Relations Between Japan and the United States
By ROBERT J. G. McCLURKIN
O’Shaughnessy’s Ode,
ARTHUR &dquo;We are music-makers,&dquo; has
the
two particularly famous lines,
&dquo;For each age is a dream that is dying,
Or one that is coming to birth.&dquo;
I have always quarreled somewhat with
the use of the conjunction &dquo;Or,&dquo; for in
a very realsense each age is both a
dying dream and a new one coming to
birth. A society which has any vitality
at all is a complex and continually
changing mixture of the old and the
new.
Certainly, Japanese society has abun-
dant vitality. Certainly, also, it is a
blending of elements from all the so-
cial forces-both internal and external,
both from the distant past and from
the last decade-which have grown from
or converged upon the Japanese people.
In Japan in the years from 1945 to
1952 the catalytic action of the occupa-
tion speeded almost unbelievably the
normal processes of social change.
That occupation had to grow out of
and build upon the holocaust of war.
It was essentially a military occupation,
yet in spite of all the difficulties and all
the problems, all the excesses and the
failures to understand, the net result
of the occupation was good.
The political and economic and social
recovery of, Japan and the place the
country occupies in the world today
rest upon two fundamental bases-first,
the solid and unremitting efforts that
the Japanese people have put forth and
second, what the occupation did. The
Americans of the occupation, partly be-
cause of their pride in American ways
of doing things, partly because they
were not all-wise and made mistakes,
14
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and partly because American ways were
the ways they knew and understood,
tried to some extent to create a new
Japan in the image of the United States.
But six years cannot wipe out the
memory and the influence of the thou-
sand which went before. Nor can alien
ways completely replace those which are
rooted in the native soil. So two years
after the Peace Treaty came into force,
Japanese society is still in ferment as
the new laws and customs and ideas
brought by the occupation are being
reshaped and modified until they match
the fabric of Japanese life.
This process was inevitable, and its
results are good. The great strength of
Japan lies in the vigor and ingenuity of
the people, who for over a hundred
years had been struggling to throw off
the shackles of an authoritarian society.
What the occupation accomplished was
to free and strengthen the democratic
elements in Japanese life, so that neither
militarists nor zaibatsu nor a reaction-
ary bureaucracy could hold them in
domination.
However, somewhere in the emo-
tional shock of defeat, the strenuous
task of reconstruction, and the eager
grasping for something new, something
different from a discredited past, the
Japanese lost a portion of whatever it
was that. gave unity of purpose to their
society. Now that the occupation is
over, the Japanese government and the
people are reaching back into the past
for the added assurance that comes
from doing things in the traditional
ways. This does not mean that every-
thing accomplished by the occupation
is being upset or reversed, but rather
that the Japanese are gradually build-

ing a new and typically Japanese demo-
cratic society compounded of elements
from both East and West.
I believe that the &dquo;new&dquo; Japanese
society will continue to be essentially
democratic because the Japanese them-
selves want it to be, and because the
events of the last few years have made
it possible. I believe also that it will
be stronger and better because it will
not be entirely new but will incorporate
much of the best from the rich heritage
of the Japanese past.
PSYCHOLOGICAL TIES
United States relations with the new
Japan rest first of all upon something
intangible-a set of psychological and
emotional ties which are not less real
because they are not susceptible of
precise description and analysis.
I suppose that we have always had a
special interest in Japan stemming from
Commodore Perry’s voyage in 1853 and
the treaty of peace and unity (Treaty
of Kanagawa) signed a hundred years
ago. Probably we assume far too much
credit for the opening of Japan to the
West, for developments within Japan
had progressed to the point where the
years of ingrown isolation were almost
certain to end soon. But it was Com-
modore Perry’s voyage which signaled
the end of the isolation, just as it was
his voyage which was an early symbol
of our own awakening interest in things
going on outside the still undeveloped
American continent. For both the
United States and Japan have been
slow to realize the compelling influences
of the world around us and to accept
the full responsibilities of living in that
world.
Recent
personal contacts
The psychological and emotional ties
between us have grown enormously in
strength and number in the past few
years because of hundreds upon thou-
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15
sands of individual contacts between
Americans and Japanese. Like Brownian
motion, which is the never-ceasing, dis-
orderly movement of tiny particles sus-
pended in a liquid or a gas, there is in
and between nations a seemingly helter-
skelter movement of individuals of all
sorts, both shaped by, and shaping,
great events. And to carry the simile
one step further, just as the motion of
the tiny particles can be greatly in-
creased by an outside influence like
heat, so the aftermath of the war was a
vast increase in what might be called
the Brownian motion of individuals be-
tween the United States and Japan.
