MONTIUM DOMINA: CATULLUS' DIANA, ROME AND THE MOON'S BASTARD LIGHT

Author(s): Lee FratantuonoSource: Acta Classica , Vol. 58 (2015), pp. 27-46

Published by: Classical Association of South Africa

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ACTA CLASSICA LVIII (2015) 27-46 ISSN 0065-1141

MONTIUM DOMINA: CATULLUS’ DIANA, ROME AND

THE MOON’S BASTARD LIGHT

Lee Fratantuono
Ohio Wesleyan University
Delaware, Ohio

ABSTRACT

Catullus’ hymn to Diana (Carm. 34) has several affinities with his galliambic
Carm. 63, the Attis poem. Close investigation of parallels between these works
demonstrates the poet’s concern with the problem of the transition from a Trojan
past to an Italian present for the construction of a Roman identity, a problem that
can be typified by the relationship of the Italian Diana and the Trojan mother
goddess Cybele. Further, certain aspects of Catullus’ depiction of the tension
inherent to the synergy of the two goddesses in the religious identity of Rome can
be seen to have influenced the climactic revelation of the future Roman identity
in the closing movements of the Virgilian Aeneid.

Catullus’ hymn to Diana (Carm. 34) has not received much critical literary
analysis.1 The present study will explore how Catullus’ hymnic tribute to
the goddess of the hunt prefigures important themes from several of his
longer poems, and how the poet’s vision of Diana in her triple manifes-
tation and diverse auspices contrasts with his presentation of the Trojan
mother goddess Cybele in his celebrated Attis poem (Carm. 63).2 The
investigation will reveal a Catullus deeply concerned with the question of
Roman ethnography and the vexed relationship between Troy and Italy.3

1
See especially Scivoletto 1989; Sheets 2001; also the brief bibliography
Thomson 1997 provides ad loc. For a close study of the vocabulary in particular
and other aspects of the hymn, see Ruiz Sánchez 1996:65-70. I am grateful to the
editor and the two anonymous referees for their helpful corrections and sugges-
tions; all errors that remain are my own.
2
Foundational to the study of Diana in the Roman imagination is Green 2007.
3
‘Ethnography’ need not refer strictly to the study of foreign peoples per se; in the
case of the Roman imagination, the Trojan is essentially foreign in the estimation
of the poetics of the Republic and Empire; for the Trojans of the Virgilian Aeneid,
for example, the native Italians are foreign in several important respects – they
apparently have different dress and social customs, to start – and Jupiter at the
end of the Aeneid finds enough diversity to be able to tell Juno that Trojan mores

DOI 10.15731/AClass.058.02 27

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In his consideration of the mytho-historical roots of Rome, the poet may
show how there may well be a need for a choice between the Trojan
Cybele and all that her worship entails, and the fratricidal icon of civil war
in the troubled union of Romulus and Remus – or, at the very least, that
Rome is caught between the two problematic images.4
Dianae sumus in fide (Carm. 34.1).5 From the start, the Catullan chorus
of boys and girls is self-identified as a collection of devotees of Diana; the
goddess is identified as having a fiduciary responsibility for the puellae and
pueri (2-4), while the youths have an implicit devotion to the goddess by
virtue of the preservation of their virginity and chastity (2: integri): the
young girls and boys are in the fides of the goddess for as long as they
remain virgins.6 The goddess’s name opens the poem; the onomastic theme
will predominate as the carmen unfolds. The metrical scheme of three
glyconics and a pherecretean appears first here in the Catullan corpus; the
pattern will reappear with slight alteration for Carm. 61, the first of the
so-called longer poems – and these are the only two extant Catullan lyrics
that employ this essentially choriambic rhythm.7
The puellae and pueri in Diana’s trust, then, are at once identified by
their salient characteristic, or that which defines them as Diana’s: they are
integri, an adjective that conveys a sense of both physical and moral
uprightness, as it were.8 These are unmarried girls and boys; there is an
implicit indication that the girls, in particular, can choose to pursue
devotion to the goddess rather than lose their integritas – a theme that the
poet explores in the first two of his longer poems (especially the second,
Carm. 62, with its amoebean meditation on the nature of marriage from
the point of view of the two genders).

will, in effect, be suppressed (cf. Aeneid 12.834-40).

4
On possible Catullan ethnographic concerns from the very first lyric of the
extant collection (cf. Carm. 1.5: Italorum), see Ando 2002, especially 131. The
problem of Trojan versus Italian ethnography and ethnicity in the new (future)
Rome is at the heart of the aforementioned climactic revelations of Aeneid 12.
5
All quotes from Catullus are taken from Mynors 1958.
6
On singing in Catullus, especially hymnic, see Farrell 2009.
7
The stanzas of Carm. 61 have four glyconics followed by a pherecratean; only
228 of 235 verses survive. For Catullus as ‘a lyric poet who almost never writes in
lyric meters’, see Miller 2009:31-59.
8
The masculine adjective integri extends to the girls as well as the boys of the
chorus, according to the usual practice of adjectival agreement; there is no subtle
insinuation that the boys have a more hallowed status than their female
counterparts. For the adjective, cf. Nisbet and Hubbard 1970 on Horace, Carm.
1.22.1. It is likely to be no accident that the Integer vitae ode follows immediately
on Horace’s own hymn to Diana (and Apollo).

