-economic factors, such as social
networks of family and friends or a desire to explore or seek adventure and opportunity clearly
also influence the decision to migrate.

The lure of higher wages in receiving countries remains a strong factor. In general, high
levels of unemployment and poverty in source countries act as a push factor. This factor applies
in the Thai context, according to Kusumal Rachawong, a National Project Coordinator with the
International Labour Organization, who explains that most migrant workers tend to be
economically disadvantaged farmers driven to look for greener pastures. Far more typical are
workers seeking short-term seasonal work after a harvest season, often in Thai cities. But more
and more struggling villagers are willing to go beyond the national borders.

Massey et al. long ago pointed out what appears to remain true still regarding their
migration networks theory, in which such informal networks as community ties and mutual help
in economic and social matters are prominent factors in decisions to migrate for work. As well,
migration decisions are usually made not by the individual but by the family; and that group may
decide to send one or more members to work in another region or another country to maximize
income and survival chances. Most economic migrants are young and economically active and
characterized as “target earners” who want to save up enough to improve conditions at home by
buying land or improved housing, set up a business or pay for the education of siblings with the
income earned from overseas employment (Massey et al., 1993, cited in Kallstrom, 2011).

In the Thai context, the “family” and “community” are vital factors influencing individuals’
decision to work abroad. People who have migrated tend to pull along other family or community
members eventually. Rachawong points out returning migrants often talk of beautiful and
profitable experiences (whether true or not). Their stories of success may well be illustrated with

17
a new house, a truck or other commodities as evidence, which then shines as a motivating charm
to others.

According to Haas’ institutional theory (2007, cited in Kallstrom, 2011), when the
international migration flow reaches a large scale, it induces a proliferation of profit and non-profit
organizations, which can operate legally or illegally to benefit from the phenomenon. These
organizations provide such services as labour contracts, documents, dwellings, legal advice or
transportation for migrants. The large international migration flow thus becomes institutionalized.
Generally, this theory refers to the role of private institutions that step in to assist the migration
process, providing migrants with a source of social capital while they get established in destination
countries.

In the Thai context, “recruitment agencies” have filled that role. The Thai Immigration Act
of 1979 and the Employment Recruitment Act of 1983 allowed private entities to operate
employment recruitment services that send Thai workers abroad if they register with the Ministry
of Labour. Most workers find private recruitment agencies more proactive, faster and more
efficient than government services in finding them a job abroad, despite the malpractice that some
agencies are known to engage in.

According to the Thailand Overseas Employment Administration (TOEA), as of December

2009 there were 218 registered recruitment agencies (ARCM, 2010). Their operations for overseas
employment are largely unregulated and thus market driven, with minimal input from government
bodies. Most jobseekers comply with the agency demands and are willing to pay unnecessarily
high recruiting fees to secure a job.

The role of recruitment agencies is illustrated in more detail in the following case of
exploitation of Thai workers sent to northern Sweden in 2009 and 2010. The case study represents
a common story of what many hopeful jobseekers actually experience when going abroad
anywhere. It describes the whole process, from recruitment to employment, the work conditions
in Sweden and how the workers fought for some justice upon returning to Thailand.

Many jobseekers are vulnerable to the exploitation and unfair conditions because they
generally do not check the authenticity of the agencies; some workers patronize unlicensed job

18
placement services, accept inordinate risk in the conditions required by some services and often
do not report to any proper authority upon arrival in the destination country.

According to the Asian Research Center for Migration (2010), victims may go so far as to
allow themselves to be duped repeatedly, paying more money each time on the hope of an
eventually ‘decent’ and highly paid job. They tend to trust community-based recruiters more than
they do representatives of big recruitment agencies or government labour officials who are
regarded as outsiders; but it is the community-level recruiters who often lie to or mislead them.
Rachawong (2011) attributes this to their lack of skill to analyse and synthesize information they
receive from recruiters.

Local Literature

DOLE’s Reintegration Services is a package of interventions and mechanisms developed

and implemented social partners to facilitate the productive return of the OFWs to their families
and communities upon their completion of overseas employment. It provides the OFWs and their
families with opportunities for accessing projects and services that would help them mitigate the
social cost of migration and cushion the impact of forced repatriation due to unexpected events. It
also aims to maximize the gains of overseas employment through local employment/re-
employment or business/enterprise development facilitation.

