Islamic History and Civilization sruptes AND TEXTS Eeltoral Board Hinrich Bestel Sebastian Gunther Honorary Editor ‘Wadad Kadi VOLUME 145 ‘The titles published inthis series are listed at brillcom/ihe New Perspectives on Ibn ‘Asakir in Islamic Historiography Edited by Steven Judd Jens Scheiner BRILL LarpEN | BosTONTait mane pubiaon may beeps retoni nehani pote Contents Lstof Contributors vir Introduction + ‘Steven Judd and Jens Scheiner sion ofthe Dar al-Fikr Edition of Ibn ‘Asskir's Tavikh Prologue: The Publi smadinat Dimashg 4 ‘Naney Khalek "Nostalgia for the Future: A Comparison between the Introductions to Ibn “Asikirs Zerikh madinat Dimashq and al-Khaub al-BaghdadTs Tavikht Baghdad 9 Zayde Antrim ‘Asaki’s Children: Monumental Representations of Damascus until the 8th Century 30 Dana Sadi yaganda in Seventh/Thirteenth-Century Damascus: .n Analysis of the Colophons (Samd'at) on Nbu ‘Asakie's Forty Hadiths for Female Presence in Criteria for Women in his Tavkh madinat Dimashg 93 Monika Winet Ibn ‘Asakir’s Peculiar Biography of Khalid al-Qasti 139 ‘Steven Judd thn ‘Asakir's Virtual Library as Reflected in his Tarik madOnat Dimashg 58 Jens Scheinertbn Asakieim His rao and thelr vendix 2: Unknown Biographical Works Used by tbn ‘Asti (in Alphabetical Oder) 278 General Index 280 List of Contributors Zepee Antrim fs assoclate profesor of ty College ln the early His research focuses on Umayyad history and early Islami g his most recent publications is Religious Scholars and the Umayyads Pley-minded Supporters of the Marwanid Caliphate Nancy Khalek Is asociate professor of Rel focuses on late antique and Is 1s Damascus after the Muslim Conquest Text and Jmage in Barly Isiam James E Lindsay Isprofesscr of History at C history and historiography of the his most recent pul “Jihad Ideology n the Crusader Period: Ibn Asakr of Damas: af slam: A Conversation with Perry Anderson (2016), ana Sadi fs associate professor of Mic research focuses urban history. Shes '8th- Century Ottoman Levant (2013.on Iba Asal en immeasurably aided by the aval ust che beginnings of whet merous other studies w! aud secesablity of the Daral surely be abundant proof of the efficacy ofthe Bibliography "a (ed) Ababa wa sal on Asa. Damascus: Winks a- Tail ‘emule Dimas a Wi Nostalgia for the Future: A Comparison between the Introductions to Ibn ‘Asakir’s Ta’rkh madinat Dimashq and al-Khatib al-Baghdadi's Ta’rikh Baghdad Zande Antrim iin diferences between the intro dloctory representation of Baghdad in s-Khaqibal-BaghdsdTs Tarik Baghdad (rs) and the introductory representation of Damaseus in Ibn ‘Asikir's Tarith tat Dimashg (ra¢D) 8 that he former is marked by a distinct nostalgia the laters not! Whi ins sustainable based on sev portant differences between the two introductions (such as the trlum- tion ofthe latter tothe reigning prince in Damascus Nar al-Din ibn the former, and alarger proportion of up-to-date ere I consider the pos ideal past of future? Nostalgia is sometimes charucterized as astatc mo is analysis by contrast, uture—may be ave representation ofa city and itssurrounding region, as to the re and the TaD, i can be sen a parclcipating in what Ihave called Bagh Tih Bagh Mababa Khanh mone and tod of ch ee Iam assy ofthe tiem Mai starigraphy 2 While anol for th fate her book she dows cuss he wopian loment of nos and the wayin which nota ye ral fiance. nye bomof genres focus om parla physical space means of seri ANE sated by a century, were nonetheless terms of general scholarly orienta es 08D ng region, Many scholars ical dictlonary wes modeled in formand Khai fe ipquotes Sistas that esoonted whe tac ane atoms : Pe a agate an that ona eo er ars ogptet etn” Hower nA a her ony osteo fhe ae PB mtr cy Baha et er te Masa tn (ough eros of re aa tava pen suet} eee ih Woot fomat fhe node Spa aration wt Wha ofthe yao erate ves omen ene ward acs th gees sorte dun el ote overt thers, combining etyolog jection of traditions excolling