Survival Strategies A Study On Children PDF

SURVIVAL STRATEGIES
A STUDY OF CHILDREN LIVING ON STREETS AND RAILWAY

PLATFORMS OF WEST BENGAL AND BANGLADESH
First published in Kolkata by Groupe Developpement in October 2006
While Groupe Developpement actively participated in the design, production, editing and
publication of this volume, it does not take responsibility for any factual inaccuracies or
errors which may have inadvertently crept in. The views and facts presented here belong to
those organisations which have conducted the groundwork.
This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents
of the publication can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union.
Groupe Developpement welcomes use of the information in this volume, along with an
acknowledgement, for non-commercial purposes.
For further information please contact:
Groupe Developpement
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CONTENTS
Page No.
Preface 5
Introduction 7
Coping with Chaos: Children on platforms of Howrah and Sealdah 11
Running to Stand Still: Growing up in Asansol Station 55
Solace from the Street: Vulnerable children in Khulna and Barisal 77
Secret Lives: Sexual abuse in Howrah and Sealdah 131

PREFACE
The photograph on the front cover of this research captures a spontaneous moment between two children
performing for the camera. Suddenly, they are “heroes”; movie stars who strike a pose, just as their screen
idols do. Their favourite actors shoot guns, explode bombs and fight people to the death in reel – and often,
real – life. And they always win.
In the context of this research, this moment of playfulness was far more evocative, representing the daily
violence and violations that children living on the street and in street situations constantly battle. It is a
tough fight, and they don’t always win.
This work was envisioned to capture the full extent of this vulnerability. It also attempted to move beyond
that, to explore the positive experiences these children have. What is usually lost in the literature about
children who have left home to live on the streets or stations is that they too make active decisions. What
are the triggers behind these decisions? What reasoning informs them? What opportunities would they
like to have which they currently do not?
This becomes clearer viewed in conjunction with the data at the core of this collaborative study conducted
with children living on street and railway stations in West Bengal and Bangladesh. The two groups of
children have some issues in common, but a number of very significant differences, key amongst which is
mobility. They have been dealt with separately to ensure the uniqueness of their experiences is captured.
In some ways, the data here reiterates what social workers have already known, but by eliminating the
element of subjectivity and bias, hopes to facilitate acceptance and action. Perhaps most importantly, it
provides an objective source of data for government stakeholders taking policy decisions about the care
and protection of these most vulnerable children.
It is not a surprise that an overwhelming number of children said that they faced acute poverty at home
and were expected to earn money by their families. Children live day-to-day; they find food, sleep and
bathe wherever possible and have little to no access to healthcare and education facilities. Just as real is
their love of freedom, their ability to earn significant amounts of money, their dependence on various
kinds of addictive substances. Their earning capacity and the power derived from it is dear to them, and
institutionalisation would mean a loss of that power. The assumption of poverty and hunger therefore
needs to be revisited: do these children lack money, or do their problems arise from how they spend it?
The research on sexual health conducted with children of Don Bosco Ashalyam was designed to focus on
boys, both as victims and perpetrators. While there is a resonable amount of literature about girls available,
their is little data about the risks faced by children on the street. It has also been found that sexual abuse
and exploitation is regular. Children have recounted stories of trafficking as well. Another reality, however,
that care providers must face, is that consensual sexual activity between peers is also regular. This
information should have clear impact on policy and programming with street and railway children, with
regard to sexual abuse and exploitation as well as on HIV/AIDS interventions and care and support facilities.
These issues are closely connected to the problems faced by non-government organisations attempting to
rehabilitate children back to their homes. Children are often assumed to be corrupted by the street, that
having tasted freedom and drugs and sex, return to “normal” society is impossible. To combat such
prejudicial assumptions and shed more light on this issue, the studies in each of the sites probe the conditions
children left behind to arrive on the street. Is it practical to expect children to return -- and thrive -- at their
parental homes. Were the families poor? Were they physically or emotionally abusive? Do the children
share bonds with their family that are meaningful?
6 SURVIVAL STRATEGIES
Children were also given a chance to speak of the problems of institutional care. In partner organisations’
experience, their are challenges in keeping children in shelters. The findings reflect great resistance to the
restrictive rules that most homes abide by. Some recommendations have also been given by the children
about how to make care facilities more appropriate to their needs.
Whether an organisation seeks to provide institutional care or family- or community-based care, the findings
in this work should help inform opinions – along with working knowledge and experience – about how to
increase impact and effectiveness of interventions. This is part of Groupe Developpement’s continuing
commitment to ensuring beneficiary relevance and meaningful participation of children.
While quantitative information captured in this study may be of limited relevance to agencies outside the
region (east India and south Bangladesh), the findings are of significance to all stakeholders involved with
child rights initiatives, insofar as they represent the experiences and perspective of a large number of
vulnerable children, who may share much in common in terms of socio-economic history, opportunities
and aspirations with children across South Asia living in similar situations.
In conducting this research, priority was given to protecting children from further trauma, particularly
when dealing with victims of sexual abuse. The methodology used by mental health professionals in Sealdah
and Howrah was designed with this in mind. Any inaccuracies that may result in terms of numbers are
regretted, but were considered the more acceptable of the two evils. Given the limited scope of the sexual
behaviour study, quantitative aspects are of secondary importance. Much more relevant is the qualitative
data regarding incidence of abuse and kinds of sexual behaviour, which should provide insight into what
direction sexual health and child protection interventions could take.
Finally, Groupe Developpement would like to thank Aparajeyo-Bangladesh, Praajak and Don Bosco
Ashalayam, it collaborators on this research as well as ongoing child protection initiatives. Also, the sexual
health research would not have been possible without the participation of counsellors Barnali Ghosh and
Jolly Laha.
This study is dedicated to the children living on the streets and stations of West Bengal and Bangladesh,
without whose participation it would not have been possible. And a special thanks to the children of Don
Bosco Ashalayam who agreed to be photographed, and whose pictures have been used on the cover of this
volume.
INTRODUCTION
1.1. Why this research?
Groupe Developpement initiated the Sanjog project in West Bengal and Bangladesh with the aim of build-
ing linkages among NGOs on both sides of the border to protect children vulnerable to various forms of
exploitation -- trafficking and sexual abuse and exploitation in particular. Street and railway children were
a key target group.
One of the problems that were faced while implementing the programme was the lack of systematic infor-
mation on the project sites. Whatever information was available was largely anecdotal and there was a risk
of it being subjective or biased. In order to design appropriate interventions, accurate data was needed to
develop a baseline on various factors that made children vulnerable to neglect, abuse and exploitation.
Partners in the Sanjog project, Don Bosco Ashalayam (Howrah and Sealdah) and Aparajeyo Bangladesh
(Khulna and Barisal), were to conduct the fieldwork. Another Groupe Developpement partner, Praajak,
which was working in suburban railway stations in West Bengal, was also included (Asansol) due to a
common interest in the issues.
1.2. Methodology
As the research was spread across various project sites and involved collaboration among numerous part-
ner organisations, developing an appropriate methodology was a challenge. An initial design was devel-
oped by Groupe Developpement and circulated among the partners. In October 2004 a consultation was
held in Calcutta where common objectives and methodology evolved. It was decided that structured inter-
views of children based on purposive sampling and semi-structured interviews of various stakeholders
would be conducted. A common pool of questions was also created. The individual organisations were
allowed to modify the questionnaire to suit local needs in keeping with the objectives of the research.
1.3. Ethical considerations
Utmost care was taken to ensure children were not harmed in the process of the study. Hence only such
questions as they would be comfortable to answer were asked by the data collectors. The organisations
that conducted the research have a long-term commitment towards the protection of children affected by
the end product. Finally, the sole purpose of this endeavour was to understand the ground realities better
so more effective programme strategies could be developed. Groupe Developpement and its partner NGOs
remain committed to continue working with the children at the heart of this research and are ethically
bound to respond to the issues raised in its course.
One aspect of this research involved trying to understand the sexual life of the children and forms of
sexual abuse they experience. Since this was a highly sensitive issue, trained psychoanalysts were com-
missioned to conduct it.
1.4. Limitations of the study
As the children were mobile and not always accessible, it was not possible to carry out structured inter-
views on the basis of random sampling. The researchers had to opt for purposive sampling. The findings,
therefore, may not represent the complete reality. Also, at times the children were not able to, or did not
want to, answer questions. Finally, the research on sexual abuse could be carried out only with children of
Howrah and Sealdah stations.
1.5. Overview of the findings
Certain facts emerged as irrefutable truths in the lives of children on the street and in street-like situations:
they are the victims of physical, emotional and sexual abuse and exploitation; police and law-enforcers are
prime violators of their rights; they lack access to basic facilities despite the efforts of governments and
NGOs; substance abuse is a real threat to their health and well-being. Along with this, a clearer picture was
sketched of what children want, what they hope and dream of and what hurts them and holds them back.
1.5.1. Why do the children end up at the station or on the street?
Migration for more income is a common feature of South Asia’s economy and society. People move from
one place to the other either alone or with family, permanently or seasonally. Such migration usually
involves entire families of adults and children. But a different type of migration occurs when children
move out of their families and find refuge on the streets or railway platforms.
Across study sites, the most important push factor behind moving out has been diagnosed as the need to
earn money. While it is not difficult to understand how endemic poverty could cause children to leave
home, it must be seen in conjunction with other factors. Key amongst these were domestic violence and
family dysfunction. In Bangladesh, in particular, the role played by remarriage of one or either parent
emerged as a very strong force behind children’s unhappiness at home.
Natural disaster separated a number of children from their families in Bangladesh, and stray cases of this
were also identified in the Indian sites.
Among factors that pulled children to their particular locations on the street or station, employment op-
portunities and availability of food were clear drivers. They gravitated towards those places which offered
a large number of earning opportunities and access to facilities.
Another crucial factor common to all the researches was that there was a certain amount of peer influence
and sense of adventure at work. With family ties as weak as they were found to be, the strength derived
from the peer group was a significant influence. Once initiated into the ways of the street/station, the
freedom of being able to lead life as they wanted to was a powerful inducement to leave home altogether.
1.5.2. Living conditions; organised exploitation and sexual abuse
The researches created a holistic picture of the conditions in which the children live at the stations and on
the streets. While social workers had much of this information, the data provided baseline information
about living conditions so the success or failure of the programmes with the children could be measured in
the future.
Lack of security and a disciplined and structured life was a common feature in these children’s lives. There
were no regular spaces where children could sleep, bathe, or find drinking water. Children across sites
were also found to be victims of substance abuse. Children admitted to initiation into sex at an early age, at
around 12 years. Though they have had multiple partners, they prefer to be with only one partner. In the
absence of any knowledge on safe sexual practices, the risk of HIV/AIDS is very high among the children.
INTRODUCTION 9
A very critical finding was that children were by no means passive sufferers. They adapted and survived
and managed to earn a decent amount of money (more so in Calcutta than the other cities). It emerged that
children had a definite lifestyle. To attempt to change that lifestyle was to attempt to change their identity.
The difficulty faced by social workers to rehabilitate and reintegrate them was an indicator of this.
The life of the children on the street and the railway platforms was also marked by the existence of organ-
ised exploitation. Whether the children lived on the streets or platforms, they were exploited within infor-
mal economic spaces. This again was not captured in totality but was indicated by several findings. All
researches showed that police regularly perpetrated violence against the children, as did other adults on
the station or street (hawkers, vendors, criminals). The failure of the state to protect the children opened
up the possibility of various forms of exploitation by perpetrators including older children and their em-
ployers.
The section of sexual abuse revealed that in many cases, the children did not perceive their sexual acts as
a form of abuse. Children did identify some relationships as exploitative, others, they felt, were consen-
sual. A large number of incestuous relationships also took place.
1.5.3. Government/NGO support and gaps
While the police were identified as the biggest threat to the children, the children did access certain gov-
ernment facilities (such as healthcare). However, the majority did not have a safe space to sleep, eat or
keep their belongings. They had very few resources for emotional support.
1.5.4. Problems of reintegration
Children who ended up on the street or in the railway platforms underwent a change in identity. They
formed a relationship with the station and their peers. Furthermore, weak ties with their families posed a
huge hurdle to returning them safely to their homes. The opportunity to earn money was also of critical
importance, with a large number of them sending money back home regularly to support their families.
Shelter-based rehabilitation also comes with its challenges. Most homes do have certain rules and regula-
tions. After fending for themselves for so long, children admitted that they found these hard to accept.
CONCLUSION
Children do face considerable danger and risks on the platform, which have been discussed extensively
through this volume. Some issues that children in Sealdah station mentioned during consultations con-
ducted by Groupe Developpement have been recorded here:
● Passengers behaved badly with them;

● Everyone used abusive language with them;
● Police, GRP, TTE, railway station staff beat them regularly;
● Heavy physical work often led to injury;
● They had no fixed place to use the bathroom or rest;
● Availability of food was uncertain;
● No shelter during rainy season.
In terms of services, care and initiatives with these vulnerable children, a number of gaps have been
identified:
● In all the study areas, there is a gap between the services being provided by the NGOs and children
accessing the services.
● There is almost no sex education in the study areas though it is clear that children have a sexual life,
often with more than one partner. Children admit to having unprotected commercial sex as well.
This should be taken into account by governmental and non-governmental agencies working on
the issue of HIV/AIDS in particular.
● There is no recourse for children who suffer violence at the hands of the police.
● The NGOs working with the children are not able to protect them from exploitation.
● There are organisations that address the problem of substance abuse but no definite strategies have
been devised to reduce its incidence.
● There is a lack of counselling services and other forms of emotional support.
These issues have been discussed at length in subsequent chapters. We hope that in analysing the prob-
lems and providing data reflecting the children’s realities, possible solutions will also emerge to make
child protection in South Asia more effective and enduring.
COPING WITH CHAOS
CHILDREN ON PLATFORMS OF
HOWRAH AND SEALDAH
A DON BOSCO ASHALAYAM STUDY

I
THE FACE OF PLATFORM CHILDREN
The term “platform children” is heard regularly in the media, at NGO workshops and amongst other
stakeholders. These children are often seen as the result of deep socio-economic problems of a developing
nation, the solution to which is unanimously left to policy makers. In a country like India, where the civil
society movement is still in its nascent stage or; in many areas, conspicuous by its absence, little thought is
spared for the plight of these children, their lifestyle, the organised exploitation they are subjected to and
the role of the community in general to address their issues. Although platform children are not covered
under any specific law, they come under the broad definition of “child in need of care and protection”
under Juvenile Justice Act, 2000 [Chapter I, Sec 2 (d)]. Also, as signatory to the UN Convention of the
Rights of the Child, the government has an obligation to protect them. Platform children have the right to
life, to good health, to quality education, to be heard and, above all, to be free from abuse and exploitation.
Thus a rights-based approach is needed to address the issues of these children. To arrive at this, an
understanding about the present living conditions of the children, their level of trauma, the nature of the
exploitative forces they face and the future in store for them must be reached. A comprehensive
documentation of all these issues is needed before any suitable intervention can be designed.
Another aspect in the life of platform children is the insensitivity of the stakeholders and the community
in general which stems from ignorance. Their problems have been dwarfed by issues such as child labour,
child domestic workers and street children. Even the government has no particular programme targeted
towards these children.
An in-depth study of the plight of these children will provide the basis for advocacy and mass awareness
tools on this much-ignored issue.
Objectives of the study
The broad objectives of the study were to map the vulnerability status of the children living on the platforms
of Howrah and Sealdah stations and frame suitable recommendations to address their problems.
The specific objectives of the study were to understand the following:
● Push factors, which lead to the migration of children to the platform, and the pull factors at the
stations contributing to the migration process;
● The living conditions and magnitude of exploitation of platform children;
● Educational and occupational status of the platform children;
● Problems of reintegration with the family and society;
● Health status and risks including physical and mental health and sexually transmitted diseases;
● Role of various stakeholders in terms of awareness about the children, their living conditions and
exploitation;
● Involvement of GO/NGO/INGO/CBO/civil society in providing support, local resource

mobilisation and gaps and barriers therein;
● Frame recommendations to address their socio-economic problems.
The platform children have been broadly classified into three categories:
1. Night-stay children: Children who spend the night at the platform.

2. Catchment children: Children who spend a considerable amount of time during the day on the
platform.
3. Migrant children: Children who make brief stops at the stations.
A question of numbers
The exact number of platform children cannot be arrived at, as the population is very dynamic; it varies
according to the season, the time of day and a host of other factors. For example, a small field near the
approach to Sealdah (south) station is frequented by migrant communities. Between November and
February each year, honey sellers from Burdwan (in Midnapore) come and settle in this field. Their children
use the infrastructure of the station. In the month of March, bird trappers who mainly sell parakeets,
replace them. In Howrah station, just after harvest, people from Bihar (mainly from Arrah, Gaya and
Sonepur) arrive to work as daily-wage earners. The station is also a halt for quacks who sell ayurvedic
medicine just before the onset of summer.
The population of platform children also varies from hour to hour. In the daytime, catchment children,
who primarily come for work, dominate along with night-stay children. The situation on the platform
changes dramatically in the evening when the catchment children and the night-stay children are the
majority. However these figures are not static as some of them are highly transitory. They shuttle between
various stations. One reason for this is police raids, at which time children take cover in a safer place,
normally some other station, and surface later when things have returned to normal.
Methodology
After a physical headcount of platform children, 100 children from Howrah and Sealdah station each were
interviewed based on purposive sampling. Because the population of children in the stations was highly
dynamic, it was not possible to undertake any kind of random sampling. A pre-coded interview schedule
was prepared to collect information from the respondents. It was pre-tested to ensure coverage of the
important issues. Semi-structured questionnaires were also prepared for the platform children as well as
the other stakeholders like the railway authorities, hawkers, vendors, police, coolies, NGOs and families
living in the shanties near the Howrah and Sealdah stations. While framing the semi-structured
questionnaire, flexibility was the key issue to allow respondents to express themselves candidly. The data
collectors participated in an orientation training for five days before they started work, briefing them
about the objectives of the study and method of data collection. The older children, especially those
associated with the Don Bosco Ashalayam night shelter and non-formal school, were engaged to identify
the platform children and mobilise them to provide information. Focus group discussions were also
conducted with 10 platform children at Howrah and Sealdah stations each, with special reference to
substance abuse.
Data for the study was collected both from secondary sources and through a field survey at the Howrah
and Sealdah stations.
THE FACE OF PLATFORM CHILDREN 15
Primary sources
The following respondents were the primary sources for the research:
1. Platform children
2. Railway staff members
3. Police (GRP and RPF)
4. Hawkers, coolies, stall owners
5. Family members of the platform children
6. NGOs working in the area.
Secondary sources
The following sources were used as secondary sources for the research:
1. SEED study on Howrah station

2. Information and literature available at Railway Children (UK)
3. Reports of Don Bosco Ashalayam
4. News clippings, press releases and other articles on platform children.
Tabulation
Simple data displays in the form of tables and charts were prepared. The data was presented according to
the topics of discussion and the various sub-topics contained therein.
The key issues discussed were:
● Demography
● Push and pull factors
● Living conditions and organised exploitation
● Problems of reintegration
● GO/NGO support
● Substance abuse
● Sexual abuse.
Timeframe
January 2005 to June 2005
Sample frame and data collection design
At first, a physical headcount of children in both the stations was conducted at various times of the day as
well as night. Based on the headcount, an average number of children was computed which was as follows:
Station Night shelter Catchment Migrant Total

Howrah 66 71 18 155
Sealdah 90 50 35 175
It has already been mentioned that the population of children in the stations is highly dynamic in nature
and these numbers, calculated during January and February 2005, will definitely change in future.
The sample size for administering the pre-coded questionnaire for each station was 100, which comprised
64.51 per cent and 57.14 per cent of the total child population of Howrah and Sealdah respectively and was
fairly representative.
The sample frame of the 100 children was as follows:
Station Night Shelter Catchment Migrant Total

Howrah 60 38 2 100
Sealdah 43 44 13 100
Migrants were few as during the data collection period; most of them had left the station with the onset of
summer. The sample size for semi-structured interviews of platform children was 30 in each station. Focus
group discussions were held with platform children.
All three categories of children have unique reasons for coming to the platforms, indicating diverse socio-
economic factors responsible for this phenomenon. Hence it was imperative to study the children under
separate categories to have a thorough understanding of their problems.
Operational definition
→ Platform:
● All 21 platforms including the stalls inside the Howrah station area and all 17 platforms
including the stalls inside the Sealdah station area.
● Entire station area including over-bridges, ticket counters, waiting rooms, refreshment rooms,
subway (Howrah) etc.
● Shanties within the station (mainly Sealdah).
→ Platform children have been classified into three categories:
1. Night-stay children who sleep on the platform at night, using the station facilities like water supply,
bathroom and other infrastructure. They live and eat on the platform.
Arjun Shaw, aged 16 years, came to Howrah from Rishra, Hooghly district, after a disagreement with
his stepmother. He still maintains some relations, though strained, with his family. Sometimes he
visits home just to see his three sisters or give some money to his father. Being a hardcore drug addict,
most of his earnings are wasted on drugs. Shaw has been picked up by the police a number of times
and was once sent to Barasat Kishalay Home. After spending three years there, he ran away and came
back to Howrah station. Shaw is now firmly entrenched in the station, earning by scrounging around
trains, doing menial jobs, etc.
2. Catchment children are those who:
● Spend some time (not less than two-to-three hours) on the platform.
● Use the station infrastructure to earn a living.
● Do not sleep on the platforms, but leave at night to sleep with their parents/others at night.
Babloo, aged 10 years, lives in Naihati, North 24-Parganas. His father died when he was very young,
leaving behind his mother and two sisters. His mother makes mowa (a sweet made from puffed rice
and molasses) at home, which he sells on the platforms of Sealdah (main) station. Everyday he comes
to Sealdah at 8 am and leaves at around 7 pm. He is the sole breadwinner in the family. Due to acute
poverty, Babloo has never been to school.
3. Migrant children have been further classified into two categories:
● Transit children who are frequent travellers, do not stay in the station for long periods, use station
facilities and may or may not sleep on the platform at night.
Sunil (name changed), aged 11, hails from Nadia. Faced with an alcoholic father who used to treat
both him and his stepmother badly, Sunil left home. He came to Sealdah and settled there for six
months till he decided to move to Howrah after making contacts there. Once he received a severe
thrashing from the police following which he went to Kharagpur. Nowadays he never stays in any
particular station and is always on the move.
● Children of migrant communities who migrate to the town and live within 50m of the station for
a certain period every year and most of who have unique professions.
Kabir Rathod’s home is in Sonnagar, Aurangabad, Bihar. He had come to Howrah station with his
family comprising his mother, brothers, sister-in-law and sister. Every year, at a particular time, they
come to sell medicine. They stay on the platform and leave after a while. His family earns an average
of Rs 50 per day. Kabir is illiterate.
DEMOGRAPHIC FEATURES
In this section, the demographic profile of each category of children belonging to both Howrah and Sealdah
station has been briefly dealt with for an understanding of age, gender, level of education, religious/
ethnic composition and other details.
The tables related to Sealdah station have been prefixed with the letter S while those pertaining to Howrah
have been prefixed with the letter H. The data is from the sample at each station.
Age, sex and type of platform children
Table No. S-1
Age (years) Up to 8 8 to 12 12 to 15 15 to 18
Type M F M F M F M F Total
Night stay 1 1 22 6 14 5 8 3 60
Catchment 1 2 14 6 6 3 6 0 38
Migrant 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 2
Total 2 3 37 12 21 8 14 3 100
60 per cent of the respondents belonged to the night-stay category, 38 per cent belonged to catchment
category and the final two per cent were migrants. 75 per cent of the night shelter respondents, 71.05 per
cent of the catchment respondents and 100 per cent of the migrant respondents were male.
The majority of the children (49 per cent) were 8 to 12 years of age, followed by 29 per cent in the 12- to 15-
year age group and 17 per cent between 15 and 18 years.
In general, an overwhelming number of platform children were male. With the existing gender equations,
it was easier for boys to leave home than girls because of greater access to jobs. Also boys were generally
less concerned about any physical threat posed to them.
Table No. H-1
Age (years) Up to 8 8 to 12 12 to 15 15 to 18
Type M F M F M F M F Total
Night stay 0 0 13 3 18 1 6 2 43
Catchment 3 6 15 6 9 2 3 0 44
Migrant 2 3 4 1 2 1 0 0 13
Total 5 9 32 10 29 4 9 2 100
43 per cent of the respondents belonged to the night-stay category, 44 per cent belonged to catchment
category and 13 per cent were migrants. 84 per cent, 68.2 per cent and 61.5 per cent of the night shelter,
catchment and migrant respondents respectively were male. Here too, overall, the majority of the platform
children were male. Most of the children here (42 per cent) were between 8 and 12 years followed by the
12- to 15-years age group (33 per cent).
Distribution of children by religion
Table No. S-2
Hindu Muslim Others TOTAL

Night stay 48 12 0 60
Catchment 25 13 0 38
Migrant 2 0 0 2
Total 75 25 0 100
80 per cent of the total night-stay respondents were Hindu, while 20 per cent were Muslim. 34.3 per cent of
the catchment respondents were Muslim while the remainder were Hindu. Both of the migrant respondents
were Hindu.
Table No. H-2

Hindu Muslim Others TOTAL
Catchment 25 19 0 44
Migrant 9 4 0 13
Total 69 31 0 100
31 per cent of the total respondents were Muslim and 69 per cent Hindu.
Distribution of children by language
Table No. S-3
Bengali Hindi Others

Night stay 48 12 0
Catchment 9 20 9
Migrant 2 0 0
Total 59 32 9
In Sealdah, 59 per cent of the children were Bengali speaking and 32 per cent Hindi-speaking. 9 per cent
spoke Urdu and other languages and dialects.
Table No. H-3
Bengali Hindi Others

Night stay 14 24 5
Catchment 19 14 11
Migrant 5 6 2
Total 38 44 18
In Howrah, around 38 per cent of the children were Bengali speaking, while 44 per cent spoke Hindi.
There were some other children who spoke Urdu, Oriya and Telugu, constituting 18 per cent of the
population. The Oriya- and Telugu-speaking children came from Orissa and Andhra Pradesh respectively.
Distribution of children by education
Table No. S-4
Primary High School final

Illiterate Just literate Total
School School and above
Night stay 27 16 17 0 0 60
Catchment 19 4 12 1 2 38
Migrant 1 0 0 1 0 2
Total 47 20 29 2 2 100
45 per cent were illiterate in Sealdah, 26.7 per cent were just literate and 28.3 per cent children had reached/
completed primary schooling among the night-stay category. Among the catchment respondents, 50 per
cent were illiterate, 10.5 per cent were just literate, 31.6 per cent completed primary education, 2.6 per cent
studied till high school and 5.3 per cent completed school-leaving exams among the catchment respondents.
Overall, 47 per cent were illiterate, 20 per cent were just literate and 29 per cent had reached or completed
primary school.
Table No. H-4
Primary High School final

Illiterate Just literate Total
School School and above
Night stay 27 8 8 0 0 43
Catchment 30 2 10 0 2 44
Migrant 11 2 0 0 0 13
Total 68 12 18 0 2 100
Here too the level of education was very low. 62.7 per cent of the night-stay children and 68.1 per cent of
the catchment children were illiterate. Overall, 68 per cent of the sample population were illiterate.
It was quite clear that in both the stations the level of education amongst the children was quite poor. Due
to acute poverty many children could not study and had to leave home or take up jobs at a tender age. This
was particularly true of the catchment children. The night-stay children too had come to the station when
very young, abandoning their studies. The level of education was poorest amongst the children of the
migrant community because of their transitory nature.
Identification of the platform children
Table No. S-5
Ration card ID card Bank pass book Others None Total

Night stay 30 0 0 0 30 60
Catchment 17 0 0 0 21 38
Migrant 1 0 0 0 1 2
Total 48 0 0 0 52 100
50 per cent of the night-stay children and 44 per cent of the catchment children had ration cards. Overall,
48 per cent of the children had ration cards, which was their only proof of identity. However, even those
children who had cards had left them at home at the time of the survey.
Table No. H-5
Ration card ID card Pass book None Other Total

