Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
CHANCELLOR COLLEGE
RADIO STATION
BA/COM/ME/87/19
Studies Degree.
June, 2019
I declare that the work being submitted herein is original, written by myself and it has never been
produced by myself or anyone else before for the award of any academic certificate. I also
declare that I have acknowledged all sources of information contained herein, such that the work
is not plagiarized at any level of understanding and definition of plagiarism. I also declare that
integrity was observed at any stage of coming up with this work, including data collection and
presentation.
Signed ………………………………………………
Date ………………………………………………..
CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL
I certify that this dissertation has been submitted to the University of Malawi with my approval,
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the award of degree of Bachelor of Arts in
Supervisor……………………………………………………
Date …………………………………………………………..
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DEDICATION
This research is dedicated to my wife Elizabeth, my son Okumi, who so in deep perseverance
gave time for me to pursue this life worthy venture. You sacrificed a lot. Thank you! And my
mum and my heroines Enelesi Kapasule, who single handedly, raised such a hard working son.
This graduation attests to the noble duty you did mum. May God continue blessing you
abundantly!
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Above all things, I wish to thank the Almighty God for making it possible for me to carry out
this research project and the entire programme of study successfully. It‟s a dream come true!
I am greatly indebted to my research supervisor, Dr. Sydney Kankuzi for his ideas, constructive
criticisms and words of advice from the beginning to the end of the research work. A heartfelt
appreciation to all my classmates, the Bachelor of Arts in Communication and Cultural Studies
I am also thankful to the my roommate, Stanley Chalakwa for the moral support I had and the
heated debates we had on issues throughout the time we shared the Chikanda room. They shaped
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ABSTRACT
Malawi just like the other developing countries is embracing community broadcasting media to
serve as tools for sustainable development. There are two philosophies of community radio
broadcasting establishment: one which is fully owned and run by members of the community -
and the other which is a donor station funded by a body outside the community which sets the
aims and purposes of the station. These different ownership styles agues Mhagama (2015: 04),
accord people opportunities to participate in different ways which can affect the way
participation contributes to development. It is against this background that this study sought to
examine the extent of communities‟ participation at Neno Community Radio which was set up
In order to achieve the objectives, the study employed the Participatory Development
Communication Paradigm which postulates that without people‟s participation, no project can be
successful and last long enough to support social change. The method that the study used is the
The study has found out that Neno Community Radio is being run as a family business and that
communities were not consulted in the initial stage and there is no a community management
committee. This leaves the Neno Communities as distant observers in the running of the
personalization of the station by the Dr. Benson Tembo family is likely to hinder the station from
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION .......................................................................................................................................... ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................................................... iv
ABSTRACT.................................................................................................................................................. v
vi
2.1 Ownership Issues .............................................................................................................................. 10
CHAPTER 3: FINDINGS........................................................................................................................... 20
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION.................................................................................................................... 40
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REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................................... 44
APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................................ 47
Establishment ...................................................................................................................................... 47
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 4: Client Paying for Advert Slots at the Acting Station Manager's Office ...................................... 28
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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
There are numerous definitions that scholars have coined to describe community radio but the
one that captures the elements that this research undertook to explore is Tabing‟s (2002: 09)
which defines community radio as “one that is operated in the community, for the community,
about the community and by the community. Within the confines of this definition, Mhagama
(2015: 02) outlines key characteristics of community radio that distinguish it from commercial
and public radio and these are community ownership, participation by treating communities as
participants and operating as a non-profit entity. The underlying notion is that Community
broadcasting gives opportunities to local community members to become producers, not merely
receivers, of information and opinion and are able to articulate for themselves their social vision
and demands in order to bring about the development they so desire (Bresnaham, 2007: 212-
213). And Mhagama (2015: 02) further argues that this development can be achieved through
both people‟s direct involvement in community radio station activities and through participation
in practices and events organized by the station such as Radio Listening Clubs.
The birth of community radios is traced from Latin America between 1947 and 1949 and a close
retrospection of the trends then raises important issues regarding ownership of community radio
stations and how they can encourage participation. For instance, Radio Sutatenza was established
by a Catholic priest in 1947 meaning that its ownership was private (Gumucio-Dagron, 2001: 46-
47) but the community participated in development projects that the founder priest initiated such
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In contrast, Fraser and Estrada (2001) argue that the Miners’ Radios of Bolivia was established
by the miners themselves through their civil society groups such that it was independent, self-
sustained, self-managed and faithfully served the interests of their communities. Two
philosophies of community radio broadcasting emerge here: one which is fully owned and run by
members of the community - and the other which is a “donor” station funded by a body outside
the community which sets the aims and purposes of the station. These different ownership styles
agues Mhagama (2015: 04), accord people opportunities to participate in different ways which
can affect the way participation contributes to development hence the need to investigate the
Just like the Latin America‟s phenomenon, there is a dual aspect in the birth of community radio
broadcasting in Malawi according to Mhagama (2015: 117). The first aspect is that influential
people in the community initiate the idea and the second aspect is that since the members of the
community cannot afford the cost of the equipment needed for broadcasting, they turn to NGOs
for assistance in that regard. The later was the case with Neno Community Radio where veteran
broadcaster, Dr. Benson Tembo initiated the establishment of the station. However, Mhagama
(2015: 115) argues that the involvement of these influential people and NGOs affects the way
members of the community participate through their interference by these agents in the
management of the station and the production of content. This necessitated the assessment of the
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1.3 Research Aim, Objectives and Questions
It is against the above backdrop that the study sought to establish the role the community of
To compare and contrast the official ownership structures and the existing management
To establish the extent to which Neno Community Radio can be said to be owned by the
In order to tackle the topic and achieve the study objectives, the study answered the following
three questions:
What official ownership structures have been put in place at Neno Community Radio?