Not all of the contacts were good,
not all were friendly and helpful. How-
ever, there were a great many contacts,
and increasingly as the occupation went
on those contacts became wider and
more friendly, and the results were bet-
ter and better. The American soldiers
and civilians of the occupation were not
concentrated in Tokyo and Yokohama,
Kobe and Osaka. They were in all
parts of Japan, meeting in daily con-
tacts Japanese farmers and fishermen,
miners and textile workers, teachers and
local government officials. And still to-
day-two years after the end of the oc-
cupation-there are American soldiers
and civilians in daily contact with the
Japanese. Some of these are United
States government officials, some are
tourists, some are businessmen and mis-
sionaries ; by far the largest number
are those who are a part of the United
States forces stationed in Japan. In the
past nine years, more than two million
Americans have been in Japan.
Although many of the bad features of
American life show up as they always
do, perhaps even more plainly, when
they are transplanted from the United
States, nevertheless this vastly increased
contact between the citizens of the two
countries has on the whole bred under-
standing rather than misunderstanding.
16
I say this in spite of the fact that last
summer there was a flare-up in Japan
of anti-Americanism, so-called. Actu-
ally the Japanese expression for it is
idiomatically translated &dquo;fed up with
Americans.&dquo; There have been so many
of us, for so long, telling them so much,
giving them so much advice about how
to ’run their country, that it is small
wonder that they feel some sense of
surfeit. Nevertheless, the core of truth
is that the lasting results of the con-
tacts are good.
Most Americans who have lived and
worked in Japan have learned to re-
spect and admire the good qualities of
the Japanese character. They have
developed an appreciation of Japanese
culture. They have built friendships
with the Japanese people. Many of
these Americans gave all of their en-
ergies for a substantial period of time
to efforts to help build a new Japan.
Thus they have a personal, emotional
interest in what happens to the struc-
ture which they helped to create.
Intercultural activities
For the belief that this host of indi-
vidual contacts must have produced a
measurable effect upon the United
States, there is plenty of evidence.
Scarcely a week goes by that the Sun-
day editions of the New York Times
or the Herald Tribune or the Washing-
ton Post do not have special articles on
Japan. Other examples multiply-the
exhibition off Japanese art which toured
the United States last year and at-
tracted such large and appreciative
crowds, the short stories and articles
in the magazines, the movie IZashomon,
the success of the Kabuki dance group
in this country, the best-selling novel
by James Michener. All these things
are visible evidence of the pattern of
interest that exists.
Nor are the movement and the inter-
est one-sided. There are twenty-three
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well-patronized American Cultural Cen-
ters in Japan in major cities. When it
appeared that some of the original oc-
cupation centers would have to be
closed because of budgetary cuts, local
Japanese authorities stepped in to help
keep them open. United States docu-
mentary motion pictures, distributed
through Japanese local governments at
a cost to them of a million dollars a
year, have a cumulative attendance of
20,000,000 a month in Japan. Japan
is one of the largest foreign outlets for
motion pictures produced in the United
States, Portions of the Voice of America
short-wave broadcasts are rebroadcast
regularly by the twenty-two new com-
mercial stations in Japan. And Japa-
nese come to the United States, many
of them. Students, teachers, labor lead-
ers, and political leaders come here un-
der the exchange of persons program.
Businessmen and industrial technicians
come to exchange ideas and to de-
velop associations with American firms.
Mayors of West Coast United States
cities visited Japan last year, and
mayors of Japanese cities returned the
visit and toured the United States.
Perhaps the point needs no further
belaboring. There exists a deep, abid-
ing, and fully reciprocal bond of sym-
pathy and understanding between the
United States and Japan, and all rela-
tions between the two countries rest
upon and are governed by this fact.
COMMUNITY OF NATIONAL INTEREST
The private bond which exists is
amply reinforced by a community of
national interest, one important aspect
of which is a common recognition of
the danger of international Communism.
For Japan the threat is even more
immediate than it is for the United
States, because Japan is the primary
Communist goal in the Far East. The
Communists covet Japan because of its
strategic position in the offshore island

defense chain, because of its potential
military strength, and most of all be-
cause of its industrial potential. They
believe that if they could bring Japan
within their orbit, the whole balance of
power in the Far East would shift in
their favor, and it would be only a
matter of time until the rest of the Far
East would fall to them. They may
well be right.