Night stay 10 0 0 33 0 43
Catchment 14 0 0 30 0 44
Migrant 1 0 0 12 0 13
Total 25 0 0 75 0 100
In Howrah, 23.3 per cent of the night-stay children had ration cards while for catchment children, the
figure was 31.8 per cent. Very few migrants had any form of identification. Lack of legal identity increased
vulnerability, leaving them open to abuse by legal authorities, which emerged in other sections of this
report. Catchment children, despite having ties to home, also did not have identity proof.
II
PUSH AND PULL FACTORS
Every migration process is a product of push and pull factors. The push factors relate to lack of livelihood
options, socio-cultural problems, ethnic and political strife, natural disasters, etc, in the source areas. Pull
factors relate to job availability, access to shelter and other infrastructure, security, etc, in destination areas.
In case of platform children too, the push-pull factors are both economic as well as social. This chapter
analyses the reasons children may have left home to live at the station. This migration is primarily rural-
urban in nature although there are a number of instances of urban-urban migration.
Source of migrants
Table No. S-6
Intra-state Inter-state Born in station

Night stay 48 9 3
Catchment 34 4 0
Migrant 1 1 0
Total 83 14 3
In Sealdah station, 83 per cent of the children were from West Bengal (North 24-Parganas, South 24-Parganas,
Nadia) and 14 per cent hailed from neighbouring states of Bihar and Orissa.
Table No. H-6

Intra-state Inter-state Born in station
Night stay 27 11 5
Catchment 36 8 0
Migrant 7 6 0
Total 70 25 5
In Howrah station, 70 per cent of the children were from West Bengal (Midnapore, Burdwan, Howrah,
South 24-Parganas) and 25 per cent hailed from the states of Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa and Uttar Pradesh.
Occupation of platform children
Table No. S-7

Menial jobs Hawking Begging Shops Others None
Night stay 1 4 13 11 32 5
Catchment 0 9 7 3 17 3
Migrant 0 0 0 1 0 1
Total 1 13 20 15 49 9
91 per cent of the children in Sealdah were working. 53.84 per cent of them collected items from the trains
i.e. empty plastic bottles, newspapers and valuables left by the passengers. 21.97 per cent begged while
16.48 per cent worked in roadside shops/eateries. Other occupations included pulling thelas, working
with the railway staff and criminal activities.
Table No. H-7
Menial jobs Hawking Begging Shops Others None

Night stay 1 0 11 5 36 1
Catchment 2 12 6 6 15 4
Migrant 0 0 1 1 13 0
Total 3 12 18 12 65 5
95 per cent of the children in Howrah were working. 68.42 per cent collected items from trains, 18.94 per
cent begged while 12.63 per cent worked in roadside shops/establishments or were hawkers.
Children came to stay on the platform because of readily available livelihood options. Almost all of them
were associated with some kind of economic activity. This was the single most important pull factor drawing
a substantial number of children to the station. Most of them become involved in scavenging on trains.
They sometimes would find expensive items such as cellular phones, spectacles or watches, which they
sold to local agents. They sold empty plastic bottles and newspapers to local traders who operated from
other platforms. Some of them worked in the stalls and eateries in and around the station. Many children
also engaged in begging, also a good source of income. Says Chhotu: “In Sealdah station, kids can earn up
to Rs 25-30 per day by selling water bottles, or Rs 50-70 per day by pulling trolleys.” There were some
children who worked in shops and other units. Raju of Sealdah station worked in a grille factory and
earned Rs 1,200 per month. A hotel or eatery would pay a child Rs 10-20 per day along with food for
carrying water and washing utensils.
In Howrah station the income was more as there were a larger number of long distance trains. Most of the
children reported earnings of around Rs 100 per day, a part of which they would send back home.
Daily income of the platform children
Table No. S-8
Rs 0-50 Rs 51-100 Rs 101-150 Rs 151-200 NA

Night stay 19 28 6 2 5
Catchment 8 20 5 2 3
Migrant 1 0 0 0 1
Total 28 48 11 4 9
Children earned their money by searching empty compartments of long-distance trains, begging, and
working in shops. More than 90 per cent of children in Sealdah had a source of daily income which was a
prime reason for them being on the platform. A few who earned more were reportedly engaged in criminal
activities.
PUSH AND PULL FACTORS 23
Table No. H-8
Rs 0-50 Rs 51-100 Rs 101-150 Rs 151-200 Rs 200+ NA

Night stay 14 15 8 4 1 1
Catchment 14 19 2 2 3 4
Migrant 8 4 1 0 0 0
Total 36 38 11 6 4 5
In Howrah too, the same income pattern was observed. However, with the large number of long-distance
trains, children earned more here from train checking. Some of the children were also involved in criminal
activities, from which they earned substantially. These included snatching, picking pockets and stealing
from passengers. They sold the stolen goods through an organised racket. Some said they would have to
regularly pay off the police. Asim of Sealdah station claimed he snatched a bag containing Rs 60,000 from
a passenger and afterwards had to shell out Rs 20,000 to a police inspector.
Contact with family
Table No. S-9
Yes No
Night stay 39 21
Catchment 37 1
Migrant 1 1
Total 77 23
Overall, 77 per cent of platform children were in touch with their families. Over 97 per cent of the catchment
children either lived with their families or maintained ties, while 65 per cent of the night-stay children
maintained contact with their families. In Sealdah, there were a number of children who lived with their
families in the area adjacent to platform 13 of Sealdah (South) station.
Table No. H-9
Yes No
Night stay 37 6
Catchment 30 14
Migrant 13 0
Total 80 20
A total of 80 per cent of the platform children were in touch with their families in Howrah and 68.18 per
cent of the catchment children either lived with their families or maintained contact. 86.04 per cent of the
night-stay children were in touch with the family. Children belonging to the migrant category stayed with
their parents and the family as a unit would migrate.
Sending money home
Table No. S-10
Yes No
Night stay 23 37
Catchment 36 2
Migrant 0 2
Total 59 41
38.33 per cent amongst the night stay respondents would send money home. Among the catchment
respondents, 94.73 per cent would send money home.
Table No. H-10
Yes No
Night stay 22 21
Catchment 36 8
Migrant 0 13
Total 22 21
51.1 per cent among the night-stay respondents in Howrah sent cash home. Among the catchment
respondents, 81.8 per cent contributed to household income.
While almost all the catchment children regularly sent money home, it was interesting to note that a large
number of platform children too were in regular touch with family and sent money. In many cases it was
found that the parents, mostly fathers, would come to the platform to collect money.
Shyamal Maiti is a 13-year-old boy from Ramnagar, Midnapore (East), now living at Howrah station.
Shyamal is the sole breadwinner, supporting his parents and three sisters. His father visits him every
month to collect money. He works in a tea stall, making and selling tea, washing utensils, etc. He has
been arrested by the police many times and physically tortured. His employer has had to bribe the
police to set him free.
Home visits
Table No. S-11
Yes No
Night stay 32 28
Catchment 35 3
Migrant 1 1
Total 68 32
68 per cent of the children went home to visit. As most of the catchment children stayed with their families,
their familial connection was quite strong. Significantly however, 53 per cent of the night-stay children
went home as well.
Table No. H-11
Yes No
Night stay 23 20
Catchment 42 2
Migrant 13 0
Total 78 22
In Howrah, 78 per cent of the children visited home. It was seen that catchment children had close ties
with their families. 53.4 per cent of the night-stay children visited home.
Frequency of visits home
Table No. S-12
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 NA
Night stay 9 10 5 5 2 1 0 28
Table No. H-12
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 NA
Night stay 1 6 7 0 8 0 1 20
1 = Once a week
2 = Once a month
3 = Once in 3 months
4 = Once in 6 months
5 = Once a year
6 = During festivals/family functions
7 = When sick or in need money or any assistance
It was seen that in Sealdah the bonds between night-stay children and their families were stronger than in
Howrah. One probable reason could be that the children of Sealdah came from adjoining districts and it
was easier for them to maintain contact with their families. On the other hand, children in Howrah station
came from Bihar, Orissa and even Andhra Pradesh, making visits more difficult.
Work and home
Table No. S-13
Yes No NA
Night stay 12 45 3
Catchment 4 34 0
Migrant 0 2 0
Total 16 84 3
17.91 per cent of the night-stay children in Sealdah used to work at home. 89 per cent of the catchment
children did not work at home. This was interesting as most of them stayed and worked on the platform
with their families.
Table No. H-13
Yes No NA
Night stay 16 22 5
Catchment 7 37 0
Migrant 0 0 13
Total 23 64 18
37.2 per cent of the night-stay children used to work at home, while the question did not apply to 11.6 per
cent of the children who were born on the station or living there since infancy.
None of the children said they left home because they were made to work.
Domestic violence in the home
Table No. S-14
Yes No NA
Night stay 27 30 3
Catchment 11 27 0
Migrant 0 0 2
Total 38 59 3
A sizable proportion of Sealdah’s night-stay children (45 per cent) were affected by violence at home. For
the catchment kids, the figure was smaller (40.7 per cent) but still significant.
Table No. H-14
Yes No NA
Night stay 15 23 5
Catchment 12 32 0
Migrant 1 0 12
Total 28 67 5
Here too, in the night-stay category, the percentage of children affected by domestic violence was pegged
at 34.88 per cent. For the catchment children, the figure was 37.5 per cent.
Thus it can be clearly seen that domestic violence is an important push factor compelling the children
leave home.
Raghu Yadav from Guwahati, Assam is around 9-years old. His father is a driver and earns Rs 5,000
per month. After the death of his mother, his father, an alcoholic, started abusing him everyday.
Raghu came to Howrah station and took the job of a helper in a nearby hotel. He also scavenges on
trains. Being a drug addict, he has now become physically very weak and has also suffered from a
bout of tuberculosis. Due to police high-handedness, Raghu now wants to leave Howrah and settle in
Kharagpur or Burdwan station.
Access to medical treatment
Table No. S-15
Yes No NA
Night stay 39 18 3
Catchment 31 7 0
Migrant 1 1 0
Total 71 26 3
Overall, most of the children (71 per cent) were treated at home when they were sick. The percentage was
higher for catchment (81.5 per cent) than night-stay (65 per cent) children.
Table No. H-15
Yes No NA
Night stay 27 11 5
Catchment 44 0 0
Migrant 0 0 13
Total 76 11 13
In Howrah too, 76 per cent of the children were treated at home when they felt ill. All the catchment
children were treated at home.
Who brought the children to the station
Table No. S-16

Alone Family Relatives Friends Employer Others NA
Night stay 30 13 3 5 5 1 3
Catchment 20 13 1 1 0 3 0
Migrant 1 1 0 0 0 0 0
Total 51 27 4 6 5 4 3
In Sealdah, 51 per cent of the children came to the station on their own. 27 per cent came with their families.
However half of the children of the night stay category came alone. 52.63 per cent of the catchment children
came to the station alone.
Table No. H-16
Alone Family Relatives Friends Employer Others NA

Night stay 24 5 3 6 0 0 5
Catchment 17 17 3 6 1 0 0
Migrant 0 13 0 0 0 0 0
Total 41 35 6 12 1 0 5
In Howrah, 55.8 per cent of the night-stay children came to the station alone and a few with their families
(11.62 per cent). An equal number of catchment children (39.5 per cent) came to Howrah alone and with
their families.
Friends at the station
Table No. S-17
Yes No NA
Male Female Male Female Male Female
Night stay 10 2 32 13 3 0
Catchment 14 1 12 11 0 0
Migrant 0 0 0 2 0 0
Total 24 3 44 26 3 0
27 per cent of the platform children had acquaintances – friends or relatives – at Sealdah before they
arrived.
Table No. H-17
Yes No NA
Male Female Male Female Male Female
Night stay 15 3 18 2 4 1
Catchment 13 2 17 12 0 0
Migrant 0 0 0 0 8 5
Total 28 5 35 14 12 6
In Howrah, 33 per cent of the children had some acquaintances at the station before they arrived.
Gradual interaction with friends coupled with the opportunity to earn with unlimited freedom attracted
the respondents to platform life. So once they came to the platform, they had little problem coping with
hardships such as police harassment due to peer support.
Rajib, aged 15, is from Howrah district. His father is a daily labourer and his mother works in a textile
factory. Their combined income was not enough to sustain the family for which Rajib had to take a job
in a tea stall. There he met a boy named Chhotu who lives in Howrah station. He started visiting
Chhotu and his friends in Howrah station and learnt of the various income options available. This
lured him to platform life and he started living in the station. His family ties gradually weakened and
he later became completely detached from them. Rajib is now a prominent member of the gang, earning
Rs 150 per day. Apart from train scavenging, he picks pockets and snatches. Being a drug addict, he
spends the bulk of his earnings on drugs and he also gambles. He spends the rest at local paan shops
and restaurants. Often, stall-owners dupe him. Rajib and his gang have also been accused of sexually
abusing newcomers at the station. He has been picked up by the police at least four times. Rajib does
not want to continue living at the station but doesn’t know where to go.
Why they came to the stations
The primary reason behind moving to the station was economic. 69 per cent of the children came to Sealdah
station to earn money. Domestic violence was the second most cited reason, accounting for 37 per cent of
the children leaving home.
Table No. S-18
Domestic For an Family

To earn Others NA
violence adventure indifference
Night stay 34 11 8 7 4 4
Catchment 35 26 4 0 1 0
Migrant 1 0 0 0 1 0
Table No. H-18
Domestic For an Family

To earn Others NA
violence adventure indifference
Night stay 9 4 18 1 5 6
Catchment 34 1 0 0 15 3
Migrant 10 0 0 0 0 13
53 per cent of the children came to Howrah station compelled by economic factors. The second-most
prevalent reason was a sense of adventure and the lure of city life. Fewer children here pointed to domestic
violence as a reason for leaving home.
Coolies of both stations like Raju Yadav (of Howrah) or Anil Paswan (of Sealdah) felt children came to the
platform as food was readily available. By searching the empty compartments of trains or begging, a child
could easily get his day’s provisions. Some felt the children were driven out of home or had faced economic
hardship. Weak family bonds could be another reason for children to escape from home. This was the
general feeling amongst ticket collectors, hawkers and stall owners at both stations.
Children also left home to be free. Some even came from families of relative financial security.
Some children’s parents were angry at them for lack of interest in studies, dropping out of school and
delinquency, prompting them to leave home and take shelter in the station. Sunita Sarkar of Gobardanga,
North 24-Parganas said her son Shyamal came to Sealdah station twice after being rebuked by his father
for failing his examinations. After failing in his Class VII examinations, Shyamal ran away from home
again and apparently started to live with his old acquaintances in Sealdah.
Suvankar’s home is in Mollakhali in the Sunderbans. A month ago he left home and came to Sealdah
station after his father scolded him for not studying hard enough. He had no idea as to where he was
going when he left home. He came to the station by train and stayed on. His father has a fishing
trawler and has an average monthly income of around Rs 10,000. Suvankar was studying in Class V.
He now supplies water to the shops and stalls at Sealdah station. The owner of the shop where he
works provides him lunch. He buys his dinner from what he earns throughout the day. He has
developed deep friendships with the other platform children who help him in many ways.
Physically and mentally challenged children also lived at the station. Some of them had been abandoned
there. Survival is far more difficult for them and, most often, they did not have any option but to stay there.
Æ Ajoy cannot hear or speak. He is about 13 or 14 years old and has been staying at Howrah for some
time. He spends all his earnings from begging, so cannot save anything. He stays alone in Howrah
station and has no friends. Occasionally he also scavenges on trains to get some food. However
most of the time, he has to buy food from nearby hotels.
Æ Samiul has been coming to Howrah station for the past 5-6 months. He is a physically challenged
boy who doesn’t have the use of his legs since birth. He receives no support at home. His own
mother is mentally challenged and his father deserted her and married again. His stepmother used
to torture and torment him regularly, leading him to leave home. He goes home occasionally when
he can give some money to his stepmother, though she doesn’t help Samiul when he is in need. Two
of his own maternal uncles are well established: one is a doctor and the other a policeman. His
father is a zari worker. Samiul now stays at Tatanagar station in Jharkhand. Every morning he takes
a train to Howrah station, where he spends 3-4 hours begging on the platform and in the afternoon
catches a train to return to Tatanagar, begging on the train all the way.
Children who do not get emotional support from family or come from dysfunctional families also face
serious challenges. Disintegration of the family is a contributing factor to children taking refuge on the
platform.
Sumita Kumari, aged about 10 years, is from Bihar. Her father passed away when she was quite
young after which there was acute poverty in the family. Her mother sold off their ancestral property
for Rs 3,000 and came to Calcutta to start a paan shop. Soon after, her mother and brother fell seriously
ill and all the money was spent on their treatment. Sumita and her family had to make Sealdah
station their permanent home. She and her brother beg on the platform while her mother is too
weak to work. Although they usually earn Rs 50-60 per day, sometimes their earning dwindles to
even Rs 10. Sumita is now addicted to bidis and Dendrite and most of her earnings are wasted on
drugs. She and her family are also subject to regular police harassment.
Many children abandoned by their parents or detached from their families took shelter on the platforms.
One child was displaced due to natural disaster. Rabiul of Mollahkhali, Sunderbans, would come to live at
Sealdah with his grandmother whenever his home was ravaged by floodwater.
III
LIVING CONDITIONS AND ORGANISED EXPLOITATION
Information about the living conditions of children on the platforms can provide insight about their
vulnerability and exposure to hazards. These should also be compared with the conditions back home to
throw more light on the migration process.
It has already been mentioned in the beginning of the study that platform children are highly vulnerable
and are in need of care and protection as defined under Section 2(c) of Juvenile Justice Act, 2000. Many
people take advantage of this vulnerability. This organised as well as unorganised exploitation worsens
their living conditions.
Living conditions at home
The children were asked to rate the conditions at home in the following categories:
1= Good
2= Average
3= Poor
4= Extremely poor
Table No. S-19
Food Clothing Shelter

NA
1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4
Night stay 1 19 22 15 3 18 24 12 3 14 23 17 3
Migrant 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 0
Total 2 19 23 16 4 18 25 12 4 14 24 18 3
The living conditions of the platform children (mainly night-stay) in Sealdah were varied. While the food
served and clothes given at home ranged from average to poor, the home itself was described by most of
the respondents as impoverished or extremely impoverished (67.74 per cent).
Table No. H-19
Food Clothing Shelter

NA
1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4
Night stay 7 15 15 1 7 16 14 1 7 16 14 1 5
Migrant 1 4 8 0 1 4 8 0 1 4 8 0 0
Total 9 19 23 1 9 20 22 1 9 20 22 1 4
Most of the respondents of Howrah station felt that food, clothing and shelter at home ranged from average
to poor.
Place of sleep
Table No. S-20

Alone Group Relatives Workplace Family
Migrant 1 0 0 0 1
Most of the night-stay children (53.3 per cent) preferred to sleep in groups, while others went home to
sleep with their families.
Table No. H-20

Alone Group Family Workplace Family
Migrant 0 0 0 0 13
In Howrah too, most of the night-stay children (67.44 per cent) preferred to sleep in groups. This implied
that there was strong group bonding amongst the platform children.
Living condition on the platform
Everyday the Sealdah and Howrah stations receive hundreds of thousands of commuters. The infrastructure
made by the railway authorities to cater to commuter needs like drinking water, toilets, seating areas and
sheds, are used by railway children. Many of them collect leftovers from trains such as Rajdhani and
Shatabdi. Thus the living conditions of the night-stay children in terms of food and shelter are shaped by
the prevailing situation of the platforms. For the catchment children, the situation is different because they
spend the night in their homes.
During the survey of Sealdah, a large number of night-stay children were found adjacent to Platform 13 in
the South section living with their families. Some solitary platform children rest in a nearby enclosure
where cart pullers also sheltered for the night. A number of night-stay children lived on platforms 5, 6, 9
and next to Platform 1 and the ticket counter of Sealdah (North) section. In a few places, such as Platform
9, the girls huddled together. Migrants normally stayed in an open field next to the railway lines.
In Howrah, a number of children were found living with their families on the abandoned platform 1.
Seasonal workers, mainly from Bihar, also took shelter here. While the children were strewn all over the
station, night-stay children mostly slept on platforms, near the ticket counters, subway, under the railway
over-bridge and in the freight unloading area. A strip of land covered with vegetation separating Howrah
from New Howrah complex was their favourite spot for gambling, substance abuse and sexual activity.
Table No. S-21
A. Lavatory access
Places Platform Train Workplace Others

Night stay 4 5 4 55
Catchment 8 2 25 33
Migrant 2 0 0 0
LIVING CONDITIONS AND ORGANISED EXPLOITATION 33
The children did not have any fixed lavatories. They relieved themselves in the bushes, open spaces, near
the railway lines etc.
B. Access to bathing facilities
Platform Train Workplace Others

Catchment 6 1 26 31
Migrant 2 0 2 0
Most of the children in Sealdah bathed near their place of work, on the platform or near it. Some used a
public tap near NRS hospital.
C. Drinking water access
Platform Train Workplace Others

Night stay 60 3 0 6
Catchment 27 5 2 10
Migrant 2 0 0 0
Most of the children would drink water from the station taps.
D. Food availability
Cook themselves/
NGO Train scavenging Hotel Workplace
at home
Migrant 0 2 0 0 1
Most of the children of Sealdah station got food from nearby eateries and shops where they worked. A
number of them would eat passengers’ leftovers. Some scanned trains for food like the Rajdhani. Amit, a
resident of Sealdah station, felt that there was enough to go around. “Rajdhanir somoye esho, mangsho khawabo,”
he said to one of the researchers. (Come when the Rajdhani Express arrives, we’ll give you meat.) Because
of strong group bonding, if a regular member of the group failed to take part in the train hunt, the others
ensured he got his due. The boys from the Rajdhani canteen supplied food to some of these children on a
daily basis. However the food was not free. The children would have to perform some routine chores like
sweeping or cleaning utensils to get it.
Sometimes volunteers of Loreto and Missionaries of Charity would supply breakfast to the children. CINI-
ASHA also provided lunch and dinner to some inmates of Sealdah station.
E. Access to a safe place for personal belongings
Platform Employer Residence NGO Others

Migrant 2 0 0 0 0
The children kept their belongings tucked away in hiding places on the platform. They did not keep things
with NGOs as they felt there could be thefts.
Table No. H-21
A. Lavatory access
Platform Ghat Train Workplace Others

Migrant 13 0 2 0 0
In Howrah, children used the toilets on the platforms, long-distance trains as well as open spaces like
bushes, etc.
B. Access to bathing facilities
Platform Ghat Pay & Use Train Workplace Others

Night stay 9 35 0 0 0 0
Catchment 10 16 0 0 0 19
Migrant 5 9 0 0 0 0
Most of the children at Howrah station preferred to bathe at the nearby Hooghly ghat.
C. Access to drinking water
Platform Ghat Train Workplace Others NA

Night stay 43 0 0 0 0 0
Catchment 35 0 7 0 2 2
Migrant 13 0 0 0 0 0
The drinking water was mainly collected from the platforms.

D. Food availability
Cooks themselves/
NGO Train scavenging Hotel Work place
at home
Night stay 14 15 30 15 3
Migrant 0 13 0 0 0
There were a number of children in Howrah station who would buy food from makeshift stalls run by
women at nominal rates. These children also developed nurturing relationships with the women. Many of
them found their fill of food on the trains, which wasn’t a problem with the large number of long-distance
trains that pulled into Howrah every day. Here too, group bonding was quite strong and food was evenly
shared amongst the group members.
E. Access to a safe place for personal belongings
Platform Employer Residence NGO Others

Migrant 13 0 0 0 0
In Howrah too, the night-stay and migrant children kept their belongings on the station, while the catchment
children would keep their things at home.
Time spent on the platform
Here, we tried to establish how much time the children spend on the platform itself. The responses of
children were divided into four groups:
1 = 1-4 hours
2 = 4-8 hours
3 = 8-12 hours
4 = More than 12 hours
Table No. S-22
M F
1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4s
Night stay 0 0 4 41 0 1 2 12
Catchment 1 9 13 4 0 1 7 3
Migrant 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0
At Sealdah, 88.3 per cent of the night stay children spent more than 12 hours at the platform, while 52.63
per cent of the catchment children spent 8-12 hours and 26.31 per cent spent 4-8 hours there.
Table No. H-22
M F
1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4
Night stay 0 0 0 37 0 0 0 6
Catchment 3 9 10 8 3 8 0 3
Migrant 0 0 0 8 0 0 0 5
In Howrah, all the night-stay children spent more than 12 hours on the platform. 38.63 per cent of the
catchment children spent 4-8 hours and 22.72 per cent spent 8-12 hours on the platform.
This illustrates that night-stay children at both stations were completely dependent on station infrastructure
while most catchment children were partially dependent on it.
Nature of entertainment
Table No. S-23
Games Cinema Radio/TV With peers Others

Night stay 54 36 17 57 18
Catchment 24 26 20 34 6
Migrant 2 0 0 1 0
Games (80 per cent), cinema (62 per cent) and spending time with peers (91 per cent) were named as prime
sources of entertainment. Other forms of recreation named included gambling.
Table No. H-23
Games Cinema Radio/TV With peers Others

Night stay 34 34 23 31 35
Catchment 36 16 19 30 10
Migrant 8 6 6 3 13
In Howrah, too, games (78 per cent), cinema (56 per cent) and spending time with peers (64 per cent) were
the sources of entertainment. While radio/TV kept 48 per cent of the children busy, other sources of
entertainment (58 per cent) included gambling, substance abuse etc. Watching movies was extremely
popular amongst the night-stay children at Howrah station, who left the station almost every evening to
go to nearby cinema halls.
The children made time for entertainment whenever they could. A few activities, such as gambling, were
also identified as critical to the world of the station. The freedom to gamble or watch a movie whenever
they wanted had immense appeal for the children, keeping them hooked to the station. It was also a
reflection of the fact that most of them had steady sources of income.
Fights with friends
Table No. S-24
Yes No
Night stay 42 18
Catchment 16 22
Migrant 0 2
Total 58 42
Although 58 per cent of the respondents fought with their friends, group bonding was quite strong. In
Sealdah, the fights observed were about stolen money and other valuables. Sometimes fights broke out
over trivial matters.
Table No. H-24
Yes No
Night stay 26 17
Catchment 7 37
Migrant 8 5
Total 41 59
In Howrah 41 per cent of the children fought with their peers. But here too they maintained group bonding.
They would fight over trivial issues.
In both stations, the children would frequently fight and their disputes would be quickly resolved. Tempers,
it was reported, were generally short.
Diseases suffered
Table No. S-25
Skin
Chest pain Diarrhoea Jaundice Typhoid Fever Chicken pox Malaria NA
disease
Night stay 2 18 5 1 29 9 4 8 10
Catchment 1 9 8 2 22 4 1 8 4
Migrant 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0
Total 3 27 13 4 53 13 5 16 14
Diarrhoea and fever were the most common diseases suffered by the children with instances of jaundice
and skin disease. These figures indicated the unhygienic conditions in which the children had been living.
The children collected their food from the trains, which was mostly half-eaten. They also did not bathe or
wash their hands or clothes very frequently, not having any information about health and hygiene. They
slept almost anywhere they could find.
Table No. H-25
Skin
Chest pain Diarrhoea Jaundice Typhoid Fever Chicken pox Malaria NA
disease
Night stay 1 10 7 0 9 5 1 0 22
Catchment 2 8 2 1 5 0 0 0 18
Migrant 2 6 0 0 2 1 0 1 3
Total 5 24 9 1 16 6 1 1 43
Prevalence of disease was relatively less at Howrah station, though diarrhoea was the most common disease
here too.
In both the stations, the platform children mainly suffered from water-borne diseases, indicating they did
not have knowledge about safe drinking water or that some of the water sources available were
contaminated.
There had been instances in Howrah as well as Sealdah where children met with accidents while crossing
the railway lines. Pappu of Sealdah station said a passenger pushed his friend off a running train. However,
he was lucky to escape with a only a few minor bruises.
Suman living in Howrah station lost a leg in an accident. “Trainer tolai kata porechhe,” he said, when
asked (“My leg was severed by a train.”). He begs on the platform and sometimes takes part in train
scavenging. He doesn’t seem to be worried about his lost leg because he knows that he is part of the
group and that the members will take care of him.
Problems finding a place to sleep
Table No. S-26
Weather Police Local goons Peers Others NA