How different are the official ownership structures from the existing management and
To what extent can Neno FM be said to be owned by the community based on its
broadcasting model?
participation, no project can be successful and last long enough to support social change
(Gumucio-Dagron, 2008: 70). This emanates from Melkote recommendation (1991: 191) that
“people who are objects of policy need to be involved in the definition, design, and execution of
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the development process” This is where participatory or „another‟ development theory which
emphasizes grassroots participation in development projects, comes in. The link between
Communication for Development (C4D) rests on the premise that successful sustainable
development calls for the conscious and active participation of the intended beneficiaries
at every stage of the development process; for in the final analysis, development cannot
take place without changes in attitudes and behaviour among all people concerned
However, the way the concept of participation is applied by many development communication
projects sometimes contradicts participatory theory on which this study is based. According to
Eversole (2012: 7) the term participation “has proven difficult not only to define but to
practically initiate and sustain”. While Lyndon et al. (2011: 644) see participation as shifting the
power of rural development from the planners top-down view to the rural subjects‟ active role in
all stages of a project‟s life, Vasoo (1991: 2) argues that the implementation of participation is
always faced with a dilemma, that is, “the choice between trading off participatory democracy
Craig and Porter (1997: 230) the present reality is that “development agencies are widely
adopting project management techniques that appear on the surface to be „bottom–up‟ and
participatory, but are in fact new forms of top–down direction and control”.
That said, it remain an undisputed fact that communication with intended beneficiaries raises
people‟s awareness to their problems resulting into change of attitude and behavior (Mhagama,
2015: 49). In relation to the media, “community radio highlights people‟s ability to alter and
rearrange existing media structures to better suit their needs” (Howley, 2010: 69). This is made
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possible because community radio allows non-professionals to participate in media production,
management, and planning of the communication systems. Mhagama (2015: 05) argues
communities‟ ownership of radio can involve owning, managing the stations and getting actively
involved in station activities. In line with the proposed study, the theory helped to understand
whether issues of ownership affect the communities‟ involvement in the operations of Neno
Community Radio.
1.5 Methodology
scientifically and these include the various steps that are generally adopted by a researcher in
studying his research problem along with the logic behind them (Kothari 2009: 07). Therefore
this section discusses all the methods that the study used and they include forms of data
Kothari (2009: 07) postulates that there are two basic approaches to research, quantitative
approach and the qualitative approach and Creswell (2014: 348) posits that there is a mixed
approach which involves open ended, uncountable data and close-ended countable data
respectively. This study employed the qualitative approach as the main approach so that the
quantitative one complemented the other as the two methods deal with different types of content.
The importance of employing both methods is documented by Babbie (2014: 434) argues that
researchers need both qualitative and quantitative analysis for the fullest understanding of social
science data.
Babbie (2014: 403) defines qualitative approach as the non-numerical examination and
interpretation of observations, for the purpose of discovering underlying meanings and patterns
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of relationships. In this method, the researcher is concerned with subjective assessment of
attitudes, opinions and behaviour (Kothari 2009: 05). Therefore, questionnaire content analysis,
organisation working in Neno; and focus group discussion will communities proved ideal for this
study.
Babbie (2014: 341) defines content analysis as the study of recorded human communications,
such as books, websites, paintings, and laws by answering the classic question of communication
research of who says what, to whom, why, how, and with what effect? This proved relevant to
the study as it helped the researcher to code classified content according to some appropriate
units in order to discover recurring themes in the questionnaire responses, focus group discussion
and the in-depth interviews. The researcher did this while being mindful of these advantages of
coding come up at a cost to reliability and specificity as Babbie postulates (2014: 347) that
content analysis is involving and strenuous task. Due diligence was undertaken to achieve
systematic and reliable results by verifying and crosschecking the responses to see
contradictions.
This is the approach that involves the generation of data in quantitative form which can be
subjected to rigorous quantitative analysis in a formal and rigid fashion (Kothari 2009: 05).
Babbie (2014: 437) argues that this involves techniques by which researchers convert data to a
numerical form and subject it to statistical analyses. Therefore, this study used this approach
when it came across figures and plotted pie charts and percentages in order to analyse and project
the differences and similarities in the variables under study. Microsoft packages were considered
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ideal for all these as the numerical data that this research generated was not complex for this
processing package.
Babbie (2014: 348) argues that content analysis can be done quantitatively by coding
numerically. Therefore, all counting of the frequency of certain words, phrases, themes and other
content generated by the study was coded numerically to allow for easily plotting of appropriate
graphs and comparison of variables in the interpretation and discussion of findings that follow in
Three samples were employed in this study: management and staff at Neno FM, focus group
discussions with Neno District Community Development Committee, and in-depth interviews
working in Neno, Nice Trust and Community Action for Sustainable Development (CASDO).
All these four varied samples demanded different sampling techniques and the most appropriate
Babbie (2014: 200) posits that sometimes it‟s appropriate to select a sample on the basis of
knowledge of a population, its elements, and the purpose of the study. This type of sampling is
particular units of the universe for constituting a sample which represents the universe. However,
Kothari (2009: 15) argues that purpose sampling at times may give very biased results
particularly when the population is not homogeneous. This is the reason the researcher used
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1.5.2.2 Snowball sampling
This is a type of nonprobability sampling in which respondents refer the researcher to other
respondents. Babbie (2014: 201) argues that some consider this to be a form of accidental
sampling and is appropriate when the members of a special population are difficult to locate,
did not have a list of all NGO working in Neno by name and location in the district, the study
depended on NGOs that are situated at the Boma to refer to other NGOs within Neno. The
researcher first interviewed Community Action for Sustainable Development (CASDO) Director
who later referred to another NGO working in Neno, Nice trust. In pursuit of people to conduct
focus group discussions, the researcher was referred to the Chairperson for the District
Community Development Committee who later mobilized nice participants for the FGD –
Aware of the caution that Babbie (2014: 202) gives that this procedure often results in samples
with questionable representativeness, the researcher used it primarily for exploratory purposes to
identify the NGOs working in Neno. But due diligence was given in the choice of credible NGOs
to be interviewed. For instance, the researcher was presented by three choices by the referent to
either go to Action Aid, Save the Children and Nice Trust. For fear of going for samples with
questionable representatives, the researcher opted for Nice Trust, an NGO with reputable track
record.
There are many ways of collecting research data like observations, personal interview, telephone
interview, mailing questionnaires, and through schedules with respondents (Kothari, 2009: 17).
However, the study used personal interviews with Neno District Commissioner‟s representative,
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conducted three focus group discussions with District Community Development Committee and
then administered structured questionnaire to Acting Station manager and two producers at Neno
FM.
Kothari (2009: 18) argues that the analysis of data requires a number of closely related
operations such as establishment of categories, the application of these categories to raw data
through coding, tabulation and then drawing statistical inferences. This study therefore
condensed the data into a few manageable thematic groups and tables for further analysis. This
resulted into the grouping of the findings into thematic areas according to the emerging issues.