Services include programs such as:

1. Psycho-social component which consists of capacity-building through assistance in

community organizing and maintaining OFW Family Circles (OFCs), and services like
psycho-social counseling, stress debriefing, values formation and financial literacy;
2. Livelihood component through:
 Balik-Pinas, Balik-Hanapbuhay Program, a non-cash livelihood support/assistance
intended to provide immediate relief to returning member OFWs, active or non-active, who
are displaced from their jobs due to war/political conflicts in host countries or policy
reforms controls and changes by the host government or are victims of illegal recruitment
and/or human trafficking or other distressful situations.
19
  Balik-Pinay, Balik-Hanapbuhay Program, provision of livelihood skills training and
distribution of starter kitsto enable women OFW returnees to start and to operate livelihood
undertaking for self-employment. Priority is given to women OFWs who are displaced by
the hostilities and conflicts in their host country, or victims of illegal recruitment and
trafficking and other distressed and displaced women household service workers.
 Financial Awareness Seminar (FAS) and Small Business Management Training
(SBMT),training intended to assist OFWs and their families with financial literacy relative
to their overseas employment and to encourage them in putting up a small business
enterprise for self-employment;
 Livelihood Development Assistance Program (LDAP), provide grants for livelihood
assistance to undocumented returning OFWs thru livelihood starter kits; and

Education and Livelihood Assistance Program (ELAP), scholarship for the dependents of OFWs
who were active OWWA members at the time of death. Only one child, usually the eldest child
of member-OFW, is given scholarship grant (P5,000 for elementary, P8,000 for high school and
P10,000 for college). The surviving spouse, if the OFW member was married or the mother/father
if the OFW was single, will also receive a livelihood assistance of P15,000.00.

According to Edillion (2011) found that school-age children from Filipino OFW families have
greater capacity to attend school and are more achievers than children of non-OFW parents. Non-
OFW children, however, tend to be happier and more active in socio-economic organizations than
OFW children.

However, Children of overseas migrant workers are quite vulnerable to significant

psychological, educational, and social challenges. They also experience feelings of loneliness and
isolation, and even depression. (Capelloni,2012).

Edillon reported that OFW children want more attention. There is a greater need to address
the emotional needs of OFW children. The school is a place where values and skills learned at
home by OFW children should be strengthened or improved. With the absence of the parents,
guardians and caregivers can be the school’s ally in imparting values to the children.
(Edilion,2011)

20
 In addition, It was also stated by Aries Rufo (2012) that the child tends to be more angry,
confused, pathetic and more afraid than other children when it is the mother who has to work
abroad in order to provide for the family and said that “the absence of the mother could be the
most disruptive in the life of the children.

This is especially felt by the eldest daughter of the family because she will now be the one
who will assume the mother’s role in the family as the father struggles to take the mother’s role;
because the immense responsibility affects their performance in school. (Rufo,2012)

This findings were also supported by the 2012 Children and Families study when it
revealed that the parental absence creates displacement, disruptions and changes in caregiving
arrangements and that the departure of one or both parents leave an emotional mark on the children
left behind – the children long for the presence of the migrant parent/s especially when the mothers
are away.

However, they also stated that children of migrants are markedly better off compared to
the children of non-migrants and that OFW children are more likely to participate in extracurricular
activities. Earlier studies revealed that OFW children fared less in academic performance that to
those who are non-OFW children but this study just proved the opposite and that OFW children
tend to excel far more when it comes to academics. (Cruz,2012)

Reports of abuses and the consequent public outrage on the exploitation of Filipino workers
abroad made the Ramos Administration to rethink its policies on overseas employment. The
concern for protection became more apparent. Bans were imposed and laws were passed with the
objective to providing more protection for the worker. President Ramos issued a statement on May
1, 1995 saying “It is not the policy of my administration to export workers to foreign lands.”
However, deployment in large numbers still continued. With this, the Medium-Term Development
Plan for 1993-1998 provided as a policy and strategy for poverty alleviation and employment
generation, to “Continue the overseas employment program as an alternative source of
employment opportunities, provided that this does not result in an undue drain in
scientific/technical expertise and locally needed and middle-level skills. The program should be
strengthened through adequate strategies to ensure the dignity and welfare of workers and their

21
families.” President Ramos also reiterated that working overseas should be an option and not out
of need.