Night stay 3 38 0 3 0 21
Migrant 0 1 0 0 0 1
62.9 per cent of the respondents felt problems finding a sleeping place were a result of police raids and
harassment.
Table No. H-26
Weather Police Local goons Peers Others NA

Night stay 1 28 1 0 0 13
Migrant 0 9 0 0 0 4
Total 1 37 1 0 0 17
In Howrah too, 66.07 per cent of the respondents felt police harassment was their main problem.
Jahanara, aged about 17, from Malda, has made her home at Howrah station. She makes a living by
scanning train compartments. Due to abject poverty, Jahanara had to leave home at a very tender age.
When this girl first came to Howrah, she was the victim of sexual abuse by her own friends. She was
also physically tortured by the police. Initially she wanted to stay at Howrah station permanently but
now wants to move somewhere else because of police torture and the resultant insecurity.
Movement due to harassment
Table No. S-27
Yes No
Night stay 12 48
Migrant 0 2
All but 19.35 per cent of the children accepted police harassment as an inevitable part of their lives and
chose to stay in the same place.
Table No. H-27
Yes No
Night stay 11 32
Migrant 4 9
In Howrah, too, only a few children changed sleeping locations due to police raids (26.79 per cent).
Whether they were ever taken into police custody
Table No. S-28
Yes No
M F M F
Catchment 9 0 18 11
Migrant 0 0 2 0
Total 32 7 42 19
Around 43 per cent of the boys and 26 per cent of the girls had been taken into police custody.
These children clearly had been in conflict with law, especially the night-stay group, in which there was
an almost equal percentage of boys and girls taken into custody.
Table No. H-28
Yes No
M F M F
Catchment 5 0 25 14
Migrant 0 0 8 5
Total 29 2 46 23
In Howrah, 39 per cent of boys and 8 per cent of girls had been taken into police custody. All the girls and
82.75 per cent of the boys were in the night-stay segment. Living at the station increased chances of conflict
with law significantly.
Almost all the platform children were of the opinion that the biggest threat to them came from the police
who treated them with disdain and hatred. Many had been picked up from the station and taken into
custody as the police suspected them of snatching, stealing and disorderly behaviour on the platform.
Reports of physical abuse by the police on the platform as well as in remand facilities also poured in.
The police regularly beat and abused the children where they slept. While some, mainly the newcomers,
shifted their sleeping place, the old-timers were used to police atrocities. Some policemen also engaged
platform children as informers to keep tabs on the activities of other children. In Sealdah a policeman
reportedly maintained a network of informers to find out how much the children earned through illegal
activities. Later, he extracted his cut from them.
The children attracted police attention due to involvement in illicit activities including snatching, stealing
and pick pocketing. Some were also reportedly engaged in drug peddling. Rabin Gupta (name changed),
an RPF constable, alleged that many of these children were habitual thieves. They stole valuables of
passengers and sold them to local touts.
Amit Das has lived at Howrah station since birth. The 15-year-old knows nothing of the whereabouts
of his family and doesn’t even know who his parents are. He is notorious in the station for stealing
and snatching. He fears no one, not even the police, and even boasts of being in police-custody 9-to-10
times. He is happy with his means of existence. He is addicted to tobacco, marijuana and bidis. All the
money he earns is spent on his food, addictions and entertainment. He has no savings.
The platform children relied on strong peer-group support to cope with police atrocities. If a child was
nabbed, the others immediately rushed to his/her rescue and pleaded with the police.
However Mr Singh, officer-in-charge, RPF, Sealdah, steadfastly denied the existence of children on the
platform at night. According to him, though children came to the station during the day in search of work,
none stayed overnight due to the regular drives conducted by the RPF. If any child was lost or came to the
station, he or she was taken to Childline. He admitted, however, that children fled whenever they saw
police.
Physical abuse
Table No. S-29
Yes No
M F M F
Catchment 11 2 16 9
Migrant 0 0 2 0
Total 40 12 34 14
The majority of platform children at Sealdah had suffered from physical abuse, at about 52 per cent.
Table No. H-29
Yes No
M F M F
Catchment 5 0 25 14
Migrant 0 1 8 4
Total 32 4 43 21
In Howrah, 36 per cent of the respondents reportedly suffered physical abuse.
The principal perpetrators, as mentioned earlier, were the police. Slapping, kicking, beating with sticks or
being chasing across the platforms were common occurrences. In fact, when researchers approached a few
children in Howrah station, they ran away, thinking they were plainclothes policemen.
Md. Akram has made Sealdah station his home. He never liked home as his father used to beat him
regularly. He scavenges on trains and earns an average of Rs 200. Akram says he has been lucky
enough to have avoided police detention but has been beaten up by the police and RPF several times
during their routine raids of platforms.
The coolies of both the stations confirmed the children are regularly beaten up by the police and sometimes
kept in custody for 2 or 3 days. Many of them felt however that the children deserved it. “Bada hoke yeh sab
chor banta hai (They all grow up to be thieves),” complained Rakesh Yadav (name changed), a coolie in
Howrah.
Other modes of exploitation
The respondents reported that they had been exploited by the coolies, cart pullers, hawkers and shopkeepers
who paid them a pittance for their work and sometimes gave them nothing at all. Raghuvir Yadav (name
changed), a ticket checker at Howrah station, felt the children working in the station shops were most
exploited. They had to work from 6 am to 10 pm and earned between Rs 5 to Rs 20 a day. Often the owners
thrashed them for minor errors.
Babu has been staying at the Sealdah station for the past 6-7 years. He has no parents. He used to live
with his aunt till he heard she had sold off his sister in her infancy. His mother had died while giving
birth to his sister and his father passed away in an accident. Unable to cope with his aunt’s behaviour,
Babu came to Sealdah. He now makes a living by rolling the bedding on long-distance trains. Sometimes
he makes Rs 5 or Rs 10 from this; sometimes he is not given any money at all. At the end of the day he
makes an average of Rs 10-20. He manages to get food from a hotel or eats leftovers on trains. He
sleeps when he can, depending on the schedules of long-distance trains at the station.
Md. Afzal (name changed), a thela puller of Sealdah station, admitted that he engaged two children to pull
the thelas, paying them Rs 5 per thela, though he charged the vegetable vendors Rs 35 per thela.
Many of the thela pullers at Sealdah station were platform children themselves. In their childhood they
were engaged by the thela pullers and have now grown up to become thela pullers themselves and were
employing other children. “Mai bhi bada hoke yeh dhanda karoonga (I’ll also do this business when I grow
up),” says Shahid, a platform child at Sealdah who now pulls thelas. This trend was not seen in Howrah,
where once they grew up, the children usually left the station and moved to the city or other metropolises
like Delhi or Mumbai.
A shopkeeper at Howrah who employed a platform child to work in his tea-stall for Rs 550 per month did
not agree that shopkeepers exploited children. According to him, it was the police who were the main
perpetrators of child abuse. The child he employed was regularly harassed by police and was once kept in
lockup. He had to pay a bribe of Rs 500 to free the child. Another stall-owner at Howrah who employed a
13-year-old boy to carry water felt he was doing him a service. “Mere sath rahega to kuch sikhega, nahi to
Dendrite leke para rahega (He’ll learn something if he’s with me otherwise he’ll become a Dendrite addict).”
According to him, police could not be blamed for taking action as the children would steal, snatch and pick
pockets. “Dus din mein ek din mar khayega to kya hoga? (What’s the harm if a child is beaten once in 10
days?),” he asked.
Another form of exploitation of the children was perpetrated by the shop-owners who duped them out of
their money. Most of the children earned money, a bulk of which was spent on addictive substances such
as glue. Some of them kept the rest with local shops-owners who promised them high returns. But in
reality, many of the children did not even get their principal back. In most cases, the figures are juggled to
fool the uneducated kids. There have been instances when the shopkeepers stoutly denied taking any
money from them. Children who were hard-core drug addicts were more susceptible to such deception.
Sadhu Yadav of Sealdah station alleged that some parents made their children peddle drugs or beg.
Sometimes children below the age of 6 years were “rented out” to beggars. Police, he claimed, were aware
of these facts but kept silent as they took cuts from the earnings.
IV
PROBLEMS OF REINTEGRATION
The only permanent solution to address the plight of platform children is to reintegrate them with their
families. Only this step can ensure their Constitutional right to enjoy their childhood, receive education
and become responsible citizens. Yet this seemingly logical step is fraught with uncertainties and difficulties.
The present chapter looks at those problems.
Catchment children maintain regular contact with their families and most commute from home. Most of
the migrant children move with their families. Hence the problem of reintegration arises only for the
night-stay children who have become detached from home.
Whether they plan to continue living on the platform (night stay only)
Table No. S-30
Yes No
M F M F
34 11 11 4
Table No. H-30
Yes No
M F M F
25 2 12 4
62.79 per cent of the night-stay children at Howrah wanted to continue to live on the platform.
This clearly showed that platform children were unwilling to return home despite difficulties faced at the
stations. Although reunion with families seemed the only logical step to ensure their protection, it was
extremely difficult when the reasons for detachment were economic and social.
Although night-stay children were detached from their families, many of them did maintain some kind of
contact, visiting them occasionally and even sending them money. Many of these children were the sole
breadwinners in the family and sheer economic compulsion ensured their place on the platform. Social
reasons like family disputes, torture and social tensions also compelled many children to leave their homes.
In such cases, unless the root causes of the dispute are addressed, chances of reintegration are remote.
Children, after coming to the platform, became used to a certain lifestyle, having a large degree of freedom,
access to films, a strong peer group, drugs and substance abuse and sexual gratification, which would not
be possible at home. Hence, though many children were willing to leave the platform, few were eager to
return home.
Ganesh, aged 15, lives at Sealdah station. He came here when he was 6- or 7-years old. He has no idea
about where he came from. He knows of no blood relatives, apart from his mentally unstable mother
who roams the Salt Lake area. He knows nothing about his father. He pulls carts, scavenges trains and
is an occasional pickpocket. Sometimes he is engaged in drug trafficking for which he gets Rs 150 or
Rs 200. He is unable to save because of his addiction to Dendrite, tobacco and marijuana. He wants to
reform his behaviour but feels that it is difficult in his situation to do so. “Sealdahar jol pete porle bhalo
hoya khub kothin” (It is very difficult to reform yourself once you get a taste of life in Sealdah),” admits
Ganesh. He was arrested by the RPF thrice and kept in custody for almost 15 days. He has been
physically abused.
Due to an unfettered lifestyle, a barrier was created between the children and their families. Some of the
family members treated the children with disdain for their addiction, sexual relationships and illegal
activities, though they keep accepting money from them.
Æ Sumit Biswas, aged about 15, came from his home in South 24-Parganas to Howrah station. His
family condition is fairly stable. One day he left home as his mother scolded him. He goes home
occasionally and during festivals but doesn’t plan on living there because he has become addicted
to tobacco, marijuana and Dendrite. He engages in commercial sex to earn a living, making an
average of Rs 200 a day. He has been in police custody 5 times and was once remanded for 9 months.
Æ Sunjay Kumar, age 15, was a resident of Khardah, West Bengal. His family consisted of his father,
mother and 2 young sisters. He has been staying at the station for the past 2 years. Before this he was
in Sealdah for a short time. He left home because of domestic trouble and since he had some friends
in Calcutta, he came to Sealdah. Through his daily activity of train searching and menial jobs, he is
able to earn Rs 100 a day and save Rs 40-50 after his daily expenses (food, addictions, movies).
Sunjay lives in a group of 12-to-15 children, comprising both girls and boys, and is quite happy with
his lifestyle. He has no plans of moving out of this group. Although he sometimes misses his family
he doesn’t want to go back home and lose his freedom. He knows he is in bad company and that he
won’t be accepted back in the family, though he provides monetary assistance to them as much as
possible. Sunjay feels his family is only interested in his money.
There were some children who did want to leave the station to find better alternatives. The challenge was
for them to find a place that offered them livelihood options along with ready infrastructure. So poverty
significantly contributed to the problems of reintegration.
Molly, about 12-years old, is from Dankuni in Hooghly. In the daytime she hangs around platforms 18
and 19 of Howrah station while at night, she heads for Platform 10. Back home she has a mother, elder
sister and younger brother. She earns Rs 80-100 per day by scavenging on trains, selling water bottles
and begging. She is the only earning member of her family. After coming to Howrah, she became addicted
to Dendrite. Some of the boys of her group have abused her sexually. She has also been physically
abused by the police. Molly does not want to continue to live at the station but doesn’t know where to go
as she needs to earn money.
V
SUPPORT FROM GOVERNMENT AND NON-GOVERNMENT AGENCIES
There are a number of NGOs who work with the platform children of Sealdah and Howrah. Some of the
services provided by them are:
• Night shelter;
• Non-formal education centres;
• Health clinics;
• Childline (emergency helpline);
• Nutritional support;
• Clothes.
There are also government-run facilities near the station in the form of hospitals and clinics. How the
children use these services is the subject of this chapter.
The NGOs operating in Sealdah station are:
9 CINI ASHA
9 Don Bosco Ashalayam
9 Missionaries of Charity
9 Loreto Day School, Sealdah
9 Calcutta Samaritans.
The NGOs operating in Howrah station are:
9 Don Bosco Ashalayam
9 Nirmal Hriday
9 SEED
9 Paschim Banga Krira-O-Janakalyan Parishad
9 Navjivan
9 #1 Trust (Uncle Michael)
9 Lions Club.
Access to assistance from NGOs
Table No. S-31
Yes No
Night stay 15 45
Catchment 8 30
Migrant 0 2
Total 23 77
23 per cent of the children of the sample population in Sealdah station have received some kind of aid or
assistance from the NGOs.
Table No. H-31
Yes No
Night stay 20 23
Catchment 6 38
Migrant 0 13
Total 26 74
In Howrah 26 per cent of the sample population have received assistance from NGOs. It should be noted
here that in both the cases, intervention programmes of the NGOs do not cover the migrants.
Most of the children in both stations do not rely on NGOs or any other organisation’s support for their
daily existence although some receive medical, nutritional and educational support. To them, an NGO is
not the primary form of help. Sangeeta, a staff of Don Bosco’s Childline emergency team, said platform
children don’t feel the need to take support of NGOs. They huddle together and help each other in times of
need.
Need for a night shelter (night stay and migrant)
Table No. S-32
Yes No
M F M F
Migrant 0 0 2 0
Most children (77.42 per cent) in Sealdah were unwilling to stay at night shelters run by NGOs.
Table No. H-32
Yes No
M F M F
Night stay 7 0 30 6
Migrant 0 0 8 5
In Howrah too, most children (87.5 per cent) were unwilling to stay in a night shelter.
Children like Babun of Sealdah station, engaged in unloading and transporting vegetables from local trains
to the nearby Baithakhana Bazar at midnight, strenuously refused to go to night shelters, as it would affect
their livelihood. Anup of Howrah station, an addict as well as a gambler, avoided the night shelter, as it
would force him to lead a more restricted life. Babai of Sealdah station was unwilling to go to a night
shelter because the authorities once handed him over to his parents.
SUPPORT FROM GOVERNMENT AND NON-GOVERNMENT AGENCIES 47
From the discussion with the platform children it emerged that night-stay children stayed away from
shelters for the following reasons:
• Loss of livelihood
• Curbs on freedom, including drug abuse and sexual activity
• They were far away.
Ujjal Das is a resident of Chakdaha. The 17-year-old came to Howrah station 4 years ago, leaving
home for no apparent reason. For the past 3 years he has been living in an NGO-run night-shelter.
Last year he left the shelter and started staying on the platform. While he was in the shelter, he met
some platform children who encouraged him to join the group. Whatever he earns from rummaging
around on the trains is sufficient and Ujjal also manages to put part of it aside. Even when he visits
home, he never gives his family any money. Ujjal also receives some food and medicines from an
NGO, though he claims it is not a significant contribution. He says he earns enough to buy cheap food
available at the station.
Open shelters do not have the rigid discipline that night shelters do, in order to encourage children to
come there. But drop-in-centres too have their share of problems.
Sangeeta, a staff of Loreto Day School, Sealdah, reported that there have been cases when girls were missing
from the shelters. When they returned, they had been physically or sexually assaulted. One girl was even
pregnant.
Around 5 to 6 children at Sealdah station felt that NGO shelters were not secure. They complained that
their valuables had been stolen from lockers, after which they stayed away from the shelters altogether.
Some children at Sealdah pointed out that while lunch and dinner provided by an NGO working in the
area was usually sufficient, breakfast was less than adequate. However there were a substantial number of
children dependent on NGOs for sustenance, receiving food, shelter and emotional support.
10-year-old Akhtar is a resident of Fazilpur, Bihar. He is from a family of 6, and is the oldest of 4
children. After suffering physical abuse at home, Akhtar left home around 2 years ago and came to
Calcutta. After his relatives refused to take him in, he ended up staying at Howrah station. Now he
sells water bottles and performs other menial jobs, from which he earns approximately Rs 200 a day.
He saves his money with his employer who is very supportive. Akhtar also receives help from Don
Bosco. During the day, he hangs around on the platform with a few friends but at night, he goes to the
Don Bosco night shelter. He has no plans of returning home.
Availability of clothes (multiple responses)
Table No. S-33
Buys them From organisations From donors Others

Night stay 51 5 9 2
Catchment 37 6 5 0
Migrant 2 0 0 0
At Sealdah, 90 per cent of the children bought their own clothes, 11 per cent got them from various organi-
sations and 14 per cent through donations.
Table No. H-33
Buys them From organisations From donors Others

Catchment 42 6 2 0
Migrant 13 0 0 0
80 per cent of the children purchased their own clothes while 11 per cent got them from various organisa-
tions.
Platform children receiving benefits from NGOs
Table No. S-34
No. of NGO 1 2 3
Night stay 9 5 1
Catchment 4 4 0
Migrant 0 0 0
A number of children accessed NGO services. Of these, in Sealdah, 56.5 per cent received support from
one NGO, 39.13 per cent received support from 2 NGOs while 4.34 per cent receive support from 3 NGOs.
Table No. H-34
No. of NGO 1 2 3
Night stay 15 5 0
Catchment 5 0 1
Migrant 0 0 0
In Howrah, 76.92 per cent of the NGO beneficiaries received support from 1 NGO, 19.23 per cent received
support from 2 NGOs while 3.84 per cent received support from 3 NGOs.
Children’s savings
Table No. S-35
Yes No
Night stay 39 21
Catchment 31 7
Migrant 1 1
Total 71 29
71 per cent of the children did save some money at Sealdah station.
SUPPORT FROM GOVERNMENT AND NON-GOVERNMENT AGENCIES 49
Table No. H-35
Yes No
Night stay 21 22
Catchment 42 2
Migrant 8 5
Total 71 29
In Howrah too, 71 per cent of the children had some savings.
In both the cases, the children usually gave their money to local shopkeepers who routinely duped them.
No GO/NGO support had been extended to ensure money earned by children was not stolen. Some chil-
dren did not save at all due to lack of security.
Medical treatment
Table No. S-36
Government hospital Private clinic Charitable organisations Others NA

Night stay 30 15 6 4 10
Migrant 1 1 0 0 0
Total 62 26 11 4 10
The children of Sealdah station mainly relied on nearby government hospitals (NRS hospital) for treat-
ment. A substantial section (26 per cent) also went to private clinics. Loreto Sealdah had sensitised staff
at hospitals like NRS Hospital, B.R. Singh Hospital and nearby medicine shops to ensure platform
children were treated at minimal rates.
Table No. H-36
Government hospital Private clinic Charitable organisations Others NA

Night stay 12 6 10 4 16
Migrant 9 3 0 1 0
Total 45 20 16 7 18
In Howrah too, most children (45 per cent) depended on government hospitals for treatment. 20 per cent
received treatment at private clinics while 16 per cent were treated at charitable organisations.
Educational support
Some of the children of Sealdah station attended non-formal education centre run by CINI-Asha. Loreto
too offers educational support to the inmates of its night shelter. Don Bosco Ashalayam was running a
support unit at St John’s Church near the station to engage children in creative activities such as drawing
and craft. At Howrah, some children attended the non-formal education centre run by SEED near platform
no. 1. However there were few school-goers as school was not a priority for platform children (as has
emerged from semi-structured interviews).
VI
SUBSTANCE AND SEXUAL ABUSE
Substance abuse is common amongst platform children. This section looks into the incidence and nature of
substance abuse, which further increases children’s vulnerability to abuse, exploitation, police harassment
and illness.
Platform children frequently become prey for sexual abusers. These incidents remain largely unknown as
children rarely speak of it. Some incidents have, however, come to the fore and have been described to
illustrate the complexity of the problems they face. (Though there is a separate chapter on child sexual
abuse and activity in Howrah in this volume, the sample of this survey was asked some preliminary
questions on the subject.)
Substance addiction of platform children
Table No. S-37
Bidi/ Heroin/
Marijuana Tobacco Dendrite Alcohol NA
Cigarette brown sugar
Male 41 12 30 14 1 1 11
Female 4 0 0 2 1 0 18
Total 45 12 30 16 2 1 29
In Sealdah, 45 per cent of the children were addicted to cigarettes or bidis, while 30 per cent were addicted
to other forms of tobacco. 16 per cent of them sniffed Dendrite while 12 per cent were addicted to marijuana.
Table No. H-37
Bidi/ Heroin/
Marijuana Tobacco Dendrite Alcohol NA
Cigarette brown sugar
Male 28 11 16 33 1 5 27
Female 0 0 0 2 0 0 23
Total 28 11 16 35 1 5 50
In Howrah, 35 per cent of the sample abused Dendrite while 28 per cent were smokers and 11 per cent used
marijuana habitually.
According to the coolies of Howrah station, almost all the children were drug/alcohol addicts. Ram Singh
(name changed) of Howrah station said: “Yeh kaminalog hamesha nasha karte hai aur chori chamari bhi karte hai
(These devils are all addicts and also steal regularly).” The most common addictions were Dendrite,
marijuana, bidi, cigarette and occasionally country liquor. “Dendrite lekar para rehta hai (They take Dendrite
and just lie there),” they added.
SUBSTANCE AND SEXUAL ABUSE 51
Anup (name changed) is a 12-year-old boy living in Howrah station’s new complex. He wears a
tattered shirt and patchwork pants. He is involved in begging and train scavenging and earns around
Rs 50 per day. One day, he got a brand new shirt and proudly displayed it to the NGO workers. To
their amazement, he immediately tore it to bits and distributed the scraps to his friends. They would
soak it with glue that evening when they went to watch a film at a local hall.
Whether they have ever been offered addictive substances
Table No. S-38
Yes No
M F M F
Catchment 13 3 14 8
Migrant 0 0 2 0
Total 42 13 32 13
55 per cent of the sample at Sealdah had been offered addictive substances at some point.
Table No. H-38
Yes No
M F M F
Night stay 32 2 5 4
Catchment 7 0 23 14
Migrant 5 0 3 5
Total 44 2 31 23
46 per cent of the children in Howrah had been offered addictive substances as well.
In both the cases peers and older children were the solicitors, reflecting just how deep-rooted the problem
has become. Most of the addicted children were in the night-stay category. Although most of them denied
having a problem, their drowsy eyes, the spots on their hands and general state of disarray were signs of
their addiction. While most admitted to it after persistent questioning, they all proclaimed that they would
never do it again. Sonali, a flamboyant platform girl in Sealdah, even described the feeling of alcohol-
induced intoxication, but denied having ever consumed any herself.
Rakesh Yadav, a coolie; Sajal Das, a hawker; and some others at Sealdah station complained that peddlars
used children to sell drugs as they would not come under police scrutiny as easily. Sadhu Yadav accused
some of their parents of forcing them to peddle drugs as well.
Commercial sexual exploitation
Although the children of Howrah station revealed little on the issue of sexual abuse, some of their
counterparts in Sealdah admitted to the problem. There were many young boys in Sealdah who were paid
as little as Rs 20 to engage in sexual activity by adults. Older girls had sexual relations with coolies, thela
pullers and other locals in exchange for little or no money. Girls between 12 and 13 years earned Rs 30-50
per client at both the stations. Older girls could earn around Rs 50-100 per client.
That the platform children were involved in indiscriminate sexual relations had been alleged by ticket
checkers, shopkeepers, hawkers and vendors. Coolies like Rakesh Yadav of Sealdah and Anil Singh of
Howrah complained that many older girl children were engaged in prostitution, with coolies and other
locals being their clients. At Sealdah station, Ajoy Ghosh said these girls were routinely exploited by
coolies, thela owners and even the police.
Staff of Loreto Sealdah agreed that railway staff and coolies sexually exploited these girls for paltry sums
of money. The girls too accepted it as means of earning. Apparently one girl at the Loreto shelter left the
home suddenly and, when she came back, she was pregnant. According to Madan Biswas of Missionaries
of Charity, cases of sexual abuse were very common in the station. They frequently treated children as
young as 9 or 10 years for genital infections or wounds. A few years ago, a girl of no more than 5 or 6 years
was raped and dumped near the station.
Ritu Singh is a 17-year-old girl originally from Burdwan district. Her father died when she was a child
and her mother works as a domestic help. When Ritu was 13, her mother sent her to work in Calcutta
with her distant uncle. Her uncle took her to a red-light area in Bowbazar and sold her. After a few
months, she escaped and came back home only to discover that her mother had married her uncle.
Ritu came back to Calcutta and took shelter in Sealdah station. Gradually, she started mixing with the
platform children and started working in tea stalls. The girl has also become addicted to bidis and
Dendrite. Later, she married one of her friends on the platform. Ritu is now pregnant. Her husband
does not allow her work anymore, meeting all her expenses, including drugs. Ritu still has relations
with some other boys on the platform, creating family tension.
Children were also reportedly involved in homosexual relationships. Sometimes older boys would
sexually assault the newcomers. They coined their own slang to describe these incidents.
The coolies of Howrah station like Raju Yadav said the platform children developed physical relationships
with other children after coming to the station. Many of them had multiple partners. This also prevented
them from leaving as they could not have sexual relations elsewhere.
Reba Das, an NGO employee in Howrah station, said the older boys sexually abused the younger children
on a regular basis. When these young children grew up, they took over and, in turn, molested the newcomers.
Æ Anwara Khatoon, around 15 years of age, lives on the platform. It is not clear why she left her home
in Bongaon, and she is in touch with her family. She works a fruit vendor, and, after meeting her
daily expenses, saves what is left with a local shopkeeper. She admits that sometimes she has sex in
exchange for money. She says there have been two attempts to rape her and that she has even
murdered one of her attackers. Apparently, she was kept in a juvenile home for 6 months. She,
however, still continues to live at Sealdah station.
SUBSTANCE AND SEXUAL ABUSE 53
Æ Rekha, aged about 16 years, ran away from home after being physically and sexually abused by her
stepfather and came to Howrah station. The attractive girl soon became the target of women who,
on the pretext of finding her a job, forced her into prostitution. She apparently later developed a
relationship with someone who took her U.P. and sold her.
RUNNING TO STAND STILL
GROWING UP IN ASANSOL STATION
A PRAAJAK STUDY
I
INTRODUCTION
The Praajak intervention in Asansol railway station was not a part of the Sanjog project, though it was
supported by Groupe Developpement. The nature of the target population and the issues addressed, how-
ever, were so similar in nature that being a part of this research into the lives of children living on the street
and railway stations was considered very appropriate.
Operational definitions
● Railway children :
Railway children are those children who live on and off railway platforms and satisfy any one of the
following criteria :
1) Run-away or abandoned children who do not live in a family and are on their own and make a
living out of various professions based on the railway platform and network.
2) Children with families living on the railway platforms.
3) Children with families from slums and settlements surrounding the railway platforms, who spend
most of the time on the platforms, have weak links with their families and often do not go back
home at night.
4) Children who stay on the platform throughout the day to earn and go back home at night and
share their earnings with the family.
● Platform :
Platform includes not only the raised areas where trains stop and start, but also the surrounding railway
properties — yards and other open spaces around the platform where the children live and spend their
time, with urban or rural settlements on both sides.
● Mobile children :
Mobile children are platform children who move from station to station to earn a living, mostly using one
station as their base but could be living on other platforms for considerable periods of time. These children
often cross interstate and international boundaries on their travels.
● Base station :
Base station is where mobile children spend the majority of their time. They come back to this station after
their travels are over.
● Station environment :
Station environment includes the relationships and dynamics the children share with coolies, stall own-
ers, railway employees, RPF and GRP. It also includes infrastructure like cheap eateries, places to bathe
and sleep and other related facilities.
● House:
A place where the children lives with parents and siblings, with very loose ties.
Methodology
Sampling: Purposive sampling was chosen as the technique based on the need for qualitative information
(rather than quantitative) and limitations of time, money and access. Planning and logistics of observation
are more manageable with a fixed sample. Greater attention was given to engaging, training1 , and super-
vision of competent interviewers, all of which enhanced the quality of the data collected.
The target population was railway children of Asansol station between the ages 6 years to 18 years. The
baseline survey data and the attendance registers of children at Asansol station prior to sampling pro-
vided the sampling frame.
Non-probability was preferred over probability sampling as the sample frame was relatively small2 .
Purposive sampling was the method of choice. We selected the units that were representative or typical of
the population as per experience of work with them. The general strategy was to identify important sources
of variation in the population and then select a sample that reflected the variation.
The period of data collection was March 2005 to July 2005. The four principal research strategies employed
for understanding the social world were experiments, surveys, field research (focus group discussions and
semi-structured interviews) and research using available data (case studies). Given the limitations and
biases inherent in each of the main approaches, a combined methodological approach was favoured. The
research methods used in triangulation to study the railway children were surveys, field research and
research using available data, as described below.
1. Survey: Face-to-face or in-person interviewing method of survey was used as it was best suited for the
target population. The nature of interviews was structured (30 respondents) and semi structured (15 re-
spondents). The survey period was March 2005 to June 2005.
Structured interviews were conducted through a mixture of closed-ended and open-ended questions, though
only a few open-ended questions were asked. While 30 railway children were surveyed in Asansol, all
responses do not add up to 30 as closed ended questions were multiple choice, and children could choose
more than one option.
Semi-structured interviews (14) were used to acquire qualitative information of a sensitive nature from
children and stakeholders, where the scope of structured interviews was very limited. The key questions
on every subtopic were developed in advance. The interviewers were given considerable discretion on
1 A planning and training workshop for the purpose of this research was conducted in IITD, Kolkata with 10 staffs facilitated by
the project director Mr. Deep Purkayastha and project coordinator Mr. Ved Prakash Gautam in January, 2005.
2 30 samples among 60 as per the sample frame.
INTRODUCTION 59
question wording and timing to ensure the interview was informal and not threatening to the respondent.
Field research: Participatory Rapid Appraisal (PRA) method was used to conduct 8 focus group discus-
sions (FGD) to ensure full participation of children while exchanging information. Care was taken to keep
the process entertaining and ensure respondents participated enthusiastically.
Available data: Available data in the form of the case files of the children maintained by Praajak were also
used to understand the respondents, extract more information and understand the problems. A case file
contains a child’s case study and other work likes his paintings, writings, progress report, details of any
significant events, etc.
Ethical considerations
Praajak believes in the principle of informed consent, especially in cases of research involving children.
All children participating in survey processes were made aware of the purposes of the research and their
willingness to participate was taken into consideration. Only those case studies have been used of children
who consented to being cited in research.
Praajak does not believe in extractive methods of research. We have made extensive use of participatory
methods of data collection to ensure a more interactive research methodology. PRA methods not only
enable us to elicit data from children but have also been used by facilitators to encourage discussions
among children about their beliefs and attitudes, their lives and their futures. Praajak will also disseminate
information with the children on completion of the report.
II
PUSH AND PULL FACTORS
Children were asked about the reasons they left home and the factors that led them to the station. Their
answers are reflected here. In addition to this, some of the other push and pull factors that Praajak has
observed through the years of working with similar groups of children have also been discussed to provide
a more comprehensive picture.
Push factors
The average age of children leaving home was 8 to 12 years. They have been to many other stations but the
majority of time was spent in Asansol, which was their base station.
Arun Kr Burman is a 13-year-old boy who lives at Asansol station. He prefers staying at the Asansol
station as police and the older boys do not beat him up there. He can’t imagine living without his friends
on the platform. Drugs are easily available, and he can watch all the movies he wants. If he had to leave
Asansol, he would choose to go to Dhanbad as his brother lives there. The boys do not fight there and he
can eat free tarka-roti.
The factors that pushed the children from their homes were varied and each type of factor and reason that
came forth during the research in Asansol has been discussed below:
Table 1: Push factors for children leaving home
Physical Fight at Natural No food

