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Sociology of Education

Author(s): David Gottlieb


Source: Review of Educational Research, Vol. 34, No. 1, Philosophical and Social Framework
of Education (Feb., 1964), pp. 62-70
Published by: American Educational Research Association
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1169567
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CHAPTER IV

Sociology of Education
DAVID GOTTLIEB

A REVIEW and discussion of any body of literature, by n


two apparent biases. The first occurs because it is imp
of the literature published in all places. For this parti
systematic review was made of certain journals in the be
and in education as well as of sociological abstracts a
publications. Obviously, the many studies being conducte
at local levels are not included in this report.
A second bias inherent in such a review as this one stems from the
author's perceptions concerning what is and what is not "good sociology"
and concerning what should and what should not be included in the field
of the sociology of education. It is important, therefore, that the reader
be aware of the ground values employed by the author in the selection and
rejection of materials.
As well as being restricted to those materials published between February
1961 and August 1963, this chapter is limited to studies in which th
investigator attempted to bridge the gap between theory and systematic
research. Purely speculative commentaries have been avoided. The writ
sought to include only those studies with a distinct sociological orientation
-those research investigations dealing wth social behavior as observe
within the context of or related to educational institutions. Priority was
given to studies which provided clear and precise empirical benchmark

Socialization Processes

With few exceptions, a major portion of the research published


field of socialization processes during the past few years was conc
on the identification of social factors related to academic success. The
areas of concentration such as social class, race, religion, region or origin
reference groups, and institutional settings have long been part of
sociological approach. The unique aspect of the recent research was
methodology employed and the conclusions drawn.

Social Class

There are few sociological reports or texts that do not deal


question of social class in American society. In earlier researc
gators left little doubt that the social class variable was the salien
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February
Febraary1964
1964 SocIor,oGY OF EDUCATION SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION

in predicting student aspirations, expectations, and behavior.


ever, there has been a change in emphasis in that resear
pointing out how other variables appear to affect the to
social class. Brookover, Paterson, and Thomas (1962) dem
while higher socioeconomic status is related to academ
approximately 40 percent of the students in their sample w
lower income families were high academic achievers. Th
gested that self-concept may, under certain conditions, h
effect on academic achievement as does socioeconomic status.
Reporting on a study of 1,489 adolescents in a Massachusetts public
high school, Herriott (1963) indicated that academic aspirations are very
much related to self-assessment and to the expectations of significant
others. Both of these factors cut across social class lines. Gottlieb (1962)
found that when levels of academic achievement in high school are isolated,
socioeconomic background loses its power as a predictor of student aspira-
tions, expectations, and values. Sexton (1961) added yet another factor
which might help explain why students from lower socioeconomic families
appear to have the poorest chance of academic success. Reporting on a
study of the distribution of wealth among public schools in a large urban
area, she showed that schools in "depressed areas" are least likely to obtain
experienced teachers, materials, and recent educational innovations.
Three other studies were noteworthy. Investigating adolescent behavior
in 11 Midwestern high schools, Coleman (1961) arrived at the following
conclusions: (a) adolescents do not always reflect the values and attitudes
of their parents; (b) social class alone does not indicate the types of
attitudinal orientations held by individuals; and (c) since educational
institutions differ in "social climates," these differences alter the impact
of social class on values, attitudes, and behavior. In their study of a sample
of fourth grade students, Schmuck and Schmuck (1961) found that the
extent of mobility aspirations of parents was significantly related to per-
formance on intelligence tests even when socioeconomic status was held
constant. Frumkin (1961) studied the relationship between academic
achievement and a number of other variables, including socioeconomic
status, of 135 college students. His findings suggest that achievement is
related to dogmatism, with poor performance being highest among students
with a dogmatic value orientation. In addition, the author noted that stu-
dents from lower income families scored highest on the dogmatism scale.
In summary, each of the studies discussed was concerned with socio-
economic background and achievement behavior. Each indicated that, while
social class is important, there are other intervening variables which tend
to minimize the class factor.