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 The second stanza opens with an address to the goddess as Latonia; she
is the ‘Latonian one’ or the daughter of Latona. Girls and boys are now
replaced with mother and father; Diana is the daughter of Latona and of
maximus Iuppiter (5-6). There is no mention here of the goddess’s divine
brother Apollo; the mater Latona delivers her daughter (7: quam) near an
olive tree on the island of Delos (7-8).9 There is no hint of any Junonian
fury over her husband’s affair with the goddess; there is no explicit
reference to any childbirth travails or other woes on the part of Latona.10
In the adjectival description of Jupiter as maximus and Diana as the magna
progenies thereof, we see a strong pronouncement of the goddess’s impor-
tance; she is the great offspring of the greatest god.
The birth of the goddess is the epiphany of the divine image of the
third stanza of Catullus’ lyric; Diana is the domina montium or ‘mistress of
the mountains’ (9); she is the domina, too, of green woods, hidden groves
and sounding rivers (9-12); once again, the goddess essentially opens the
stanza (domina), and the midpoint of the poem comes with the lovely
image of the babbling brooks or musical waters that mark a place of rest
for the weary huntress in her woodland pursuits.11 The third stanza
presents Diana in her familiar, traditional description as a huntress, as a
divine denizen of lonely haunts and pristine, untouched nature. The
goddess’s locales are known both for their remote isolation (reconditorum),
and for their melodious charm (sonantum); they encompass both land and
water. Perhaps significantly, this is the most peaceful and serene of the
stanzas that refer to the goddess and her powers; here we see Diana in the
tranquil world of the chase, lost in the natural loveliness of her meadows
and streams.
The second half of the hymn introduces significant confusion to the
thus far relatively straightforward enough narrative. Again, the goddess is
labelled or addressed; she is now Lucina (13), the patroness of childbirth.
But almost at once, her title is clarified; she is also Iuno: tu Lucina dolen-

9
Cf. Horace, Carm. 1.21: Dianam tenerae dicite virgines, where the divine twins
are both celebrated, and in a lyric that was likely inspired by Catullus’ hymn; see
further here Putnam 2010; also 2000:113-15.
10
Cf. Carm. 68.138-40: saepe etiam Iuno, maxima caelicolum, | coniugis in culpa
flagrantem contudit iram, | noscens omnivoli plurima furta Iovis.
11
There are likely to be no sexual metaphors in the description of Diana’s
(traditional enough) haunts; for a counter-argument from a different poetic
corpus, see Minadeo 1975. In domina there may be a hint of the same elegiac
conceit by which Propertius and Tibullus can speak of their love for Cynthia and
Delia; the virgin goddess of the hunt can provide a suitable (however ironic) name
for a domina who may prove difficult in matters amatory.

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tibus, | Iuno dicta puerperis (13-14). There is overlap here, to be sure,
between Diana and Juno; in the aftermath of the mention of Latona, we
are reminded of the traditions of the serious birth pangs of Diana’s mother
in her difficult divine pregnancy, and of Juno’s rage over her rival’s immor-
tal twins. The goddess of remote woodland haunts is brought back, as it
were, to the story of her mother’s vexed delivery: Diana is a patroness for
women who experience the same serious pain in childbirth that her own
mother experienced with particular acuity because of Juno’s jealousy.
And there is more. Lucina, or Juno Lucina, is also Trivia (15) and Luna
(16); she is also the goddess of the threefold crossroads and the moon (the
poet plays on the association between Lucina and Luna, its de facto
syncopated form).12 The mention of Trivia comes as the third in Catullus’
miniature hymnic catalogue of titles and appellations; it could also be said
to herald a third title, namely the goddess’s lunar patronage. ‘Trivia’, the
place where three different roads converge, was a name (and place) inves-
ted with magical lore; the title could also be associated with the triform
nature of the goddess in her earthly, chthonic and celestial realms as Diana
the huntress; Hecate the underworld denizen; and Luna the moon.13 In the
mention of Trivia there is a hint of how the goddess who presides over
childbirth also has a place in the hour of death; Diana, we might remem-
ber, was sometimes associated with the sudden death of young women.14
But the introduction of Luna, the moon, is also the poet’s chance to
mention Apollo, the hitherto unnamed and unmentioned brother of the
goddess. The moon has a ‘bastard light’ (notho | lumine, 15-16); her moon
is borrowed from that of her brother the sun.15 The Lucretian borrowing
of language about the nature of the moon’s light16 is also a chance to make
a subtle comment on the status of the divine twins from the viewpoint of
the recently aforementioned Juno; Diana and Apollo are bastards of
Jupiter and his latest mistress. We return subtly, then, to the goddess’s
12
On the various leaps of thought and logic by which these associations all came
together in the Roman imagination, see O’Neil 1958.
13
For musings on the chorus’s onomastic ludic exercise, see Henderson 1999:128.
14
On certain aspects of Diana’s association with her fellow ‘young’ women, see
Williams 2012:74 (with some consideration of Diana and Virgil’s Camilla; Camilla
and Acca).
15
Thomson 1997 ad loc. asserts that ‘the emphasis is on lumine, not notho’, but
the reverse is likelier; there are associations of Lucina and lux that make the
progression to Luna quite natural – but notho might seem surprising in what is
meant to be a hymn to the goddess. For the identification of Diana with Luna in
the Latin poets, see especially Reeson 2001:63-64 on Ovid, Heroides 11.47: soror
… Phoebi.
16
Lucr. DRN 5.575-76, which almost certainly predates Catullus’ Carm. 34.