Remarriage Others Total
abuse home calamities to eat
8 (24%) 4 (12%) 1 (3%) 1 (3%) 3 (9%) 16 (48%) 33 (100%)
Physical abuse: 24 per cent of the total (8 children) among 30 surveyed identified physical abuse as the
most important factor for leaving home. One of the reasons children left home was they were unable to
bear the regular pain of physical abuse by one or both parents. Some of the children reported regular
instances of abuse by their parents, sometimes in a state of intoxication or sometimes simply because the
children failed to do as they were told. Children also reported that their parents used to make them work,
and when they weren’t satisfied, violence would result. This kind of abuse was so disturbing that often
there was no other reason for the child to run away. This factor came up in a focus group discussion on
push and pull factors with a group of children in Asansol.
Remarriage of mother or father: 12 per cent children reported they left home due to their parent’s remarriage.
Children said that after marriage, they no longer felt the house was their home, and it often also resulted in
increased physical abuse by the step-parent (“soutela Maa-Bap marte tha”). They also felt deprived of the
natural affection they used to get from their biological parents. They felt like strangers in their own homes
and were often burdened with work. Having left, no effort was made to find them or take them back home
even when their parents knew where they were. As a result of this tremendous pressure and tension, the
children felt the need to escape from home. This factor also emerged during the FGD on push and pull
factors.
These factors are also linked to substance abuse, which has been discussed later at length.
Fights at home : Only 1 child reported this as his reason for leaving home but many other children mentioned
it as the reason for leaving home in other stations in Praajak’s working experience, so it cannot be considered
a negligible factor. Frequent quarrels between parents, elder siblings and other relatives created a sense of
fear and insecurity in the child’s mind. This emerged in the FGD as well.
Natural calamities : Only 1 childreported this as his reason for living on the platform, where he stayed
with his family. The family was clearly poor and lacked resources to rebuild their home.
No food to eat : 3 children cited this as the cause of their leaving home. Abject poverty1 was found to be
one of the major reasons why children were forced to leave, and most of the factors behind the child
running away were in some way linked to it. General poverty aside, sometimes death of earning parents
(mostly of the father) could lead to situations of sudden deprivation. Children moved out of their homes in
search of food when parents were unable to. This trigger was also linked to other factors. For example,
peers were able to provide information about where food was available (the station, for example). It often
began with begging at a location near home, till the children gradually drifted away. In such cases, it was
also observed that children go home at intervals to contribute some money.
Others factors : Quite a few children left home just to be at the station, others came from sound families
with no problems at home. These children did not return home, or even if they did, came back again and
again to the station despite efforts by their family to hold them back. This kind of scenario had been
observed where children lived in the nearby slums and became friends with a railway child, who introduced
him to platform life. He would then get involved in gambling, substance abuse, making money and friends
and would be able to lead a free, reckless life, which was in itself a powerful addiction. Many children,
needy or otherwise, came to the station and had never gone back.
Peer influence was also a determining factor influencing a child’s decision to move out of the house and be
on his own with peers. This is linked to lack of family care and bonding on one hand and the lure of
money, freedom and hopes on the other. The children believed they would have a very happy life outside
the home, gaining confidence from a peer or the peer group, with the child believing friends would help
and support him. It was also often about stress-free relationships and special bonds of friendship binding
them together, about sharing, caring and being oneself, often a total antithesis to family life. One child
admitted he wanted a change from family life, so he went away with his friends. This factor came out both
in the survey and the FGD.
The need to earn also emerged as a clear trigger. Large families were either dependent on too few earning
members or there was simply not enough to go around. So the children had to take responsibility for
themselves and their families, with a number of railway children contributing cash at home whenever
1
Though only 3 children cited this as a factor, according to Praajak's experience, lack of food was one of the most important
factors, and was related to many other factors. It often was the reason parents were unhappy, or led children to leave home to
look for food, or prompted parents to send their children out to beg. Then outside influences lead them into a world of
gambling, addiction and platform life.
possible. In such cases, these children frequently went home. The move could also become desire driven,
with children wanting to enjoy themselves.
Feroz’s father had borrowed some money, which he could not pay back in time, forcing the 16-year-
old Feroz to come to the station. After he manages to pay off the debt, Feroz would like to start a
business – perhaps a shop – of his own. But in the meantime, the boy has found a source of support in
his friends at the station. He couldn’t imagine leaving and would rather go back home than shift to
another station.
With death of either or both parents, a child often faces monetary crisis, and has to leave home. This was
also seen in the case of death of the breadwinning father. Most of these children would continue to help
support their mothers. Sometimes the loss results in emotional trauma, prompting the child to leave home
with friends – usually on death of the mother.
Shabaz came to the station after the death of his father, who used to run his own bakery. The 11-year-
old boy goes back home, near the station, daily. He enjoys his time at the station, where he has a group
of friends and feels at home, and thinks it is very safe. He could not imagine going to a different
station. If he could, he would go to his father’s bakery, where he used to be very happy.
There were also children who left home with their parents and were homeless.
Rajesh Sao, 19, stays at the station with his family. He is the sole breadwinner, making a living by
selling bottles. He is not mobile like other children, preferring to stay in Asansol as the police do not
abuse him or his family there and he feels he can earn much more. He also couldn’t think of leaving
his friends and family. Rajesh thinks the number of platform boys has increased after Praajak started
work, but that abuse has gone down.
Exceptional factors: Sometimes exceptional factors or reasons prompt children to come to the station, as
has been seen from the survey and FGD. These factors could not be generalised as they were case specific.
These were as follows:
Revenge: One child said he had left home to seek revenge. The child used to live with his relatives till he
learnt that his wards had killed his parents for their property. So, he ran away and came to station so one
day he could go back and take revenge.
Police harassment: One child left home because police used to beat him and his family members at home.
One of his elder brothers was missing. Nothing more is known about why police used to harass his family.
To gamble: One child left home because his parents would not let him gamble with his friends who were
railway children. He was also addicted to bidis.
Pull factors
To earn : 17 children out of 33 children said they came to station to earn either for themselves or their
families. This was also reflected in the FGD on push and pull factors. Earning money was the core attraction
of a station, where children had easy access to work. The generally earned by (a) sweeping trains and
collecting money for it (b) selling empty water bottles found in compartments (c) selling water bottles to
passengers filled from the station’s water supply (d) selling tea from stalls (e) doing odd jobs for passengers
(f) picking up valuables left behind in trains, which they called “checking”. Children had various other
ways of earning in the station. Earnings were directly proportionate to the trains passing through, starting
or terminating at the station, which was also linked to the number of children in that particular station.
Many children left jobs in establishments to work at the station for more and easier money.
To live as they liked : 5 children said they came to the station to live as they liked, a factor that was also
reflected in the FGD on pull factors. These children did not have a happy life at home, being forced to do
things they did not want to do, such as begging. On the other hand, life at the station gave them everything
— friends, money, food, entertainment, games, mobility, movies, addictive substances (bidi, Dendrite,
gutka, cigarette, etc), time to play and the freedom to change work timings. They found freedom to do what
they chose2 .
On the station they were very quick to adapt, adjust and learn to live with the resistance they faced.
Conflict arose between them and other stakeholders in and around the station such as coolies, hawkers,
stall owners, passengers and law enforcement.
12-year-old Raja is from a well-to-do family in Asansol. He left home to lead life on his own terms. His
father, who owns a vegetable go-down, has tried to take Raja back home a number of times and enroll
him in a reputed school, but he has always come back to station.
To watch films/ plays/ go to the fair: Only 2 children mentioned this as one of the reasons for coming to
the station, but this factor was also reflected in the FDG on pull factors. This represented entertainment to
them and added to the attraction of the station. At home, films and fairs were not easily accessible as they
either could not afford them or parents did not allow them to go. At the station, they earned themselves
and chose to spend their money as they pleased. (Children have also been found to frequent video halls
across Praajak sites. These and other modes of entertainment like gambling, substance abuse, sex (for older
boys) were so compelling that children from surrounding areas were pulled towards the station despite
their parents not wanting them to be there.
17-year-old Kundan was mad about movies. He left home to go to Mumbai and become a hero.
However, the expedition was futile and Kundan is now in the station selling bottles, too ashamed to
go home without any money.
Insistence of friends: 8 children said they came to the station on the insistence of friends. When a street
child, child labourer or a child from an impoverished background befriended a railway child, they learnt
about life at the station, full of freedom, food, money and entertainment. Attracted by the promise of
plenty, they followed their friends to the station. However no groups of children were found to have
migrated to the station together. They generally became good friends at the station, bonds which became
very important3 .
Table 2: Pull factors for children coming to the station
To live as To watch films/

To earn Insistence
they liked plays/ Others TOTAL
of friends
go to fairs
17 5 2 8 9 41
41% 12% 5% 20% 22% 100%
2
This was one f the root causes as emerged in the problem tree on pull factors, a PRA method for FGDs.
3 This fact came out as a fruit of the problem tree on pull factors.
Others reasons why children came to the platform:
1. Left an existing job and came to the station to be free and earn more.
2. Md. Sabaj Alam came to station to find his older brother and never went back.
3. Babloo Tudu came to Asansol station as a thug used to beat him up.
4. Imran was a missing child.
5. Komal and Lakhi came to station with their mother who worked there. Now both children also
work.
6. One reason Arun stayed on the platform was to gamble.
7. Dilshad, aged 6 years, did not know why he was at the station.
8. Bijay did not like staying at home so he left and came to the station where he befriended the railway
children and stayed on.
Contact with home
Table 3: Frequency of vists home
Once a Once a Once in 3

week month months Rarely Never Others TOTAL
3 3 2 5 6 11 30
10% 10% 7% 17% 20% 37% 100%
The respondents were generally loosely connected to their families, though there were exceptions, with
some children coming to the platform to earn for their families, specifically their mothers. There were also
children who went back home regularly. Very few children were in regular contact with home, while a
number had no contact at all.
II
LIVING CONDITIONS AND ORGANISED EXPLOITATION
The living conditions of the children were unhygienic to say the least, especially during the rainy season.
They regularly suffered skin and stomach diseases. Doctors and proper medical care were out of their
reach (though they now can access medical care via Praajak); and more importantly, they did not want to
go to a doctor or hospital due to the gloomy condition of the facilities and fear of injections. If these children
seemed happy, it was because most of them came from even worse conditions originally. Exploitation of
an unorganised nature was also part of their reality.
When the children were asked to map the services they would like, a school came out as requirement in
the need analysis, emerging as one of the top three priorities identified by two different groups.
Where the children sleep at night
Table 4: Place of rest
Street Station NGOs Religious place Different places TOTAL

0 23 0 0 7 30
0% 77% 0% 0% 23% 100%
The children generally slept on the platform, choosing spots such as the musafir khana, in front of enquiry
counter and other places where there was a light, fan and no police to disturb them. It also gave them easy
access to late-night trains for checking.
Children and their valuables
Table 5: Where children kept their personal items
With self NGOs Religious place Others TOTAL

16 7 0 12 35
46% 20% 0% 34% 100%
The majority of these children carried their worlds with them, and had very few belongings or valuables
except money. Some who managed extra cash kept it with restaurant owners, stall owners at the station
and sometimes, even with hawkers. Most of the children also saved money with Praajak.
Most of the children used to have only one set of clothes at a time and threw away the old set when they
got a new one. Those who had an extra set of clothes kept them with Praajak.
The major component of the “others” column in the data table above is home. Children whose homes were
easily accessible preferred to keep their valuables there, and this group generally had more than one set of
clothes.
There were exceptions, of course. A 13-year-old named Aslam, it was learnt during the research, hid his
money in the jungle where no one could find it. To him, that appeared to be the safest place, though he had
a home and family near Asansol station, which had the means to feed him. He was one of those children
who befriended the railway children and came to the station.
Access to bathrooms
Table 6: Where the children bathe
Street Station NGOs Religious place Work place Others TOTAL

1 21 13 0 0 4 39
3% 54% 33% 0% 0% 10% 100%
Most of the children bathed at the station, mainly using the taps for filling water in train bathrooms
(platforms 1 and 2). Some also used pay-and-use toilets in the musafir khana. Others recently started using
the well in a local club near the station, a facility arranged by Praajak. The children who could bathe at
home did so. The exception in this case is Sanu Gupta, aged only 5 years, who bathed at a nearby roadside
tap.
Availability of food
Table 7: Where children ate
NGOs Religious place Work place Street Station Others TOTAL

0 0 0 0 8 25 33
0% 0% 0% 0% 24% 76% 100%
The “others” column in the data table above was mainly eateries near the station. All these children earned
enough money to afford food there, costing around Rs 5 to Rs 10 per meal. Three children represented in
this column ate at home or cooked food with their families, and only sometimes ate at hotels. One child
begged for food at the station but also went to hotels when he could afford it. Those children (24 per cent)
who had food at the station begged for it in the pantry cars of every train. Even they sometimes bought
food from stalls or eateries.
Most of the children ate at hotels at night, while others ate with their families or at home. None of the
children ate on the platform, as there were no major trains passing through Asansol at the time.
Æ Hyder Ali is a 10-year-old boy who lives at the Asansol station with his family. He sleeps near the
enquiry counter by the main entrance. He keeps his belongings with his mother and bathes on
platform 1 almost daily, though not in winter. He doesn’t use soap regularly, though he cuts his hair
– though not his nails – frequently. He has two sets of clothes, which his mother washes. Hyder also
has a new pair of shoes that has been kept safely, only to be used on special occasions. He either eats
food made by his mother or what he gets from trains or hotels near the station. He spends Rs 5 on
food a day. He has accessed government hospitals when he was ill in the past.
Æ Feroz is a 16-year-old from Asansol station. His family stays in Giridi, 20 km from Asansol. He visits
them every three to four months. He sleeps near the enquiry counter and keeps his belongings to
himself. Feroz’s right leg has been afflicted by polio. Since he has to drag himself to move, he doesn’t
feel the need to wear shoes. He does not bathe regularly, but when he does he uses the water supply
on Platform 1. He doesn’t regularly brush his teeth or use soap, though he does gets his hair cut.
Feroz only has one set of clothes. Whenever he gets a new set he gives away the old one. He washes
his clothes sometimes with soap on Platform 1. He eats in hotels near the station, spending around
Rs 5 on food daily. If he falls sick, Feroz goes to the government hospital or to the medicine shop
near the station.
Æ Arun Burman sleeps near the musafir khana at Asansol station. The 13-year-old goes home for festivals
or marriages. He keeps his belongings at home or gives them to his mother, who comes to the
station regularly. He used to bathe regularly on Platform 1, though he has recently started going to
a nearby club. He cuts his hair regularly and even uses tooth powder. He has four sets of clothes.
The good ones are kept at home. He purchases new sets during festivals. He sometimes washes his
clothes on Platform 1. He has a new pair of shoes at home, to be used for special occasions. He does
not want to wear shoes when he is at the station as he feels it will hinder his work (slippers might
get stuck and he could fall while jumping on or off moving trains). He eats at hotels near the station,
spending Rs 5-10 on food per day. He goes to the government hospital in case he is seriously ill or
else takes medicine from the nearby medical shop.
Leisure time
Table 8: Children’s leisure activities
Play with friends Watch movies Gamble Others TOTAL

25 12 12 2 51
49% 24% 24% 4% 100%
The children engaged in a host of activities when they had time, like playing with friends (generally
running around, playful fighting, chatting, etc.), going to watch movies, gambling, sleeping or loitering.
Nature of addiction
Table 9: Substances abused by children
Glue Ganja Bidi/cigarettes Alcohol Others TOTAL

21 5 16 2 15 59
36% 8% 27% 3% 25% 100%
33 per cent of the children sniffed glue at Asansol station, the most common substance used as it was
cheap and easily available. Almost all the children were addicted to glue along with other substances.
Glue has been generally observed to be the most basic addiction, which initiates children into substance
abuse, usually prompting them to move towards harder substances. For these children, glue sniffing was
a group activity. They always shared their glue with friends, much like college students would counter
cigarettes.
8 per cent of the children were addicted to marijuana along with other substances. Ganja was not a very
common addiction. Being expensive and not readily available, it remained the domain of older boys. 25
per cent children smoked bidis and cigarettes along with other substances. Bidis were cheap but were not
the first preference. Glue addicts smoked bidis and cigarettes in addition to inhaling glue. 3 per cent of
children drank alcohol. It was not very popular as its smell attracted attention and affected mobility.
Another popular substance was gutka (Triranga, Tez, 5000, Srikhar) and khaini. Gutka was very common
across age groups, being cheap and easily available. Even young girls were addicted to gutka. Though
khaini did not come up as a major substance of abuse in the survey, it had been commonly noted amongst
older boys.
All the children used a combination of substances, depending on their preferences.
Hyder Ali succumbed to peer pressure and started taking drugs 2 years ago, after coming to the
station. He now uses gutka, Dendrite and ganja. He prefers Dendrite, which is more intoxicating and
easily available. He soaks a cloth with the glue and then sniffs it, often sharing a tube with friends. He
spends Rs 15 to Rs 20 a day on these tubes, paying for it out of his own earnings, buying it from the
pan shops next to Platform 6. He claims he is more energetic after sniffing Dendrite and that it helps
him eat less and escape hunger. He has never been in trouble with police for his drug habit.
How children earn
Table 10: Modes of earning
Helping Working in Sweeping

Begging Selling Stealing TOTAL
brokers stall trains
11 16 0 1 0 24 52
21% 31% 0% 2% 0% 46% 100%
21 per cent of the children begged to earn along with other modes of earning in Asansol. Begging was
common among the younger boys and girls; they generally started begging, later graduating to other
occupations. Boys more than 6 years of age did not beg.
31 per cent children reported they sold wares of some kind. They generally collected empty bottles left by
the passengers on trains and sold them to vendors or filled them with water from the station’s drinking
water supply and then sold them. They also collected the foil used to rap food in the pantry car in the trains
and sold it to vendors for recycling. Sometimes they also sold newspapers, food or tea for stall-owners to
earn commission.
One child reported that he helped brokers (pimps) as one of his sources of income. While this mode of
earning was very rare among children, it had been observed in the past. Sometimes children dealt directly
with clients themselves.
Though in Asansol none of the children surveyed work in stalls, this was quite common in other stations.
The chief occupation reported by children was sweeping trains (46 per cent). This was one of the easiest
and most profitable jobs to do, and the broom acts as a passport for these children to travel anywhere.
Daily earnings of children
Table 11: Earnings per day
<Rs 10 Rs 10-20 Rs 20-30 >Rs 30 TOTAL

1 1 5 22 29
3% 3% 17% 76% 100%
76 per cent of the children surveyed reported that they earned between Rs 30 and Rs 50 on an average per
day. The children who put in extra effort actually earned about Rs 80-90 a day. The children who earned Rs
0 to 20 per day were very young and earned by begging.
How children spend money
Table 12: Main expenses
Gambling Addiction Buying clothes Buying food Living expenses TOTAL

16 28 0 28 0 72
22% 39% 0% 39% 0% 100%
Apart from food, children spent most of their money on gambling and substance abuse, with 22 per cent
naming gambling as a regular expense. The children gambled whenever they got time and money. Children
who were not gambling themselves watched and cheered on the gamblers, often followed by a treat from
the winning party. The children said they liked to gamble because the uncertainty excited them. Greed
was also one of the reasons why they gambled: they were unable to restrain themselves when they saw
others winning money. Some gambled on credit if they did not have money. Gambling could lead to fights
as well, if the treats were not dished out by the winner or if someone was found cheating. They generally
gambled on two games: a coin game and a card game.
Æ Hyder Ali has been gambling for the past 2 years. He started gambling with his friends, and the
thrill of winning more money makes him keep playing. They have a number of gambling games
such as lal-pila (coins) and card matching. He plays every day in the field next to Platform 6 at
Asansol station. He spends Rs 10 a day, sometimes losing it all, at other times earning as much as Rs
100 or even Rs 200. Most of his friends gamble as well. They often get into trouble with the GRP
Juvenile Officer “Ghosh babu”, who beats them up. They all flee to Dhanbad when this happens.
Æ Arun Burman, 13, does not gamble much. When he does, it is usually to win some extra money to
take home. Most of his friends gamble in the field next to Platform 6 or even on platforms. The
police beat up boys if they are caught gambling. He has never got into trouble with the police for
gambling.
Æ Kundan plays a number of gambling games but prefers card patti since he wins more money on it.
The 17-year-old plays since he likes to win.
FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION ON GAMBLING THROUGH PROBLEM TREE ANALYSIS
This activity was performed in order to find out why children living on and off the Asansol station
gambled and its subsequent effects.
Reasons for gambling (root) :

● “Timepass, we play when there are no trains”;
● Greed, to win money;
● Desire to win money from others;
● To get money for glue or movies;
● Winner treats the rest of them, bringing them together;
● Gambling is addictive.
Effects of gambling (fruit) :