These thematic areas consequently came out to be the central focus of the study they ranged from
1.5. Rationale
Malawi just like the other developing countries is embracing community media to serve as tools
for sustainable developmental. However, Mhagama (2015: 105) argues that the involvement of
agents and agencies in the establishment of community radio stations risks killing community
media in Malawi when there is continuing controller interference by these agents in the
management of the station and the production of content. To the best of the researcher‟s
knowledge, no study has been conducted to establish how ownership affects communities‟
participation in community broadcasting. Hence the findings from this study have provided
knowledge which will assist in filling the gap in the community broadcasting industry.
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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
This study reviewed immense literature that range from community radio ownership to
Different scholars have categorized ownership of community radio broadcasting into two: those
owned by the community and some by influential people or NGO‟s as exemplified by the birth
of first community radio broadcasting in Latin America between 1947 and 1949. These different
ownership styles accord communities‟ opportunities to participate in different ways in their radio
and the contrasting academic voices as reviewed below throw the discussion in dichotomy.
Tabing (2002:11) argues that community radio can be managed or controlled by one group, by
combined groups, or of people such as women, children, farmers, fisher folk, ethnic groups, or
senior citizens”. This was the philosophy that establishment of Miners Radio of Bolivia in 1949,
the second community radio to be born after Radio Sutatenza (Fraser and Estrada, 2001 cited by
Mhagama, 2015: 04). As the name suggests, the communities of Bolivia themselves established
the community radio station through their civil society groups such that it was independent, self-
This model implies that these specific groups of people participated in the daily running, in the
management, programme production and financing of the station. For this reason, Howley (2010:
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185) argues that community radio is part of participatory communication which entails
community owned and operated media outlets established for the explicit purpose of facilitating
However, the political economy of the media in Malawi plunges community radio stations into
turbulent waters such that it becomes hard for communities to own and operate a community
radio effectively. This is the reason Mhagama (2015: 25) laments that community radio stations
in Malawi are vulnerable because they are small and local. They are run and operated by a team
of non- professional volunteers drawn from the community and who formulate programmes for
the station depending on their knowledge of their community. This is the fate that community
radio broadcasting in Malawi finds itself in. This is happening when the rest of the world accord
a political economy that enables community radios to create programmes that often focus on
local concerns and issues. They also broadcast in the local language using indigenous knowledge
and creative talents to meet the specific informational and cultural needs of the community. This
is why Myers cautions against judging community radio station by their structure as deceptive.
“Be it big or small, what is most challenging for any radio station is what comes next, it‟s
political economy that enables production of good quality content, management of the
station, paying and retaining staff, maintenance of the premises, studio and broadcast
equipment and paying monthly rent and fuel bills”. (Myers, 2008: 22).
Mtinde et al., (1998: 15) posits that in some instances, community radio can be owned by non-
governmental organizations working in communities, influential people in the area or the local
government. What this does is that it liberates the ownership of community radio from the
community to organisation and individuals working in the area. This may be described as a top
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down philosophy of community radio ownership which led to the birth of first community radio
station in Latin America, Radio Sutatenza. It was established by a Catholic priest in 1947
meaning that its ownership was private (Gumucio-Dagron, 2001: 46-47) but the community
participated in development projects that the founder priest initiated such as adult literacy
Despite the facts that this pattern ensures that the community radio has steady flow of resources
for its operations, but da Costa (2012: 145) laments that heavy reliance to NGO‟s or individuals
“leads to the development of a community radio sector whose incentives are distorted and whose
purpose will ultimately move away from the accepted definition and understanding of
„community radio”. This is a radical stand that suggests that community radio stations which are
established with donor funding should not be recognized as community radio or should not be
allowed to operate under the banner of community radio. The fear is that at worst, the emerging
model of community radio stations that routinely fail will continue to be replicated throughout
Mhagama (2015: 24) concurs with da Costa by positing that community radio is meant to
empower marginalized groups of people by enabling them to have control over radio stations,
content and operations. Receiving donations and financial assistance from NGOs, individuals or
government potentially gives power to these outside agencies and reduces the autonomy of the
community. If the situation is not checked, laments Mhagama (ibid), can perpetuate „structural
inequalities and power imbalance‟ in programming, ownership and control of community radio
stations. This is why the manager of the UNESCO/DANIDA Tambuli Project in the Phillipines
and his team agreed that politicians needed to participate not in operating the community radio
station arguing:
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Certain politicians may publicly manifest a desire to keep their hands off the project,
while some may volunteer resources and heavy personal involvement. However, even
among those who ostentatiously adopt a hands-off policy, they could have lackeys in key
Ideally, a Community radio is supposed to be serving community interests and not concentrate
on making profits. This is why Fraser and Estrada (2001: 27) argue that by design community
radio is fully controlled by non-profit entity and carried on for non-profitable purposes.
Theoretically, this is done to guarantee the independence of community radio stations and protect
them from undue influence that donors may exert on the stations in the name of sponsoring
programmes. However, in practice most community radio stations have remained poor and those
that are not poor, to a larger extent, certainly in the context of Malawi, depend on sponsored
This puts in context Fairbairn (2009: 61) argument that being non-profit does not mean that you
have to be poor, rather it means that while the profit made by commercial media benefits
individuals or investors, the profit made by community media is returned into service provision
or used for the benefit of the community. This is the line of thinking that Fraser and Estrada
(2001: 27) tow by positing that community radio stations need funds for their operations and use
a number of different streams of income: donations, grants, membership fees, sponsorship and
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Faced with the dilemma of choosing between accepting external funding and operating without it
to protect community interests, Myers (2011: 20) posits that community radio stations tend to
choose the former because of the income it generates which is used to run the station. For
instance, he reports that in Nepal there are about 150 community radio stations, and, on average
they cover 60 to 70 percent of their operational costs from sponsored radio programmes. A term
best used to describe this practice is „NGO-ification‟ of community radio (Mhagama, 2015: 33)
dependent on the sponsorship of programmes by NGOs that their daily schedules contain
almost no talk programmes of their own creation, but are dominated by the „woman‟s
hour‟, „farmer‟s hour‟, „governance hour‟, etc, commissioned by the local and
international NGOs and CSOs on which they depend financially. (Gilberds and Myers,
Although the extent of dependence on donors varies widely around the world, almost everywhere
the demerits of relying on donor dominance in running community radio are telling and should
worry any well-meaning scholar. According to Myers (2011: 21) such concerns arise out of the
need to protect community radio‟s „community-ness‟ and the avoidance of top-down imposition
of programme content. The major issue identified in the literature as a potential problem arising
from donor funding or control over programme content is that donors influence the agenda of the
radio stations in a way that is incompatible with the aims of the stations.