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birth, even as her power seems to expand over so much of the universe
and its workings. There is a syncretistic bent to the manifold associations
of Diana with other divinities; now, she is inextricably associated with her
brother, whose celestial orb provides hers with its light.
Four stanzas, with four titles for the goddess: Diana (stanza 1); Latonia
(stanzas 2-3); Lucina/Juno (for Juno Lucina); Trivia; Luna (stanza 4). The
fifth stanza offers no new name, but the added title dea (17); the goddess
is now credited with something of a new role, however, as a Ceres-like
figure who fills the rustic dwellings of the farmer with all manner of good
things (19-20); this description, however, is an expansion or development
of the goddess’s connection to the moon (menstruo | metiens iter annuum,
17-18). The moon, however, is not the celestial body one immediately
thinks of in the context of the growth of crops; it is Diana’s brother, the
Phoebean sun, which might well seem the more appropriate heavenly orb
to credit with the filling of barns. Brother and sister are thus implicitly and
closely united (Luna has a nothum lumen, after all, and is dependent on her
twin brother); in the Catullan vision, Diana can be credited as a giver of
the produce of the fields. And indeed, for the Roman world and in the
Roman religious imagination, Luna was more important than the sun in
this regard.17
The sixth and final stanza reflects back on the rich and diverse
assortment of titles that the poet has hitherto described:

sis quocumque tibi placet

sancta nomine, Romulique,
antique ut solita es, bona
sospites ope18 gentem.

By whatever name it is pleasing

may you be holy, and as for the
race of Romulus, may you
preserve it with good wealth
as you have been accustomed of old.
(21-24)

No new name or title here for the goddess, but a wish that she might be
holy and venerable under whatever name is pleasing to her.19 But there is a

17
See here Rabinowitz 1997.
18
For consideration of the idea that ope may point to an association with Ops (and
cf. Cybele’s associations with Rhea/Ops), see Cairns 2010:265.
19
On such formal conclusions to hymns, see Henriksén 2012 ad Martial, Ep. 9.17:
Latonae venerande nepos.

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new onomastic indulgence; Romulus, the Roman progenitor, offers some-
thing of a surprise at the poem’s end; the goddess is called upon to
safeguard the Romulean race in the future, just as she has from of old. 20
The language emphasises the antiquity of the goddess’s devotion to the
Romans (antique; the old-fashioned verb sospites);21 she is credited with a
longstanding guardianship of the Romuleans that the puellae and pueri
wish to see maintained.22 Elsewhere, Catullus names Romulus and Remus
together, or one or the other; there may be an implicit parallelism here
between the two sets of siblings: the divine twins as well as the twins who
stand at the start of Roman history proper.23 The hymn is devoted to Diana
alone, and the close focuses on one of the twins from the foundation lore
of Rome – Romulus, the slayer of Remus and eponymous first king of
Rome.
Catullus’ hymn to Diana is noteworthy for its placement in the
collection of polymetrics. Immediately before the announcement of
Dianae sumus in fide we find the crude reference to Vibennius’ son at
Carm. 33.7-8: et natis pilosas, | fili, non potes asse venditare; the father is a
thief from the baths, and his son a cinaedus. The Diana hymn is preceded
by obscene hendecasyllabics, then, and is followed by a hendecasyllabic
address of the poet to a papyrus letter, wherein Catullus makes an appeal
that his friend Caecilius leave Novum Comum for Verona so as to visit
and discuss literary matters. One ‘twist’ in the lyric is that his addressee is a
poet whose girlfriend is likely to detain him; she has read his unfinished
work on the Magna Mater, the Phrygian mother goddess Cybele:

nam quo tempore legit incohatam

Dindymi dominam, ex eo misellae
ignes interiorem edunt medullam.
ignosco tibi, Sapphica puella
musa doctior; est enim venuste
Magna Caecilio incohata Mater.

20
Not surprisingly, Romulus is mentioned at the end of the hymn without
Remus; cf. at vobis mala multa di deaeque | dent, opprobria Romuli Remique
(Carm. 28.14-15); also the twofold reference to cinaedus Romulus at Carm. 29.5
and 10; the disertissime Romuli nepotum at Carm. 49.1; the nepotes Remi of Carm.
58.5.
21
On the rarity and significance of the verb, see Maselli 1994:68.
22
The Merulan conjecture Ancique is a clever, even brilliant suggestion for the
manuscript antique; (if ultimately unnecessary) see further Thomson 1997;
Fordyce 1961 ad loc.
23
On the ‘surprise’ ending, see Miller 2009:267-68 (with reference as well to the
close of Horace’s Carm. 1.21).

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 For in the time she hears his unfinished
‘Mistress of Dindyma’, thence little wretched
fires eat her inner marrow.
I forgive you, girl more learned than
the Sapphic Muse; truly the ‘Magna Mater’
is elegantly unfinished by Caecilius.
(Carm. 35.13-18).

No vulgar obscenity, to be sure, but a reference to a goddess seemingly

most unlike Diana – a Trojan Great Mother whose salient characteristics
would seem to stand in rather striking contrast to those of the Italian
woodland spirit of the hunt, despite certain significant affinities.24 The girls
and boys of Carm. 34 are singing a liturgical hymn to the virgin goddess of
the chase and defender of the children of Romulus (whether intended for
public use on a religious occasion or not); Caecilius is composing a presu-
mably neoteric work on the Dindymi domina, a poem that might well also
be a hymn to the goddess.25 Caecilius’ work, too, has something of the
spirit of the goddess Venus about it (venuste, 17), perhaps with reference
to why it remains incomplete.26
Immortal beings make not infrequent appearances in Catullan lyrics,
sometimes in general invocation (e.g. di magni, Carm. 14.12). It is prob-
able that the first poem of the collection draws to a close with a mention
of a patrona virgo that may well equal Calliope or some other of the
Muses,27 though precise identification of the virgin (goddess?) is elusive.