President Estrada simply upheld the policies of his predecessor. However, a more
aggressive move for overseas jobs has been adopted under president Arroyo’s administration
targeting one million overseas jobs every year. In 2006, a total of 1,062,567 Filipinos have been
deployed abroad, hitting that target of the current administration of deploying 1 million Filipino
workers for jobs abroad. This figure is expected to continue increasing despite the economic
recession being experienced globally.

Local Study

The Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA) said that it will
provide free skills training to returning Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) who worked in foreign
countries affected by crisis or those who have problems with their employer abroad.TESDA
Director General, Secretary Guiling Gene Mamondiong said that the free skills training program
aim to assist the OFWs in finding employment here and abroad. Mamondiong also said that the
skills training project would determine the appropriate assistance needed should they decide to
open a business or any other income-generating opportunities.Apart from the skills training
program, the OFWs would also be given free assessment and certification which are requirements
for employment, TESDA said.

The free skills program is also extended to the immediate family members of OFWs.
Interested applicants may visit the regional, provincial and district offices of TESDA and submit
the documents, such referral letter from the Overseas Workers Welfare Administration (OWWA),
if their names are still not listed on the data base of agency, and passport. Immediately the family
members who want to avail of the free skills training program should bring a photocopy of the
passport of the returning OFW, letter of authorization from the OFW, and marriage or birth
certificate which would prove that they are immediate relatives of the OFW. And so that they
could be monitored in relation to the skills training program.

22
 This study discusses a profile of Filipino migrant workers and a descriptive analysis of the
causes of, consequences and concerns about international labor migration using data from various
government agencies as well as findings from related studies. The study of the

Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) is of relevance due to their growing number which is
about 10% of the country’s total population and the social and economic effects this has brought
to the Philippines. Further, a survey among OFWs in South Korea is particularly interesting in the
sense that the current Employment Permit System (EPS) being implemented between both
governments of South Korea and the Philippines is considered one of the more favorable
arrangements struck by the Philippines with its partnering labor host countries.

Historical Background of Philippine Labor Migration

Researchers divide the history of Filipino migration into waves, each possessing a distinct
character from the others. The First Wave of labor migration was in 1900’s, when thousands fled
due to poverty brought about by the Philippine-American war to work in Hawaiian plantations.
By 1934, there were about 120,000 Filipino workers employed in Hawaiian plantations. The First
Wave was characterized by migration to the US with the option to stay there for good or to return
to the country. The Second Wave is characterized by an outflow of professionals, mostly doctors,
dentists, and mechanical technicians to the US. Migration was primarily induced by the desire to
“look for greener pastures”. By 1975, more than 250,000 Filipinos have migrated to the US. The
economic boom brought about by the dramatic increase in oil prices enabled oil-rich countries in
the Middle East to pursue development projects for their countries. Scarce of manpower, the
Middle East turned to the

Philippines as a source of labor in the 70’s. The Philippines, in turn, was more than willing
to grab this employment opportunity, ushering the Third Wave of labor migration. Labor
migration during the Third Wave is characterized by short-term contractual relationships between
the worker and the foreign employer. Different from the other waves, the Third Wave saw the
geometrical growth in the number of labor migrants. Seeing the high potential to increase the
country’s dollar revenues, the Marcos Administration pursued a policy of encouraging

23
deployment. During his term, the late President Marcos set-up several offices under the
Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) to regulate overseas employment. Eventually, the
Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) was established as a processing and
regulatory body for the deployment.

During the term of President Aquino, a more vigorous marketing strategy for Filipino
Overseas employment was pursued. Working abroad was made more accessible. Marketing
missions were sent abroad to look for more employers of Filipino labor. The target then was to
deploy half a million Filipino workers every year.

Overseas Filipino workers or OFWs are Filipinos who are employed in foreign countries.
They travel abroad to seek better opportunities in order to provide for the needs of their families
in the Philippines. They are also known as “Overseas Contract Workers”(OCWs), since they work
abroad through a contract with their employers. The term OFWs was officially adopted under the
President Fidel Ramos administration to give recognition to millions of Filipinos who sacrifice
by working in other countries. The change, replacing ‘Contract’ with ‘Filipino’ – honors these
Filipino workers by pledging the Philippine government’s commitment to their welfare wherever
they may be, and removing the precondition of possession of contract in order for Philippine
consulates to come to their aid, under the Migrant Workers and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995
(Republic Act 8042).