Their ultimate aim is domination of
Japan-not neutralization but domina-
tion-because the Communists agree
thoroughly with at least one biblical
dictum, &dquo;He that is not with me is
against me.&dquo; But they know that they
cannot take Japan over immediately,
and they believe that once Japan is
neutralized, Communist domination will
inevitably follow. So for the present
they cultivate interim measures aimed
directly at driving wedges between
Japan and the United States. Almost
every day the Peiping radio and Radio
Free Japan, the clandestine radio sta-
tion somewhere in Communist China
which is beamed toward Japan, exhort
the Japanese people not to accept mili-
tary assistance from the United States,
to throw out of office elected officials
who are friendly to the United States, to
make the United States forces in Japan
go home, to build trade with the Com-
munist mainland of Asia.
When the Communists attacked Korea
they were looking beyond Korea to
Japan. When they support the Viet-
minh aggression in Indochina, they are
thinking not only of control over south-
east Asia but also of the fact that Japan
needs to buy food and raw materials
from there and to sell industrial prod-
ucts in return. They are thinking
about Japan. The manner of the get-
ting is irrelevant to them, but they want
Japan.
We do not have to rely on second-
hand evidence as to Communist inten-
tions. They are explicit. This is
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17
Tokuda, secretary-general of the Com-
munist party of Japan, writing in the
Cominform Journal in 1952 :
... we (the JCP) can instigate the peo-
ple to participate in anti-American and
anti-Yoshida movements.... In this con-
nection, we must utilize our legal and il-
legal press to disseminate the spirit of our
party’s new platform, particularly the con-
cept of armed struggle, so that we can
create a public determination to defend
peace, independence, and freedom. Now is
the time for all the people to think of
arming themselves to meet the plot of the
American and Japanese reactionaries, who
plan to revive militarism for the purpose
of aggression.
And this is Malenkov talking to the Su-
preme Soviet last August, talking about
the task of &dquo;normalizing relations with
Japan&dquo;:
Serious obstacles are encountered along
this path because the United States of
America is pursuing a policy of strangling
the national independence of Japan, turn-
ing it into a springboard for war. The
healthy forces of the Japanese nation rec-
ognize, increasingly, that it is essential to
overcome the obstacles and uphold national
independence.
The Communist line in Japan has
changed from armed struggle to popular
front; but whether it talks about arm~
ing the people to seize power or about
&dquo;healthy forces&dquo; which will &dquo;uphold na-
tional independence,&dquo; the object in view
is the same-full Communist control of
Japan.
Japanese defense forces
The Japanese government recognizes
that it is not safe to allow Japan to lie
defenseless in the face of this Commu-
nist threat, and with our help it is now
moving ahead with the strengthening
of the Japanese defense establishment.
Let me emphasize that both we and
the Japanese are thinking exclusively in
18
terms of Japanese forces of a defensive
character. Because it is so convenient,
people have fallen into the use of the
shorthand expression &dquo;Japanese rearma-
ment,&dquo; a term which carries unfortunate
connotations of a return to the 1930’s.
It is especially unfortunate since noth-
ing could be further from Japanese in-
tentions or from ours.
Today the Japanese have a ground
force of 110,000 men-out of a popula-
tion of 87,000,000 people-and small
naval and coast guard forces. A year
from now they expect to have the be-
ginnings of a three-force defense estab-
lishment with a total of about 160,000
men. Although our joint thinking has
not gone beyond this year’s program,
our military experts think that Japan’s
defense requires it to have eventually
a ground force of 325,000 or 350,000
men, a navy consisting mainly of small
patrol craft, minelayers, minesweepers,
and destroyers, and in time a small jet
air force of interceptors and medium
bombers for tactical support purposes.
U. S’. military assistance
We want to bring our own forces
home from Japan as soon as the Japa-
nese have developed their own defensive
capabilities to a point where Japan will
be safe even though our forces have
left. Partly to this end and partly
to help build free-world strength, the
United States is willing to provide cer-
tain military equipment for Japanese
ground, sea, and air forces on the same
terms and conditions as those under
which we are providing similar assist-
ance to other f ree-world countries. That
is the whole meaning of the Mutual De-
fense Assistance Agreement with Japan,
which came into effect on May 1, 1954.