24
Catullus’ invitation to Caecilius has received rather more critical attention than
his hymn to Diana (not surprisingly, in light of its reference to Cybele, Sappho and
poetic art in general); see here especially Hansen 2007; also Fisher 1971; Khan
1974; Wiltshire 1977; Fredericksmeyer 1985; Biondi 1998; Hunink 2000; Kutzko
2006.
25
It is not entirely clear if we are supposed to associate either this or Magna …
Mater in the last line of the lyric with the actual title of Caecilius’ work; it is not
clear whether the Dindymi domina (if that were its title) is also a work for public
performance.
26
Cybele, like Diana, expects virginity of her devotees (though the two goddesses
have very different expectations in this regard in at least certain aspects, at least in
the matter of the castration of certain adepts); Caecilius is no devotee of the
goddess who is the subject of his poem, since he is, after all, in a love affair and
not a castrated eunuch priest.
27
qualecumque, quod patrona virgo, Carm. 1.9 (so V, with a resultant line that is
metrically short by a syllable). Could the patrona virgo be Diana? (Cf. Propertius
and Tibullus with the Cynthia and the Delia, and the mention of the Diana-like
Atalanta so near the openings of the Propertian and Catullan collections).

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Venuses, Cupids and Orcus appear in conjunction with the death of the
sparrow of Catullus’ mistress (Carm. 3). Castor and Pollux conclude the
poet’s meditation on his phaselus (Carm. 4).28 The oracle of Jupiter Am-
mon is mentioned at Carm. 7.5; the god Serapis at 10.26. Venuses and
Cupids reappear in the invitation to Fabullus (Carm. 13.12). Next comes
the hymn to Diana, and the references to Caecilius’ Magna Mater in Carm.
35. Cupid and Venus occur in the singular at Carm. 36.3, with an oblique
reference to Vulcan at 7;29 Nemesis appears at Carm. 50.20; Dione at
Carm. 56.6. Jupiter appears at Carm. 70.2 and 72.2 (in the contexts of
Catullus’ amatory laments for his beloved); Tethys and Oceanus at Carm.
88.5-6.
What emerges from a listing of these occasional references is that in the
case of the shorter poems (both polymetric and elegiac), the hymn to
Diana is the most extended treatment of a mythological immortal. As for
references to stories from mythology (as opposed to mentions of specific
immortals), the second poem of the collection may well end with an
allusion to Atalanta (if Carm. 2.11-13 is not to be taken as a fragment of a
separate lyric), a girl with Diana-like associations and a rare mythological
allusion in the shorter poems. While references to the immortals are not
necessarily rare in Catullus, there is actually very little in the way of
developed treatment of mythological themes in the surviving corpus 30 –
which may make the case and subject of Carm. 34 all the more significant.
What of the so-called longer poems? The first of these more extended
Catullan pieces, Carm. 61, offers a mostly celebratory, optimistically versi-
fied celebration of a wedding; in this it has clear connections to Carm. 62,
the famed Vesper adest hexametric epithalamium.31 Next is the galliambic
Attis poem, Carm. 63, with its extended meditation of the question and
problem of service to Cybele.32 The Peleus and Thetis epyllion, Carm. 64,
is a wedding poem of a very different sort from Carm. 61-62. Poems 65-
68 are elegies of diverse content. Among all of these Catullan works that
28
Cf. iam prece Pollucis, iam Castoris implorata at Carm. 68.65; in the Phaselus
ille lyric, cf. also the mention of Jupiter at 20 where the name of the god is a
metonymy for the force of the breezes.
29
Tardipedi deo.
30
Scylla, for example, is briefly mentioned at aut Scylla latrans infima inguinum
parte at Carm. 60.2, while the story of Midas is referenced at Carm. 24.4.
31
On certain aspects of these two poems that are relevant to a consideration of
their relationship to Carm. 34 and possibly Carm. 63 as well, see Thomsen 1992,
with particular consideration of the alleged ritual dramas that are enacted in the
Catullan wedding poems, and the implications for an analysis of the poet’s
attitudes toward Roman religious belief and practice.
32
Cf., too, the mention of a ‘Caecilius’ at Carm. 67.9.

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have been studied together because of their length relative to the other
lyrics in the surviving corpus, Carm. 63 stands out, like Carm. 34, for its
devotion to a single topic of religious interest, namely the ecstatic self-
castration of Attis and his crazed devotion to Cybele.33 Like Carm. 34, the
Attis poem has hymnic qualities; its galliambic metre was used for the
reverential hymns sung to the goddess by the Galli, her eunuch priests.34
Diana and Cybele, then, receive special treatment in the Catullan
corpus; we might note, too, that among the divinities who attend the
wedding of Peleus and Thetis, Diana and her brother stay away (Carm.
64.299-302); there is no extant precedent for this explicit note about the
absence of the divine twins:

… te solum, Phoebe, relinquens,

unigenamque simul cultricem montibus Idri:
Pelea nam tecum pariter soror aspernata est,
nec Thetidis taedas voluit celebrare iugalis.

… leaving behind you alone, Phoebus,

and your sister too, the devotee of the mountains of Idrus:
for your sister spurned Peleus together with you,
and she did not wish to celebrate the wedding of Thetis.