● An older boy steals money from the children;
● If a winner does not treat, fights result;
● Children steal money or sell belongings to gamble;
● They can get marked as gamblers by the police, people in power;
● Police beat them;
● Those who are not gambling also get beaten up;
● Get so involved that they miss trains;
● Hurts to lose when the winner cheats;
● It passes time;
● Feels good;
● When we do not have money, we play on credit..
39 per cent of the children said that one of the things they spent money on is their addictions. Almost all
the respondents were addicted to something, from gutka to ganja. There were different triggers and outcomes
of each child’s drug abuse. It was very difficult for them to quit while at the station due to continuing peer
pressure. Substance abuse was a social activity and those not involved were left out of the circle of friends.
39 per cent spent money on food. Most of the children did not have a routine diet. They ate at restaurants
near the station, begged for or collected food from the passengers and pantry cars of the trains that passed
through. They generally shared whatever they ate.
Physical abuse of children
Table 13: Identifying the abusers
Yes No TOTAL
Elder
Police Hawkers Cooli Passengers Mastan/dada NGOs Others
boys/girls
16 10 3 0 7 1 0 0 5 42
38% 24% 7% 0% 17% 2% 0% 0% 12% 100%
38 per cent children reported that they were physically abused by the police and others. The police physically
abused the children when they found them gambling, or abusing addictive substances. The children were
so afraid of police in Asansol that they travelled to Dhanbad to sleep at night. The children ran away at the
sight of the policemen who abused them. While police refused to comment on the subject formally, off the
record, they said that platform children could not really be changed. They felt they could only control
them by using physical abuse and instilling fear of law.
24 per cent children reported that the hawkers also physically abused them. Hawkers hated these children
as they were rivals in the water business. The children sold tap water at a much lower price than the
bottled water sold by the hawkers. They often abused these children physically and verbally. According to
the hawkers, the children were a nuisance to the stations, platforms and trains, and their behaviour could
not be changed. The hawkers did not consider that these children come from dysfunctional families. They
felt the children were at the station for money and to live life as they chose.
Manoj Prasad is a newspaper hawker at Asansol station. He believes that he hates railway children,
that Praajak is wasting its time trying to change them. He feels the children are at the station as they
want to earn, take drugs and gamble. Manoj feels the children do not deserve any love, and should be
beaten up and thrown out of the station. No one should ever give them money as they purposely chop
their legs off in order to earn more through begging. Most of them have homes near the station. They
don’t like leaving the stations, and their guardians don’t care either. They earn lots of money but
spend it all on Dendrite and gambling.
7 per cent of the respondents reported the coolies abused them as well. A further factor compounding
coolies’ hatred for children was that they worked as coolies sometimes, which affected earnings. The smaller
ones who ran around the station often obstructed them while they were carrying luggage or goods.
17 per cent of the children said the older children abused them. Bullying of younger children had been
observed in all the stations. The elder children also protected the younger ones in exchange for favours
from them. This often led to fights.
Only 1 child reported being abused by a local goon.
Problems of reintegration
A major obstacle faced in reintegration programmes for railway children is that many of them do not have
families or their families could not be located. The children are highly mobile and come from across the
country – or even from other countries such as Bangladesh or Nepal – and sheer distance makes it highly
complicated. Many of the children leave home at a very young age and cannot remember where they were
from or where their relatives lived. The families may have left their original locations, or have disintegrated.
Even when families are found, they are often not willing to take the children back, lacking the means or
sometimes the will to take responsibility for them.
Children too may not want to go back, having left home after facing abuse, physical violence or deprivation.
Most of the children are from economically underprivileged families, with low incomes and detrimental
environment. Parents are frequently addicts, and demonstrate violent and dangerous behaviour towards
each other and the children. They could also be single-parent households.
When family reintegration fails, other possibilities have to be explored. Often children had become detached
from society due to their way of life, especially when they are living on railway platforms for extended
periods of time. They become accustomed to the freedom and mobility this life offered them. This makes it
difficult for them to adjust to a more traditional lifestyle. Addiction and gambling further reduce their
ability to reintegrate with mainstream society. Negative experiences with authority figures also cause
distrust. Children who are reintegrated are also prone to return to the station. It is not unusual to find
children coming back to the station after being taken in by child-care institutions. The station lifestyle
drew them back. They found it difficult to let go of their freedom and independence. They often face
problems in structured ways of life, making it difficult for them to accept rules banning smoking and
addiction, or more basic regulations such a fixed bedtime or dinnertime. Rigid approaches adopted by
institutions seem to backfire and cause children to rebel and run away.
III
GOVERNMENT AND NON-GOVERNMENT SUPPORT
At Asansol, the RPF, Railways and GRP have been providing active support to Praajak in its endeavour to
rehabilitate the railway children. ICDS and Nai Disha also work in the station area, though not with the
railway children. RPF has recently allocated a space as a drop-in-centre for Praajak to conduct its activities
with these children and is also expected to provide a night shelter. The railways, represented by the Station
Master, support the work and invite the children for national festival celebrations by the Railways. The
GRP too supports this programme and helps Praajak by providing assistance whenever there is a problem
with security of staff. The authorities also attend events organised for the children.
Community-based governmental organisations like Community Polytechnic Cell have also pledged their
support, proposing vocational training for the children. The civil administration is also trying to help by
providing clothes and books. None of these agencies provided any support before Praajak’s work started,
and choose to route all projects through Praajak.
Support or services that these children receive or the opportunities for which exist have been mapped by
the children in a services and opportunity map, the findings of which follow.
Access to government hospitals
Table 14: If they have been to hospital
Yes No TOTAL
19 11 30
63% 37% 100%
While the children disliked hospitals and avoided going there, figures showed that most of the children
have used the facilities. Praajak took them to health clinics and camps whenever they were held and to
hospitals when they fell sick.
Conflict with law
Table 15: If they had been to a police station
Yes No TOTAL
15 15 30
50% 50% 100%
Many of these children were involved in petty crime, which led to altercations with the law. Sometimes
they were framed or unnecessarily punished by the police.
Police assistance
Table 16: If they had sought help from the police
Yes No TOTAL
14 16 30
47% 53% 100%
Children often complained to police against their friends as a form of revenge. They passed on information
about who sniffed glue, petty thefts or even fabricated stories. When the police acted on their tip offs, the
children felt grateful. When children handed over valuables they found on trains or at the station, the
police bought them biscuits or soda, which they also felt was a favour.
Psychological support
Table 17: Who they turned to for support
No one NGO workers Employer Others TOTAL

20 3 0 9 32
63% 9% 0% 28% 100%
A shoulder to cry on was the most difficult thing for children to find. Despite all their freedom, mobility
and independence, the key to rehabilitation lay here. 63 per cent of children had no one to turn to in times
of emotional distress. 28 per cent went to their friends and family.
Access to healthcare
Table 18: Where they went for medical help
Medicine Hospital Religious

NGOs Employer Others NA TOTAL
Shop place
10 0 15 14 0 0 1 40
25% 0% 38% 35% 0% 0% 3% 100%
When children were sick they generally turned to NGOs or bought medicines from the pharmacy on their
own. Praajak has been taking them to hospitals to visit the doctor and tried to source or purchase the
medicine for them.
Clothing
Table 19: Where they get their clothes
Religious Purchased from

NGOs Workplace Others TOTAL
place shop
16 0 0 19 5 40
40% 0% 0% 48% 13% 100%
GOVERNMENT AND NON-GOVERNMENT SUPPORT 75
Generally the children purchased a new set of clothes when the old set became too old or dirty. They
usually went to the second-hand market near the station. They also got their clothes from Praajak. Sometimes
they received clothes from local clubs or associations.
Experience of NGO-run shelters
Table 20: If they had ever lived in an NGO shelter home
Yes No TOTAL
5 25 30
17% 83% 100%
17 per cent of the children surveyed claimed to have lived in an NGO-run home at some point in time. It
was likely they misunderstood this question, as, till now, there were no NGOs in Asansol providing night-
stay facilities.
Interaction with NGOs
Table 21
Yes No TOTAL
11 19 30
37% 63% 100%
Most of the children did not understand the meaning of the word “NGO”, which may have resulted in the
high number of negatives. The kids called Praajak’s outreach workers “bhaiya” and “didi”.
SOLACE FROM THE STREET
VULNERABLE CHILDREN IN KHULNA AND BARISAL
AN APARAJEYO-BANGLADESH STUDY
I
INTRODUCTION
Situation analysis of children in a street situation
The reasons for boys and girls leaving their homes are intrinsically linked with the behaviours and strategies
children subsequently use to survive when they live on the street. These in turn impact their vulnerability
and treatment within the vicious cycle of abuse and exploitation. There is no escape from the various
forms of abuse and exploitation at any point for children who live on the street.
Children in a street situation flock to urban hubs due to varied earning opportunities. But incidences of
violence, physical and sexual abuse and exploitation, harassment and torture by law-enforcing agencies
are much graver problems in the cities. Children are also easily lured into involvement with anti-social
activities. They are trapped into a world where they are made to transport drugs, arms and ammunition
and even participate in violent political agitation. Though children are paid to carry out such activities,
they are also forced to live as fugitives or are incarcerated, while others are at risk of severe physical harm.
In the cities, the children are mostly found near railway stations; launch, boat and bus terminals; busy
markets and commercial areas; parks; pavements; big mosques and mazars (shrines). Here, children can
earn around Taka 30-40 (half a dollar) a day through the following occupations and activities:
• Porter • Bus/truck/tempo helper • Begging

• Rag picker • Newspaper boys • Informal sex work
• Restaurant helper • Pushing carts • Organised crime
• Shop helper • Selling flowers, candies, etc. • Petty theft/pilfering
• Vendor • Shining shoes • Robbery
It is not enough to explain that children on the street end up there due to poverty. Unequal access to decent
standards of living or work and increased violence within marginalized families are also contributing
factors. Invisible economic reasons force the child to swing between domestic violence in the home and
public violence on the streets. The child sees his marginal life as a movement to and from these two worlds.
Society reacts differently to street children and life on the street. Violence, indifference and assistance are
common reactions, but the dominant attitude considers the strategies used by the children to survive and
to adapt (work, theft, drugs, sexual acts) as symptoms of the social effects of poverty.
Aparajeyo considers children in a street situation to be victims of an intolerable violation of the rights, as
stipulated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC 1989), particularly to the rights to a home,
identity, protection, food, health, education, and to express oneself. In Aparajeyo’s experience, children in
a street situation have to grapple with some of the following problems:
● Lack of parental love and affection,

● Physical and sexual abuse by adults of the immediate community,
● Lack of access to education, vocational training, healthcare, recreation etc,

● Harassment by law enforcing agencies,
● Trauma due to their abusive situation,
● No decent jobs.
The Government of Bangladesh had estimated the number of children in a street situation (CSS) was
380,000, through a study1 by the Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS). 55 per cent of these
children live in Dhaka city. It is further estimated that there are 37,000 children (83.4 per cent boys and 16.6
per cent girls) located in Khulna and 9,000 children (93.4 per cent boys and 6.6 cent girls) in Barisal.
Considering the trend in the growth of street children over the past 10 years, it is estimated that by the year
2014, the number of street children would exceed 930,000. The root causes of children on the street have
been associated with acute poverty, separation and remarrying of parents, family conflict, parental death,
hunger, illness, physical and sexual abuse, amongst others. Such situations force children to run away
from home and come to the major cities with the hope of finding a means to survive. Also several children
migrate to the cities with their families but eventually, some become detached or abandoned.
It is difficult to cite an exact figure for children in a street situation, as they are divided into several categories:
children of the street, children on the street, homeless children, abandoned children, children in conflict
with the law, etc. These are separate yet overlapping categories. It is practically impossible to establish
reliable figures as these children are highly mobile. They are not all always on the street, either. They could
be living in shelters, in prison or with their families and could still end up on the streets again.
Exaggerated statistics are sometimes used to justify “cleaning-up” city streets, while others underestimate
the problem or may censor available information on the subject. Over time, the label “street child” has
developed derogatory connotations, making such children the object of sentimental compassion or violent
repression.
What we are concerned about is not the number of children found on the street but the quality of their life
on and away from the street. This is, in fact, a question of the interaction between individuals and social
groups. Aparajeyo, therefore, prefers to use the expression “children in a street situation” since the problem
is not the children themselves but the situation in which they are in. Life on the streets is made up of
various constraints affecting the child and of his/her survival strategies. The question is therefore not how
many children there are but what problems they are facing, who plays a role in their lives, how long they
have lived on the street and so on.
I lived in the district of Mymensingh with my father, stepmother, two brothers and sister. My mother
died when I was very small and I don’t remember her. My brothers ran away from home and I have
never seen them since. I left my home and came to Dhaka city because my father and stepmother
would beat me. My stepmother would not give me food if I did not help with the housework. I left
Dhaka city for Barisal with a few street boys because the older street boys and porters would beat me
and steal my earnings.
I have been living for two years on the street and I earn my living as a porter at the steamer terminal
in Barisal. I live with a group of boys who are like my blood brothers. We work, play, eat and sleep
together. We work during the night because the steamers leave at that time. I enrolled in Aparajeyo’s
centre and go there during the day to bathe and study. I like to study because I think it is important to
1 Street Children in Bangladesh: A Socio Economic Analysis 2004.

INTRODUCTION 81
have some basic education. I also like the centre because the staff treats us with respect and dignity.
The centre is the only place where I can feel and behave like a boy.
— Faruque, 11 years
Victims of sexual abuse, exploitation and trafficking

Children who are sexually abused and exploited in Bangladesh are marginalized by their poverty and by
their work and they lack mechanisms to inform the community of their needs. Coping mechanisms necessary
to survive in hostile environments help them develop an intuitive intelligence appropriate to their
occupations2 .
Child abuse, exploitation and prostitution of teenaged children in various forms are common in Bangladeshi
society. Children, some as young as 8 years of age, can be found in large numbers in brothels. The gradual
decline in economic conditions often means there is an increase in the likelihood that children will be
exploited and driven to prostitution as a means of support. The growing phenomena of child prostitution
and trafficking of children in Bangladesh are matters of grave concern. Prostitution is a flourishing business
in the country as many children under the age of 18 search for a means of day-to-day survival. The number
of sexually exploited children in Bangladesh is unknown.
There are no reliable statistics on the number of children who become victims of sexual abuse and
exploitation in Bangladesh. However, some estimates are presented here:
● Some figures suggest that the number of children victims of commercial sexual exploitation in the
country ranges from 10,000 to 29,000.
● 27,000 Bangladeshi women and children have been forced into prostitution in Indian brothels3 .
● Bangladeshi police claims that more than 15,000 women and children are smuggled out of Bangladesh
every year4 .
● About 40,000 children from Bangladesh are involved in prostitution in Pakistan. Bangladeshi girls are
also trafficked to India for the commercial sex trade5 .
From the information collected from CSS, most children are sexually abused within a few days of arrival
on the streets. The most common abusers are gang members who control particular areas, patrol police,
night guards, adult porters etc. Gangs, pimps and madams take control of street girls and force them into
street-based prostitution in transit hubs such as railway stations, bus/boat terminals, truck stands, parks,
markets, etc. Repeated sexual abuse leads many children to become commercial street-based sex workers.
They are forced into unsafe sex and become susceptible to sexually transmitted infections (STIs). In general
their health is poor, and they suffer violence from their clients, the general public and the police. They
suffer acute social exclusion, as they are unable to re-enter mainstream society, and are thus condemned to
work that confirms and reinforces their marginalization. CSS describe poverty, lack of opportunities, lack
of employment and protection as the predominant motivations for becoming street-based sex workers.
They earn Taka 50-125 and take on two-to-six adult clients per day. It has been also learnt that when the
number of clients exceeds three on a single occasion, children end up being forced into sex, severely assaulted
2 Aparajeyo’s Annual Report 2003.

3 CATW Fact Book, citing Women Forced into Indian Brothels, CWCS, June 1998.
4 CATW Fact Book, citing “Boys rescued in India while being smuggled to
become jockeys in camel races”, www.elsiglo.com, February 1998.
5 ILO-IPEC, Rapid Assessment of Child Labour Situation in Bangladesh, 1996.
or raped by clients. They also have sexual relations with their peers, sometimes in exchange for food or
gifts and other items.
My parents asked a woman to get me a job in the city. They brought me to Khulna. I was taken to a
hotel. A man abused me… I begged them to let me go home… One of the gang threatened to cut my
throat. I finally ran away. I cannot show my face to my parents again.
— Razia, 15 years
Prostitution of minors continues to be widespread, particularly in brothels, as these are privately owned
and run. Children born of sex workers in brothels are particularly at risk. There are currently no established
mechanisms for local government and NGOs to report such cases, and the legal system is not yet stringent
enough against traffickers, pimps, brothel owners and clients. There are cases where police officers have
been rumoured to directly profit from brothel activity as well as others where magistrates have issued
affidavits that allow children to sell sex in brothels on the grounds of poverty, further complicating the
domestic legal framework with regard to children.
II
DESCRIPTION OF RESEARCH
Within the Sanjog project, a 40-day action research was planned on the processes of exploitation and
trafficking in street children and children living in the stations, as no diagnosis had ever been made on this
problem. The research would aim at drawing attention to hidden trafficking in boys for pornography,
forced labour and camel races in the Gulf countries.
Research objectives
The specific objectives of the research were to identify :
1. The reasons behind children taking to life on the streets, and working on the streets.
2. The nature of demand for street children as child labour within the urban economy.
3. The vulnerability of street children to trafficking within and outside Bangladesh and India.
4. The nature of exploitation of street children at the level of the family and the street.
5. The various survival and coping mechanisms children adopt to deal with their working and living
conditions.
6. Support systems (governmental and non-governmental) for protecting children and the gaps in
these systems.
Research methodology
The research was designed to be both quantitative and qualitative in nature. In most of its forms the
research was carried out with children in a street situation in Barisal and Khulna. Participation, teamwork,
collaboration, flexibility and triangulation have been the key tenets of this work.
Selection criteria of children
The framework for participation was checked with the CSS enrolled in the transit centres of Khulna and
Barisal through informal meetings facilitated by the team leader. The recommendations from children
were as follows:
● 40-50 per cent girls and 50-60 per cent boys should participate.
● CSS living on the streets or those enrolled in NGOs would be selected.
● Young boys and girls from the transit centres would visit the field to develop a rapport with CSS
and invite them to participate.
● Girls who had left brothels and those who worked as floating sex workers and boys/girls who “sold
intimacy” should participate.
● The CSS should be aged between 9 and 16 years and should be living on the street.
Number of children
The transit centres in Barisal and Khulna provided the base for the research. 200 children (40 per cent
project beneficiaries) were selected for the research component of the project.
Diagram 1: Number and age of CSS interviewed
Selection and induction of research team
The survey team consisted of 9 members. A team leader was designated from within AB’s CPSP programme.
Two groups were formed for each city and each group consisted of 4 staff members. Each group was
headed by a group leader who reported directly to the team leader. The programme coordinator was
selected as the team leader to guide the study.
A two-day orientation course was organised for the survey team in Dhaka in March 2006. The objectives of
the course were:
● To discuss the purpose of the research study.

● To discuss and train the members on the methods and techniques to be utilised.
● To discuss and identify locations where each group would interview and record information.
● To discuss the roles and responsibilities of every member of the team.
● To discuss and foresee the probable risk factors that could be encountered during the survey.
● To finalise and field test the research questionnaire.
DESCRIPTION OF RESEARCH 85
Mapping and identifications of locations
The survey covered areas in Khulna and Barisal where large numbers of children in a street situation were
concentrated.
A working map indicating the geographical demarcation was prepared with the intention of avoiding
confusion during the movement of the survey team. Initially the teams, along with youth from the transit
centres, undertook visits to their selected target areas to form assumptions as well as to collect primary
information. The local members of Parliament, Corporation, ward commissioners, railway police and
metropolitan police of both cities were informed that the survey was being conducted. The observation
group discussed the scenario of the targeted areas and recommended specific areas/spots to be covered
during the survey. Priority was given to the railway stations, launch terminals and markets as a large
number of children worked and lived there. The areas covered during the survey are shown in the table
below:
Table 1: Where respondents lived
Group A – Khulna Group B – Barisal

Area Ward no. No. of Area Ward no. No. of
children children
Boy Girl Boy Girl
Fulbari Bus Stand 1 1 1 Launch Terminal 14 44 4

BL College 6 0 1 Rupatoli 23 0 12
Khalishpur Jute Mill
and Khalishpur
Newsprint Mill 13 3 1 Post Road 12 8 0
New Market area 16 2 1 Nathullabad 6 1 0
No. 4 steamer
terminal, railway
station, rocket steamer
terminal, Boro Bazar,
Court area 21 20 13 CPSP transit centre 18 16 15
Natun Bazar 22 3 1
Rupsa Steamer
Terminal & Shipyard 31 3 0
CPSP transit centre 24 32 8
Total 64 26 69 31
Selection of approaches
A family of research methodologies consisting of both qualitative and quantitative tools were used to
obtain data for the research.
Quantitative action research tools: A survey was carried out with 200 children at the transit centres using
a structured questionnaire. Initial and follow-up interviews were conducted using the results of this. The
structured questionnaire was thoroughly revised with input from the research team and staff from AB
who were experienced in conducting research.
Data processing: After scrutiny of all completed questionnaires, the responses to the open-ended questions
were recorded by assigning numerical codes of both pre-coded and open-ended questions directly into an
SPSS database (data analysis software). The data was then processed and analysed. SPSS tables were
subsequently generated as per the analysis plan. The quantitative part of the research report was based on
the SPSS output tables generated.
Qualitative action research tools: Two types of qualitative research tools were used to collect the research
data such as focus group discussions (FGDs) and in-depth interviews. FGDs using topic guides were
conducted by the team leader and AB facilitators to obtain in-depth responses from the children. The
stress was on understanding the contextual aspects of the children’s responses rather than quantifying
them. The FGD proceedings were recorded by the facilitator/moderator and were processed, analysed
and interpreted. A total of eight FGDs were conducted on the following topics:
● Children’s reasons for coming to the street;

● Problems encountered while living on the street;
● Children’s involvement in economic activities;
● Violence and abuse encountered by children on the street;
● Perpetrators of violence and abuse of children;
● Use of substances/drugs by children on the street;
● Children’s involvement with criminal gangs, drug dealers/suppliers etc;
● Experiences of children in conflict with the law;
● Experiences of child victims of sexual abuse and exploitation on the streets;
● Child victims of trafficking or information related to trafficking of street children;
● Perception of the merits of education and the demerits of illiteracy;
● Reasons why children returned to the street after family restoration;
● Survival and coping mechanisms of children to deal with their working and living conditions;
● Support systems (governmental and non-governmental) for protecting children and their gaps.
Steps followed to process the FGD results:
● Detailed notes of each discussion were made by the moderator/facilitator;

● The constants were observed in each topic and then interpreted;
● The differences in each topic area were identified;
● Themes or patterns that emerged in the group were synthesised;
● A holistic interpretation was arrived at.
Method of data collection
In both the quantitative and qualitative part of the research, the questionnaire method was used.
● In the quantitative survey, a completely structured questionnaire was administered through face-to-
face interviews and in-depth interviews were administered through a semi-structured questionnaire.
The interviews covered life histories, particular events, testimonies and specific issues.
● In the FGDs, the discussions were conducted by skilled facilitators/moderators using prepared semi-
structured topic guides. The FGDs brought children together to discuss limited topics in some depth.
Research dynamics
Gender balance of groups: As per the criteria set for the research, equal participation of girls and boys was
suggested. However, 40 per cent girls and 60 per cent boys were interviewed because the number of girls
on the street is far less than that of boys. However, equal participation during the FGDs was ensured.
Mechanisms for children’s feedback: Throughout the research period (i.e. March-May 2006) staff obtained
feedback from the children through various research mechanisms as outlined below. This ensured children
were involved in the research at every stage.
Æ One-to-one interviews: Quantitative research was carried out by conducting interviews with the
children from the CPSP project as well as street children not enrolled in the project using a structured
questionnaire. These were conducted through one-to-one interviews with the children to obtain
their individual feedback.
Æ Focus group discussions: FGDs using prepared topic guides were conducted by trained
moderators/facilitators to obtain in-depth responses from the children in a group environment.
Methodological guidance: The children were properly briefed and given guidance about the objectives,
purpose and methodology of the research. It was explained to the children how the information they
provided would be recorded, analysed, shared and finally assembled in a report that would assist the
organisations to design interventions with street children.
Recording of data
Taking notes whilst interviewing was agreed upon as a method of highlighting and presenting problems.
The research team recorded interviews immediately after each encounter. The field researchers maintained
full records of what was said by the children. Third party reporting was considered inappropriate from the
point of view of confidentiality.
The maintenance of good, comprehensive, ordered data for each child interviewed was ensured. For children
enrolled in the CPSP project, their personal files were also reviewed to analyse the existing data gathered
since their enrolment. These files required standardised maintenance to ensure that, as the research
progressed, each child’s case study was built in a similar fashion, allowing comparison between case studies
in order to look at evidence of successful behaviour change and to allow tracking of those children who
did not exhibit any change at all. The importance of attempting to record the perceptions, attitudes and
behaviour change of children who continued to participate in the transit centres as well as those who
dropped out, was emphasised. This involved considerable effort on the part of research team members to
maintain contact with those who had systematically rejected contact.
In the quantitative study, the responses were recorded in structured questionnaires. After proper scrutiny,
listing and coding, the relevant data was entered into the SPSS for further processing and analysis. The
FGDs were recorded in writing by the moderator/facilitators. This information was processed, analysed
and interpreted by the team leader.
Interpretation, analysis and documentation of data
Interpretation and analysis: Quantitative data was processed, analysed and interpreted by the team
leader using the SPSS statistical package. The quantitative part of the research report was prepared on
the basis of the SPSS output tables generated. The qualitative data, such as the in-depth responses from
the FGDs and interviews, was processed, analysed and interpreted whilst keeping in mind the clear
objectives of the research.
Limitations
Despite all efforts, there were some limitations to the survey work. Since the survey was conducted in
particular wards, and the number of children was pre-fixed, the findings do not reflect the overall scenario
of street children in Khulna and Barisal. As usual, we could not determine the exact ages of the children
but we tried to ascertain the likely age by following different age milestones and historical events.
With regard to family income, it was not possible to exactly assess the level of poverty of different families
due to unavailability of information regarding family expenditure, co-relation with the family size and
income, health-related expenditure as well as loss of earnings.
Initially it was agreed that interviews would, where possible, be held outside the centre, in a public place,
where CSS were located. However, the project team encountered several problems while conducting
interviews at public places from the outset. Firstly, public places that were inhabited by CSS were very
busy areas. Interviewing children at such locations drew the curiosity of people, who would stop to stare
at the proceedings. People wanted to know what was going on or why the child was being questioned. So,
this issue was discussed at length within the research team and it was decided to conduct the interviews at
the transit centre. It was also decided that CSS living at the outreach spots that would participate in the
research would be provided with meals and, if necessary, compensated for their time.
To ensure consistency and to minimise errors, each completed interview was double-checked. Any
inconsistencies were resolved after discussions with respective interviewers and interviewed children. All
the data was compiled and analysed by the team leader.
Ethical management
AB developed certain ethical principles to guide the research carried out with CSS as a large number of
them had been sexually/physically/mentally abused and exploited while living on the streets. The project
team maintained the following ethics in running the research:
Individual consent: During the research, the members of the research team held discussions with the children
to explain the objectives of the research, their participation and contribution as the primary stakeholders
and ethical standards that would be maintained during and after the study was completed. Individual
children gave their consent to be involved and participate.
Participation and protection: At the start of the research, the research team was made aware that it must
ensure the research was in the best interest of the CSS and should in no way cause any harm to them.
Hence, it was the duty of every member of the team to ensure the protection of each child as a fundamental
of the research.
Informed consent: The research team ensured that every child knew what he or she was being asked to do.
Children had the right to say no or disagree with anything at any point. The team was briefed and asked to
be mindful of the inherent imbalance of power between adults and children which could result in the
children feeling anxious or nervous about expressing their opinions and feelings.
Children’s confidentiality and trust: Considering the nature of the information that was to be gathered, it was
imperative that the children trust that it would be kept confidential. Before the interviews and FGDs, the
team informed the children that the information collected was solely for the purpose of the research study
and would be kept strictly confidential.
Creating a conducive research environment: It was important both ethically and functionally to ensure the
informed participation of the children in the research. This involved FGDs, group presentations and
discussions by the team leader with the children explaining the research process and purpose. The level of
trust that already existed between the team and the children was a significant advantage in this respect.
Interviews were conducted on a one-to-one basis. However, themes were identified and addressed in
FGDs at other times outside the interview schedule.
Definition issues
It is important to define and explain the terminology used in this report, in particular what is meant by
“child”, “children in a street situation”, “trafficking”, “child pornography”, “sale of children”, “sexual
abuse” and “sexual exploitation”. As a child rights organisation, we have taken a child rights-based approach
that adheres to the international standards set by CRC. We recognise and acknowledge that there exists a
lack of clarity, understanding and acceptance of the some of the terms and definitions, even though some
have been defined in international human rights standards, as societies construct meanings according to
their own norms and practices. Here are some definitions of terms used throughout this report:
Child: For the purpose of the research, the term child refers to any person under the age of 18, in line with
the use of the term in the CRC1 . However, given the significant age differences covered by this term,
adolescent and young persons are also used to refer more accurately and respectfully to older children
under the age of 18. It must be noted here however that it is still commonly held in Bangladesh, particularly
under specific legal documents, that a child ceases to be a child at 16 years of age. But as Bangladesh was
one of the first signatories to the CRC 15 years ago, in the true spirit of upholding and protecting the rights
of the child as well as effective implementation of the CRC, Aparajeyo Bangladesh believes “child” should
refer to any person under the age of 18 years within the laws and statutes of Bangladesh, and there is a
need for this to be widely accepted.
Children living and working on the streets: Aparajeyo Bangladesh does not identify these children as “street
children” or “tokai” as is common in Bangladesh as this is contrary to Article 2 of the CRC. These phrases
can have a negative impact on the child’s psyche and can become self-fulfilling. Therefore, AB uses the
phrase “children in a street situation” (CSS).
Sexual abuse: There is a tendency to use the phrase “sexual abuse” and “sexual exploitation” interchangeably,
which can lead to confusion. For purposes of this report, the United Nations definition2 (provided below)
shall be used:
Sexual abuse of children can be defined as contacts or interactions between a child and an older or more
knowledgeable child or adult (a stranger, sibling or person in a position of authority, such as a parent or
caretaker) when the child is being used as an object of gratification for an older child’s or adult’s sexual
needs. These contacts or interactions are carried out against the child using force, trickery, bribes, threats
or pressure, sexual abuse can be physical verbal or emotional and includes:
1 Article 1 of the CRC ratified by the Government of Bangladesh in 1990.