But despite the assistance we provide
and despite Japan’s efforts on her own
behalf, for the indefinite future in case
of an attack upon the Japanese islands
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Japan will need naval and air support
from the United States in addition to
its own defense forces.
I emphasize that United States mili-
tary assistance to Japan is not a mat-
ter of pure altruism-if, indeed, the
pure quality exists. Since the safety of
one depends upon the safety of all,
when we act to help others we are act-
ing in our own self-interest. Neverthe-
less, the plain fact is that the others are
in danger, too. In an excellent speech
in New York on March 18 Ambassador
Iguchi underlined the common interests
of the United States and Japan. He
said:
The interests of Japan have come to
coincide with the interests of the United
States.... We help ourselves by helping
each other, and by benefiting each other
we contribute to the security and peace of
the world.... In this common endeavor
for our mutual self-preservation, Japan is
now ready to contribute her proper share.
This clear recognition of the shared
danger, which can be prevented only if
we act in concert to prepare against it,
is another of the factors underlying re-
lations between the United States and
Japan.
ECONOMIC RELATIONS
A third set of factors is economic in
nature, for the economic relations be-
tween Japan and the United States
have great importance for both coun-
tries.
The war destroyed many of the old
patterns of Japanese trade, and par-
ticularly those in which Japan had, in
a sense, captive market and
a captive
sources of raw materials on the Asiatic
mainland and in Formosa. These trade
patterns have not developed anew. So
far as Communist China is concerned,
Japan has been co-operating fully with
the free world in security trade controls
and has, in fact, maintained stricter con-

trols than any other industrial country
except the United States and Canada,
which have complete embargoes. This
action on the part of Japan has been a
major contribution to the defense of the
free world.
However, Japan must import nearly
all of the principal materials of its
raw
industry and 20 per cent of its food
supply, and in the postwar period Japan
has turned to the United States as a
major source of supply. In the calendar
year 1953, Japan spent 700 million dol-
lars to purchase products in the United
States. Japan was our best foreign
customer for cotton and soybeans; our
second best foreign customer for wheat,
rice, barley, and bituminous coal. For
all of these products and for corn, hides
and skins, capital goods, automobiles,
oil, and iron ore, the United States was
Japan’s principal supplier.
To look at the other side of the coin,
the United States was Japan’s best for-
eign customer, buying a wide variety of
products ranging from silk and china
and tuna fish to toys and gadgets. But
whereas Japan bought from us to the
extent of 700 million dollars, our
commercial trade purchases in Japan
amounted to only 260 million dollars.
Japan’s trade deficit
Unfortunately that story is generally
true of Japanese foreign trade. Japan,
which can earn its way in the world
only by buying raw materials and ex-
porting manufactured products, had in
1953 a commercial trade deficit of one
billion dollars. The reasons are vari-
ous. Curiously enough to those who re-
member the prewar period, the Japa-
nese in many fields of manufacture-
steel isone of the most important-are
priced out of the market because of
obsolescent machinery and outdated in-
dustrial techniques, the high cost of raw
materials many of which must be
hauled long distances to Japan, and in-
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19
ternal inflation. In addition, in spite
of the present situation there is suffi-
cient fear of Japanese competition so
that many nations are reluctant to al-
low trade with Japan to develop freely.
To some degree, this fear and the con-
comitant reluctance exist within the
United States.
The problem of Japanese trade is one
which the Japanese and the free world
must face. Fortunately we have a little
time, because the expenditures of the
United States in Japan, most of which
will continue for a while and which re-
sult chiefly from the presence of our
forces there, have been large enough to
cover nearly all of the Japanese com-
mercial trade deficit. But these ex-
penditures will not continue forever.
If in the meantime Japanese trade does
not develop to a point where the Japa-
nese economy can stand on its own feet,
there will be a serious threat of lowered
standards of living in Japan and eco-
nomic collapse. And the inevitable re-
sult would be a vastly increased risk of
internal Communist subversion.
Even if all controls over trade with
the Soviet bloc were removed, and even
if it were possible for the Japanese to
do business on reasonable terms with
the Communists instead of having the
business and the trade used as a politi-
cal weapon against them, trade with
Communist areas would make up only
a portion of the Japanese trade deficit.
So most of the answer must be found
elsewhere.
A part of the answer is the responsi-
bility of the Japanese themselves. They
will need to call upon all of their own
reserves of determination and ingenuity
and take those rigorous measures which
will be effective in reducing costs of pro-
duction and improving their competitive
position. Their &dquo;austerity budget&dquo; for
the fiscal year which is just beginning
is a noteworthy step in this direction.