The Economically Deprived

Although sociologists have conducted numerous investigations concern-


ing different minority groups and regarding situations of poverty, it is
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REVIEW OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH
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XXXIV, No. 1

only during recent yea


nomically deprived wit
empirical studies in th
tions of several monog
programs conducted by
little research to be reviewed.
The one work dealing exclusively with the deprived is Riessman's (1962)
volume, The Culturally Deprived Child. With little empirical evidence to
support his position, Riessman stated that the deprived child tends to be
traditional-that is, old-fashioned, patriarchal, somewhat religious, prag-
matic, and anti-intellectual. Not unlike others who have discussed this
group of youth, Riessman took the position that their rebellion from the
school can be explained in terms of social class conflicts. The lower class
child is pictured as coming from a family which does not encourage aca-
demic achievement. Hence, he is unable to survive in the middle class
setting of the school. This interpretation is of limited value, since it does
not account either for the growing number of children from lower income
families who do complete their studies or for school rebellion among youth
from more affluent backgrounds.
There is a definite need for research directed at an understanding of
the dynamics of the disadvantaged child in American schools. This re-
search, however, must take into consideration variations among the differ-
ent segments of the population which fall into the deprived category as
well as the variations between teaching personnel in different school sys-
tems. It is apparent that one can no longer accept the notion that all
teachers are from a middle class group and that all lower class families
are unconcerned with educational attainment.

School Withdrawal

At the High School Level

Both the decline in the availability of blue collar jobs and a firm con-
viction that many talented youths are not fulfilling their academic potential
have led to an increased concern with school attrition. At the high school
level, Lichter and others (1962) attempted corrective therapeutic work
with a group of high school dropouts who were designated as intellectually
capable. The authors discussed the social, psychological, and near demo-
graphic characteristics of their treatment group; they presented a diag-
nostic review of the psychiatric symptoms of this group and their parents;
and, finally, they made suggestions concerning what school personnel,
parents, social workers, and others who are involved in the socialization
of the young might do in order to minimize the problem of dropout from
schools. Recognizing the need for a more precise typology than has been
available for the analysis of high school dropouts and of the dropping-out
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1964 SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION
February 1964
February

process, Miller and Harrison (1963) dealt with one specific ty


out: "the unemployable." It is clear from their discussion that m
one technique will be needed if the goal of preventing or minim
school attrition is to be realized.
Friedenberg (1963) proposed that school dropout on the part of lower
class adolescents is not so much a reflection of antieducational values as it
is a failure on the part of teachers to accept the lower class child for what
he is and for what he feels. Friedenberg maintained that school personnel
should minimize their desire for middle class reform and should help the
adolescent understand to an increasing degree exactly what his capabilities
are. Concluding his essay on a negative note, Friedenberg pointed out that
he does not feel that teachers are about to change their approach, since
they are afraid of these youths. According to the author, this fear stems
from a desire to maintain order, since disorder will be viewed as an
inadequacy on the part of teachers and principals.

At the College Level

Although the greatest public concern has been focused on the problem
of attrition at the high school level, several investigators have dealt with
factors related to college and graduate school attendance. An excellent
review of the literature concerning college attendance was presented in a
U.S. Office of Education publication prepared by Beezer and Hjelm (1961).
In summarizing their findings of the literature in the area, the authors re-
ported the following: (a) a large proportion of above-average students has
not been enrolling in college, and the proportion has been higher for girls
than for boys; (b) lack of motivation has been the greatest single deterrent
to college attendance; (c) lack of sufficient funds has contributed to a lack
of academic mobility; (d) the proportion of certain minority group mem-
bers attending college has been particularly low; (e) poor academic stand-
ards in the high school curriculum have tended to lower college-going
aspirations; (f) regional variations have been great, with the Southern
states having the smallest proportions of students going to college; and
(g) peer influences have been important in the decision to attend college.

At the Graduate School Level

In reporting on a national survey of graduate student succes


and sciences, Gottlieb and Pease (1963) found the following p
differences between those who attained the Ph.D. and those who did not:
(a) successful students (those who earned the Ph.D.) had better academic
records prior to graduate school enrollment than those who were unsuccess-
ful; (b) unsuccessful students were more likely to have histories of per-
sonal academic and occupational failure than were successful students; (c)
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unsuccessful students
training, academic dep
students; (d) successfu
and less conventional
unsuccessful students
approach to education

Characteristics
The Davis S

The impact of the col


to which this experien
has been of great im
personnel are to be tr
there be an improved
acteristics of those wh
The most current, s
student career and ed
(1963) of the Nation
was concerned with car
of 33,982 graduating
of 1961-from 135 A
designed to be represe
degrees from accredit
degree-granting institu

Demographic Factor

The author reported t


in their early 20's, wit
fourth were married;
the United States. The
primarily "middle cl
Protestants seemed to
and Catholics, to be
Catholic population w
furnished by a 1957 f

Personal Factors

In response to a self-description adjective check list, respondent


Davis study chose cooperative more often than any of the 32
jectives listed. Other adjectives most frequently mentioned were
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February
February
1964 1964 SOCIOLOGY SOCIOLOGY
OF OF EDUCATION
EDUCATION

happy, fun loving, idealisti


frequently mentioned were
lowbrow. In respect to othe
to favor modern art, to be
behavior, and to be somewh