the" fr the representation at since the third/ninth century Thus he extent the rao was modeled spectfically on that number 0 thors’ inclusion of ad the introducto sg rte eons SEE ote ao wo for Damascus the rn wat allows, L adopt sein meio oa rand preceupaiors comping as di gan seem random o fxm? Ts mth Sra as jpeg ba ‘ALCS and ab-Khatib ab Bagh } Formmtontbedcaunea place Ani ue andrei lca rer Sng age at ‘ to and empliages in the compilation of biographical entmes, sec ‘Lindsay, Tom sp Seca in Aa 0 5 Sia wom ire erst ona bmn of aymoloja porsrie sara rae: ag gra 0 tat og we a vefotsha caesar i context f the discourse of place reveal the subtle ways in which bot reproduced, reworked, or ejected the materials and for ‘communicate particular ideas o aspirations. luctions evoke an idealized past for their cities and regions. thors circulation © and because they’ nthority on th spaces that act as the primary object of repre each introduction—Sy 1am) and Damaseus fr Tbn ‘Asakie ‘al Baghdadl Inthe and 39 ‘case of the 740, the idealized past really ty of Damascus playsa prominent ro of the region by Muslims during the im the death ofthe Prophet Muhammad in 10/632 (4 193/809) Wh er, al Mans, stands out lr the context of the Introduction to the 78 as che most important author ‘Baghdad, n the ro itis not one, but a group of ons of the Prophet, w abvious explanation for ‘of Syria with a group nemunicate his broader lam, a distinctly Sunni vision and one that rlnforces the priorities of the prince to whom the rap is dedicated, Ni Nonetheless, itis Ibn irs sion ofthe future that differentiates the introduction of the T™(D from that of the 7® the most, an idealized future that reproduces his idealized pest and that reinforces i 1 comaltments in the present. 1 James E Lindsyhas also noted that thi ithe paid from which Used ofthe more han tomb biphica entresin ther coms onda Tb Aa Me oh 5-7, For hi biographical eaten of he sid cp ce Donner ‘Uhmsn Fors dlsuson of ths stan deled past in oer representations of Baga, set Cooperen, Bahai strc and martive pgp See also Ancrim. Connecti ander‘Tarikh Baghdad |-khattyal-Baghdid opens his introduction with a discussion of the Muslim conquest of the Sawd® he does not construct en idealized past forthe region, but rather a contentious pastor at easta past that represented er ater of debate among the ua of al-Chatib's era. The debate as he pres nstances under which Muslims st at determined how its non-Muslim. or sold, and "A close reading ofthis opening section sug lex legal questions were to defend how, if at all eshould be tx gests that his goolsin addressing these Baghdad, o its founder, rom chose lars, the controversial jurist {agus} emong them, who considered the foundation legal appropriation of land that under the terms of the not be bought or sold. Nevertheless, ti the debate, rather hat dominates this opening sec- le for the author to the methods of aed past for Khatib al Baghdad does not come for snother cen sng fm Moai Abad: eb Kha ob Bagh. 01-3 Fr perce conques fg ae Doer, The arty amie conquests 28 mts mond bebe ‘alc te tat 84 dof to 274g) For more on hos, Conte adits fst Selln, gna iebancton om whic vietenot th turmr under which herizlpar of ya were bo evenouny other San Ctrswe vey tyro ereenation ofthe region 1a “ABKAGHS TD & AL-KHATIB AL-BAGHDADTS sre 2 because it shows one of the ways in In the ease of Boghdad, this para ticular spaces, inthis case cities, cou Bahiras prophecy tha the young Mubar mon patter in city fou monks. the ‘Abbasi dynasts and capital city. The topographical chap- roduction to the 75, O'Meara has argued that foundation legends fr cities in the islamic val re-enactmen a, or the biographical ts bitants as ast of Prophetic mold." O’Mesrs argum the written represe bbe a powerful expression of po ly, oF I might say textually re-enacting ub al-Baghdadt draws 1 The ation legends, buthe expresses tn cites and thei iagests that guarantee