In addition, the creation within Japan
20
of an improved climate for foreign
vestment would help to overcome the
shortage of capital in Japan.
Free world markets
The second part of the answer lies
with the rest of us. No matter how
great the efforts the Japanese put forth,
they will not suffice unless the Japanese
are allowed to buy and sell freely in
world markets on the same fair and
competitive terms as anyone else. One
natural trading area for Japan is south-
east Asia, and trade with that area has
already recovered to prewar levels. But
that is not enough. It is only as the
co-operative efforts of the whole free
world and of the-southeast Asian coun-
tries produce rising living standards and
an expanding economy in that area that
the possibilities will be created for
southeast Asia to have an expanding
and mutually profitable trade with
Japan and other free world countries.
However, by talking about Japan’s
natural area of trade with southeast
Asia, the United States cannot shirk its
own responsibility. Japan’s commercial
trade deficit with the United States last
year was 440 million dollars, and the
United States must do its full part in
helping the development of Japanese
trade, not only by encouraging others
to open their markets to Japanese
products, but by giving Japan a fair
opportunity to sell its products in the
United States.
President Eisenhower, in his recent
message to Congress on foreign eco-
nomic policy, gave special recognition
to the necessity of dealing with the
problem of Japanese trade with the
United States. And in keeping with his
message I emphasize the necessity for
mutuality in trade relations between
sovereign states. The United States
and the rest of the free world need
Japan as a customer; the United States
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in- and the rest of the free world must
therefore buy from Japan.
TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS
The prophet Amos asked, &dquo;Can two
walk together, except they be agreed?&dquo;
In the world today Japan and the
United States are walking together be-
cause of a fundamental community of
interests. However,1 the very com-
plexity of the relationships between a
nation of 87,000,000 people and one of
160,000,000 makes necessary a full and
complete understanding and agreement
if the two nations are to continue to
walk together in amity and common
purpose.
These understandings, so necessary
to relations between the United States
and Japan, .are embodied in many care-
fully negotiated treaties and agreements.
They vary in nature and breadth from
the multilateral Peace Treaty to an
agreement for the reimbursement of
shipwreck expenses. Two of them are
concerned with the prevention of double
taxation of individuals or businesses
who might otherwise be considered sub-
ject to both tax jurisdictions. Another
one spells out the precise rights and
privileges which the citizens of one
country will enjoy while sojourning or
doing business in the other country.
Still another sets the terms and condi-
tions under which military assistance
will be provided. And so on and on.
These are the ground rules under which
the relations are conducted.
A listing of these treaties and agree-
ments in force as of April 1, 1954, re-
veals something of their scope and va-
riety.
Postwar bilateral agreements between
the United States and Japan
1. Fulbright Agreement
2. Security Treaty
 21

3. Administrative Agreement (the detailed 7. Arrangements Relating to Perpetual

implementing agreement for the Se- Leaseholds
curity Treaty) 8. Convention for the Prevention of
4. Reciprocal Waiver of Non-Immigrant Smuggling of Intoxicating Liquors
Visa Fees 9. Arrangement Relating to Reciprocal
5. Taxation Relief for Expenditures Made Exemption from Taxation of Income
by the United States in Japan under from the Operation of Merchant Ves-
the Mutual Security Program sels
6. Charter Party Agreement (Agreement
re Loan of Naval Vessels)
Postwar multilateral agreements to
7. Agreement on Sharing of Claims Costs
which Japan and the United States are
under Article 18, Administrative Agree-
ment parties
8. Treaty ofFriendship, Commerce and 1. Treaty of Peace with Japan
Navigation 2. Settlement of Disputes Arising under
9. Civil Air Transport Agreement of Peace with
Article 15 (a) of Treaty
10. Copyright Agreement Japan
11. Transfer of Amami Oshima Islands
3. North Pacific Fisheries Convention
12. Technical Missions by Japan to Study
4. United Nations Forces Agreement
Production of Defense Equipment and 5. World Health Organization
Supplies 6. World Meteorological Organization
13. Mutual Defense Assistance Agreements 7. Narcotic Drugs Protocols
Mutual Defense Assistance Agree-
ment
Amending the Agreements, Conven-
tions and Protocols of January 23,
Purchase Agreement (with respect 1912, February 11, 1925, February
to surplus agricultural products un- 19, 1925, July 13, 1931, November
der Section 550 of the Mutual Se-
27, 1931, and June 26, 1936