Career Plans and Processes

Although less than 20 percent of the graduating seniors hav


and been accepted to a graduate school, a total of 76 percent pl
eventual graduate school enrollment. One-third anticipated a po
some area of education; 18 percent expected to enter the busine
11 percent planned to undertake work related to the social sci
humanities; 15 percent hoped to participate in activities of other p
sions. Nine percent indicated a preference for engineering; 8 perce
science; 4 percent, for law; and 3 percent, for medicine. Graduatin
have a fairly altruistic value-orientation; this was evident from th
than two-thirds who indicated that an opportunity to be helpful o
to others would be very important in selection of a job.
Davis found that there was great variation in the kinds of stude
entered different careers. Education majors, for example, were pr
females with a service-value orientation and were from smaller communi-
ties and working class families.
Business was a masculine field. Business majors tended to prefer occu-
pations in which one could earn a great deal of money even at the expense
of personal creativity. For the most part, business majors had lower grades
than did seniors entering other careers. Negroes and Catholics showed a
greater preference for this field than did Protestants or Jews.
Social science majors showed high academic performance; they were
interested in working with people; they tended to come from large com-
munities and from fairly affluent families.
Those selecting careers in the humanities and fine arts desired an oppor-
tunity to be creative. They seemed to be relatively unconcerned about
money. They were people of high academic performance who came from
middle and upper socioeconomic backgrounds. Women were attracted to
the area of humanities; Negroes appeared to avoid it.
The biological sciences were less likely to attract people interested in
working with people than were some other career areas. This field tended
to attract women; it attracted students with average academic records.
With these few exceptions, Davis reported that biological scientists were
not too different from students in general.
Sex seemed to be the strongest predictor of the choice of law as a
career, since very few women expressed a desire to enter this field. Pro-
spective lawyers were characterized by the acquisitive values of high money
and by low originality. They were neither high nor low on a desire to
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XXXIV, No. 1

work with people


Catholics and Jew
estants. High socio
correlated with th
From the extens
neither college st
cloth. Rather, it w
and among differe

School Climates

The existing types of social and academic climates in American


are indeed diverse. Variations are found in relationships between stu
and faculty, between one student and other students, between one gr
students and another group of students, and between school personn
faculty members. In addition, while some high schools and colle
peared to place strong emphasis on intellectual excellence, others
to stress the need for extracurricular activities and for social skills.
Recognizing this variation, several investigators have attempted to de-
velop certain institutional and student typologies which would allow for
an improved understanding of how different students function in different
institutional settings. Stern (1962) reported on the work that he and his
colleagues have been doing with respect to developing measures of institu-
tional climates. Based on the evaluations of small samples of students at
different colleges, several indexes have been identified which allow for
some comparison between institutions. The investigators were able to
measure the degree of fit between the students' needs and the "college
press" as well as variations between students from different academic fields
at the same institution. Employing an almost ethnographic technique, Ries-
man and Jencks (1962) attempted to identify the prevailing climate at San
Francisco State College. Seeking to verify the findings of Riesman and
Jencks, Pace (1962) employed his College Characteristic Index with a
sample of 26 students from the same college. Generally, there appeared to
be little agreement between his findings and the observations of Riesman
and Jencks.

Student Subcultures

In trying to isolate different types of students, Clark (1962) suggest


that it is possible to identify three distinct student types in most Ame
high schools: "fun subculture," "academic subculture," and "delinq
subculture." With some differences, Trow (1962) proposed a similar
gorization for college students. He suggested four subcultures: "academ
"collegiate," "vocational," and "deviant." Seeking to test the propo
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February
February 1964 1964 SOCIOLOGY SOCIOLOGY
OF OF EDUCATION
EDUCATION

of distinct student subcultures, G


study of graduating seniors at a l
observations, and self-classificatio
the four types discussed by Trow
They found that deviants did ha
ages than did members of other s
than others; vocationals came fro
little in the social and intellectual
well as academics were highest on
world. Their findings would su
among students attending the s
subculture approach does offer so
understanding of the impact of
behavior.

Conclusion

The purpose of this review of literature has been twofold: (a) to giv
the reader some added insight concerning the current status of work
the sociology of education and (b) to point out areas in which further
thought and investigation are needed. In summary, it must be said th
interest in educational institutions has steadily increased. It would appear
that the time is growing near when sociologists and other behavioral scien
tists should join with educators in order to plan a strategy of researc
priority.

Bibliography
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Vol. XXXIV, No. I
XXXIV, No. 1

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