Mhagama (2015: 33) argues that the reality of needing to be financially secure, either through
local advertising, donations, or donor funding, is in tension with the model of community radio
stations that is run and owned by community members in the community interest. When donors
influence the agenda of a community radio station, the results are telling - the station can
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potentially lose its independence and community control. Interestingly, William Siemering (cited
in Myers, 2011: 21) dismisses this notion that sponsored programmes can make a community
radio loose its community-ness. He argues that it would take a lot of outside programming for a
Nevertheless, none of the literature reviewed provides a cut-off point for a community radio
station to lose its „community-ness‟ due to sponsored programmes and as seen from the above
arguments, the debate about ownership of community radio stations are non-exhaustive, clearly
Carpentier (2011: 68) classifies ordinary people‟s involvement in the media into two interrelated
forms, participation in the media and participation through the media. The difference between
the two is that “participation in the media deals with participation in the production of media
participation)”. However, Mhagama (2015: 29) argues that different forms of participation have
Berrigan (1979: 26) argues that meaningful community participation in any project should begin
at the beginning, in defining of problems. Taken into community media broadcasting, this notion
entails involving community members early enough in the establishment of a radio station and
deciding what sort of programmes they want to be broadcast on their local station. This is a
models of democracy, and emphasizes the importance of dialogue and deliberation and focus on
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collective decision-making based on rational arguments. Put it short, this can be an embodiment
However, people who believe in the minimalist form of participation think consultation is
expensive and seldom practised it in the establishment of most community radios world-wide
which results into the manipulation of ordinary people to think that the station is doing its best in
their interest yet programme framers are unconsciously imposing their own view of things on the
people (Mhagama, 2015: 152). Eversole‟s (2012: 8) argues that the lack of it is equally
expensive because people would still need to be mobilized at a later stage otherwise it will affect
The situation described above confirms observation that “too often, genuine and balanced
community participation only takes place at the operational stages of programme development”
which may be typical of manipulation and is in sharp contrast with the ethos of participatory
identification of their needs, the mobilization of local resources and local level implementation
A typical example of community radio stations that involve the community directly in running
the radio stations is the Mahaweli Community Radio station (MCR) in Sri Lanka (Fisher, 1990:
21). The radio involves ordinary people in the planning, recording, and editing of programmes
by allowing the production team to carry out audience surveys first to study the social structure,
demographics, economic levels and agricultural activities of a particular village and then they
record activities in which everyone participates. The materials recorded include dramas
performed by the villagers, traditional music and interviews with local experts (Mhagama 2015:
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36). In short, we see MCR as a good example of a successful community radio for development
because of its ability to identify with the listeners, involving them in programme planning, and
This is relieving as it meets Alnaldo definition (1998 cited by Mhagama 2015: 36) of community
radio as a social process or event in which members of the community associate together to
design programmes and produce and air them, thus taking on the primary role of actors in their
own destiny. Participation is used in an optimistic sense with regard to the empowering role of
community media in giving voice to ordinary people through their participation in media
production it can be viewed as the most empowering aspect of community radio. Community
radio empowers ordinary people to become active producers, and not merely passive recipients
The most pleasing part of this trend is that it turns community radio station into public sphere
hence living the Herbamas theory where local people can represent themselves and channel their
concerns to their leaders directly. As Carpentier (2011: 67) argues, the media sphere serves as a
location where citizens can voice their opinions and experiences and interact with other voices.
This is in line with the decentralization process and resonates with Fraser and Estrada‟s (2001:
19) argument that it is the function of community radio to provide an independent platform for
The second form of participation in the media is called structural participation which happens in
a top down structure of community radio ownership where NGO‟s or individuals run the day to
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day operations of the radio and put the communities‟ at the periphery. Gumucio-Dagron (2001:
16) argues that community radio ownership in top down structure is characterized by total
community it is meant to serve. The most prevailing trend is that the community is not involved
in running the administrative issues of most community radio stations. Fraser and Estrada (2001:
51) backs this school of thought by arguing that everyone cannot be involved all the time, and
consultation was thought to be slow, expensive, and ineffective. This is consistent with Balit‟s
(2010a cited by Mhagama, 2015: 28) argument that participatory approaches that promote
dialogue and engagement are often seen as costly, time consuming, and difficult to accommodate
in well-defined plans and log-frames. However, Carpentier (2011cited by Mhagama, 2015: 35)
calls this a minimalist form of participation, in which media professionals retain strong control
over process and outcome, restricting participation to access and interaction, to the degree that
In this form, „participation‟ can be lip service, a term aimed to mislead people with the promise
of empowerment while reducing their agency at the same time. This can be equally called a form
of non-participation as people‟s views are sought but they are not involved in making final
decisions. This defeats the citizen power, the highest level of participation whereby members of
the community are treated as equal partners and have full control over decision-making
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Power relations within society are what give rise to this situation according to Antonio Gramsci‟s
Hegemony theory. Carpentier and Dahlgren (2011: 8) argue that the power to implement the
decisions agreed in the interface between ordinary people and NGO‟s running the community
radios remains in the hands of the NGO‟s or individual. This situation is what Pateman (1970:
70) describes as partial participation, a process in which two or more parties influence each other
in the making of decisions but the final power to decide rests with one party only. The
implication of this is that it creates an illusion of participation, placation, which can make
ordinary people feel as though they are involved in a democratic process when in reality they are
not. This is why Carpentier, (2011: 44) describes placation as a higher level of tokenism in which
have-nots are entitled to advice, but power holders still have the right to decide.
radio stations controlled by NGO‟s and other influential people like politicians, the form of
participation can be described as minimal or partial which has huge bearing on achieving
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CHAPTER 3: FINDINGS
3.0 Introduction
This section presents findings that for clarity sake have been grouped into thematic areas in
accordance with the emerging issues in the study. These are findings on ownership of Neno FM,
participation (media organizational decision-making), and what the is expected of the radio
station by the community. These thematic areas have been developed in pursuant of the study‟s
objectives to establish the official ownerships structures of Neno Community Radio, to compare
and contrast the official ownership structures and the existing management and operations
practices of Neno Community radio, and to establish the extent to which Neno Community
Neno FM went on air on 25th December, 2014 and the idea to establish the radio station was
hatched by Kingdom Investment, a family investment of the Tembo family chaired by Dr.