2 Article 1 of the CRC.
i. Touching and fondling of the sexual portions of the child’s body (genitals and anus) or touching
the breasts of pubescent females, or the child’s touching the sexual portions of a partner’s body;
ii. Sexual kissing;
iii. Penetration, which includes penile, digital, and object penetration of the vagina, mouth or
anus;
iv. Exposing children to adult sexual activity or pornographic movies and photographs;
v. Making lewd comments about the child’s body;
vi. Having children pose, undress or perform is a sexual fashion on film or in person
(exhibitionism);
vii. ‘Peeping’ into bathrooms or bedrooms to spy on a child (voyeurism).
UNICEF, the World Health Organization (WHO) and Save the Children also have definitions for “sexual
abuse”, however, the United Nations definition appears to be the most comprehensive, incorporating all
the elements of the other definitions. What is explicit in the above definition is that sexual abuse and
exploitation is not limited to penetrative sex (vaginal or anal), but rather also includes lewd comments,
touching and kissing.
Sexual exploitation: According to the UNICEF definition3 , “sexual abuse becomes sexual exploitation when
a second party benefits – through a profit or through a quid pro quo - through sexual activity involving a
child. This can include prostitution and child pornography”.
Sexual exploitation is globally understood to include the following: trafficking in children for purposes of
sexual exploitation, child sex tourism, distribution of pornographic material featuring children, sexual
abuse rings, the exploitative use of a child in prostitution or other unlawful sexual practices4 .
Trafficking: The most encompassing and most recent definition of trafficking is that contained in the United
Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and
Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children5 , signed in December 2000. As noted in
the definition below, fraud and deception (for example, the promise of false and/or secure jobs), constitutes
trafficking. Here are some of its clauses:
a) “Trafficking in persons” shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of
persons, by means of threat or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the
abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payment or benefits to
achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.
Exploitation shall include at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of
sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the
removal of organs;
b) The consent of a victim of trafficking in persons to the intended exploitation set forth in subparagraph
(a) of this article shall be irrelevant where any of the means set forth in subparagraph (a) have been
used.
3 Karin Heissler, Background paper on Good Practices and Priorities to Combat Sexual Abuse & Exploitation of Children in Bangladesh,
UNICEF, October 2001.
4 Turid Heiberg, Commodities in Stigma and Shame: an international overview of Save the Children’s work against child sexual abuse and
exploitation (Save the Children, 2001).
5 Article 3 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, signed and ratified by the government of
Bangladesh on September 6, 2000.
c) The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of a child for the purpose of exploitation
shall be considered “trafficking in power” even if this does not involve any of the means set forth in
subparagraph (a) of this article;
d) “Child” shall mean any person less than 18 years of age.
This is the first universally accepted definition of trafficking in persons and complements the CRC. It is
this definition that applies to this research.
Sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography : Two of the most recent international human rights
instruments to protect and promote the rights of the child, particularly with regard to sexual exploitation
are the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child
prostitution and child pornography6 and the ILO Convention Concerning the Prohibition and Immediate
Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour (No. 182) and its accompanying
Recommendations on the Worst Forms of Child Labour (No. 190)7 . Bangladesh was among the first countries
to sign and ratify the Optional Protocol in September 2000, which became legally binding in January 2002.
Bangladesh ratified ILO Convention No. 182 in March 2001.
Article 2 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child
prostitution and child pornography defines some key terms as follows:
i. Sale of children means any act or transaction whereby a child is transferred by any person or group
of persons to another for remuneration or any other consideration;
ii. Child prostitution means the use of a child in sexual activities for remuneration or any other form
of consideration;
iii. Child pornography means any representation, by whatever means, of a child engaged in real or
simulated explicit sexual activities or any representation of the sexual parts of a child for primarily
sexual purposes.
Article 3 of ILO Convention No. 182 on the worst forms of child labour applies to:
i. All forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and trafficking of children, debt
bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labour, including forced or compulsory recruitment
of children for use in armed conflict;
ii. The use, procuring or offering of a child for prostitution, for the production of pornography or for
pornographic performances;
iii. The use, procuring or offering of a child for illicit activities, in particular for the production and
trafficking of drugs as defined in the relevant international treaties;
iv. Work, which by its nature or the circumstances in which it is carried out, is likely to harm the
health, safety or morals of children.
Although trafficking is not explicitly defined, it is considered similar to slavery and within the definition
of the “worst forms of child labour”.
6 Article 3 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, signed and ratified by government of Bangladesh
on September 6, 2000.
7 Ratified by Bangladesh in March 2001.
The government of Bangladesh ratified this convention in 2001 and some progress has been made in this
area. However, more effective follow-up and reporting is required.
The legal framework
In Bangladesh, laws related to children’s rights and protection are not contained in one statute, rather they
are present in various laws and statutes. Some of these have been examined in the following sections.
LAWS
The Penal Code 1860: This provides punishment for kidnapping of a male under the age of 14 and female
under 16 years of age and provides punishment for kidnapping and abduction of a person under the age of
10. This code also punishes rape, murder, grievous hurt, acid throwing, causing miscarriage, assault and
battery, and wrongful confinement and trafficking. This code needs to be revised in line with the CRC in
relation to defining the age of majority at 18 years.
Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act of 1993: This Act is the legal instrument providing punishment for those
detaining minors for prostitution. More stringent implementation of this Act is required.
Prevention of Repression against Women and Children Act 2000: This Act provides punishment for acid throwing,
trafficking, kidnapping, collecting ransom, rape, sexual oppression of women and children and damage or
deformation of any part of a body of a child to engage him/her in begging. Section 10 (1) of the Act states:
“If a man intentionally touches the sexual organ or any other organ of a female or female child by his male
organ or any other organ to meet his sexual need, that shall be a sexual abuse and shall be punished with
rigorous imprisonment which may extend to ten years and shall not be less than three years and with
fine.”
The Children Act 1974: This Act establishes a Juvenile Court. This is the substantive law for juvenile offenders
and their treatment. Section V of the Children’s Act 1974 only allows for children found homeless, destitute,
requiring safe custody and others to be referred to certified institutes or approved homes, and this should
be reviewed to allow children to also be referred to NGO-managed safe/shelter homes or institutes, so
long as they have adequate and appropriate child protection policies and procedures in place. Also, the
Children’s Act of 1974 does not explicitly cover the rights and protection of those children who are sexually
exploited and this issue must be included within the Act.
Code of Criminal Procedure 1898: Under the Criminal Procedure Code, there is a provision for safe custody
of mentally disabled people. However, this provision is mostly (and wrongly) applied to children. This
Code is also infamous for its section 54, whereby police can arrest without warrant and on grounds of
suspicion. Needless to say, unscrupulous police personnel often abuse this law, and it should not be applied
to children.
The Jail Code of 1894: It provides that there must be separation of children from adults in jails. In reality,
children are incarcerated with adults in over-crowded jail cells and in police lock-ups, where they suffer
abuse.
Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929: As the name suggests, this law outlaws marriage of girls under the age of
18 and boys under the age of 21. It also provides punishment for parents and guardians of minors who
marry them off. These marriages are declared illegal. However, the implementation of this law is heavily
dependent on birth registration of every individual in Bangladesh. The government should ensure
mechanisms are in place so it can be implemented even in the most remote corners of Bangladesh.
Vagrancy Act 1943: This Act provides the definition of a vagrant and conditions for his/her arrest, detention
and rehabilitation. It is incompatible with the Stockholm Agenda for Action and the CRC. Rather than
amending the Act, its very existence must be questioned and advocacy efforts should be directed towards
its abolishment.
Of all these documents, only the Children’s Act of 1974 deals fully with the rights of children, but it does
not explicitly cover the rights and protection of those children who are sexually exploited.
STATUTES
The Constitution of Bangladesh: It provides equal rights to all regardless of gender. It also provides for equal
protection in the eyes of the law.
The National Policy for Children 1990: The National Policy on Children was formulated in December 1994.
The principle objective of this policy was to amalgamate the principles of the CRC within the national
development activities.
INTERNATIONAL LAW
United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child: The objective of this Convention is to guarantee the
civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of children. Bangladesh became a signatory to this
convention in the early 1990s, with reservations about articles that contravene Muslim law or which are
already in the national statutes.
Bangladesh has made significant progress on issues such as immunization, infant mortality, polio
eradication, etc. However, a National Task Force comprising government, NGOs, INGOs, UN agencies,
activists and academics is essential to rigorously examine and follow-up the progress of Bangladesh on the
implementation of its Action Plan for compliance with the CRC.
There is also very little general information about child rights, which can be included in textbooks of the
national curriculum through the Ministry of Education, Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs and
the National Curriculum and Textbook Board. In addition, comprehensive training programmes should
be facilitated at Teacher Training Colleges, Primary Training Institutes and Policy Academies on human
rights, child rights, child sexual abuse and exploitation to develop a sound awareness and understanding
of the international and national frameworks and guidelines on rights of children and the protection they
require from civil society to ensure the best interest of the child; non-discrimination; right to life, survival
and development; participation and resources for economic, social and cultural rights.
World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children: This highlights the global extent of
commercial sexual exploitation of children and the need for action. It also stressed that all children, no
matter where they are born or grow up, have the right to bodily integrity, a secure and dignified childhood
and protection. Children’s rights need more protection than those of adults because children are less able
to fight for their rights and are more vulnerable to exploitation. Children are our future; they are not
commodities. Investment in their health, education, spiritual development and general well-being is an
urgent and essential priority. Bangladesh adopted the Agenda for Action at Stockholm (1996) and Yokohama
(2001) congresses. At the conferences most countries, including Bangladesh, made a commitment to develop
a national plan for action against the commercial sexual exploitation of children. The government of
Bangladesh should constitute a National Task Force of members representing the government, NGOs,
INGOs, UN agencies and youth representatives to regularly review progress, lessons learned, challenges
and obstacles to implementation of the National Plan of Action to Combat Child Sexual Abuse and
Exploitation including Trafficking.
On October 3, 2003 the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child welcomed the National Plan of Action
against sexual abuse and exploitation, while expressing deep concern at the prevalence of sexual exploitation
of children and the social stigmatisation the victims of such exploitation, as well as the lack of social and
psychological recovery programmes and the very limited possibilities for victims to be reintegrated into
society. The committee is also concerned about the widespread practice of forcing children into prostitution.
The Committee recommended that the state party:
a) Fully and effectively implement the National Plan of Action against sexual abuse and exploitation,
in order to ensure appropriate policies, laws and programmes for the prevention, protection,
recovery and reintegration of child victims, in line with the Declaration and Agenda for Action
and the Global Commitment adopted at the 1996 and 2001 World Congress against Commercial
Sexual Exploitation of Children;
b) Ensure that victims of sexual exploitation are never considered offenders, but rather benefit from
programmes for their recovery and reintegration;
c) Investigate, prosecute and sentence perpetrators of sexual offences against children;
d) Develop and monitor a code of conduct for law-enforcement officials; and
e) Seek assistance from, among others, UNICEF.
The United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW): The
protection of rights and freedoms of women and to safeguard them against any kind of degrading treatment
or violence has been enshrined in CEDAW as well as in the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel,
Inhuman, Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). Bangladesh is a signatory to all of these conventions
and treaties, with certain reservations on the grounds that some articles (in CEDAW) contravene Muslim
law.
III
BACKGROUND OF CHILDREN IN A STREET SITUATION
From the research findings, several reasons emerged as leading factors for girls and boys to leave their
homes and come to the street to work and survive. Children who came to the street were faced, however,
with a new set of vulnerabilities, primarily sexual abuse and exploitation, as they were powerless and had
few or no options available to them.
Home to the street
Some of the common push factors, which led the children to take to the streets are discussed here. Many of
these are interlinked.
Poverty: Poverty was one of the underlying factors that pushed children from their homes to the street. It
also limited life choices and opportunities and restricted access to services such as education, healthcare,
recreation, justice, participation etc. Many children also linked the poor living conditions in their home
environment to an increase in various forms of violence within the family that ultimately contributed to
them running away from home.
Large populations in Khulna and Barisal live in low-income slum areas. These slums are overcrowded
with poor and inadequate housing, poor sanitation, uncollected waste, lack of clean drinking water,
inadequate education and healthcare facilities and are riddled with crime and violence. There is added
insecurity since the government forbids the development of squatter settlements – in recent years there
has been a marked increase in slum evictions. The loss of property contributes to further separation of an
already fragile family network and an increase in the number of children pouring out onto the streets.
Abuse and neglect: Although lack of documentation, media reports and unified definitions undermine the
accuracy of statistics involving child abuse in Bangladesh, it is widely known that increasingly high levels
of child abuse and neglect are occurring. The respondents confirmed that many families experienced verbal,
physical and sexual abuse. Key actors in these families were alcoholic fathers and abusive stepparents.
Outside the family, abuse took the form of sexual abuse, displacement, child labour and marginalisation.
Finally, within institutions and government rehabilitation centres, the most common forms of child abuse
were verbal abuse, beatings and sexual abuse.
Broken homes: From all the statements acquired from the children through discussions and FGDs, ruptured
relationships in the family emerged as the key factor that pushed children to leave home. Ruptures in the
family occurred due to conflict, polygamy, alcoholism, separation, physical and sexual violence,
abandonment, divorce, remarriage and the pressures on female-headed households. The death of one or
more family member could also lead children to the streets. Many children highlighted how the death of a
parent led them to living with relatives, by whom they were often abused or neglected, as they were
considered burdens.
When discussing street children and family relationships, it is important to note that there are often
significant differences between street-living and street-working children, the latter being more likely to
maintain stable and supportive relationships than those who have chosen – or have been forced – to leave
home.
There was strong evidence in the FGDs with the children that violence often constituted the critical
differentiating factor between children who worked on the streets and the relative minority who actually
lived on the streets. Once on the street, an individual child’s experience of family relationships would
either act as a protective or risk factor. Positive family relationships could factor into choices not to get
involved in criminal activities, whereas ruptured or negative family relationship could predispose them to
crime.
Urbanisation: Most poverty alleviation programmes have concentrated in rural areas primarily because
this is where the majority of the population lives. Between 1981 and 1991, the urban population in Bangladesh
grew by an average of 6 per cent per year – one of the highest urban growth rates in Asia. In 2001, there
were 35 million urban dwellers, making up 20 per cent of the population. At least half the urban population
growth rate is being fuelled by migration from the rural sector. People are being pulled by the prospect –
real or imaginary – of more work in the cities. But they are also being pushed from the villages by increased
landlessness and unemployment. Disasters also play a part – around 30,000 people are made homeless
each year through one natural disaster after another and seek emergency shelter that is only available in
the urban areas.
Dhaka is the major magnet. This is partly because it has the best communication links with the rest of the
country, but also because it appears to offer the best job prospects. Migrants tend to go to places where
they already have relatives and this chain further polarises city growth. People are attracted by the idea of
working in city factories or offices, but in reality very few rural migrants find employment in the formal
sector. More often than not, they move from unemployment in the village to unemployment in the city.
Impoverishment is the result of economic factors and political and social elements, over which the children
have no control. As is always the case with those on the fringes of society, children adapt to the situation;
they try to surmount their difficulties by joining the world of the street. Children living in slums attract no
attention unless they become “street children”, thus endangering public order.
Research findings
AREA OF ORIGIN
Through the questionnaires completed for the 200 children, their original home districts and reasons for
coming to Dhaka city were identified. Enrolled children migrated from 33 districts out of 64 districts in
Bangladesh. One child in Khulna was from India.
BACKGROUND OF CHILDREN IN A STREET SITUATION 97
Table 2: Home districts of children
District Location Total

Barisal Khulna
Cannot say 8 10 18
Bagerhat 2 17 19
Barisal 30 9 39
Bhola 2 0 2
Borguna 8 3 11
Brahmanbaria 2 1 3
Chandpur 2 1 3
Chuadanga 0 1 1
Comilla 2 2 4
Dhaka 3 0 3
Dinajpur 0 1 1
Faridpur 1 5 6
Gopalgonj 1 3 4
India 0 1 1
Ishwardi 0 1 1
Jessore 3 11 14
Jhalokathi 4 1 5
Khulna 3 10 13
Kishoregonj 1 0 1
Kushtia 2 0 2
Lakshmipur 2 0 2
Madaripur 0 2 2
Magura 1 0 1
Munshiganj 3 0 3
Mymensingh 2 0 2
Narail 1 2 3
Narayanganj 1 0 1
Noakhali 1 4 5
Patuakhali 5 3 8
Pirojpur 5 5 10
Rajshahi 0 1 1
Rangpur 0 1 1
Satkhira 0 5 5
Shariatpur 4 0 4
Sunamganj 1 0 1
Total 100 100 200
Out of 200 children, about 30 per cent were from Barisal and 10 per cent from Khulna, both urban areas.
The remaining 70 per cent of children interviewed in Barisal and 90 per cent in Khulna were from rural
areas originally. Of the urban children, 60 per cent from Barisal and 40 per cent from Khulna stated that
they lived permanently on the street with very little or no contact with their families. 8 per cent children
from Barisal and 10 per cent children from Khulna could not identify their family’s origin.
MARITAL STATUS OF PARENTS
The majority of children’s fathers and mothers were alive. However, children reported that 44 per cent of
fathers and 13 per cent mothers remarried. 11 per cent said both parents had remarried. 32 per cent parents
did not remarry. Children said that it was mostly fathers who remarried or had extra-marital affairs.
Often, as girls married at a very young age, they suffered from reproductive infections and disorders,
prompting husbands to look for other young and attractive girls ready for marriage. Poverty was another
reason why husbands abandoned their wives and children and migrated to other cities. After they found
employment in the new city/area, they found new wives and the cycle continued.
40 per cent fathers divorced their wives to remarry while 60 per cent brought their second wives to live
with the family. Conflict arose between the first and second wives over who would control the house
though on most occasions the fathers favoured the second wife. Severe conflict also arose within the
household due to fighting between the stepbrothers and stepsisters. Again, fathers supported children
from the second marriage while children from the first marriage were threatened or physically assaulted.
Children stated that it was not common for mothers to remarry or have extra-marital affairs as most of the
women were sick, had children to take care of or were no longer attractive. Women who were physically
more attractive were likely to find men who would marry them, according to the respondents. Most mothers
who remarried did so after they were widowed, divorced or abandoned.
Table 3: Parental status of children
Location Father alive Mother alive

Yes No Can’t say Total Yes No Can’t say Total
Barisal 80 17 3 100 68 29 3 100
Khulna 76 24 0 100 77 22 1 100
Total 156 41 3 200 145 51 4 200
Diagram 2: Statistics of parental remarriage

OCCUPATION OF PARENTS
5 per cent of children stated that their families owned land and their fathers cultivated crops while 22 per
cent said that their family had lost their land due to river erosion or other natural disasters. 7 per cent
children could not say if their family owned land and property. 14 per cent stated that their parents sold
their land to repay debts or to pay medical expenses. 52 per cent children stated that their families owned
land but it was not sufficient for cultivation of crops. Their parents found jobs in the villages, where possible,
or they migrated to towns and cities to seek employment.
22 per cent of the children said their fathers worked as rickshaw pullers while 17 per cent fathers worked
as day labourers as this was the easiest job to find in the towns and cities. 32 per cent of the mothers
reportedly worked as domestic help and 14 per cent as day labourers.
Table 4: Occupation of the children’s parents
Occupation Father Mother Total

Manual labourer 84 37 121
Skilled labourer 30 11 41
Service 4 2 6
Vendor 20 4 24
Housewife 0 32 32
Domestic worker 0 63 63
Sex worker 0 2 2
Others 2 1 3
Unknown 13 9 22
Beggar 0 3 3
Unemployed 7 28 35
Self-employed 40 8 48
Total 200 200 400
Manual labour: Day labourer, rickshaw puller, van puller, hotel staff, domestic worker, agricultural
labourer.
Skilled labour: Driver, garment-factory worker, automobile mechanic, metal workshop labourer,
carpenter, mason, tailor.
Self-employed Goat rearing, grocery shop owner, scrap business/shop owner, cake seller.
Vendors: Selling betel leaf, cigarettes, water, nuts, tea, candies.
Others: Fisherman, village doctor (kabiraj), peddling drugs (marijuana and hashish).
MONTHLY INCOME OF THE FAMILY
22 children were unable to quantify the income of their families. 89 families (44.5 per cent) were earning
less than Tk 1,000 a month. 53 families (26.5 per cent) were earning between Tk 1,001 and 2,000 every
month. Only 5 families (2.5 per cent) were earning more than Tk 5,000 every month. A total of 71 per cent
of the families earned less than Tk 2,000 per month and faced great difficulties surviving.
Table 5: Monthly income of the family (in taka)
A B C
Range of income Total
6 to 9 yrs. 9 to 12 yrs. 12 to 18 yrs.
Below Tk 1,000 35 36 18 89
Tk 1,001-2,000 12 25 16 53
Tk 2,001-3,000 4 8 9 21
Tk 3,001-4,000 2 0 2 4
Tk 4,001-5,000 0 4 2 6
Above Tk 5,000 0 2 3 5
Unknown 8 9 5 22
BROTHERS AND SISTERS
An average of 22.5 per cent children claimed they did not have brothers or sisters of their own. 53 per cent
children had between 1 and 2 and 22 per cent had between 3 and 5 brothers and sisters. Only one child said
he/she had more than six brothers and sisters. 2 per cent of children could not remember if they had
siblings. Also an average of 55 per cent children stated they did not have stepbrothers or stepsisters. Around
33 per cent said they had between 1 and 2 while 8 per cent had between 3 and 5 stepbrothers or stepsisters.
Children said they maintained good and loving relationships with their own brothers and sisters. Quarrelling
and fighting happened, but not to any serious extent. 17 per cent children admitted that they were physically
beaten by their older brothers at times. On the other hand, conflict that occurred between stepchildren was
serious. Children said that arguments arose due to insulting remarks passed by their stepbrothers and
stepsisters. They said that often stepchildren were allowed to eat first and permitted to play and go to
school, given clothes and loved more. On most occasions, the stepmother would interfere, according to the
children, resulting in severe beatings, punishment, confinement, labour, verbal abuse and withholding
food. Over 50 per cent children said that if they complained to their father, he would take his second wife
and children’s side. Stepmothers usually encouraged the fathers to punish the child or told the child to
leave home. Over 70 per cent of the respondents said they hated their stepmother as well as stepbrothers
and stepsisters and never wanted to see them again.
Table 6: Biological brothers and sisters
Khulna Barisal
Number
Brothers Sisters Brothers Sisters
None 15 22 17 35
1-2 54 55 57 47
3-5 27 20 25 16
6 and above 1 0 0 1
Don’t know 3 3 1 1
Table 7: Step brothers and sisters
Khulna Barisal
Number
Brothers Sisters Brothers Sisters
0 52 51 57 60
1-2 34 39 32 28
3-5 10 6 8 8
Don’t know 4 4 3 4
CHILDREN LIVING WITH STEPPARENTS
32 per cent of the children’s parents did not remarry so they had no experience of living with stepparents.
However, 32.5 per cent children said they had lived with their stepfathers while 11.5 per cent had lived
with their stepmothers. 24 per cent children said their parents had remarried but they did not ever live
with stepparents as they had already left home to come to the street.
A number of children felt their stepparents could not stand them. Often they were verbally abused and
treated like burdens. Stepmothers were considered worse than stepfathers. Children said stepfathers would
abuse verbally or slap, kick, beat them with stick/iron rod, throw them out of the house etc. Girls stated
that most stepfathers made advances, touched their genitals and 4 girls admitted they had been sexually
abused by their stepfathers repeatedly. Their mothers were aware of the sexual abuse and even forced
them to tolerate it.
Children stated that overall, abuse by stepmothers was more severe. They were verbally abused, beaten
with firewood, sticks or iron rods, forced to do household chores, roped/chained, burned with hot
implements, kept hungry, kicked out of the house etc.
Table 8: If children had lived with stepparents
Khulna Barisal
Number
Stepfather Stepmother Stepfather Stepmother
Yes 28 12 37 11
No 18 10 16 4
EDUCATION OF CHILDREN
75 per cent children stated that they had attended school. 72 per cent had attended primary school and 1.5
per cent had attended junior secondary school. 2 per cent attended madrasa. 31 per cent children had
attended government primary/secondary schools and 42 per cent attended NGO run schools.
32 per cent children admitted that they dropped out of school because they were forced by their own
parents to work. 41 per cent children were forced to leave school by their stepparents to either work outside
or within the house. 13 per cent had to drop out because their schools were very far from their homes and
this affected how much they could help out at home. 14 per cent ran away from home because they were
frequently beaten and insulted at school and their parents turned a deaf ear to their complaints. Children,
particularly those who attended government schools, said their parents initially sent them to school as
they received a stipend. However, because the stipend was very low and not regular, children were pulled
out of school and sent to work.
Children stated that non-formal education imparted by NGOs was more enjoyable than formal school
education. Children who attended formal school never received their books on schedule, hampering their
learning. Teachers frequently beat children with canes, made them stand on benches or kneel outside the
classroom. An average of 60 children attended each class and teachers ran through lessons without inquiring
whether they understood. Formal schoolteachers forced parents to send children for private coaching and
failed the children who did not do so. Private tuition fees ranged from Taka 50-100 depending on the
economic situation of the family.
Children preferred NGO-run schools because the lessons were easier to follow and supplementary materials
were used. However, teachers frequently were absent, students said.
Table 9: Children’s school attendance
Class Barisal Khulna Total

Nursery 14 19 33
Class I 19 18 37
Class II 17 14 31
Class III 13 8 21
Class IV 7 5 12
Class V 4 5 10
Junior secondary 2 1 3
Madrasa (moktob) 4 0 4
Never enrolled 20 30 49
Total 100 100 200
IV
FINDINGS FROM CHILDREN
A total of 200 children (100 in Khulna and 100 in Barisal) were interviewed within the selected wards of the
respective city corporations. The following grid shows the age composition of the sample.
Table 10: Number of children by age group interviewed
A B C D
Sex Total
6 to 9 yrs. 9 to 12 yrs. 12 to 16 yrs. 16 to 18 yrs.
Boy 30 47 37 26 140
Girl 8 7 27 18 60
Total 38 54 64 44 200
Reasons for coming to the street
The children cited a number of reasons for coming to the street of which by far the most prevalent was
oppression/beatings by stepparents (24 per cent), followed by oppression/beatings by own parents (23.5
per cent). Extreme poverty or poor economic conditions of the family were the reasons 10 per cent of the
children left home. Children stated that beatings from parents mostly occurred because they preferred to
play with friends instead of working. Children were forced by parents to work outside as well as assist
with household chores. Overall, children, by the time they turned 7 years of age, were required to work in
agricultural fields, tea stalls, houses, factories, workshops and tend to cattle/poultry to supplement family
income. Parents were also inclined to send children to the cities with acquaintances to seek employment.
Usually it was the stepmother who was the perpetrator of violence. Again, children were mostly forced to
work outside or within the home by a stepparent.
Girls confided they had been sexually abused by members of their family or by close friends of the family
(adults). The adult males started out by being caring, later petting and touching them inappropriately. The
girls were either sexually abused in the houses of these males or in concealed areas near the village.
Diagram 3: Core reasons children came to the street
CONTACT WITH FAMILIES
Only 36 children (6 girls and 30 boys) stated that they maintained regular contact with their families (6-12
visits a year to their homes). 49 children (12 girls and 37 boys) only went home once or twice a year. 115
children (42 girls and 73 boys) were completely detached from their families.
Those children who went home said their main reason for going home was to give their parents a part of
their income because their family depended on their financial support. They were giving between Tk 200
and 500 every month. Children felt it was their duty to help their families. However, 90 per cent of the
children stated that they supported their families financially only because they loved their mother and
younger siblings. Another reason for children visiting their homes every month was to see their younger
brothers and sisters because they missed them very much.
Children who visited their families on 1 or 2 occasions a year said that these visits were mostly during
Muslim holy festivals of Eid-ul-Fitre and Eid-ul-Azha. These children did not have good relationships
with their families but they had feelings for their brothers and sisters. Furthermore, they enjoyed their
freedom and ability to take their own decisions. Most children felt city life was more exciting than life in
the villages. During these visits, they purchased small gifts and clothes for their family members. They
gave money, but only to their own parents. The majority of children stated that they missed their family,
particularly their own mothers, fathers and younger siblings. However, their relationships with stepparents
were so strained that they preferred living on the streets or in NGO shelter homes.
Children who were completely detached from their families said they had severe conflict with their families.
They feared further physical/mental oppression from their family members. The children believed that
peers, adults or staff from NGO shelter homes were their families. 27 per cent of the children wanted to
FINDINGS FROM CHILDREN 105
return home when they were adults and established only to prove to those that hurt them that they were
successful. 32 per cent of the children said they would like to go home to rescue their younger siblings and
give them a better life. 17 per cent wanted to give their mothers a better life. 24 per cent felt they had
nothing to return home for.
Table 11: Frequency of visits home
Contact with family Girl Boy Total