There is a dearth of local studies on migrant workers and the researcher was able only to
find report claims, etc.

24
 CHAPTER III

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Research Design

The descriptive method is the research design used in this study. It describes and interprets
what is. It is concerned with conditions or relationships that exist, opinions that are held, processes
that are going on, effects that are evident, or trends that are developing. It is primarily concerned
with the present, although it often considers past events and influences as they relate to current
conditions (Best and Kahn, 2006; Maranan, 2007).

Data Gathering Strategy

Document analysis is one strategy in data collection and analysis. Documents are an
important source of data in many areas of investigation and the methods of analysis are similar to
those used by historians. When document analysis is used as descriptive research, current
documents and issues are the foci. The analysis is concerned with the explanation of the status of
some phenomenon at a particular time or its development over a period of time. It serves a useful
purpose in adding knowledge to fields of inquiry and in explaining certain social events.

Sources of Data

In this documentary analysis, studies, findings and reports in printed forms and those
retrieved online are used; also reports from periodicals and professional journals are included.
Review of related literature also enables the researcher to improve or broaden data connected to
the present study.

25
 CHAPTER IV

Presentation, Analysis and Interpretation of Data

In this research found out the following data and information.

Statement of the Problem

The study attempts to find out why the problem encountered by Overseas Filipino Workers
in their employment abroad occurred and how the government and its agencies implement the
program and services to the OFWs.

1. What are the problems encountered by overseas Filipino workers in their employment abroad?

2. How do the OFWs solve the problems that they encountered?

3. What are the ways to stay safe as Overseas Filipino Workers?

4. How does the government help the OFWs abroad?

The Results

1. What are the problems encountered by overseas Filipino workers in their

employment abroad?

To work abroad and be able to provide handsomely for their families in the
Philippines is a common goal among most Filipinos. Time and distance become
insignificant at the promise of a better compensation package, a legitimate contract, and
sometimes, an opportunity to migrate overseas with the family.
While most OFWs are able to enjoy the sweet fruits of their labor, it is no secret that more
than a handful of them come back home with broken hearts and dreams. Why is this so?

26
We researched on the top reasons our beloved OFWs give up on their goals abroad, pack
their bags, and take the next flight out back to where they came from.

1.1 Becoming a victim of Illegal Recruitment

Lack of proper information and awareness, as well as failure to check with the
Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) before engaging with an agency,
are the main reasons why Pinoys fall prey to illegal recruiters.

1. 2. High placement fees

Another red flag when engaging with a recruitment agency are exorbitant
placement fees that you know you will not be able to pay even after you’ve completed your
24-month contract abroad. Some recruiters will encourage you to agree to an “installment
plan” where part of your salary automatically goes to paying for your placement fee’s
outstanding balance.
1.3. Employer abuse
This could be an offshoot of numbers 1 and 2.
Abuse does not only mean physical or verbal; some employers discriminate against your
race or religion and that too is considered as abuse. .

1.4. Extra-marital relationships and broken families

This happens for a multitude of reasons but most common is the OFW’s inability
to cope with homesickness and loneliness. Others find the need to get into illicit
relationships for additional income and sustain their stay abroad (i.e. marriage for
convenience).

1.5. Landing in jail for offenses they did not commit

Nightly news are never without OFWs and their families seeking the government’s
intervention for false accusations that landed their loved one in a foreign jail cell. The
scenes are as heartbreaking as your nightly telenovela and sadly, most end up with the poor
OFW coming home in a wooden box.

27
1.6. Failed family business
OFWs entrust their hard-earned money to their parents, siblings, or spouses in the
hope that this is invested properly and used wisely to meet the go out of control.

1.7. Dwindling value of the Philippine Peso

This is something that is beyond anyone’s control unless you are the President of
the country. Yet this affects an OFW’s family’s monthly income so much. That is why it
pays to learn how to invest properly and grow a profitable side business. This ensures you
of a passive income that you can count on whenever the country’s economy adversely
affects your household income.

1.8. Getting caught in violent uprisings and natural disasters abroad.

Again, this is beyond your control as an OFW or an OFW’s allotee.

1.9. Unable to get assistance from consular and embassy officials abroad.
Either the OFW is deployed in a remote area or the Philippine embassy in his
country has limited manpower and so they are unable to attend to all Pinoys seeking
assistance.