Diana here is unigena, which may refer to the fact that she was delivered
together with her immortal brother; the epithet may also point ominously
to the goddess’ association with Hecate, to whom the equivalent Greek
descriptor is sometimes applied.35 Other than Carm. 34, this brief yet
significant mention of the wedding attendees at the marriage of Peleus and
Thetis is the only other appearance of Diana and Apollo in our extant
Catullus.36 Poems 34 and 64 are thus linked by mention of the divine
siblings, twins otherwise not encountered in the poet. It should perhaps be
noted as well that the reference to the divine twins in Peliaco quondam
affords three verses to Diana versus one to her brother – and even that one
line addresses him as Phoebe, a vocative that could just as well be applied

33
‘The priests of Cybele were not to be taken lightly; carried away in religious
frenzy, they mutilated their members in a savage ritual culminating in the pouring
of their own blood on the altar of the mother goddess’ (Vioque 2002:503).
34
See here the perceptive remarks of Godwin 1995:121-24.
35
Catullus has the adjective at Carm. 66.53 of Zephyr, the brother of Memnon; it
is exceedingly uncommon in extant Latin. See further Ellis 1889:373 ad loc.
36
On this curious detail, see especially Hadjicosti 2006; also Burgess 2004. Apollo
is intimately involved, too, in the death of the Virgilian Camilla, who herself has
affinities with the Homeric Achilles.

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to his sister.
We cannot make any definitive pronouncements on the significance, or
lack thereof, of the order of the poems in Catullus; as aforementioned, we
cannot be sure that the poet himself was responsible for the organisation
of the collection as we have it. Both Carm. 61 and Carm. 62 present a
darker side to marriage; both poems (though especially the latter) address
the question of how the ‘tender virgin’ is snatched away to her husband
(qui rapis teneram ad virum | virginem, with effective juxtaposition of vir
and virgo, Carm. 61.3-4). Catullus’ Junia is compared to Venus on the day
she appeared to Paris for the fateful judgment (Carm. 61.16-20); almost
from the start, the happy bride evokes thoughts of the same ominous
mythological future that clouds the celebrations of the divine marriage of
Carm. 64. There is a discernible progression from Carm. 61 to Carm. 62,
as darker reflections on matters nuptial increase; the latter poem, too,
presages the hexameters of the Peliaco quondam epyllion, a poem that
celebrates a union that would have quite fateful consequences for many.
But before the mythological splendour of Catullus’ verse treatment of that
special and problematic marital union of the heroic age, we find the
horrifying epiphany of the power of Cybele, that pre-eminent Trojan
mother goddess, in the galliambic Attis poem. Devotion to Cybele can
entail castration and service as a eunuch priest; there are affinities between
the life of a famulus of the goddess and those who are engaged in the
sylvan, woodland lifestyle of the virgin goddess Diana, though the circum-
stances and expectations of devotion are different. The Trojan mother
goddess makes her terrifying appearance in the Catullan corpus just before
we go back, as it were, to explore the origins of the eventual war between
Troy and the West that will lead ultimately to the founding of Rome and
the gens Romulea.37 Diana and Apollo may stay away from the wedding
feast of Peleus and Thetis; the poet, for his part, makes clear he wishes the
furor of Cybele to be driven elsewhere, even as he is willing to devote his
longest extant work to the nuptials that will lead inexorably to the war at
Troy. In some sense, the Cybele of Carm. 63 will be brought to Rome by
the long chain of events that begins with the nuptial union of Peleus and
Thetis; the poet asks that Cybelean furor be driven against others, and at
once we find in Peliaco quondam the seeds of just how Cybele’s madness

37
In Catullus’ Romuli … gentem there is likely to be an allusion to the late second-
century BC Porcius Licinus’ Poenico bello secundo Musa pinnato gradu | intulit se
bellicosam in Romuli gentem feram (Fr. 1 Courtney; quoted at Aulus Gellius,
Noctes Atticae 17.21.45). On the possible reference here to the coming of Ennius
to Rome during the Hannibalic Wars, see Habinek 1998:38-40; on the signifi-
cance of the fragmentary passage, Goldberg 2005:22.

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would indeed be driven, perhaps, to Rome. Cybele’s reception into the
Roman pantheon poses certain problems of interpretation and analysis; she
was received as a potential source of salvation amid the crises of the Punic
Wars, though her worship brought with it certain ecstatic aspects that
contrasted notably with the native sobriety of Roman religion. The locus
for the beginning of the Trojan-Roman cycle, as it were, is a wedding. The
wedding imagery, too, is relevant to a study of the union of disparate and
diverse cultures in the fashioning of a new society; in the longer Catullan
poems, then, we move from the two eminently Roman and Greek
wedding poems (Carm. 61 and 62) to Cybele, and then proceed (once
rooted firmly in a mythical and Trojan past) to the nuptials of Peleus and
Thetis – the nuptials that, in a sense, mark the commencement of the long
progression toward the fateful war at Troy, and ultimately the founding of
Rome.38
Now neither Cybele nor Diana is associated closely with marriage per
se, though Diana has her aforementioned patronage over childbirth and its
physical pangs. Interestingly, in the immediate aftermath of the Diana
hymn we learn that Catullus’ desired guest Caecilius is involved in Carm.
35 with a girl whose devotion to him is stimulated by his poem on Cybele,
the goddess who later in the collection would be the subject of a major
study in Carm. 63; Catullus expresses his understanding of the girl’s
infatuation with reference to Caecilius’ work on the Great Mother:

ignosco tibi, Sapphica puella

musa doctior; est enim venuste
Magna Caecilio incohata Mater.
(Carm. 35.15-18)