Regularly (6-12 times a year) 6 30 36
Very little (1-2 times a year) 12 37 49
Completely detached from family 42 73 115
Total 60 140 200
DURATION OF STAY ON THE STREET
Out of the interviewed children, 11 per cent lived on the streets for less than a month. 33.5 per cent children
had been on the streets for 1 month to 1 year. 29 per cent had 1-to-3 years’ experience while 15.5 per cent
had between 3 and 5 years’ street experience. 2 per cent of the respondents had been on the street for more
than 6 years.
Children who were on the street for less than a month stated that the first few weeks had been very
difficult. They were initially confused by city life and had to move frequently to find a place to sleep. It was
difficult to earn money as they did not know what to do. Most of the time they tried to tell people what
happened to them to gain sympathy and food or they begged on the city streets. However, as soon as they
made friends with experienced CSS, they received a lot of support by living and working in groups.
Children with longer experience on the street also stated that the initial few weeks were always difficult
for new arrivals. But as soon as children made friends, they learnt the ropes. They also observed that the
first few weeks were the most dangerous as that was when they were most vulnerable to sexual abuse and
promises of opportunistic adults.
Table 12: Duration of stay on the street
Age Below 1 month 1 year to 3 years to Above 6

Sex
group 1 month to 1 year 3 years 6 years years
A Boy 9 21 0 0 0
Girl 2 6 0 0 0
B Boy 5 18 22 2 0
Girl 0 3 4 0 0
C Boy 4 11 10 9 3
Girl 2 8 6 7 4
D Boy 0 0 11 6 9
Girl 0 0 5 7 6
Total 22 67 58 31 22
WHERE CHILDREN SPEND TIME
35.5 per cent children interviewed were living in AB’s transit centres in Khulna and Barisal, though they
had lived on the street at some point. Out of the 200 children, 33 per cent were living on the platforms of
the railway stations, 31 per cent at the launch terminals and 19 per cent in bus terminals. Their income
came from these places. Furthermore, the street children stated that railway police did not disturb them as
much as metropolitan police in other areas of Khulna and Barisal. Children were only chased away from
the railway station when high-ranking officials from the railway or VIPs were visiting. 7 per cent children
lived on the street in various areas of Khulna and Barisal, were mobile and frequently changed areas. Very
few children lived in the market places because they were not permitted to sleep there by night guards.
Other places where children lived were shipyards, mazars (shrines), balconies of mosques and roofs of
abandoned buildings. None of the interviewed children who had more than 3 years of street experience
had been provided shelter immediately by NGOs or other stakeholders when they arrived on the street as
there were no NGOs providing safe shelter then.
Most of the children in a street situation were found to be living with their peers. This is because they
enjoyed the freedom and company. The most often mentioned areas where the children would roam/stay
(multiple answers) are highlighted in the table below.
Table 13: Residing areas of the children
Areas where children roam/stay (multiple answer) Girls Boys

Wholesale vegetable markets, busy shopping areas 27% 36%
Densely inhabited crime zones 17% 46%
Launch terminal and ship yards 22% 47%
Commercial areas 17% 29%
Railway stations 12% 45%
Industrial areas 11% 19%
Residential area 8% 14%
Inter-district bus terminals 11% 29%
Parks, crime zones 12% 17%
Launch terminals 8% 33%
The children described their experiences of these areas in different perspectives. They attributed the
following characteristics to the places where they used to stay/roam while they were on the street:
● Groups of dirty/bad people;

● Unhindered selling of drugs and addictive substances;
● Densely inhabited;
● Disturbances by hoodlums and drug addicts;
● High incidence of police beatings and extortion;
● High occurrence of anti-social activities;
● Dirty and highly congested;
● Rampant sexual abuse and exploitation of street children;
● Gathering place of professional sex workers;
● Physical and sexual abuse by clients of sex workers;
● Unhealthy living conditions with no civic amenities.
CHILDREN’S OCCUPATIONS AND INCOME
It was noted that not a single child was involved in just one economic activity for survival. Based on their
needs, children involved themselves in more than one occupation, though they named one as their core
occupation. All 200 children were involved in economic activity. 48.5 per cent were involved in 2 economic
activities while 20 per cent had 3 occupations. 6.5 per cent stated that they were involved in 4 occupations
and 4.5 per cent switched between 5 occupations.
Children explained that they took up second or multiple jobs when they needed extra money. But sometimes
they changed their occupation for short periods because they got fed up of doing the same work everyday.
Children confided that they had been involved in dangerous jobs such as transporting drugs, ammunition
and lethal arms. They were also involved in picking pockets, petty theft and armed burglary. This work
however, was carried out for very organised and powerful gangs, noted criminals and people with political
ties. Children admitted that they were aware of the dangers involved in such activities.
The respondents said that had been easily lured by drug dealers as they could earn up to Tk 200 in a few
hours, compared to rag-picking or other jobs where they worked for several hours and earned around Tk
20. Children sold these drugs at points frequented by drug addicts. They would also be asked to carry
consignments of drugs to other dealers in the city for a sum of money. However, if caught by the police,
they paid the price of several months’ incarceration.
Boys were mostly influenced by gangs and political mafia to carry/use arms, ammunition and explosives.
Money was only one incentive: they looked up to these people as godfathers and heroes. Boys were most
commonly found to carry revolvers, pistols, sawn-down rifles, bullets, swords, choppers, hand bombs etc.
They would be hidden in sacks used for rag picking, sweetmeat boxes or strapped to their bodies. They
were used to transport these items to dealers or to particular spots where gang fights had been pre-planned.
Some day, dreamt the children, they too would become fearful and famous gang leaders. They admitted
that the temptation to earn quick money had made them forget about the dangers. Sometimes, children
were forced by gangs to carry out these activities. They had seen other children who refused being severely
injured, maimed, living as fugitives and even getting killed.
It was also revealed that many children engaged in paid sexual acts (massaging/oral sex) for survival even
though they did not want to admit to it.
When discussing core occupations it emerged that 47 children (23.5 per cent) worked as rag pickers, earning
between Taka 20 and 30 per day. 52 children (26 per cent) were found to be employed in manual labour as
porters at the railway station, bus and launch terminals, or they would push carts and load trucks in the
marketplace. Their wages ranged from a minimum of Tk 20 to a maximum of Tk 70 per day. 31 children
(15.5 per cent) worked as assistants in teashops, picking vegetables, selling wares on the street, earning
between Taka 20 and 30. Another 54 children (27 per cent) were involved in anti-social activities such as
petty theft, pick-pocketing, armed burglary, selling drugs etc. They earned between Tk 20 and 500. Finally,
11 girls were involved in professional sex work and earned between Taka 50 and 150.
Table 14: Sources and average income of the children
Source of income Boys Girls Average

income per day (taka)
Rag picking 39 8 20-30
Picking vegetables 11 7 20-40
Working as porter 37 0 20-30
Pushing carts 6 0 20-40
Selling flowers, candy, etc 2 5 20-30
Petty theft 15 0 20-40
Selling and carrying drugs 14 5 30-80
Carrying arms, explosives 9 0 100-200
Aggravated burglary 5 0 100-500
Pick pocketing/hijacking 6 0 100-400
Loading/unloading trucks 9 0 40-70
Sex work 0 11 50-150
Tea-stall helpers 6 0 10-20
Domestic helpers 1 4 10-20
WORKING HOURS
29 children (14.5 per cent) were found to work between 3 and 4 hours per day. 49 children (24.5 per cent)
worked 4 to 6 hours and another 50 children (25 per cent) worked 6 to 8 hours per day. 39 children (19.5 per
cent) worked between 8 and 12 hours and 15 children (7.5 per cent) worked over 12 hours per day.
Children said that they couldn’t afford the time off to attend school. Most NGO run schools operated at
times when the children were busy at work. These children mentioned that the best timing for them to
attend school would be from 8 am to 10 am or 5 pm to 7 pm.
Table 15: Working hours of the children (per day)
Duration A B C D Total
of work 6 to 9 yrs 9-12 yrs 12-16 yrs 16-18 yrs
Boy Girl Boy Girl Boy Girl Boy Girl Boy Girl
Less than 3 hours 2 3 3 2 3 3 1 1 9 9
3 to 4 hours 4 2 7 1 3 6 4 2 18 11
4 to 6 hours 8 1 22 1 9 3 4 1 43 6
6 to 8 hours 9 1 12 2 12 5 6 3 39 11
8 to 12 hours 7 1 1 1 10 8 5 6 23 16
More than 12 hours 0 0 2 0 0 2 6 5 8 7
EXPENDITURE
Most of the children used their earnings to support various needs and requirements, and multiple answers
have been recorded in response to this question. Children spent the money in a minimum of 2 and a
maximum of 6 areas. 95 per cent of the children stated that their main expenditure was food. 78 per cent
girls spent money on cosmetics. Only 3.5 children spent any money on healthcare. 45 per cent children
spent money on recreation while 54 per cent bought substances/drugs. 11 per cent gambled while 18 per
cent gave money to their parents. 65 per cent stated that part of their earnings was wasted paying toll. 19
per cent would also spend money on telephone calls.
Though children occasionally purchased clothes, they would generally borrow clothes from friends or beg
for them. Recreational activities included going to the cinema, a most beloved form of entertainment,
particularly action films featuring their favourite stars. Some even dreamt that they too would become
film stars one day.
Purchasing drugs and addictive substances was an expenditure which ate up at least 40 per cent of their
earnings. Children stated that they worked extra hours or engaged in illegal activities to earn money to
support their habit.
At least 25 per cent of their earnings were spent on toll or protection money to various people.
Table 16: Monthly expenditure of children (multiple answer)
Monthly expenditure Girls Boys Total

Buying food 38 151 189
Accommodation 4 2 6
Cosmetics/personal items 31 0 31
Treatment/healthcare 0 7 7
Recreation 10 79 89
Addictive substances 19 89 108
Alcohol 7 21 28
Gifts for friends 5 9 14
Buying shoes and clothes 32 61 93
Video game 1 29 30
Gambling 3 18 21
Sending money back home 6 30 36
Toll 26 104 130
Phone calls 7 31 38
FOOD AND EATING HABITS
107 children (53.5 per cent) only ate two meals a day. With all their other expenses they could not afford
any more. 93 children (46.5 per cent) had three meals a day. The food eaten by CSS was unhygienic and
lacked nutritional value. Food was bought from mobile food vendors and shacks, normally collected from
restaurants and marriage ceremonies and sold to children and other poor people. The cost of a meal varied
from Tk 6 to 10. However, some mobile food vendors prepared meals in their houses, which was of better
quality. Sometimes children visited mazars (holy shrines) where food was distributed to the poor on religious
occasions. Children also collected leftover food from the police camp at a minimum cost.
The staple food of the respondents was rice and vegetables (146 children or 73 per cent) as this was the
cheapest. If they happened to earn more money one day, they would buy meat or fish.
Table 17: Number of meals eaten by children and their sources
Age group Times per day Place

Sex
One Two Three Pavement Open air Other
eatery
A Boy 0 16 14 22 6 2
Girl 0 3 5 3 2 3
B Boy 3 25 19 30 16 1
Girl 1 2 4 4 1 2
C Boy 0 19 18 26 10 1
Girl 0 15 12 19 7 1
D Boy 0 14 12 19 5 2
Girl 0 10 8 9 7 2
Total 4 104 92 132 54 14
Table 18: What the children ate
Age group Sex Rice and vegetable Meat/fish/egg

A Boy 23 7
Girl 6 2
B Boy 34 13
Girl 5 2
C Boy 27 10
Girl 19 8
D Boy 19 7
Girl 13 5
Total 146 54
HEALTHCARE AND AWARENESS
The overall health and sanitation conditions were found to be very poor. Children had suffered from
various ailments and diseases during their stay on the street, mainly contracting water-borne diseases. A
large number of respondents self-medicated in case of fever, common cold or cough, purchasing medicines
from local drug stores. Only in emergencies would they visit a doctor or nearby hospitals. During informal
discussions with the respondents, it was revealed that they first went to faith healers if they had sexually-
transmitted diseases. Only when the case turned serious would they go to registered practitioners or
physicians. For serious diseases, the respondents normally went to nearby community hospitals or to
medical college hospitals. For treatment, children preferred homeopathy, herbal treatment and traditional
remedies.
Children claimed they were aware of STDs and that AIDS was a killer disease. They had seen advertisements
on TV and read billboards and posters. However, the majority of children stated that AIDS could only be
acquired through sexual contact and blood transfusions. Most children on the street (apart from those
enrolled in Aparajeyo’s CPSP programme) stated they had received no formal training on STI/HIV
prevention.
It was learnt that 190 children had been sick while 10 children claimed they had never been sick. 70 children
(35 per cent) visited faith healers for treatment while 56 children (28 per cent) visited NGOs for treatment.
35 per cent (17.5 per cent) visited public hospitals when they were seriously ill while 25 children (12.5 per
cent) went to local pharmacies for treatment. 6 children (3 per cent) said they didn’t avail of treatment
when they were sick as they felt they would be cured naturally without any treatment.
Table 19: Children’s healthcare support
Treatment Boys Girls Total

Public hospital 26 9 35
Private hospital 0 1 1
NGO hospital 41 15 56
Private treatment 15 10 25
Faith healer/ traditional medicine 47 23 70
No treatment taken 4 2 6
Street shopkeepers 7 0 7
Total 140 60 200
Table 20: Disease patterns (multiple answers)
Diseases Boy Girl Total

Itching 117 29 146
Sexually transmitted diseases 47 19 66
Skin disease 109 16 125
Jaundice 29 7 36
Typhoid/malaria 3 2 5
Hepatitis 0 1 1
Diarrhoea 129 31 160
Chicken Pox 24 8 32
Fever 117 24 141
Cough 109 19 128
Stomach ache 87 16 103
Acid burn 0 1 1
Never ill 6 4 10
Apart from these ailments, 8 girls also confided that they had been pregnant. It was revealed that these
girls were involved in professional sex work. They said that most clients refused to wear condoms,
threatening to find other sex workers. The girls were aware of the dangers of STI/HIV/AIDS, as they had
been provided information by NGO workers. It was leant that 6 girls conducted MR, 1 girl underwent
abortion and 1 girl gave birth, giving her daughter to an adoption centre. The girls said they were afraid of
becoming pregnant again but were at the mercy of their clients and birth control pills were too expensive.
Table 21: Ailments during the survey period
Ailment Incidence
Abdominal pain 10%
Bone pain 8%
ENT 6%
Acid burn 1%
Itching 15%
STI 5%
Skin disease 12%
Dysentery 4%
Injury 7%
Coughing 10%
Was not ill 22%
SUBSTANCE/DRUG ABUSE BY CHILDREN
139 children (69.5 per cent) admitted they were addicted to some form of substance or drug. The most
pressing health problem of street children in both cities was substance abuse, which children used to
escape from the harsh daily realities of broken families, poverty, violence and homelessness. The reasons
for substance abuse were varied. Some children said that the high helped them deal with eating rotten
food, while others claimed it quelled the constant pangs of hunger. Children also said they used substances
to stay awake, to be alert to possible violence, to help them sleep during wet or cold weather, to numb
physical and emotional pain, as a part of peer bonding, street gang culture, etc. Some children watched
adults taking drugs and followed in their footsteps. Sometimes peers also forced children to take drugs.
Substances most commonly abused by street children included marijuana, hashish, glue, gull (tobacco
dust), tobacco, zarda, alcohol, sedative tablets, etc. Cocaine, crack, morphine, pethadine (pain killer), cough
syrups (containing alcohol) and heroin are generally less common due to prohibitively high prices.
However, it should be noted that many children would not confess to taking drugs. During the interviews
a large number of children stated that they didn’t take drugs. But when the staff physically visited their
territories it was observed that many of them were using addictive substances/drugs. This was re-confirmed
during the FGDs. Children who took drugs but denied it were frightened that they would be considered
bad children. Children knew it was a bad habit to take drugs but they were not aware of exactly what
effects they had on health. They said that no one had explained the negative effects of drugs to them.
Even if particular street children were not actually involved in substance abuse, they were often assumed
to be. Most people felt all street children were drug addicts, a perception that further restricted their access
to basic services. They faced verbal abuse and humiliation at the hands of the public and the police because
of this, regardless of whether they were actually using drugs.
Table 22: Whether children were using substances/drugs
Substance/
Age range Total
drug abuse
A B C D
Yes 27 40 45 27 139
No 11 14 19 17 61
It should be noted that several children stated during the interviews and FGDs that they were habitual
users of more than one kind of substance or drugs.
Diagram 4: Kind of substances/drugs abused (multiple answer)
CHILDREN IN CONFLICT WITH THE LAW
During the survey, it was revealed that 83 children (37 from Barisal and 46 from Khulna) had been in
conflict with the law. Out of these, 32 were girls and 51 were boys. The team leader arranged separate
FGDs with these children to get a better understanding of their situation and how they were treated at the
time of their arrest.
The children explained how they got arrested:
i. Police arrested children from important points in the city for loitering, suspicious movement,
vending and begging in restricted areas.
ii. Children were arrested due to orders from higher-ups to clean up areas, particularly during visits
by VIPs.
iii. Police raided dens prone to criminal activity and arrested children.
iv. During and prior to political strikes, street children were arrested for picketing, throwing rocks,
hand bombs etc.
v. Children had been arrested for selling and carrying drugs, arms, ammunition and explosives.
vi. During raids on criminal dens, children had been arrested on murder or attempt to murder charges.
vii. When serious disturbances occurred in an area, police arrested innocent street children and filed
fabricated charges against them.
viii. Police arrested children due to complaints by residents of neighbourhoods.
ix. Children were arrested on grounds of practicing sex work at city points and hotels.
Through the FGDs, we were able to identify the major and minor offences that the children had been
charged with or were victims of. These were:
Major offences Minor offences Victims of situations

1. Carrying/selling drugs 1. Vagrancy 1. Physical and sexual abuse
2. Hijacking 2. Suspicious loitering 2. Trafficking
3. Stealing 3. Pilfering/pick pocketing 3. Social and political unrest
4. Collecting toll by force 4. Suspected as sex worker 4. Witness to crime
5. Throwing hand bomb 5. Vending in restricted area
6. Robbery 6. Begging in restricted area
The FGDs revealed that many children had been in conflict with the law on more than one occasion.
Children, after being picked up by the police, had spent time in police lockups, vagrant homes, juvenile
correctional centres, adult jails, courts etc.
17 children stated that after spending several hours in police lock up they were released to the custody of
Aparajeyo-Bangladesh. 40 children said that due to insufficient time they could not be produced in court
and were sent directly to adult jail. They spent several weeks there before being produced in court. They
were represented by Aparajeyo’s lawyers and released to the organisation for safe shelter.
25 children were sentenced to between 1 and 12 months of imprisonment in adult jails, correction centres
or government safe homes. 14 children were either sent to correction centres or adult jails where they were
incarcerated for over a year.
Children stated that during arrest, police treated them like criminals, using abusive language, beating and
handcuffing them. While being transported to the police station, they were forced to sit on the floors of the
vans. They were locked-up with adult prisoners and were not provided proper meals. When questioned
by the team leader, children stated the police did not record statements from them. They demanded money
in lieu of release and 17 children who managed to pay were released later on.
Children who were taken to court stated that they were packed into overcrowded, poorly ventilated and
unhygienic prison vans with adults. They found it suffocating, and some lost consciousness.
Even at the courthouse, children were kept in custody (in a cell) for several hours along with adults before
they were produced in court. No doctor or first-aid treatment was available for sick children. They were
produced along with adult prisoners in court for preliminary assessment of their crimes.
Table 23: Time spent in jail
Period of incarceration Boys Girls Total

Less than 1 day 10 7 17
1 week 7 5 12
1 month 17 11 28
Less than 1 year 18 7 25
More than 1 year 9 5 14
Total 61 35 96
Table 24: Offences committed (multiple answers)
Nature of offence Boys Girls Total

Carrying/selling drugs 14 5 19
Hijacking 9 0 9
Stealing 7 3 10
Collecting toll by force 5 0 5
Throwing hand bomb 11 0 11
Robbery 8 0 8
Vagrancy 44 2 46
Suspicious loitering 37 0 37
Pilfering/Pick-pocketing 23 4 27
Suspected as sex workers 5 15 20
Vending in restricted area 14 3 17
Begging in restricted area 22 7 29
Physical and sexual abuse 5 6 11
Trafficking 3 2 5
Social and political unrest 16 4 20
Witnesses to crimes 2 1 3
LEISURE TIME AND ACTIVITIES
Children took part in several activities in their leisure time. For boys, playing football with a tennis or
plastic ball emerged as a favourite pastime. Boys also liked playing marbles and danda goli (a local game).
Girls’ favourite game was hop-scotch. Another favourite pastime of children was going to the movies.
Many children also thought they could be actors themselves. Singing was another form of having fun.
Some children said that in their spare time they liked to roam around alone, particularly when they were
depressed. Some children went to meet friends in other areas whom they had not seen for a long time.
Others said they did nothing in their spare time. They sat alone and watched people as they came and
went or they watched other children playing. Some stated they were too tired to do anything else, or that
they often though of their families and felt sad so preferred being alone.
Table 25: Children’s leisure activities (multiple answers)
Activity Boys Girls Total

Play with friends 81 31 112
Watch movies 36 24 60
Gamble 3 1 4
Sex work 0 7 7
Take drugs 28 5 33
Roam alone 48 13 61
Nothing 30 11 41
Play with dolls 0 1 1
Pick vegetables 1 0 1
BATHING FACILITIES
The findings revealed children used various places to bathe. They seldom used bus or launch terminals to
bathe because these were public and offered no privacy. Sexual remarks, touching of body parts and even
sexual abuse by adults was common in public toilets. Most children preferred bathing in rivers, ponds or
tube wells because these provided safety even though there was no privacy. 66 children stated that they
frequented Aparajeyo-Bangladesh at times to bathe as this was the only shelter programme where they
could bathe in privacy.
Table 26: Where children bathe
Location Boys Girls Total

Bus terminal 7 5 12
Launch terminal 4 3 7
NGO 22 44 66
Different places at different times 5 11 16
Workplace 7 11 18
River 9 25 34
Tube well 4 21 25
Pond 2 20 22
ASSOCIATION WITH NGOS
Out of the 200 respondents, 71 children (48 boys and 23 girls) were enrolled in Aparajeyo’s transit centres
under the Child Protection & Support Programme in Khulna and Barisal. These children had been contacted
on the streets by Aparajeyo’s team on several occasions and had been briefed about the project, its activities
and the support provided through the centres. All the children had been living on the streets and had
experienced various forms of abuse and exploitation. After developing a relationship with the staff and
visiting the centres, they believed they would not only be protected, but also be offered alternatives to life
on the street. Many of these children had also taken support from other NGOs outreach staff.
53 children (37 boys and 16 girls) stated that they were not familiar with NGO workers and were not aware
that NGOs supported street children. They said they needed support, particularly in the form of safe
shelters and education, but these should be located close to their working areas.
Table 27: If children had information about NGO support
Information about NGOs Boys Girls Total

Yes 103 44 147
No 37 16 53
Total 140 60 200
V
ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION OF CHILDREN
Despite the various global efforts and commitments being made to safeguard the well-being of children
from abusive and exploitative situations, it is clear that the situation of children has not changed very
much in recent years especially in developing countries like Bangladesh.
Addressing abuse, exploitation, CSEC and trafficking in the Bangladeshi socio-cultural context is not actively
supported by local government agencies, since the issue is taboo and often ignored. Prevailing social norms
and cultural practices significantly restrict the ability of children to voice their views and provide solutions
to their problems. It is especially important at this time to break down these barriers for there is increasing
recognition of the regional trends in HIV infection amongst vulnerable populations, notably amongst
street children and child victims of sexual abuse and exploitation (CVSAE). This is particularly true for
girls, who represent a disproportionate number of sexually exploited children. Gender discrimination
remains widespread and serious in poor and/or rural communities. The huge gender disparities and
inequalities existing in Bangladesh mean that problems faced by women and girls are not considered
matters of importance. The government and NGOs in Bangladesh are undertaking several campaigns
against gender discrimination but its effects can only be felt, to some extent, in urban areas. The government
and NGOs should combine their resources to conduct social mobilisation on the issue of gender
discrimination.
In addition, actions to combat increasing incidence of CSEC, trafficking and HIV infection amongst street
children and child victims of sexual abuse are not being prioritised. The government and NGOs are
implementing several HIV/AIDS prevention programmes with various stakeholders in the country. These
programmes are highlighting the need for safe sex practices as a means of combating the pandemic.
However, it has done nothing to reduce sexual abuse and exploitation of children.
From the information collected from children, it emerged that 172 children (86 per cent) encountered abuse
or exploitation on the street: 89 per cent from the age group A, 87 per cent children from the age group B,
84 per cent children from the age group C, and 84 per cent children from the age group D (where A = 6 to
9 yrs; B = 9 to 12 yrs; and C = 12+ to 18 yrs)
Table 28: If children had been abused/exploited on the street
Age group Yes No Total

A 34 4 38
B 47 7 54
C 54 10 64
D 37 7 44
Total 172 28 200
Sexual abuse on the street was highest among children of age group D (84 per cent) followed by age group
C (83 per cent). Incidence of abuse in age group B was 76 per cent while in age group A, it was 71 per cent.
The average rate of sexual abuse across age groups was about 79 per cent. This is discussed at greater
length later in this chapter.
It was further revealed that children experienced more than one form of abuse or exploitation on the street.
These have been categorised into 4 forms in the table below.
Table 29: Types of abuse/exploitation on the street
Age group Physical Mental Sexual Financial

