Essay Question: What Is Political Power?

The concept of political power, where it lies and it’s legitimacy is a complicated

and difficult question. Early thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau lead

the foundations for more modern views of where the power within society lies

and how it is ultimately exercised. One concept of political power, as argued by

thinkers such as Hobbes and Hume is that it grows out of the threat of force from

a small minority within society who have been put in place in order to maintain

peace between members of a community. Despite this however, thinkers such as

Lukes and Dahl argue that political power is the exercise of influence over

society in order to shape their desires and preferences. Another concept of

political power as argued by theorists such as Hobbes is that hierarchy and

government grows naturally but is legitimised only if it governs by a set of

natural rights held by all humans based on liberty and equality. Nevertheless,

despite the strong cases put forward by the theorists, this essay will argue that

political power clearly rests within the community, with the real power coming

from the majority and not resting in the hands of a single individual.

Political power derives from the people of a community and not from a single

individual. Thinkers such as Ardent argue that the source of power comes from

the majority and ‘belongs to a group and remains in existence only as the group

keeps together’1. Subscribers to this view suggest that power cannot manifest

itself in one person but instead that an individual is ‘empowered by a certain

number of people to act in their name’2. Political power can therefore be said to

rest with the members of a state and any form of government or sovereign does

1
Hannah Arendt, In collection Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics, Civil Disobedience,
On Violence, Thoughts on Politics and Revolution. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
1972) , 143
2
Hannah Arendt, In collection Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics, Civil Disobedience,
On Violence, Thoughts on Politics and Revolution. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
1972) , 142
not hold the power but is instead acting on behalf of the people it rules over.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau puts forward the concept that it is the citizens of the

state that maintain absolute sovereignty, with all men seen as equal; ‘there is no

associate over whom he does not acquire the same right as he yields over

himself’3 with ‘no common superior to judge between them’4. For Rousseau

political power lies within the laws set out under his social contract, with power

not resting in an individual, but within the collective. Power can also be tied in to

the pursuit of collective goals within society, as argued by Parsons who sees

power as the ‘generalized capacity to secure the performance of binding

obligations’5. For Parsons power, again, lies in within a states citizens who move

forward together in pursuit of common goals and ‘mobilizing commitments’6. It

therefore can be argued that political power lies in the citizens of a state as

argued by Ardent, Rousseau and Parsons, and must be seen to be the collective

power that society has to choose how to govern itself and the power within

society to move forward towards together, with collective aims and goals.

Direct conflict and the threat of violence is for many however the justification

and legitimisation for political power and authority. Political power, it can be

argued, grows out of the need for security from one another; 'the general

inclination of all mankind: a restless seeking of power after power that ceaseth

only in death’7. Many such as Hobbes argue that a hierarchical system of

government is required because 'it is impossible for the human race to subsist,
3
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses by Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
translated with an Introduction by G.D. H. Cole (London and Toronto: J.M. Dent and Sons,
1923). Chapter: CHAPTER VI: the social compact: http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/638/70990
on 2010-03-21
4
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses by Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
translated with an Introduction by G.D. H. Cole (London and Toronto: J.M. Dent and Sons,
1923). Chapter: CHAPTER VI: the social compact: http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/638/70990
on 2010-03-21
5
T. Parsons, Sociological Theory and Modern Society, (New York Free Press, 1967), 308.
6
T. Parsons, Sociological Theory and Modern Society, (New York Free Press, 1967), 308
at least in any comfortable or secure state, without the protection of

government'8. It is this need for protection from one another that lends weight to

the idea that there is a need for some form body of law creation and

enforcement. It is argued by Hume that an individuals liberty and freedom is

given up ‘voluntarily, for the sake of peace and order’ and to ‘receive laws from

their equal and companion’9. Despite the strong case for the argument that

political power is rooted in conflict it can be seen not to be the case. It is argued

by theorists such as Parsons and Ardent that the threat of violence is not a

legitimate means to exert power and ‘the threat of coercive measures, or of

compulsion, without legitimation or justification, should not properly be called

the use of power at all’10 and that violence is not a means to an end; ‘far from

being the means to an end, it is actually the very condition enabling a group of

people to think and act in terms of the means-end category’11. Hobbes argues

that in his state of nature, in which there is exists no state or law, violence and

thirst for power would lead to death, however this firstly may not be the case:

’the community comes to be umpire, by settled standing rules; indifferent and

12
the same to all parties’ , but also cannot be seen as legitimate grounds or the

7
Thomas Hobbes, The English Works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury; Now First
Collected and Edited by Sir William Molesworth, Bart., (London: Bohn, 1839-45). 11 vols.
Vol. 3. Chapter: CHAPTER XI.: of the difference of manners, Accessed from
http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/585/89838 on 2010-03-22
8
David Hume, Essays Moral, Political, Literary, edited and with a Foreword, Notes, and
Glossary by Eugene F. Miller, with an appendix of variant readings from the 1889 edition
by T.H. Green and T.H. Grose, revised edition (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1987), Accessed
from http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/704 on 2010-03-22
9
David Hume, Essays Moral, Political, Literary, edited and with a Foreword, Notes, and
Glossary by Eugene F. Miller, with an appendix of variant readings from the 1889 edition
by T.H. Green and T.H. Grose, revised edition (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1987), Accessed
from http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/704 on 2010-03-22
10
T. Parsons, Sociological Theory and Modern Society, (New York Free Press, 1967), 310
11
Hannah Arendt, In collection Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics, Civil Disobedience,
On Violence, Thoughts on Politics and Revolution. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
1972) , 143
12
John Locke, Two treatises of government; New Edition Edited by Peter Laslett ,
(Cambridge University Press, 1988), 324.
source of political power. Political power derives from the masses, and is not

legitimate when placed in the hands of an individual or governing body.