bi Mansi ‘ONeara, Spare and Main whan if ‘te non ha cone hin pps wb Matas a g ‘Tonswcte. ted frtctenon nthe era Hin tint osope ren pnd anf aa es (special,Begldaditself as a manifest Other aspects of the foundas force this image of divine intervention, such as al Mansi’ ns to systems for dividing (aba of rag, which is known as the “navel ofthe world” (surrata section describing the Tigris and Euphrates as rivers of paradise trument of God's w ‘unique’ rou shape. In a passage that fuses the 1 world inherited by Maslim geographers from i al-Baghdai enumerates seven circu ‘are arrayed around a central one of Baghdad and the sub-region anya) Another snforces s central, both geographically and for Baghdad and it ‘ts inter onmologieally and thus liked to God's plan for humankind.” Qn the round shape 25868) desert gesture that brought forth the ‘a mold and east” The eentrali rghdad,al-Khatibal-Baghddi declares that “is Uke is not known the comers of the world’ He also quotes the great ltterateut abate i al-Mangir’s act of foundation as @ s yfally-formed: “It is ws if t was poured into ofits site and che alleged singularity of ts ns ofthe ‘Emperor’ intervention for hin to reevaluat nthe w i ‘occ he pee ole Pen syle fabs gs eahorty of Mabannad (12 Lasser The opgrey of Bas ‘Meninsaabl sages that he oandstion of Baghdad wast of both leases of polite (6 Werle i). ssa eau The ance esa sar stem vided the wor saved with inca, 1 hat Aa utes Bom the thon ny mention of Baghdad (ba AI 240 38 ‘Ltn ugh 54-62 Avda a ap 6). This is notte, 8 other Some which ony makes the satesent of ts ognaly more stkng (see Wendl, aps). Ab Khas al Bhd 757 Dixit ob Baghdb 1957-9. 80. On toperaply of aghdad 28-7 seem expansion of Bagh see Lsses, The dha Byeatne Emperor woul point ON ASAKINS PMD & AL-KULATIS AL-BAGHDADIS 78 1s he an to the rapid ex 3s suecessors exhibit the good sense tobe flexible enough to respond ‘of the population by extending canals, enlarging mar ‘of the ways these chapters accomplish this is Uurough describing prominent the city om 60,000 tenth century2® Statistics like these city; the number of boats on the Tigris the volume of foodstufl by Baghdadis; the taxes levied on the urban poy resentations of Baghdad, and many of them are clearly Inflated or w suggesting that accuracy was no the intended. environment and enumerating the many ide its residents, For instance, al-Khati al-Bagh 31 # Instead, they function as, ‘symbol of the city’s prosperity under ts eallest stewards, al-Mansir and his successor, and 1 gravitational pull on the wana, foward the end of the introduction, after opining sim; ngs taat distinguishes Baghdad from all other that one of the ts capacity to ‘out a Mangas mises, but many anncoes aboot Byantins in topogrphia ist ‘sf ee suger tat they were consered master bile and planners atl 25) and Byzantine arian wer sought ae in dhe construction ofthe Dome ofthe ‘ook and he Umayyad Mosgue (oe, rao 2.26) Anaber conventional ‘eral empte In representation of ier to highlight he wal reacson yeantine dations ee a Rha ‘mtr mire erp no och ein ae i Daca uhm Yr Sap phn hue hora pa ‘rat ne asin eh pons Ls ie pg Baghdad 31-2, 40-2. meet Crna bln dpi etn Bad sink “teeny Re Shellypast ended at Haran dunt he period" he surat Teac a Bagh 72 9 [Abb Bagh steDoudax, Conover and ts elo; Sellsin Kha ‘aps not surpdsing that two paeans to Isfahan written 29 The days of sits population to and prior 0 our era, ‘dud al-Dawla* of gravity ‘rag (navel of Tra) fe aap i 8" tow -4SARtnS TAD & AL-KHATIE AL-BAGHDADIS TB ” atcunya, it seems, were ove, and ll t even Baghdad's anymore of being the center ofa region. This loss of a salist category of belonging may be what al-Khatibal-Baghdadt feels has struck the wma, 30 too the wrama ost a space that commanded universal 204/820) underscores to members of the vay hink he would ved When the section ofthe TR that contains this quote was, ‘Umayyad Mosque in Damascus in 504 Baghdad is