Benson Tembo. The family decided to come up with the radio in the area because Mrs. Gladys
Tembo, wife to Dr. Benson Tembo comes from that community and this is a home investment
whose legal owner is Kingdom Investment (Acting Station Manager, 16th May, 2019).
Funding for the establishment of radio station came from Dr. Benson Tembo‟s family and the
building that currently houses the radio is rented and belongs to Neno Macadamia Small Holder
Co-operative. However, Neno FM building is underway at roofing stage with funds from the
Tembo Family. Through-out the process of establishing the community radio station, the
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community was not involved and it was Dr. Benson Tembo himself through Kingdom
Investment that obtained the broadcasting license from Malawi Communication Regulatory
The Focus Group discussion that the study conducted with nine members of the District
Community Development Committee comprising of six men and three women revealed that the
community was not consulted in the establishment of the radio station. They said they started
hearing like a rumour that a radio station will be opened in Neno and later on heard that the
“One day we just woke up to some interlude of music when we tried to turn the
frequency dial. A month later it is when we started hearing voices on the radio. We were
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The radio station covers a radius of 100 kilometres and broadcasts 14 hours a day from 6:00 am
to 20:00 hours and serves the whole district population of 158, 000. However, there is a
possibility that some sections in the District are not covered with the community radio station
Neno Community radio has a board of directors at the top of the hierarchy of the organisation,
Managing Director, Station Manager, head of programmes and presenters that double as
reporters. Its staff comprises of six presenters/ reporters and these are three males and three
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
MANAGING DIRECTOR
STATION MANAGER
HEAD OF PROGRAMMES
PRESENTERS/ REPORTERS
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Figure 2: One of the Announcers on the air at Neno FM
Community participation in the operations of community media falls within two dimensions and
these are content-related participation (production of media output) and structural participation
(media organizational decision-making. The study has found varying degrees of community
participation in the running of Neno Community Radio Station as presented in the following
subsections.
This type of participation entails the involvement of people in the day to day running and
management of the station. The establishment of Neno Community Radio Station has given the
people enough reasons to listen their own local voices on the air. All nine members of the focus
23
“We stopped listening to other radio stations here. Zodiak and MBC Radio 1 were
popular but Neno Community Radio Station speaks to us directly about our issues and we
love it more than any other radio station”. (Neno District Community Development
However, they revealed that there is no committee that comprises of members of the community
to act as the station executive committee that overlooks the operations of the radio station.
“The committee could have been formed at the initial stage of establishing the radio but
since we were not consulted, the committee was not formed. The hospital has a
management committee; the police station has a station executive committee. We don‟t
know how the radio was set up without a committee and how does it operate in the
They further indicated their passion to be involved in the running of the radio station because
that‟s according to them, the only way the radio station can be seen to belong to the community.
This they said will also give them chance to help their radio in a way deemed necessary. That
said, the minimalist involvement of the public in the decision making structure of the radio
station has had no any confrontations between the radio station and members of the community.
This they said it is because they treat it as a business entity whose privacy needs to be respected.
“We normally keep ourselves at a distance even if we notice any problems at the station.
But one citizen nearly sued the station for defamation because they aired a story without
24
3.2.2. Content-Related Participation
Unlike the structural participation, this one sees the community in the creation of programmes
and extends further to other interactive forms of participation without being there in the studios.
The focus group discussion revealed that leaders of the communities like village heads and
“I went on air and made an announcement that we will register all bicycle operators and
issue them with identity cards. This was a way of fighting increased cases of crimes
against passengers and the message was received well” (16 May, 2019).
The Chair person for the village development committee (VDC) also said he took it on the air
calling on people that they should come and clean at Neno District Hospital.
“My message was received well people come in large numbers from near and far. After
we finished the cleaning exercise at the hospital, I also returned on the air to thank them
all for being part of the make hospital clean campaign”. (16 May, 2019).
Village Head Menyani disclosed that the radio is serving people better and has given chance that
“There was a day my cellphone caught fire and I took it to the radio where I announced
for free a message warning people that they should handle their cellphones with care. I
felt necessary to warn others because mine caught fire while in my pocket and others can
Community participation at Neno Community radio station also extends to airing women and
youth activities on the air. For instance, women that were part of the focus group discussion
25
indicated that the radio airs Amai Ticheze, a women-fold interactive gathering where they share
tips on issues pertaining to their gender, roles in society and challenges. The women at the FGD
sounded happy that the announcers at the radio follow them to distant places some even outside
In a response to the structured questionnaire, the producers at the station said they also allow the
communities to participate on the air through short messaging facility (mobile SMS) and phone
inn programmes.
However, despite operating in a district with mountainous terrain, Neno Community Radio has
not established listener‟s clubs which makes it even difficult for people to participate freely on
the radio. This was observed by the Nice District Civic Education officer who said participation
in the radio is not even as people in the Southern part of the district remain secluded due to the
The study has also found out that communities were not also involved in creating programmes at
Neno Community Radio Station does not at the mean time receive any financing support from
the communities save for programme sponsorship and advertisements. At the time of the study
(May 2019) Neno FM was running eight sponsored programmes and the main sponsors are the
NGO‟s working in the district and these are Save the Children, Community Action for
Sustainable Development (CASDO), Action Aid, Nice Trust, Christian Aid; and Government
26
Departments though the district council uses the radio occasionally to woe business owners to
The rate of adverts that the station charges are K800.00 for all dry adverts that can be read on air,
and K3, 500.00 to K5, 000.00 for all studio produced adverts. The revenue is expended on office
consumables, bills, rent and staff wages and at the time of the study the Acting Station Manger
indicated that the community radio station makes enough money for its operations.
Nice Trust District Civic Education Officer told the study in a structured interview that their
“We have memorandum of understanding where the station treats us as loyal customers
and this sees our organisation enjoy fair charges on airtime. They station also gives us
free slots and this arrangement is ongoing.” (Nice District Civic Education Officer, 16
May, 2019).