It can, however, also be argued that political power derives from the ability to

control the thoughts and preferences of the people one is governing, moving

away from the idea that observable conflict is necessary is the exercise of true

power, ‘is it not the supreme exercise of power to get another or others to have

the desires you want them to have’…‘to secure their compliance by controlling

their thoughts and desires?’13. Lukes argues that through ‘the control of

information, through the mass media an through the processes of socialisation’14

is the highest form of political power is exercised. Political power is therefore, for

Lukes, the exercise of influence on a community, as described by Dahl: ‘almost

the entire adult population has been subjected to some degree of indoctrination

through schools’15. Through socialising a community Lukes and Dahl argue that

the political power is being exercised. This again moves away from the concept

that power is associated with direct conflict, with ‘the most effective and

insidious use of power is to prevent such conflict from arising in the first place’16.

Despite this argument however, it still can be said that political power is not the

exercise of influence to control and shape what others desire, as power comes

from the masses and not from the a few elite. Public debate and scrutiny and the

ability to over throw the elite within society surely means that political power is

and still remains with the majority.

Locke was one of the first political theorists to talk about political power and

defines it as ‘right of making laws with penalties of death and consequently all

13
Steven S. Lukes, Power: A Radical View, (London: MacMillan Press, Ltd, 1974), Page 23
14
Steven S. Lukes, Power: A Radical View, (London: MacMillan Press, Ltd, 1974), Page 23
15
Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs?, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961),pp. 96
16
Steven S. Lukes, Power: A Radical View, (London: MacMillan Press, Ltd, 1974), Page 26
less penalties’…‘and of employing the force of the community, in the execution

of such laws’… ‘all for the public good’17. Under Locke’s view, employing the

same state as nature of Hobbes, political power would be legitimised by a set of

‘natural rights’ possessed by all men. Government would gain power over its

citizens, as long as the government acts appropriately, in accordance to these

natural laws, based in liberty and freedom. This concept of political power

coming from the right of government to make laws is a strong one, but again can

be countered by the idea that political power derives from the community and

any power transferred across to government makes it illegitimate. The claim that

government would evolve naturally from a state of nature is questionable as

argued by Hume: ‘it is in vain to say, that all governments are or should be, at

first, founded on popular consent’ and ‘in the few cases where consent may

seem to have taken place, it was commonly so irregular, so confined, or so much

intermixed either with fraud or violence’18. It can be could be argued, as Hobbes

does, that the mere nature of man means that government will not occur as a

consequence of the state of nature. A stronger argument is that political power is

not legitimate when in the hands of government and that political power grows

from the collective group and not when in the hands of a government or ruling

sovereign.

When looking of the concept of political power it is important to take into

account the different ideas about where political power lies and what legitimises

its use. Despite strong arguments about political power growing out of the threat

of force and the need for security, along with Lukes concept that political power

17
John Locke, Two treatises of government; New Edition Edited by Peter Laslett ,
(Cambridge University Press, 1988), 356.
18
David Hume, Essays Moral, Political, Literary, edited and with a Foreword, Notes, and
Glossary by Eugene F. Miller, with an appendix of variant readings from the 1889 edition
by T.H. Green and T.H. Grose, revised edition (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund 1987), Accessed
from http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/704 on 2010-03-22
being the ability to influence peoples desires, and the concept built by Locke that

political grows out of common principles held by all humans, it is clear that the

argument that political power rests within the community is the strongest.

Thinkers such as Parsons and Ardent argue that political power is not legitimate

when backed by the use of force. It also can be argued that public debate and

scrutiny, and the establishment of law mean that control and influence over

peoples desires and is limited. Along with this it has been argued that, political

power does not lie in a government or sovereign as such a system would not

grow out of a state of nature, and even when it appears it is not legitimate. It

therefore can be said that political power is the power held within a community

to choose how it chooses to coexist along side one another.

Words: 1580

Bibliography:

Book, First Reference:

Hannah Arendt, In collection Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics, Civil

Disobedience, On Violence, Thoughts on Politics and Revolution. (New York:
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. 1972)

Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs?, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961)

Thomas Hobbes, The English Works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury; Now First
Collected and Edited by Sir William Molesworth, Bart., (London: Bohn, 1839-45).
11 vols. Vol. 3. Chapter: CHAPTER XI.: of the difference of manners, Accessed
from http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/585/89838 on 2010-03-22

David Hume, Essays Moral, Political, Literary, edited and with a Foreword, Notes,
and Glossary by Eugene F. Miller, with an appendix of variant readings from the
1889 edition by T.H. Green and T.H. Grose, revised edition (Indianapolis: Liberty
Fund 1987), Accessed from http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/704 on 2010-03-22

John Locke, Two treatises of government; New Edition Edited by Peter Laslett ,
(Cambridge University Press, 1988)

Steven S. Lukes, Power: A Radical View, (London: MacMillan Press, Ltd, 1974)

T. Parsons, Sociological Theory and Modern Society, (New York Free Press, 1967)

Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses by Jean-Jacques

Rousseau, translated with an Introduction by G.D. H. Cole (London and Toronto:
J.M. Dent and Sons, 1923). Chapter: CHAPTER VI: the social compact:
http://oll.libertyfund.org/title/638/70990 on 2010-03-21