to see the world=® ‘Tavikh madinat Dimashq, on mubadhanendpoint ofl dof time and the inl jade: the rap, memore sn tandem with aspirations towards an the conquest of Syria and is early setlem ofthe apocalypse al ‘what is playing out before his very eyes vductlon to thermo may bedi nto the 7a by its much alone oceupies almost 3 pages 0 ited a third of the way through the introdu by hadith material on the fadail of Syria and Damascus and ‘ban topography of Damascus. Thus, the organization itself ses to the 79, which opens with a-Khe he post-conquests the conquest of Imag in any substa be understood as tran otherwise conventional gesture.* m“AsSkirpeppets throughout the est of th duction to the 7H, sets a strikingly tone for the 7D. dificult to see eny clear pattem in this con- ‘of the period, is sided with Fp Formers the connection between Sian sie nd aoc prophecies sce en, The Sint tween ution ar i ede fequenty esr Fedak, RN ASAKIN'S TD & AL-KHATIB ALBAGHDADTS 78 19 intemal contradictions Howeve exchatologtal traditions, associating level of structure, eenemy of the c acthe end of ti ) and his followers, including both Christians and Jews* Moreover, the the conquest narrative and the apocal status ofthe region as 2 ‘mubéraka) or “holy land” verses over the longue di of time” Tbn rd mugaddasa) mentioned in several Quranic sacred history, from the ibFaypt see forthe owe Ye, Mj ula 5 8 To Asti 94-6,tba H in his Yemen and draw water ople tome'*? ton uring the Muslim conquests—later the majority of it, not to the oceupetion of D ce under the leadership of the Prophet Mubammad and his Successor Aba Balt! es Sy as before his death and the furure rative proper deals overwhelming! played by Syria and 3 final cance, a lon ‘ime. Fo the mame of the truth un ing Syria asthe premler des ts “the sword of God! is not specifically set gents some slippage in all of this material berween the past, he time So Thai m0 9-25 240-57 a ASAIN TMD & AL-KHATIB AL-BAGHDADIS TH a duction to the 7m exhibits a more troduction to the 78 cengigesin an indirect defense of the legitimacy of the founda ‘and thus by implication the legtimacy of the ‘Abbasid dynasty In las taigt is more foctsed in that he includes copious mate have already mentioned th we direct and ‘in which Gods favor is bestowed om Syria a che expense of other places, particularly Inq’ ‘Sometimes iraq i depleted as simply peripheral, is central as in he head and aq for having anons and the source for more abd Ina subtle reference tothe ear of two of the Aah that al- and even explains fs represented In the introduction to the 70 buts the eneiay of Syria. Corrupted by conflict siveocs ha io Been noted in difrent conan by Coby Vit Kale, Damascus go sus more dfise—fbn Herbal ugh ike, "hai ep 18 and compare withaty -ASAxinS 1H10 & AL-KHATIB AL-BAGHDADIS 78 2 re depicted as alternately ca ns of Damascus. While in some versions the terms of Prophet predicts thatthe year 132/750 woul evils (ohayal slomon had imprisoned ( cape to Iraq where they would proceed to dispute a ‘vances a political agenda that was, if ‘the terms suggested earlier in is undeniable that the Umayyad Mosque Is 3 Asakir's idealized past snot the ea of Is al ate over the! ‘the Rashidun caliphs and the of de Prophet. also pro-Umayyad.® Damascus with Umayyad l have been leptimare caliphs, b and that chey are of much eal hand, his portrayal of Relgious haar Santee ies ThA 20 27-4: 40-4a Asikir's panicular agends sembles a number of tradi ulkimately Syrians or to eal them unbelievers bec ‘eause, even more importantly che unity ofthe Muslims is more impo than any dispute benveen r inhabits alongside Udaman and Murawiya, wh Jse38 This defense attem ‘and Mu‘wiya and rests on fundamental distin Tollowers;-Alfis co-opted for Ibn ‘Asikir’ idealized Syrian past ‘of the aspects of the ‘of them quoting their leaders and that criticize Tagh , whereas‘Als agi eaderand ing bit.” Purchermore .e among them are the