Caecilius’ poem is unfinished and incomplete, but it has been unfinished in

a manner that is in accord with the goddess Venus (venuste), as it were.
The precise meaning of the adverb has occasioned critical commentary.39
The point may well be that the Caecilian poem is unfinished because the
poet is distracted by other concerns (either a girl and amatory pursuits, or,
on a metaliterary level, other poetic enterprises); in any case, Caecilius’
poem is incomplete at least on some level because of the difficulties of
reconciling the demands of different deities. A love poet is detained, it
would seem, by a learned girl who is enamoured of him, at least in part, in
consequence of reading his work on Cybele; the work is perhaps not yet
finished because of the poet’s succumbing to certain of the charms of his

38
On Greek/Roman elements of Carm. 62, see Kenney 1985.
39
See especially Roman 2014:55.

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docta puella (venuste refers most probably to the manner in which the
work is unfinished, rather than the way in which it has been commenced).
Cybele demands rather singular devotion, and a smitten Caecilius would
not be able to respond to such rigorous religious expectations; we may
make the same observation about the matter of devotion to Diana and the
pursuit of the lifestyle of the virgin huntress.
Diana and Cybele, however, represent something of a pair of polar
opposites, despite certain affinities and shared characteristics. Geographi-
cally, they can be associated with Eastern versus Western dichotomies,
Troy and Italy/Rome.40 For the Italian poets, tension between the Trojan
mythological origins of Rome and the native Italian deities and culture of
the peninsula is a rich mine for verse investigation and reflection; the Attis
poem is perhaps significantly found nestled in the corpus of longer poems
between two marriage poems we might call more or less generic (despite
the identification of the couple in Carm. 61), and the tour de force that is
Carm. 64. The wedding of Peleus and Thetis represents, as we have seen, a
start to the Trojan conflict; the worship of Cybele and the introduction of
her cult to Italy and Rome is invested with questions of the Trojan origins
of Rome and the development and maintenance of Roman religious
practices.41 While the line may be drawn rather crookedly, one can trace a
discernible progress from the genesis of the war at Troy to the eventual
reception of Cybele in Rome. The mother may have arrived centuries after
her Trojan exiles under Aeneas – but arrive she does.
In Catullus’ hymn to Diana, the goddess is called upon in a peculiarly
Roman context to guard and preserve the gens Romulea (Carm. 34.21-24).
There is no similar address to a divinity in the extant Catullan corpus; the
Diana hymn is deeply invested in the native cult of the goddess of the
healing sanctuary of Aricia, a place that was associated with the care of
women in childbirth and the sacrificial lore of the rex nemorensis, a locus
40
Cf. Graf 2013:1.324-25. For how Cybele was viewed as a potential bringer of
salvation to Rome at a time of martial hazard, see Fear 1996:38-41. More
generally, cf. Roller 1999, especially 263-344 on the Roman Magna Mater. The
bibliography on the problems posed by Cybele (especially in a Roman context) is
vast (for a good start, see Satterfield 2012:373-91; one major difficulty of inter-
pretation is the question of just how Hellenised Cybele would have been by the
time she arrived in Rome (see here Takács 1996:373-74) – not to mention the
syncretic problems posed by the association of the Great Mother and Artemis/
Diana, on which cf. Reeder 1987:423-40.
41
See further here Nauta 2004:596-628, with reference to the development of
the Catullan themes of questions of ethnic identity and nationalism in Virgil’s
Aeneid; note also Harrison 2004:520-33. For an interesting study of under-
appreciated aspects of Catullus’ art in the Attis poem, see Clarke 2001:163-77.

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of initiations and hunting rituals, devotion to the sick and the care of girls
before marriage. The goddess of Carm. 34 is all encompassing; she is
venerated for her personifications in heaven, on earth and in the lower
world; she is a Juno and, in an important sense, a Ceres.42 She and her
divine brother Apollo are not present at the marriage of Peleus and Thetis,
which both provides them with an honourable absence from a potentially
awkward event (cf. Apollo’s involvement in the death of Achilles), and
which underscores Diana’s lack of association with the rites of marriage:
she may be a patroness of childbirth, but she is also devoted to the
patronage of girls before marriage. And, in fine, the Diana of Aricia has far
more intimate connections to Italy than the Trojan Cybele.
Indeed, the close of Carm. 63 is in sharp contrast to that of Carm. 34;
the poet wishes that the Cybelean fury be kept far from his home (dea,
magna dea, Cybebe, dea, domina Dindymi, | procul a mea tuus sit furor
omnis, era, domo, | alios age incitatos, alios age rabidos, Carm. 63.91-93).
The passage has particular significance in light of the question of the
reception of the cult of Cybele in Rome in the 3rd century BC, not to
mention the shifts in perception of the goddess in the intervenient
centuries between the Punic Wars and Catullus; at the very least, the poet
expresses a hope that the lesser sober aspects of the goddess’s worship
might be far from his home (mea … domo is wonderfully ambiguous, with
potential reference to homes on both a macro and micro level). What had
been a narrative of the fateful ecstatic experience of Attis is brought back
to the ‘now’, as it were, and, presumably, to the poet’s own Roman reality;
the anonymous narrator of the poet wishes that the goddess’s furor would
remain far from his door.43
We can return now to the very opening of Catullus’ Carm. 34, and in
particular to its emphasis on fides. As the commentators have noted ad
loc., there is no evidence that Catullus’ hymn was used at any particular
liturgical exercise; the boys and girls who sing their verses to the goddess
are in the ‘trust’ or fides of the deity precisely because they are integri and
thus, in a sense, still under her protection as patroness of those in
childbirth and in her association with, at least, unmarried girls. But by the
end of the hymn we see the goddess in special connection to the Romu-
lean gens; these are Roman children, and Diana is their goddess.
In an important sense, the onomastic games of Carm. 34 speak to the
universality of Diana’s protections and functions; the absence of her
brother from the hymn only serves to highlight even more powerfully her

42
Catullus is elsewhere interested in such competition among differing view-
points and perspectives in his narrative; see further Gaisser 1995:579-616.
43
On many of these themes see Takács 1996:367-86.