The programmes that Nice Trust airs on the radio are on democracy, citizen participation, good
governance, transparency and accountability. At the time of the study which was a week before
the 21 May, 2019 Tripartite election, the researcher found on the radio station schedule
programmes that Nice was running on the electoral matters and polling procedures.
27
Figure 4: Client Paying for Advert Slots at the Acting Station Manager's Office
Neno District Council is also another stake holder that uses the community radio to reach out to
people. The District Commissioner‟s representative told the study in a structured interview that
the council uses the radio to implement development projects. He however pointed out that their
“We established a working relationship and pay the radio when we have an important
project to undertake. For instance, we were implementing the Shire River Basin
River here in Neno that feeds into the Shire River. We used the station in implementing
The study also found out that Neno District Hospital also uses the station by sponsoring
programmes when it has important campaigns to implement. The Voluntary Medical Male
28
Circumcision (VMMC) project being a typical example that the hospital uses to woo people to
The District Community Development Committee which participated in the focus group
discussion that this study conducted indicated that the business model that the radio station
operates on detaches the communities from taking part in the radio station. They would like to be
involved not only in contented-related participation but also in structural participation so that
they can help in one way or the other in bailing out any challenges the community radio station
can face.
“We don‟t feel part of the process. This stops us from giving feedback to the station
because we were not involved at the initial setup of the radio station. We sometimes hold
Female participants in the FGD also indicated that there so many issues in the community that
they would want be taken on the radio but they are hold back because the community radio
project was not presented to the communities so that they can own it and utilise it to the fullest.
“Until today, some of us thought all messages that are aired on the Neno FM are paid for.
We didn‟t know that it is a community radio. The owners didn‟t want to bring the radio
Much as his organisation is dependent on European Union for its activities in the district and
cannot give any donation to the community radio save for sponsoring programmes, but Neno
District Civic education officer at Nice Trust feels the gap between the station is gaping wide and
this is impeding the growth of the community radio and the development of the district.
29
“Community radio is part of community development. But when what was meant to be a
community entity is held back in the hand of a family business, the results can be
and reach the targeted beneficiaries and community radio is the means. The radio cannot
continue like this and expect to spur development when it is detached from the
community”.
working in Neno District and has partnership with Neno FM. Its Director told the study that they
use Neno Community Radio station as a tool to reach out to people with messages and their
relationship is a two way - service provided versus client relationship. He also deplored the
structure that the radio took as a private entity as being a barrier to the community-ness of the
station.
“Our organisation does not give any donation to the station because we regard it as a
business entity. There is need for the radio station to fully involve the communities in its
affairs for the community to be part of the station. This will free us so that we help a
After all lamentations from the community about the manner in which Neno FM is being run and
the perceived detachment from the community are heard and done, there are two different
conclusions that respondents to the study indicated. Some think the initiators of the project
designed it that it should be run as business entity and there is no way they can do about it.
Others think it was by sheer oversight and that they can correct the situation and reposition the
30
3.5 Conclusion
This section presented the findings of the study which indicate that Neno Community Radio
participation by featuring them in programmes and not in creation of programmes (content). The
radio does not also involve the communities in structural participation in the operations of the
community radio station as evidenced by lack of a station management committee which would
ensures communities involvement in the structural operations of the community media. This in
turn makes the radio station be perceived as private and business oriented thereby detaching it
31
CHAPTER 4: DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
4.0 Introduction
This chapter discusses and interprets the findings of this study that for clarity sake were grouped
in the previous chapter into thematic areas in accordance with the emergent issues. The
discussion centres on ownership of Neno FM, administration structures at the community radio
station, communities‟ participation in the community radio and what the communities expect
There are a number of issues that this study has found out pertaining to the ownership of Neno
Community Radio. The first issue is that the idea to establish the radio station was hatched by
Dr. Benson Tembo as part of the Kingdom Investment, his family investment. The second is that
funding for the establishment of the radio station came from Tembo‟s family, and that Dr.
Benson Tembo himself through Kingdom Investment obtained the broadcasting license from
Malawi Communication Regulatory Authority (MACRA). This is not unusual in the community
broadcasting industry. Gumucio-Dagron (2001: 46-47) posits that the idea to establish the first
ever community radio in Latin America, Radio Sutatenza was hatched by a Catholic priest
working in the area in 1947. What this means is that its ownership was private just like Neno
Community Radio Station. The only difference is that the Catholic priest in Latin America
involved the communities in the initial stage of setting up the station, a case which did not
Nevertheless, this is a top down philosophy of community radio ownership that Mtinde et al.,
(1998: 15) describe that it liberates the ownership of community radio from the community to
32
However, there is a growing voice amongst scholars that the community needs to be consulted in
the process of setting up the radio station by individuals and a community committee needs to be
set up in the process. This was not done at Neno FM. The community radio station operates
without a community management committee and this places the community as distant observers
Jallov (2005 cited in Mhagama 2015: 123) argues that the importance of Participatory
Development theory comes into being in making members of the community to feel like they
own the station and are part of it and that it represents their community. This ensures that the
community radio station is “embedded in the everyday lived experience of so-called ordinary
people” (Howley, 2010: 4). The lack of consultation with the community and failure to institute a
community steering committee may have a large bearing on the development agenda of the
district and the running of the community radio station. This is according to Gumucio-Dagron
(2008: 70) who argues that without people‟s participation; no project can be successful and last
That said, the failure to consult the masses on the onset of the community radio project should
the modernization paradigm in which consultation was thought to be slow, expensive, and
ineffective. This is consistent with Balit‟s (2010a cited in Mhagama 2015: 152) argument that
“participatory approaches that promote dialogue and engagement are often seen as costly, time
consuming and difficult to accommodate in well-defined plans and log frames”. However,
paradigm posits that lack of it is equally expensive because people would still need to be
mobilized at a later stage otherwise it will affect the way they would accept the development
33
initiative. If this theory is anything to go by, one can predict with certainty that Neno FM may
one day pay dearly for this oversight if it continues delineating the masses in its structures.
According to Berrigan (1979: 18) participation in the media “implies the involvement of the
public in production and in the management of communication systems”. There are many ways
through which this can be achieved. Berrigan (1979: 18) categorizes forms of participation at
three levels: production, decision-making and planning levels. However, Carpentier (2011 cited
in Mhagama 2015: 148) classifies participation in two forms, participation in the media
(structural participation) and participation through the media (content- related participation).