1.10. Compelling family problems back home

A terminally ill parent, a child getting hooked on drugs, or a spouse running off
with a new partner; these familiar situations are surefire ways to get a Pinoy OFW to come
running back home.
There may be more problems that plague overseas workers that are not mentioned in this
article. But obviously, these are not enough to keep Filipinos from seeking employment
abroad. It is every person’s responsibility to ensure that he gains more from the effort of
leaving his family behind than the price he has to pay in the end.
We hope this article helped shed light on some of the issues experienced by Pinoy OFWs
and their families.

28
 2. How do the OFWs prevent the problems that they encountered?

These are following prevention that the Overseas Filipino Workers problems they
encountered.

2.1 Becoming a victim of Illegal Recruitment

Avoid becoming a victim of illegal recruitment by diligently checking with

the POEA if your agency is properly listed as a recruitment firm and has a good track record
among other workers.

2.2. High placement fees

Do not fall for such “sweet talk”, especially if they compel you to give them
authorization to deduct some amount from your salary.
You have the right to refuse a job offer if it obviously puts you in debt even before you
leave the country.

2.3 Employer abuse

If you find yourself in this situation, get in touch with the Philippine
embassy in your location and ask for help right away

2.4. Extra-marital relationships and broken families

You can avoid this by maintaining consistent and meaningful conversations with
your spouse and children even when you are far.

29
 2.5 Landing in jail for offenses they did not commit

Stay away from dubious groups and avoid engaging in questionable transactions
while you are abroad. Always keep your personal belongings secured especially if you
live with other overseas workers.

2.6 Failed family business

Sadly, this also causes rifts among family members, and husbands and
wives. family’s needs. But because of lack of research and proper business planning,
investments fail to grow and expenses

2.7 Dwindling value of the Philippine Peso

Learn how to invest properly and grow a profitable side business.

2.8 Getting caught in violent uprisings and natural disasters abroad.

You can respond positively to these types of setbacks with a stable savings account
and a profitable investment.

3. What are the ways to stay safe as an Overseas Filipino Workers?

Working abroad is an excellent way to enhance your skills or acquiring new

ones, making you more charming to employers and improving your CV. If you have
decided to work abroad, then OFW Tips should help you to stay informed on many
survival aspects. Whether you are staying for a short period or relocating
permanently, make sure that the Philippines government has your data. Below are
various ways to stay safe as an overseas Filipino worker.

30
3.1 Research more about the country

One of the excellent ways to stay safe when working abroad is becoming familiar
with the area you plan to live. For instance, if you are not careful, you might find yourself
in areas that face civil unrest. On the flipside, you might move into an area with health risks
without knowing. So do a proper research about the country that you intend to work in to
be better prepared to deal with the risks and circumstances you might face.

3.2 Check public transportation

If you have the money to purchase a new or used car in the country you are moving
to, then you don’t have to worry about the city transportation of the town you wish to live.
However, you have to be very cautious not to cause accidents when driving yourself. Using
the public transportation is a good way to stay safe. That aside, you have to know about
the routes with the most pickpockets and those that are safe. It’s true that while the public
transportation can get you from one place to another, but if you don’t know your
surroundings then the chances are that you could end up being mugged.

3.3 Have a list of emergency contact

When working overseas, another safety tip that you should put into consideration
is having the emergency numbers in case you need urgent help. Do your research and find
out where the Philippines embassy is located and their phone numbers. For extra security,
you should check where the nearest hospital, police station, and health clinics are located.
Having such information will put you in a better position when you find yourself in a crisis.

3.4 Master laws of social practices

Learn how to behave yourself abroad to stay safe. For instance, you have to know
about the driving laws, public intoxication regulations, and dealing with the government
officials. It’s worth noting that some social practices that are accepted in the Philippines
might not be acceptable overseas, so you must educate yourself on the social norms to stay
secure.

31
 3.5 Blend in

Blending in as much as possible is among the top security tips when working in
another country. This means that you should follow common social customs, dress like the
locals, enjoy the local cuisine, and socialize just to mention a few. Mixing with the locals
is the only way to avoid pickpockets, robbers or situations that might endanger your life.
Research more about the local life before moving to the area to work.