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importance. But Diana’s light, Catullus notes, is a ‘bastard light’; the moon’s
radiance is a reflection or borrowing of the sun’s (et notho es | dicta lumine
Luna, Carm. 34.15-16) – there is a sibling relationship that cannot be
altered.44 And both brother and sister are absent in solidarity and tandem
from the nuptials of Peleus and Thetis; they will not be present for the
wedding that in some sense marks the beginning of the long journey to the
war at Troy (and, by extension, the Trojan exile departure for Hesperia
and the future Rome, where, in times far better recorded in history, the
worship of the Trojan Magna Mater would one day arrive). The universal
aspects of Diana’s functions are focused at the end of Carm. 34 on the
quite specific locale of Rome – a place that is, of course, the dominant
power of the Mediterranean; the great heroic conflict at Troy set in
motion the birth of this new hegemony. The Romans are the children of
the Trojans; the divine twins – especially the Diana who was the main
figure of the Catullan musing of Carm. 64.300-02 – are perhaps better
able to protect Troy, in part because they were absent from the wedding
of the parents of Achilles, the Greek hero par excellence.
And what of Cybele? In Catullus’ vision, the furor of Cybele must be
kept at bay (cf. the end of Carm. 63) – and, significantly, the poet wants
the love poet Caecilius (poetae tenero, Carm. 35.1), his friend in verse, as it
were (sodali), to come to visit him at Verona – though the Caecilius is
detained by a girl who has been consumed with love for him ever since
she began to to hear his hitherto unfinished Cybele poem. Catullus, in a
sense, will finish the Caecilian composition – his Carm. 63 is a direct
response, at the least, to the reflections of his sodalis on the Dindymi
domina and Magna Mater.45 Caecilius is not about to go and mutilate
himself for his goddess; he is detained by a girl who is more learned than
the Sapphic muse – a girl who calls him, perhaps, to a different sort of
poetry than what we find in Catullus’ Carm. 63. The poeta tener can
compose both amatory lyrics and reflections on the Great Mother, of
44
It is reasonable to posit that Catullus is here also making a judgment and
response to Lucretius’ lack of concern at 5.575-76 of the De Rerum Natura about
whether the moon sheds her own light from her own body, or whether she
borrows it as ‘bastardised light’ from her brother. Lucretius rendered no decision
on the matter, while Catullus chooses the latter, thereby underscoring the depen-
dence of the sister on her brother. It remains noteworthy that Catullus’ hymn
(unlike Horace’s Carm. 1.21) is a tribute to Diana alone. See further Libby 2011:
301-22, for a reading of Metamorphoses 11 as a satire wherein the lunar deity Isis
does not manifest her own light, with reference to the Lucretian/Catullan image
of the nothum lumen.
45
Domina appears in Catullus only of Cybele and Diana among the immortals; it
is of course used elsewhere in the corpus of more earthbound mistresses.

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course – but the works will be diverse indeed, for all their affinities. And
even a Sapphica puella musa doctior can be madly in love with a composer
of verses about Cybele (whether the composer is Caecilius or Catullus
himself).46 Devotion to Cybele as a goddess, however, may demand
something of a surrender of the puella – even a clever young woman who
can qualify as a devotee of Alexandrian verse (though perhaps not as an
acolyte of Diana – the two lovers would owe more to Venus than either
of the ‘other’ goddesses in question).
The learned girl, then, may want to stay with the poet of the Cybelean
lyric; the poet, for his part, may well want his rival to come and see his
own work on the same subject. Whatever the exact point of the
references to Caecilius’ unfinished work (especially venuste), the Cybelean
image with which the Catullan audience is left ultimately is that of the
poet praying that Cybele’s furor may harm someone’s else home – not the
poet’s. Catullus wants his sodalis Caecilius to come to him and, implicitly,
to leave behind his puella; there may be something of a play on the
question of asexual devotion that is expected of the devotees of both
Cybele and Diana (though the situations of the respective acolytes of the
two immortals are very different indeed).
We may now return to the Latonian goddess with whom we started
this investigation, with particular consideration of her connection to the
Romulean twin with whom her hymn closes. Diana is a divine twin; she
and her brother Apollo are both absent from the wedding of Peleus and
Thetis, and the moon borrows bastard light from the sun. Catullus’ Carm.
4 closes with a reference to gemelle Castor et gemelle Castoris (27);
Romulus is mentioned alone at the end of Carm. 34 and at the opening of
the poet’s address to Cicero (Carm. 49). The ‘twinning’ theme is central to
the obscene attack on Caesar and Mamurra at Carm. 57.47 Remus is
mentioned in the very next lyric, Carm. 58, alone and apart from his
brother, in another obscene context. The twins are mentioned together

46
At nam quasdam volo cogitationes | amici accipiat sui meique, Carm. 35.5-6, the
cogitationes in question may well be taken to be a draft of Carm. 63 – incomplete
or at least unedited as yet, of course. The Catullus of Carm. 35, for his part, could
be said to have many other verses to complete before he finishes his Cybele poem.
See Thomson 1997 ad loc. for the welcome reminder that the girl is perhaps
‘imaginary’; in doctior we may find reference both to literary compositional skill
and knowledge of poetic traditions (the latter being essential to the former).
47
Cf. Carm. 16, with its attack on the pair Aurelius and Furius; the address of
Carm. 28 to Veranius and Fabullus, the Pisonis comites; the related case of Porcius
and Socration in Carm. 47; Caelius and Quintius with Aufillenus and Aufillena in
Carm. 100; the obscene play on the doublet theme of Carm. 113.