Neno FM fosters the latter while keeping the community away in participating in the structures
of management.
This scenario relates to the function of manipulation on Arnstein‟s (1969 cited in Mhagama
2015: 152) ladder of participation. This is against the ethos of participatory development
their needs, the mobilization of local resources and local level implementation of plans to satisfy
local needs” (Kolawole, 1982: 122). Ordinary people in Neno are being manipulated to think that
the station is doing its best in their interest by featuring them in programmes and giving them
access on air yet programme framers are unconsciously imposing their own view of things on the
people and refusing them to be an integral part of the station‟s decision making process.
Another core aspect of community radio station is to keep an open door policy where members
of the community can come at any time and make announcements about emergency issues in the
community. On this, the findings paint a rosy picture. Testimonies that three participants in the
34
FGDs presented show that they had taken on air to announce for a community cleaning at the
hospital, the need to handle cellphones with care and the registration of bicycle operators. But an
analysis of this development still paints a lousy picture. Out of the nine participants at the FGD
only three had this privilege which represents about 33.3% of the respondents. The depiction
even gets more gloomy is you consider that all the three that had gone on air are men only with
power and influence in the communities. To break it down, two are village heads and one is a
Village Development chair. They are not ordinary people in the area as their positions might
have predisposed the producers to give them airtime. This is not unusual in any setting where
people of power and influence are given priority and consideration at the expense of ordinary
community members.
22%
Villlage Heads
VDC Chair
11%
Ordinary citizens
67%
Fairchild (2010: 16) argues that community media should strive to facilitate two way
communication within the local community and this involves ordinary people providing
feedback. In terms of giving feedback, the study found out that producers and presenters at Neno
35
FM employ call inn programmes and SMS facilities in order to encourage feedback from
community. This step is in the right direction. When ordinary people are accorded the
opportunity to offer feedback, Berrigan (1979) argues, they “enter into public discourse, thereby
individual and collective agency in directing the community‟s growth and development”
Sharma (2011: 7) argues that individual community members and local institutions are the main
sources of support for the daily running of community radio stations. This study has found out
that making financial contributions is a major way through which ordinary people support and
participate in the daily running of Neno Community Radio Station. Financial contribution
According to Loeser (2011: 2) when advertisers advertise on community radio “they believe it is
an investment in their community, an investment that will improve the quality of life for their
customers and employees, thereby improving the opportunities for business success in the long
term”. Similarly, CASDO, Neno District Council, and Nice, the three development partners
interviewed in this study, expressed the same belief that when they place adverts on the
community radio, they are not only helping boost their presence and influence on the
This is the argument that Loeser (2011: 2) advances by positing that “advertisers spend money
on community radio to improve the community first, and improve sales second”. No wonder that
the radio is generating enough revenue for all its operations and expenses without a deficit
according to the Acting Station Manager (16 May, 2016). The communities and the
36
development partners in the district are giving the community radio the much needed financial
support.
Furthermore, the sponsorship of radio programmes at the community radio station go beyond
supporting the station. The nature of programmes that CASDO and Nice Trust sponsor on the
and good governance. Community media sphere serves as a location where citizens can voice
their opinions and experiences and interact with other voices (Carpentier, 2011: 67). This is
imperative as in poor communities according to Fraser and Estrada (2001: 20), “local authorities
and politicians can easily take advantage of citizens, either individually or as a group, in part
community radio comes in as a community mouthpiece and helps people obtain their just rights
by giving them a platform to air their grievances. As Fraser and Estrada‟s (2001: 19) posit,
“democratic processes must reach into the government and the private institutions operating in
the community, as well as to policy makers and authorities at the local, regional, and even
national level”. When community radio provides a space for ordinary people to confront local
authorities in a face-to-face encounter, it can help to bring their grievances directly to the
attention of government. In this way, Neno community radio can be said to be promoting local
democracy.
This is keeping in line with the decentralization process, and resonates with Fraser and Estrada‟s
(2001: 19) argument that “it is the function of community radio to provide an independent
platform for interactive discussion about matters and decisions of importance to its community”.
37
However, Mhagama (2015: 270) argues that although opportunities like these can accord
marginalized people an opportunity to represent themselves in public life; ordinary people do not
have the power to implement the decisions made as previously. Therefore promoting deliberative
The growing lamentations and perceived detachment of Neno Community Radio Station from
the communities has the potential to breed disillusionment and community dislike of the
community radio station. This can be deduced from the two differing views that the people hold.
While some think the status quo at the community radio was design that they initiators of the
radio wanted to keep it under their armpits, others think it was an oversight that can be remedied
and bring the communities on board for the betterment of the district‟s development and the
The danger with people that hold the former perspective is that they are likely to develop biases
basing on certain behaviors and experiences with the community radio station. This is according
to the Attribution Theory of Perception views the process by which individuals interpret events
around them as being caused by (attributed to) a relatively stable portion of their environment
(Ivancevich, Konopaske and Matteson, 2013: 98 – 99). The resultant effect of this is the
development of negative behaviours of disillusionment against the community radio station and
its staff which can be reinforced according to the Attribution Theory with consistency, the degree
to which a person engages in the same behaviors at different times; and consensus, the degree to
which the whole community engages in the same behavior. This will hinder development
38
Management of Neno FM needs to mend its way with the community and establish a
and end the perceived personalization of the station to the Tembo family. This will enable the
4.4 Conclusion
This chapter has tried to link the findings of this study to the Participatory Communication
Theory and the contrasting viewpoint to it that the Modernisation Theory promotes. In order to
give a comprehensible context to the issues found in this study, an attempt has also been done to
interpret the findings and link to other scholarly work that informs the discourse in community
broadcasting worldwide and the Theory of perception in view of the disillusionment that he
communities have with the operations of the community radio station. After all arguments and
counter-argument are presented, the picture that stands out is that community radio stations
should foster participatory communication in their operations as a way of bringing their activities
and services closer to the communities they serve. They will in turn spur collaboration in the
39
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION
Malawi just like the other developing countries is embracing community broadcasting media to
serve as tools for sustainable development. There are two philosophies of community radio
broadcasting establishment: one which is fully owned and run by members of the community -
and the other which is a donor station funded by a body outside the community which sets the
aims and purposes of the station. These different ownership styles agues Mhagama (2015: 04),
accord people opportunities to participate in different ways which can affect the way
participation contributes to development. It is against this background that this study sought to
examine the extent of communities‟ participation at Neno Community Radio which was set up
The study employed the Participatory Development Communication Paradigm which postulates
that without people‟s participation, no project can be successful and last long enough to support
social change (Gumucio-Dagron, 2008: 70). This emanates from Melkote recommendation
(1991: 191) that “people who are objects of policy need to be involved in the definition, design,
and execution of the development process” This is where participatory or „another‟ development
The method that the study used is the mixed approach which involves open ended, uncountable
data and close-ended countable data collection. By mixed method the study employed the
qualitative approach as the main approach and the quantitative approach as a complementary.