curity Act) International Control of Drugs Out-
Agreement Regarding Guaranty of
side the Scope of the Convention
Investments
of July 13, 1931, as amended
Agreement on Economic Arrange- 8. International Office of Public Health
ments
Protocol
9. Agreement Revising and Renewing the
Prewar treaties between Japan and the International Wheat Agreement
United States, revived or continued in 10. International Rice Commission
force pursuant to Article 7 ( a ) of the 11. Amendment of the Constitution of the
San Francisco Treaty International Labor Organization
12. International Bank for Reconstruction
1. Treaty Relating to Extradition of and Development Agreement
Criminals 13. International Monetary Fund Agree-
2. Supplementary Convention Relating to ment
Extradition of Criminals 14. Indo-Pacific Fisheries Council
3. Arrangements for Direct Exchange of 15. Fur Seals Agreement (Research Pro-
Information Regarding Traffic in Nar- grams in North Pacific Ocean)
cotic Drugs 16. Universal Postal Union
4. Arrangement for Exchange of Informa- 17. International Civil Aviation Conven-
tion Relating to Seizure of Illicit Nar- tion
cotic Drugs and to Persons Engaged 18. International Whaling Convention
in the Illicit Trafhc 19. United Nations Educational, Scientific
5. Convention and Additional Conventions and Cultural Organization
for the Exchange of Money Orders 20. International Telecommunications Con-
6. Parcel Post Agreement with Detailed vention
Regulations 21. Safety of Life at Sea Convention

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22

give, when that force has ceased to exist,

International organizations set up be- but they frequently disregard equally all
fore or during the war in which the other promises, when the motives that in-
United States is a member and in which duced them no longer prevail.
Japan has revived its membership Third, good agreements should be
all
1. Permanent Court of Arbitration written flexibly, so that with the pas-
2. International Bureau of Weights and
sage of time and the inevitable changes
Measures in the specific conditions which existed
3. International Cotton Advisory Com- when they were written, their terms
mittee
will not constitute a rigid impediment
4. International Council of Scientific Un-
to the peaceful readjustments necessary
ions and Associated Unions
5. International Hydrographic Bureau to meet the changed conditions. This
6. International Union of Travel Organi- point of view, not new, was developed
zations very effectively in a book written in the
7. International Union for the Protection 1930’s called War, Peace, and Change.1
of Industrial Property Unlike many authors, the author of this
8. International Union for the Publica- work subsequently not only had an op-
tion of Customs Tariffs
9. International Wheat Council
portunity to put his ideas into practice
in international affairs, but also lived up
10. Rubber Study Group
to the principles he had earlier espoused.
Bases of good agreements The Japanese Peace Treaty, which he
all these treaties and
negotiated, stands as the living embodi-
Fundamentally, ment of those principles.
agreements have three things in com- Nine years ago the United States and
mon with all other good agreements.
Japan were still at war. In the years
First, every good agreement is a fair since, we have developed deep, exten-
bargain. It has advantages and disad- sive, and friendly relationships predi-
vantages for each side. Neither side cated upon a wide range of common
gets everything it wants. Each side is .interests. I know of no comparable ex-
therefore paying a tangible or intangible
ample in the history of nations.
price for what it gets. Second, all agree- We have many current problems and
ments, good orbad, rest upon consent, difficulties, and doubtless we shall find
every bit as certainly as do the rela- a full quota of new ones in the years
tions between a government and its sub- ahead. If we can face them with
jects. Agreements are good as long as
candor and with mutual understanding
the parties have interest in preserv-
an
and respect, the United States and
ing them and as long as the advantages Japan will continue to walk together in
gained seem to outweigh the disadvan- international affairs. And if we do so,
tages incurred as part of the bargain. it will augur well for the future of the
As Machiavelli said: world.
Not only do princes pay no attention to 1
John Foster Dulles, New York: Harper &
pledges which they have been forced to Brothers, 1939.
Robert J. G. McClurkin, Washington, D. C., is Acting
Director ofthe Office ofNorth-
east Asian Affairs of the
Department of State. Earlier government service was with the
Board of Economic Warfare and Foreign Economic Administration ), 1942-45 the Air-
(
craftDivision ofthe Office ofthe Foreign Liquidation Commissioner, as Deputy Director
and Director ),
1945-46 and the Economic Bureau ofthe Civil Aeronautics Board, as
(
Assistant Director and Director 1946-51
(
).

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