abdal and Prophet s their Prophet and our gibla 1 about this epologa is that it does cher side, but that gibt’ What is paticlarly macy oF the righteousness to a lesser extent the importance ofthe group 123s the eason forthe conflicrbetween followers, the Surat (Cpartisans ofA"), anguish inthe land ofthe devi Ira From here Ibn ‘Astkir moves on to one of the most conspicuous parallels duction tothe racoand the introduction tthe, ecritique berween the cchalns of transmission and pointing out imposst the Legitimacy of the founda Tn ‘Asikir goes on the def virtue of obedience kind and the least obed ases the tools of i trations. Just as al-Khaslbal-Baghds ingand hadith analysis to reject material that casts aspesions 0 ‘of Baghdad and the ‘Abbasid ruling house, against traditions that atempt to make the (CSytians are the most obedient toward humaty orevidence of theirlackof reverence the fourth of the {agheid! does, Ibn Asakie describes the contents ofthe traditions Sem ir examples bay 10 309-8 ‘Sus for apes Tn 130 432-36 sein shaper nad" What as bem sald the dberence ofthe people ofS ‘hetinnce sod hrircomonment to sbiding bythe uma andthe ou (cmt ‘atin 3 -a) as wel athe to chapters on ifn ie Mes en ag-a. Compare wth a Kha Beh 227-4 and the conflicts are in bn ‘Asikirs de about who was rightand who was wrong, here that the Syrians, or atleast their len: in the wrong), but about who made the most efforts toward and the Syrians succeeded whereas the Iraqis Thus, it snot the cause ofthe Umayyads that Ibn ‘Asdkir is championing {in this introduction, but the cause of Syrians. And their greatest virtues are ther loyalty to thei leaders and heir unity inthe face of wrong belie based duction, Ibn ‘Asikir considers both S ismand Sites patronized | are on Syrian soil dynasty in Egypt), and wil t makes Tbn ‘Asal such a Syrian 55:14), a prince who based his legitimacy, atleast sym ate of investiture from the ‘Abbas Baghdad im unity against Christan and Sh ‘practical purpose Crusaders, as wel asf role for the introduc the conquest narrative, the apocalyptic ras presented in a series of public read material, andthe 3 ing in the Umayyad Mosque in ‘So was Ibn‘Asikir nostalgic? He 8a triumphal er forthe Islamic wmma, an era that would repeat itself atthe key that he saw the signs and portens of the Final any gestures that suggest Ibn‘Asakir considered ied future is the asso hi, 350 Mabmed bank 218 27 {emanate roomie Modan Lin Rr ‘ska epesintatonns-. Sam. reading erica have not sa ‘ved forthe opopaphicl chap f the nuoduconastant te ASAxtS aD & AL-KHATIB AL-BAGHDADUS 15 a chapter on the mosques [Bibliography [Asi Masia Musharraf bab Murajab. brahim al Mags, Fad Bayt ab Mags F wx al faa (0. Livae Kafr, Shafi ‘Amr: Dar al Mash Ie “Tarja wa: ibe we dik akbar Isboha, eS. Dederng 2 vos ea reabs: The power of place in the eat lamas world New York ty Press 20 ‘and cretvty: Representations of Baghdad's centrality, in I. Safa Ostin (od), Islam Medentetinde Bagdat ational Syapostum on Baghdad and its environs, one ges the impress rmineat and that this large number of mosques is one repo reveals important diferences in the values and the agendas they were trying to promote. W rom misguided ‘God's eyes and Muslim nue, al-Kh Traqis the “navel ofthe world” a geopolitical, cultural, and economic the capacity € support and connect the peoples ‘While lpn ‘Asikirs Damascus had to be retrofitted gradual a ctty of mosques and 1cy, Baghdad in the TR is a snd prosperity But impor whereas abt Baghdidi as nostalgic for the Inthe face way of calling for shies. sity again, tls 1 introduction to the Tp celebrat Damas 859 lise N, Norab-Din Mabmad b Zan eras. tba Ashi Abi Lisi ‘Ab. ab-Hasan, Tat madnar Domashg, e.$ala ab Din mat aT alArai, 950-4. Muktayar tab al buldin, ing an ideal teritory from ‘ofthe fatthfal at the end1 lalyrinth of Fo, New York wa Dimas, ed Salah Bein Orienc institut f ours, S.A 3 Tn Atk of Damascus tothe hid (2007). 9-85