4. How does the government help the OFWs in abroad

Government gives all OFWs a PDOS or a Pre-Departure Seminar, informing them
of the unique cultural, legal and social milieu in those alien territories they are venturing
into. They are oriented into their rights as migrants under international law and
conventions, and as workers under the Labor Code, the Migrant Workers Act and other
applicable statutes, as well as per the terms and conditions contained in their employment
contracts.

They are amply warned of cultural shocks and possible contrasts in social norms, conflicts
in religious and moral values and differences in language and behavior patterns.

They are told that there is an Embassy that will protect them in case of danger to
life, liberty and to human dignity, as well as to high risks to health, safety and honor. They
are assured that there is a Labor Attach who will run to their location to rescue them in case
of extreme risks. And that there is a Welfare Officer who will bring them to the hospitals
or clinics in the event of injury or sickness and they are unattended by their employers and
agencies.

When OFWs are cheated by their recruiters or maltreated by their masters, they can
run to POLO (Philippine Overseas Labor Office) where they will be given legal assistance

32
and moral support. The Labor attache can give them legal and emotional counselling, can
assist them to file cases if there is a need to seek redress for grievances before the tribunals
in the host country. If they run away for fear of extreme danger to life and safety or for
harassments, they will be given shelter for free, with free food and beddings, bath and other
support, all without any obligation to pay.

Of course, there are many lapses, many inadequacies. The people on the ground are
overworked and often harrashed by disgruntled migrants and NGOs that do not uinderstand
how we, in the service do work even on Sundays and holidays, visiting patients in far flung
hospitals and homes, and distressed OFWs in jails and detention centers.
When I was Labor Attache in Kuwait, from 2008 to March 2010, I was serving
275,000 OFWs, with no assistant, and at time with no Welfare Officer. I was the only
diplomat perhaps in the whole world who had to take a taxi to rescue a rape victim in the
desert in the middle of the night. But I did it all, without complaint because I was the
representation of Government in the eyes of the dying OFW and in the minds of their
grieving families way back in Sultan Kudarat. And if I failed, Government would have also
failed.

I had to nurse my own demoralization and difficulties in the solitude of that far
flung country, and I cursed myself for leaving the comforts of corporate life in order to
become the servant of the domestic servants, 65,000 of them in Kuwait alone. Yes, the
recruiters earn their millions and build their mansions, out of the tears, sweat and blood of
the poor OFW, while the miserable Labor Attaches and Welfare Officers are left alone to
paddle their own canoes in an ocean of pain and suffering.

The politicians deliver their privilege speeches in the halls of Congress, and get
their glory; the bigwigs go on junkets around the world, and get their pleasures, while the
OFWs are struggling and government, represented by forgotten front liners, are often
ignored, misunderstood and harassed by endless need for submitting a litany of reports. We
don’t have enough time even to be sorry for ourselves. That is how government takes care
of its OFWs. And we are willing to prove it anywhere and anytime.

33
 CHAPTER V

Summary of Finding, Conclusions and Recommendations

This chapter presents the summary of findings, conclusion and recommendations by the
researcher.

Statement of the Problem

The study attempts to find out why the problem encountered by Overseas Filipino Workers
in their employment abroad occurred and how the government and its agencies implement the
program and services to the OFWs.

1. What are the problems encountered by overseas Filipino workers in their employment abroad?

2. How do the OFWs solve the problems that they encountered?

3. What are the ways to stay safe as Overseas Filipino Workers?

4. How does the government help the OFWs abroad?

Summary of Findings

The following findings are formulated based on the gathered data.

1. What are the problems encountered by overseas Filipino workers in their employment
abroad?

The problems encountered by the overseas Filipino are Becoming a victim of Illegal
Recruitment, High placement fees, Employer abuse, Extra-marital relationships and broken
families, Landing in jail for offenses they did not commit, Failed family business,
Dwindling value of the Philippine Peso, Getting caught in violent uprisings and natural
disasters abroad, Unable to get assistance from consular and embassy officials abroad,
Unable to get assistance from consular and embassy officials abroad, and Compelling
family problems back home.

34
2. How do the OFWs solve the problems that they encountered?