This was in view of the fact that the two methods deal with different types of content. The
importance of employing both methods is documented by Babbie (2014: 434) argues that
40
researchers need both qualitative and quantitative analysis for the fullest understanding of social
science data.
Four samples were employed in this study: questionnaire interviews with the Acting station
Manager and producers at Neno FM; focus group discussion with the District Community
and two NGO‟s working in Neno, Community Action for Sustainable Development and Nice
Trust.
The study has found out that Neno Community Radio was established by Dr. Benson Tembo‟s
family and that it is being run as a family business. This is not unusual in the community
broadcasting industry. Gumucio-Dagron (2001: 46-47) posits that the idea to establish the first
ever community radio in Latin America, Radio Sutatenza was hatched by a Catholic priest
working in the area in 1947. What this means is that its ownership was private just like Neno
Community Radio station. This is a top down philosophy of community radio ownership that
Mtinde et al., (1998: 15) describe that it liberates the ownership of community radio from the
community to organisation and individuals working in the area. However, this type of ownership
has implications in the way communities participate in the radio station that range from partial
The study has found out that communities were not consulted in the initial process of setting up
the community radio station. This is a reminiscent of the top-down approach to communication
expensive, and ineffective. This is consistent with Balit‟s (2010a cited in Mhagama 2015: 152)
argument that “participatory approaches that promote dialogue and engagement are often seen as
41
costly, time consuming and difficult to accommodate in well-defined plans and log frames”.
Communication paradigm posits that lack of it is equally expensive because people would still
need to be mobilized at a later stage and set up a community executive committee for Neno
Community Radio Station to break even. This is imperative in the community radio station‟s
quest of serving the people of Neno better as opposed to delineating them in its structures as is
Another important finding of the study is the open door policy that the station follows in giving
access to the station communities to make announcement. This is the score aspect of community
radio broadcasting - to keep an open door policy where members of the community can come at
any time and make announcements about emergency issues in the community. The study found
out that community members had taken on air to announce for a community cleaning at the
hospital, the need to handle cellphones with care at the village chief‟s cellphone exploded in the
pocket, and the registration of bicycle operators. This is commendable despite representing just
The study has also learnt that the community in the district is supporting the station with adverts
and programme sponsorship, a thing which enables it generate enough revenue for its operations.
The nature of programmes that CASDO and Nice Trust sponsor on the radio is inclined towards
This is in line with the notion that posits that community media sphere serves as a location where
citizens can voice their opinions and experiences and interact with other voices. It is important in
in poor communities where local authorities and politicians can easily take advantage of citizens,
either individually or as a group, in part because they are marginalized and oppressed.
42
This is keeping in line with the decentralization process, and resonates with Fraser and Estrada‟s
(2001: 19) argument that “it is the function of community radio to provide an independent
platform for interactive discussion about matters and decisions of importance to its community”.
But the lack of collaborative partnership with the communities, absence of community executive
committee, and perceived personalization of the station to the Tembo family is likely to hinder
the station from leveraging on these seemingly available benefits if management continues to
43
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46
APPENDICES
M F
AGE SEX POSITION
Establishment
1. When did Neno FM receive a broadcasting license? And when did you first go on air?
2. Who hatched the idea to come up with Neno FM?
3. Why did you come up with the idea to establish the station in this community and not any
other?
7. Where did the building that houses Neno FM came from? Is it rented?
8. What role did the communities in Neno play in establishing the station?
9. How was the Neno FM broadcasting licence obtained from MACRA? Did local
communities do it themselves or were helped by NGO/ individuals in applying for
licence?
10. What are your license conditions?
47
Administrative Structure
14. Do you have a Community Media Committee or Community Governing Council at the
station?
15. If yes, what is the structure of your governing body?
16. What is the role of the governing body? ( if it exists)
17. Have you had any confrontation with the chiefs in this area/ local people public regarding
management of the station? Explain
18. Do you have a mechanism in which local communities channel their contributions/
complaints to the station and how do you handle them?
19. Does the station `receive financing from communities?
20. If yes, how often and to what extent?
21. Do outside agencies sponsor any of your programmes? If yes, who are they and to what
extent (how many sponsored programmes and how much revenue?
22. Are you allowed to do any advertising? Explain the charges and how much revenue from
adverts
23. Who are the main sponsors/ donor/ advertisers at Neno FM?
24. How do you spend the income that the station generates?
25. Is the money you make yourself enough for your operations?
26. How does the District Council in Neno use this radio station for development work? On
what conditions? Explain and give examples.
27. How do NGOs in Neno use this radio station for development work? On what
conditions? Explain
28. Were community members involved in coming up with the programmes at the initial
stage? Explain?
29. If yes, what type of programmes and how to they rate at your station?
30. Do community members participate in production of programmes? Explain how?
31. Does the radio station air programmes whose content is recorded/ produced by local
masses themselves without being aided by your staff? Explain how often
48
32. Does the station have an open policy (where local people can walk into the studios
anytime to make local announcements)? Explain why so?
Or a close policy that stops local people from walking into the studios anytime to make
local announcements)? Explain why so?
49
7. How would you like it to be managed?
1. What is your relationship between you as members of staff at Neno Community Radio
and the community and chiefs?
2. Have you had any confrontation with locals over this radio station‟s operations?
3. Were community members involved in coming up with the programmes at the initial
stage? Explain?
4. If yes, what type of programmes and how to they rate at your station?
5. Do community members participate in production of programmes? Explain how?
6. Does the radio station air programmes whose content is recorded/ produced by local
masses themselves without being aided by your staff? Explain how often
7. Does the station have an open policy (where local people can walk into the studios
anytime to make local announcements)? Explain why so?
Or a close policy that stops local people from walking into the studios anytime to make
local announcements)? Explain why so?
50