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only at the close of Carm. 28, where they serve as an exalted comparison
to Piso and Memmius, the opprobria Romuli Remique, though their very
exaltation is challenged by their association with Romans such as Piso and
Memmius. This doubling of the brothers precedes the twofold attack of
Carm. 29, where Caesar and/or Pompey is apparently attacked as a
cinaede Romule (5, 10) who tolerates the misdeeds of Mamurra. Remus
appears alone, then, only in a vulgar context; even his other appearance,
this time in league with his brother, comes at the end of a vicious and
obscene attack. Romulus, for his part, appears in the ‘twinned’ or doublet
attack of Carm. 29; his brother Remus is never mentioned in an elevated
context such as that of the close of the Diana hymn.48
The mytho-history of the twins Romulus and Remus was fraught with
problematic details; the divine siblings could themselves sometimes be in
conflict.49 But the salient feature of the divine and human twins is their
Romanness; in the ethnography or ‘writing of the peoples’ by the Latin
poets, like Diana they occupy a markedly different status from that of the
foreign Cybele.50 Romulus and Remus, too, may well provide a seal for the
entire Catullan collection; the last words of the last poem of the corpus, as
we have received it, concludes with a reminiscence of Ennius’ account of
Romulus’ threat to his brother (at fixus nostris tu dabis supplicium, Carm.
116.8).51 Romulus slew his brother Remus, and thereby became the sole
king of the settlement that would bear his name; Catullus’ Diana, the
mistress of animals, is invoked as patroness over the children of the wolf,
children who might well be considered bastard offspring in the same
manner that the divine twins could be so maligned.52
And the adjective nothus, too, serves to link the Catullan treatments of
Diana and Cybele. The moon’s light may not be her own, and Attis is no
real woman: simul haec comitibus Attis cecinit, notha mulier (Carm. 63.27).

48
With respect to the order of the polymetrics, one can see a relationship
between the mention of the brother(s) and the theme of doubles in juxtaposed
lyrics.
49
As in Virgil’s Aeneid, where the ‘opposite side’ stances of Diana and Apollo in
the matter of Camilla mirror the recurring problem of civil war in Roman history,
a problem that can be traced in the cultural psyche to the first set of Roman
twins. The matter is considered in detail in Fratantuono 2007:344-54.
50
See especially Nakata 2012.
51
On this crucial intertext between Catullus and Ennius, Annales fr. 1.95 Skutsch,
note Tatum 2007, especially 397; Catullus reinvents the fraternal conflict at the
start of Roman history with a metapoetic reflection on his own relationship with
Callimachus et al.
52
The Romulean she-wolf, the lupa that some might equate with the colloquial
Latin for a prostitute; see further here Fratantuono 2009.

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The context of the passage is Attis’ singing of the goddess Cybele to his
companions; his song is something of a perversion of the distinctly Roman
spirit of the Diana hymn. It is no coincidence that both Catullus and
Lucretius were concerned with the introduction of the rites of Cybele at
Rome;53 in Virgil’s later epic vision, Diana and Cybele would find some
connection in the complex rhythms of the Camilla and Chloreus episodes
of Aeneid 11. The two goddesses have affinities in the devotion they
demand from virginal acolytes; both immortals are also associated with
mountains and remote places.54 Catullus pays more attention to the pair
than to any other of the immortals; in this he may have provided a model
for Virgil’s connection of Camilla, the votary of Diana, and the Trojan
sacerdos of Cybele, the eunuch Chloreus. Cybele was connected with
Jupiter’s mother Rhea/Ops; the close of Catullus, Carm. 34 with its prayer
bona | sospites ope gentem (23-24), as we have observed, associates Diana
with the Magna Mater (cf. Ops), too – Diana as veritably all-encompassing
goddess,55 and thereby a suitable patroness for a Rome that is increasingly
dominant in its political, military and economic expanse.
The goddess Cybele was the Trojan Great Mother and patroness of the
sacred mountain of Ida, where in some sense the Trojan War commenced
with the Judgment of Paris; her worship was officially registered among
the cults of the Roman state religion many decades before Catullus’ Diana
and Attis compositions. In the poetic musings of Carm. 34 and 63 we find
something of a versified cry for attention and protection over the gens
Romulea that is addressed to the pre-eminently Italian goddess Diana, and
subsequently a wish that the furor and rabies of Cybele might remain far
from the composer Catullus’ domus. The origins of much of the ethno-
graphic conflict of the Virgilian Aeneid can thus be found in the lyrics of
the neoteric poet who wished that his friend Caecilius would leave his
puella (learned though she was), to come and discuss such verse musings
on the ethnography of Troy and Rome with his composer colleague.

53
Cf. Lucr. DRN 2.610-643, with Bailey 1947 ad loc.
54
Catullus’ prominently placed domina montium at Carm. 34.9, where it appears
first in the list of titles and descriptions of the goddess after her birth, may be a
deliberate emphasis on a quality Diana shares with Cybele, whose very name may
be connected to mountains; see further Brixhe 1979.
55
Cf. the related though rather different case of Pasithea at Carm. 63.43; the
Grace who is ‘Goddess to All’ and wife to Hypnos (Hom. Il. 14.250, 276) is
responsible for lulling Attis to sleep after his self-mutilation. See further here
Stevens 2013:244-45.

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