The OFWs should avoid becoming a victim of illegal recruitment by

diligently checking with the POEA if your agency is properly listed as a recruitment firm
and has a good track record among other workers; Do not fall for such “sweet talk”,
especially if they compel you to give them authorization to deduct some amount from your
salary; get in touch with the Philippine embassy in your location and ask for help right
away; Extra-marital relationships and broken families avoid this by maintaining consistent
and meaningful conversations with your spouse and children even when you are far.; Stay
away from dubious groups and avoid engaging in questionable transactions while you are
abroad; proper business planning; Learn how to invest properly and grow a profitable side
business; You can respond positively to these types of setbacks with a stable savings
account and a profitable investment.

3. What are the ways to stay safe as Overseas Filipino Workers?

Working abroad is an excellent way to enhance your skills or acquiring new ones,
making you more charming to employers and improving your CV. If you have decided to work
abroad, then OFW Tips should help you to stay informed on many survival aspects.

3.1 Research more about the country - One of the excellent ways to stay safe when working
abroad is becoming familiar with the area you plan to live.

3.2 Check public transportation- Using the public transportation is a good way to stay safe.

3.3 Have a list of emergency contact - When working overseas, another safety tip that you should
put into consideration is having the emergency numbers in case you need urgent help.

3.4 Master laws of social practices - Learn how to behave yourself abroad to stay safe. For
instance, you have to know about the driving laws, public intoxication regulations, and dealing with the
government officials.

3.5 Blend in - This means that you should follow common social customs, dress like the locals,
enjoy the local cuisine, and socialize just to mention a few.

35
4. How does the government help the OFWs in abroad?

Government gives all OFWs a PDOS or a Pre-Departure Seminar,

informing them of the unique cultural, legal and social milieu in those alien territories they
are venturing into; They are amply warned of cultural shocks and possible contrasts in
social norms, conflicts in religious and moral values and differences in language and
behavior patterns. They are told that there is an Embassy that will protect them in case of
danger to life, liberty and to human dignity, as well as to high risks to health, safety and
honor. They are assured that there is a Labor Attach who will run to their location to rescue
them in case of extreme risks. When OFWs are cheated by their recruiters or maltreated by
their masters, they can run to POLO (Philippine Overseas Labor Office) where they will
be given legal assistance and moral support. That is how government takes care of its
OFWs. And we are willing to prove it anywhere and anytime.

Conclusions

Based on the findings of the study, the following conclusions are drawn:

1. Some OFWs are victim of illegal recruitment, employer switching contact on failure to honor
working contract, injustice and in able to get a quick from the consular and embassy officials.

2. Some recruitment agencies are not accredited that embassy’s provided, foreign law in tough and
OFWs one hardly to follow and little knowing in savings.

3. Transportation is very crucial in a foreign land.

4. According to the data gathered the government gives all OFWs a PDOS or Pre-departure
seminar is one requirement before leaving the country. And the government they do everything to
make the OFWs is safe in working abroad. There are some government agencies to help them.
Like POLO (Philippine Overseas Labor Office) they will give legal assistant and moral support.

36
Recommendations

Based on the findings and conclusions presented, the following recommendations are
offered:

1. OFWs must report first to the DFA before his/her departure.

2. OFWs must report to the consulate embassy after arrival of the foreign country.

3. OFW must gather and keep emergency number and use them when it needed.

4. Government must hire an expert about local and international law to conduct pre-departure
seminar. This study could likewise make them redefine their efforts in altering the migrant
workers benefits and protections and consequently help the entire OFWs to achieve its goals to
providing better, relevant and quality services.

37
 REFERRENCES

Borjas, G. Friends or Strangers: The Impact of Immigrants on the U.S. Economy, Basic Books,
Inc., New York, USA

Cheng, M. (1999), “Out of the frying Pan”, in Time Magazine (August 16, 1999), Vol.154, No.6

Department of Labor and Employment, Manila, Philippines

Go, 1996; Madigan and Pagtolun-an, 1990; Gonzalez, 1998; Carino, 1992; Vasquez, 1992

Kanlungan Center Foundation, Inc.,Manila, Philippines korea.wikia.com/wiki/Korean_visa_types

National Statistics Census Board (NSCB), Manila, Philippines

National Statistics Office, Manila, Philippines

OECD, Trends in International Migration, France

https://www.philstar.com/opinion/2010/10/04/617568/how-does-government-help-
ofw#m08ZS1F7YyimRATs.99

https://www.philstar.com/opinion/2010/10/04/617568/how-does-government-help-ofw

38