A 34 19 27 29
B 47 13 41 37
C 54 20 53 40
D 34 11 37 31
INVOLVEMENT IN DRUG TRAFFICKING
Street children were easily influenced to sell drugs to their peers or customers on the street. They were also
used to traffick drugs to other parts of the city or country, as they were less likely to be searched than
adults. This allowed children to earn easy money and gave them access to addictive substances – incentive
enough for them to perform dangerous tasks that many adult criminals would refuse.
According to the children, points at which drugs were commonly sold included areas close to railway and
bus stations, launch terminals, big markets, colleges, universities and slum areas. Buyers were students,
office-goers, day labourers, rickshaw pullers, porters, truck/bus/taxi drivers, young people from slums,
etc. Children were either employed or forced to sell drugs by powerful gangs who controlled the trade.
Within a few hours, children would sell enough to earn a minimum of Tk 100 and sometimes even more.
Drugs commonly sold by the respondents included marijuana, hashish, crack, heroin, cough syrup, tablets
and cocaine.
Children were not scared of law-enforcing agencies as the gangs controlling the drug trade apparently
bought them off. Only on rare occasions did the police raid selling points. If street children were caught
during such raids they never mentioned the names of gang members who employed them for fear of
retribution.
19 children (14 boys and 5 girls) admitted that they had been arrested by the police for selling drugs on the
street. Some had been released after a few hours after the employing gangs pulled strings. Others had
faced incarceration in either adult jails or correction centres for periods of 3-to-12 months.
Street children were also involved in transporting drugs to other parts of the country, for which they
would be paid between Tk 500 and 1,000, plus costs. The money depended on the size of the consignment.
Children travelled by bus, train or launch, with the drugs either strapped to their bodies or concealed in
bags. Adult gang members accompanied the children but stayed at a safe distance. After arrival at the final
destination, the gang members took delivery of the drugs. The children would be paid their wages and
were free to leave. The children reported that they had never been paid less than the agreed amount and,
in fact, on most occasions were paid tips for a job well done.
ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION OF CHILDREN 119
TRANSPORTING ARMS AND AMMUNITION
From confidential discussions with 16 boys, the difficulties of adapting to the hard life outside the family
on the street emerged. In the early days of street life, the children suffered from loneliness and starvation
and were often beaten by the police, passers-by or night guards. Gradually the children learnt the techniques
of survival on the street. Some accessed education, security, shelter and healthcare through NGOs, while
others found refuge under the protective wing of those in power. This gradually led them to illicit activities
that had a number of payoffs for the children. Some even started carrying arms and ammunition.
Children reported carrying 7 different kinds of weapons. All 16 children at some stage carried pistols. 5
children (31 per cent) carried pistols 50 times and 10 children (62 per cent) carried and used pistols on 10
occasions. 8 children (50 per cent) carried and used bombs, out of which 2 children carried bombs 50 times
and 1 child about 100 times. In addition to this, 5 children carried and used different kinds of sharp weapons.
The most alarming revelations were that one child carried a sub-machine gun on 8 occasions while another
child carried an AK-37 rifle twice.
Table 30: Arms carried and used by children
Type of arms No. of child Frequency No. of Frequency

carriers 1-10 11-30 31-50 child users -10 11-30 31-50
Pistol 16 (100%) 8 3 5 10 (62.5%) 10 - -
Revolver 3 (19%) 2 1 - - - - -
Bullet magazine 1 (6.25%) 1 - - - - - -
Pipe gun 4 (25%) 2 2 - - - - -
Shot gun 1 (6.25%) 6 - - - - - -
AK-37 1 (6.25%) 2 - - - - - -
Sub-machine gun 1 (6%) 8 - - - - - -
Cut rifle 2 (12.5%) 2 - - - - - -
Hand bomb 8 (50%) 3 3 2 8 (50%) 4 3 1
Sword/knives/razor 5 (31.25%) 1 3 1 5 (31.25%) 3 2 -
According to the information provided by the children, the following people were users of the arms and
ammunition they would carry:
● Drug dealers
● Terrorists
● Muggers
● Thugs
● Political activists
● College/ university students (involved in politics)
● Dishonest businessmen.
The children were aware that these people were generally despised and feared by society. While they did
not seem to fully understand the demerits of such activities, they too hated the people they worked for,
and did so only to earn a living. The process of entry into the arms trade was gradual. The gangsters would
first gain their affection, giving them small amounts of money (Tk 10 to 20). Then, they would use the
children as errand boys, progressing to ganja and Phensidyl transporters. Later they would be used to
throw bombs during processions. On successful completion of a job, the child would be praised and
rewarded. When the employers were convinced a child was skilled and trustworthy, they would assign
him to tasks such as carrying arms and ammunition.
The children were trained in techniques to avoid arousing the suspicion of the police. They would strap
their cargo to their waists with belts and pretend to be rag pickers, or carry it in pockets of baggy trousers,
hidden in plastic bags covered with used cloth, stashed under the seats of rickshaws or auto-rickshaws,
disguising themselves as rickshaw pullers. They would sometimes be guarded and needed to bribe the
police. The best time to transport arms, said the children, was high noon or dusk.
Wages depended upon size and number of hand bombs and arms; the nature, importance, and degree of
risk involved in the task. The rate for carrying hand bombs was Tk 20-50 and Tk 50-200 for throwing them.
For carrying pistols, they would be paid Tk 50-200 and Tk 500-1,000 for firing them. The payment for
murder was Tk 5,000-10,000. The children would become attached to the godfathers of the criminal world,
be given shelter and encouragement. The nature of the work would make them feel brave and powerful.
The main tasks they had been assigned were:
● Trafficking of arms for monetary gain;

● In political processions to overpower opponents;
● Mugging;
● Illegal possession of slums area and unoccupied land;
● Gang fights;
● Drug trade;
● Collection of money from loan defaulters/illegal acquisition of land/beatings/killings;
● Collection of toll money;
● Creation and expansion of influence in certain areas;
● As hired killers for individuals/families/groups who had personal vendettas.
The children faced a number of risks. Police would beat and take them into custody. They could be killed
or maimed by the arms they carried. They could face threats from rivals and have to become fugitives.
When they realised the dangers involved in carrying and use of arms, they also lived in fear of being killed
by peers or the gangsters. They also risked social stigma if their activities were ever discovered.
Despite these risks, the children apparently never faced any real problems. They were proud of the fact
that they had acquired skills that kept them safe. A problem they did encounter was police custody and
resultant fear of being caught by the police or beaten up by rivals. The children stated that it was very
difficult to quit from this work due to fear of being driven away from their area by the godfather and loss
of income. Children also found a security net amongst their peers. When a child was arrested or in police
custody, their peers and associates would raise money to secure their release by bribing the police. They
would receive food and psychological support. However, gangsters would only assist release of those
children who were efficient and loyal.
Table 31: Risk factors, problems and nature of assistance children received
Questions Response
Degree of risk ● Police beatings and jail custody

involved in carrying/ ● Beatings by mobs
use of arms ● Increased rivalry and risk of beatings by rivals
● Injury or even death during fights with opponents and/or related accidents
● Stigmatised as unscrupulous boys who were insulted, teased and hated
● If they were unsuccessful, they would be verbally abused and physically

assaulted
● Become fugitives due to fear of rivals and police.
Problems encountered ● 8 children never faced any problems

by the children ● One child became a fugitive due to fear of being killed by gangs as he wanted
to quit
● One was a fugitive from the law, with three cases against him
● 4 children were caught and spent between an hour and 5 days in custody
● One was imprisoned for 6 months
● One was imprisoned twice for periods of 3 and 5 months.
STREET GANGS
Street children’s involvement in gangs is often associated with criminal behaviour. However, the nature of
gang activity varies greatly on a case-to-case basis. Involvement in gangs can be a risk factor in a child’s
experience in crime, but it can also be a protective factor, depending on the nature of the gang, its leader,
the local environment, types of substances used, etc. 68 respondents had joined gangs in response to social
exclusion, the need for protection in a society that has failed to provide for their physical and emotional
needs. Negative aspects included maintaining discipline and asserting authority within the hierarchy of
the gang and inter-gang violence. Positive aspects included mutual protection from outside threats, a
sense of belonging, security, pride, friendship and emotional and financial support. Involvement in adult
criminal gangs took place on an individual level, in small groups, or as part of a more structured, organised
criminal gang, syndicate or trafficking ring.
The tasks they commonly performed included armed muggings, toll collection, organised begging, sale of
drugs and alcohol, commercial sexual exploitation, contract killing, etc. If arrested, children ran the risk of
being tried as adults and detention for several years. Street gangs usually used knives, razors, choppers
and safety razors as weapons. The guns that were used belonged to powerful individuals from political or
terrorist groups. Many of them were on the run from the law and gave their guns to street children for
safekeeping.
Substance addiction and dependency resulted in street children carrying out petty theft and aggravated
burglary. Children were given addictive substances by organised gangs, in exchange for which they were
used to squeeze through bars and small windows in burglaries. Similarly gangs trained children and sent
them out to pick pockets. If they were caught and beaten, the influence of drugs eased the pain. This
eventually led children to more violent and anti-social activities.
SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION
Children cited several forms of sexual exploitation on the streets. A number of them reported that they had
been coerced into massaging adults and, after a relationship developed, the adults would sexually abuse
them. Girls and boys living on the streets either formed groups or became acquainted with adults whom
they turned to for protection. However, they were forced/coerced into sexual activities at market places,
parks, railway/boat/bus/launch terminals, truck stands, etc. For more organised commercial sexual
exploitation of children, gangs/pimps would use city hotels or rented flats around the city. Children were
also forced to accompany clients to other parts of the country for a few days where they were exploited.
Children also recounted how they had been taken to posh areas in cities where their clients were from very
rich families. The threat of traffickers, who sold children into brothels of Bangladesh and elsewhere, was
also present on the streets.
Through focus group discussions and interviews with children, it was revealed that out of the total of 200
children, 50 girls and 108 boys had been sexually abused during their stay on their street, with the abuse
generally occurring on more than one occasion.
Table 32: Age of children when they were sexually abused
Age when sexually abused Girls Boys Total

A 6 21 27
B 6 35 41
C 22 31 53
D 16 21 37
Total 50 108 158
Diagram 5: Percentage of sexually-abused children according to age
84%
83%
76%
71%
The children also identified who their abusers had been. The girls identified 19 categories of sexual abusers
while the boys identified 17. These were:
1 Alcoholics
2 Day labourers
3 Drug addicts
4 Faith healers
5 Fish traders
6 Gangsters
7 Hoodlums
8 Launch staff
9 Lovers (only girls)
10 Salaried people
11 Police
12 Porters
13 Rickshaw pullers
14 Security guards
15 Shopkeepers
16 Street children (youth)
17 Students (only girls)
18 Tempo drivers
19 Truck drivers.
The information from the FGDs also revealed the following locations at which the children would be
sexually abused. As most children were abused on several occasions, the table below provides multiple
answers from the respondents.
Table 33: Locations of sexual abuse of children
Place of abuse Boys Girls Total

Brothels 0 3 3
Bus terminals 7 19 26
Dark alleyways 8 10 18
Fish markets 2 5 7
Flats and apartments 6 16 22
Hotels 1 13 14
Launch cabins 19 14 33
Mazars (shrines) 1 10 11
Offices 2 5 7
Empty train carriages 14 18 32
Steamers/launches 4 15 19
Parks 10 23 33
Police stations 0 2 2
Railway stations 3 16 19
Social/sporting clubs 0 7 7
Street corners 5 21 26
Truck stands 9 22 31
Wholesale vegetable markets 11 21 32
A number of children seemed to have been involved in commercial sexual exploitation. The need for a
means of survival and experiences of sexual abuse were identified as the key factors for children’s
involvement in sex work.
Diagram 6: Reasons for involvement in sex work as perceived by the children
Children’s involvement in sexual acts could be classified into three categories:
1. Professional: Children who considered involvement in sex work as their profession and the main
source of income;
2. Occasional: Children who were involved in sex work sometimes;
3. Intimacy: Children who were involved sexual activity such as mutual masturbation or massaging.
While on the street, about 18 per cent girls considered themselves to be professional sex workers, 47 per
cent were involved in sex work occasionally. 35 per cent girls and 100 per cent boys were involved in paid
intimacy.
It is important to note that none of the boys stated that they were involved in professional sex work. If they
had penetrative sex with men or peers it was not for money. They also engaged in penetrative sex with
truck/bus/tempo drivers, porters, shop-owners, launch captains/helpers etc. A significant number of
boys stated that they engaged in intimate behaviour with males whom they were very familiar with. These
men protected them from other adult males and gave them small amounts of money or food. Some sexual
acts they said they had participated in were mutual masturbation or fingering of the anus. The boys were
paid Tk 10-20 for such acts. None of the boys felt they were being exploited and said these men loved and
protected them. The boys stated that none of the men had requested penetrative sex. These men were
mainly rickshaw pullers, alcoholics, drug addicts, security guards, small-time traders etc. Boys also said
they involved in penetrative sex with women, normally single mothers abandoned by their husbands,
living on the streets or in slums. The women normally provided free meals and shelter for short periods of
time and affection to the boys but money was never involved.
Only 11 girls confirmed they were involved in professional street-based prostitution. They worked mostly
in parks, transport terminals, hotels, apartments and street corners. All the girls were controlled by madams
and pimps, who would often arrange for the girls to accompany clients out of town for periods of 5-8 days.
It was evident from the information that there was a significant number of girls involved in street-based
prostitution. They stated that besides street girls, others who lived with families in slums or garment
factories were also involved in street-based sex work. They also knew girls from villages who were brought
to the city and sold into prostitution. These girls were kept in mess-like places and entertained richer
clientele from apartments and hotels. These girls were controlled by very powerful madams and gangs.
The monthly income of most interviewed girls was very low, due to the high rate of financial exploitation.
About 63 per cent girls’ average monthly income from sex work was below Tk 1,000. These girls serviced
an average of 5 clients per day, but 60 per cent of their earnings were taken by pimps, madams and police.
21 per cent girls earned between Tk 1,000 and 1,500 as they also entertained clients in hotels. 16 per cent
girls’ monthly income ranged from Tk 1,500 to 3,000 as they would travel out of town with clients.
All the girls stated they had encountered financial exploitation and physical abuse by clients, though not
on a regular basis. Sometimes clients refused to pay the agreed amount and threatened the girls. If they
resisted, they were slapped, punched, kicked, etc. On most occasions, clients refused to use condoms and
threatened to leave if the girls insisted. There would be severe beatings if the girls did not hand over the
money to pimps and madams. Pimps and husbands of the madams would engage in sexual acts with the
girls free of charge. 4 girls admitted they were approached by clients and taken to apartments or hotels but
on arrival they had to entertain between 5-7 men for the entire night though they were only paid for one
male. The men had weapons and threatened to kill them if they said anything.
PHYSICAL ABUSE, HARASSMENT, FINANCIAL EXPLOITATION
Most children, especially those involved in picking waste paper and scrap admitted they were physically
abused and financially exploited by mahajons (buyers of waste and scrap). The scales used to weigh their
collection were rigged but the children could not protest for fear that the mahajons would not but their
scrap or beat them. Children also said that they normally saved part of their earnings and kept it with the
mahajons. When they asked for it, they never received the whole amount. If the children protested, they
would be severely beaten. Sometimes mahajons forced them to steal valuables in return for which they
would release the savings.
Several mahajons also developed good relationships with street children, supplying them with food and
drugs. The children would get addicted to the drugs and to continue getting this free supply, they would
have to snatch gold chains or wristwatches and burgle houses, especially for electronic items. Children
would hang around busy intersections in cities and wait till the traffic was moving to snatch gold chains or
wristwatches from passengers travelling in rickshaws or tempos and run away.
The children also became victims of older street children who formed powerful gangs and took control of
particular areas. The younger children were forced to pay toll or their earnings were forcibly taken or
stolen from their pockets at night. The younger children were forced to run errands, bring food, assist
robberies, theft and other anti-social activities. The younger children had to submit to these gangs or were
severely beaten and thrown out of the area.
Some of the children had been working as domestic help for some time, but having faced abuse and
exploitation by their employers, they came to the street. Some forms of abuse and neglect they reported
were:
● Beatings
● Bad behaviour from family members
● Sexual abuse by male family members
● Insufficient food
● Long working hours
● Not being allowed to watch television
● Loneliness
● Not permitted to play
● Did not receive salary, only received food for work.
CONFLICT WITH LAW
The patrol police were key perpetrators of violence. They rounded up children at night, threatening to
charge them with robbery, association with gangs/terror groups, drug dealing, sex work etc. The children
paid whatever money they had to be released. Those without money begged for release and promised to
pay the police later. Police also took money from children who worked as porters, sold goods on the street
or engaged in sex work. All respondents stated that if they did not pay, the police would not allow them to
continue working. Children who dodged payments were severely beaten when caught by the police. Girls
who could not pay were made to perform sexual acts for them instead.
Children who had been picked up complained of severe and unbearable beatings. They had been punched,
kicked or beaten with bamboo, hockey sticks, wire cables or thick ropes. They would be beaten on their
joints, palms of their hands, soles of their feet, stomach, back etc. Some even lost consciousness after being
beaten. They were forced into confessing, after which they would be thrown into lockup alongside adult
prisoners. Several children stated they had been assaulted verbally and sexually by adult prisoners as
well. They were not given proper meals or toilets. Several children faced the same conditions in court
lockups before their hearings.
Those children who had been incarcerated in correction centres and adult prisons revealed that physical
and sexual abuse of children by adult prisoners, hard core criminals and youth was common. In the jails,
children had to run errands for adult prisoners. Some were forced to sweep, clean and work in jail kitchens.
However, these children explained that they received better food in lieu of their work. Many reported
being sexually abused by the adult prisoners and guards. In the correction centres, beatings and sexual
abuse by youth and guards was also common.
VI
RECOMMENDATIONS
During the focus group discussions, the facilitator acquired recommendations from children in a street
situation.
General recommendations of CSS
● Shelters with minimum rules and regulations are a must.
● Support services should be provided which meet basic needs such as free food, health services, recreation,
emotional support and hygiene.
● Some children felt it would be better to have two separate centres for boys and girls to reduce quarrelling
about relationships between children, but the majority felt it was important to keep the boys and girls
in the same building as otherwise children might be more likely to go outside the centre looking for
friendship and affection.
● Children should have access to a playing field.
● Non-formal primary education should be introduced for all children through NGOs or formal schools
until Class V.
● Awareness raising activities should be introduced for the children’s parents on issues such as gender,
dangers of sexual abuse and exploitation, child rights, reproductive health, STIs and HIV/AIDS
prevention. Parents should be included in trainings and meetings.
● The Aparajeyo project could build a cultural team of children who would perform popular theatre or
concerts in the areas where children were vulnerable to abuse. This would raise awareness among CSS
regarding their rights, trafficking, dangers of drug abuse, STIs, HIV/AIDS etc.
● Training could be introduced and micro-enterprises supported to provide alternative employment

opportunities for CSS.
● Peer educators could be introduced to support and mentor CSS.
● More in-depth training on how to work with the community, police and peers was needed for CSS, as
was training on specific issues such as sexual violence, life skills, HIV/AIDS prevention, child rights,
child labour, reproductive health, etc.
● The project should help children reintegrate with their families and the community after assessing the
safety and security of family/community. They should follow-up after reintegration.
● To reduce their vulnerability, it was important to build positive links with the community through
more community meetings and awareness activities. More contact with the police was required.
● The wider community should be aware of child rights and the project should feature more in the
media.
● Political leaders and policy makers should be informed about the situation of CSS and lobbied to ensure
their protection and reintegration.
● The children felt strongly that the project should continue supporting CSS or they would have to
return to the street and all the development in their lives would be wasted.
Recommendations from Aparajeyo-Bangladesh
● The government and NGOs should combine their resources to conduct social mobilisation on the issue
of gender discrimination.
● The government and NGOs could work more effectively and should also focus on discouraging adults
from sexually abusing and exploiting CSS through their HIV/AIDS awareness programmes.
● Prostitution of any person under the age of 18 (CSS, victims of trafficking or those born into brothels)
should be banned in Bangladesh. Stringent measures should be taken against persons found to be
profiting from child prostitution.
● The term “child” should refer to any person under the age of 18 years, within the laws of Bangladesh,
and there is a need for this to be accepted within Bangladesh.
● Many of the laws in Bangladesh are dependent on a child’s age being established. Birth registration
mechanisms should be put in place for every single individual in Bangladesh.
● More effective follow-up and reporting on the progress of the implementation of ILO Convention no.
182 on the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour
is required.
Recommendations for laws and policy protecting the rights of children
● The Penal Code of 1860 needs serious revision in relation to defining the age of children in line with the
CRC.
● Prevention of Repression against Women and Children Act 2000, Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act
of 1993, The Children Act 1974, Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929 and The Jail Code of 1894 should be
strictly adhered to. Mass awareness campaign about these laws should be initiated.
● Children’s Act 1974 could be reviewed to allow NGOs to be considered as safe/shelter homes and
institutions, so long as they have effective child protection policies and procedures in place.
● Code of Criminal Procedure 1898 should no longer be used against children.
● Vagrancy Act 1943 should be abolished as it is incompatible with the CRC and the Stockholm Agenda
for Action.
● A National Task Force, comprising government, NGOs, INGOs, UN agencies, activists and academics,
is essential to rigorously examine and follow up the progress and implementation of its Action Plan for
compliance with the CRC in Bangladesh.
RECOMMENDATIONS 129
● The government of Bangladesh should constitute a National Task Force to review progress of the
implementation of the National Plan of Action to Combat Child Sexual Abuse and Exploitation including
Trafficking.
● A national awareness campaign on child rights through government, NGOs and media should be
initiated. People need to be educated on the issues that concern children before they can become proactive
in protecting and promoting the rights of individual children in their respective localities.
● Organise/institutionalise community-based councils for the protection of children in every city, town
and village.
● Increase government and donor support for poverty-alleviation programmes that incorporate
investment in community, social and economic capital.
● Devise a method to analyse the child protection system at local levels in order to assess risk and protective
factors and build better prevention strategies and programmes.
● Establish a system for complaints that allows all children to register complaints without fear to
responsible staff, national child rights representatives, and/or appropriate national agencies. The system
must ensure all complaints are immediately investigated and responded to.
● Guarantee immediate investigations into any alleged physical violence, exploitation and sexual abuse
by the police. Establish and enforce stricter time limits within the justice system and award severe
penalties to perpetrators.
● Establish, publicise and support toll-free child helplines which are adequately staffed by trained
personnel and open 24-hours a day. Any child or interested citizen should have access to such a facility
to report any incidence of abuse or obtain information regarding services available for children at risk
of abuse and exploitation.
● Establish an ombudsman to deal with children’s issues.
● Child sexual abuse and exploitation needs to be further explored in Bangladesh for the design of
strategies and interventions. There is a clear need for more updated information, particularly on the
prevalence and extent of child sexual abuse. Overall very little is known on the impact that child sexual
abuse and exploitation has on boys and girls. Parenting practices need to be further explored, especially
those that are discriminatory and place children in a position of vulnerability or expose them to sexual
abuse and exploitation. More information is required on the perpetrators of sexual abuse and exploitation
as this could influence interventions focusing on prevention.
● Collect and disseminate (within government, civil society and the UN bodies) statistical data regarding
CSS who have been exploited in anti-social activities and sexually abused and exploited. Such
information should be disaggregated by gender, age, location, type of perpetrators, family history,
medical condition, previous abuse, any complaints or concerns noted by the child and follow-up action.
SECRET LIVES
SEXUAL ABUSE IN HOWRAH AND SEALDAH
A DON BOSCO ASHALAYAM STUDY

RESEARCHERS BARNALI GHOSH AND JOLLY LAHA
SECRET LIVES 133
Objective
To find the prevalence of sexual abuse in boys living on the platforms of Howrah and Sealdah stations.
Methodology
Subjects
A total number of 30 subjects were taken from the Howrah and Sealdah platforms. The subjects were
adolescent boys between the age range of 12 and 18 years and none had any formal education. Some of the
boys could write their names and read simple words; the rest were not literate. The selection criteria of the
subjects were as follows:
1. Male
2. Adolescent
3. Illiterate/ capable of reading and writing simple words
4. Not belonging to the clinical population
5. Not mentally challenged
6. Receptive/ communicative
7. Not in any addictive state
8. Could understand Hindi, Bengali or English.
Materials
Three sets of materials were used:
1. For the purpose of research: the Sceno test, picture cards, tally sheets, chart papers, pens, paper,
pencils, erasers, markers;
2. For recreational activities within the research design: carrom, ludo, drawing materials, chart papers
and cards;
3. Gifts: T-shirts, toothpaste, toothbrushes, chewing gum, soap, hair oil, sketch pens.
Module/Design
The module was designed in accordance with psychodynamic, behaviouristic and cognitive principles,
through a series of activities and techniques, which were, broadly speaking, participatory, interactive,
exploratory and projective. An outline of the module is given below:
1. Introduction to the purpose of the research.

2. Brainstorming exercise. Introducing 5 broad aspects in a school-going child’s life, belonging to the
middle socio-economic group: (a) parents/ teachers (b) books (c) house (d) co-curricular activities
(e) health and hygiene. A comparative study was done through group discussion, between school-
going children belonging to middle-class families and the platform children regarding these
divisions.
3. Introduction of participants through pseudonyms.
4. Introducing money as a primary need for existence (brainstorming exercise).
5. Brainstorming on various means of earning money.
6. Introducing the Sceno test1 .

7. Group drawing of a nude adolescent boy (frontal and dorsal view) followed by examination of a
model of the same.
8. Individual drawing of different body parts of a nude male adolescent.
9. Body mapping game to identify areas and sources of pleasure and pain.
10. Picture cards to identify exposure levels to sexual activities.
11. Identify whether children are engaging in sex with single or multiple partners, and whether these
are in exchange for money or kind or both.
12. Brainstorm on knowledge regarding sexual organs and level of information regarding its function.
13. Brainstorm on knowledge and consciousness of children about differentiating sex as abuse from
sex as habit.
14. Identify if children are active participants in sexual activity or passive observers.
15. Tally under given heads – masturbation, work, play etc – various kinds of sexual activity. Also
include other inputs from participants.
16. (a) Identification of abuser – brainstorm under heads of pleasure and pain or both regarding sexual
behaviour, and (b) brainstorm about coping mechanisms when faced with an abuser.
Procedure
This research was conducted over a period of 3 weeks with 3 groups – each group consisting of 10 boys.
The module required 3 days to be allocated per week for every group. The first group comprised 10 boys
from the Sealdah platform, the second group belonged to the Howrah platform, the third group was mixed,
with 5 boys taken from the Sealdah platform and 5 from the Howrah platform.
The session began with the introduction of the researchers, which highlighted the role of counselling
adolescents, especially belonging to middle-class families. This was correlated with the purpose of the 3-
day workshop which was to learn from the participants their methods of learning since childhood, which
bore equal importance and significance as the methods of learning displayed by children from middle-
class families. The participants’ learning from life experiences was highlighted as a major source of
developing inner strength and character, which children from middle-class homes could benefit from. The
rationale behind this introduction was to increase the group’s morale and to pave the way for rapport
building.
For rapport building, 5 broad areas in a child’s life were introduced – parents/teachers, books, home/
house, co-curricular activities, health and hygiene. The participants were explained how a child from a
middle-class background learnt from these sources, for example, how parents taught children to avoid
fires, sharp objects, cross roads, identify strangers, etc. Participants were then asked to relive memories of
their childhood regarding these issues. After every group discussion, the participants’ learning, mostly
from life experiences without guidance, was highlighted. Not all areas could be covered due to lack of time
and since the purpose was to build rapport, care was taken to do just that and not digress from the actual
1 The Sceno test is a standardized medico-psychological tool which consists of a box with coloured wooden blocks and accessories
like miniature dolls, animals, cars, trees, etc. Through its dynamic and symbolic character, it allows the person to create any
desired scene and gives an opportunity to bring out actual appearance; a miniature world in which the person projects one’s
inner conflicts, needs, wishes, tensions, fears etc. and difficulties in which s/he finds himself/herself with regard to reality.
SECRET LIVES 135
purpose of the research. At the end of the discussion, the subject of health and hygiene was introduced.
Here, it was explained that this was perhaps one area where middle-class children benefit more due to
learning from books and other sources. It was explained that the sensitivity and risks involved with health
were significant, and that the participants might benefit if they could learn these rather than depend solely
on their practical experience, which could be hazardous as well as life threatening. The purpose was to
pave the way for activities that had been designed which, in isolation, could create much resistance in the
group.
After the rapport-building exercise, when the participants’ were more relaxed and cooperative, they were
asked to introduce themselves, but with a difference. They were asked to give themselves a new/false
name that would be theirs for the next 3 days. The purpose was to ensure confidentiality, lessen anxiety
about names being revealed (keeping in mind the nature of the workshop) and to make the workshop
more fun.
The participants were, after this, asked to brainstorm on the various needs/elements which were necessary
for survival and sustenance. Resource persons (RPs) gave their inputs to help generate the group interaction.
At the next level, the participants were asked to identify the single most important factor required to
acquire those needs. The concept of money was thus introduced after which the members were asked to
brainstorm on the various ways of earning money. Here also, the RPs gave such inputs as selling drugs
and sex (when these did not come up from the group). The purpose was to introduce the subject of sex,
especially in relation to commerce. RPs inputs also helped lessen anxiety about speaking of such taboo
subjects in front of the facilitators.
The Sceno test was then introduced, after summarising the previous activities, explaining how the shared
experiences of the group seemed almost story-like and could, in fact, be woven into stories through the
next activity. The participants were asked to volunteer and given instructions about the Sceno. The volunteer
was asked to look carefully at the toys placed on the Sceno, select whatever toy/s he wished and create a
story out of these entirely from his imagination. The story narrated would then be written down.
The purpose of introducing the Sceno test was to get information about sexual abuse, if any, through the
stories, which would be a projection of the participant’s own life events as experienced directly or indirectly,
as well as his inner emotional life with its fears, conflicts, anxieties. Any sign of abuse was to be noted
down on the tally sheet in the following format:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
1 = Exposure (Y/N)
2 = Number of partners
3 = Knowledge of function of sexual organs
4 = Abuse
5 = Habit
6 = Active partners
7 = Passive observer
8 = Willing
9 = Forced
10 = Payment (money/ kind)
11 = Identification of abuser
12 = Coping mechanism
13 = Forms of abuse
14 = Frequency of abuse
A second purpose was to use the Sceno as a catalyst to further lower inhibitions amongst participants and
to create a better one-to-one rapport with the RPs. A semi-structured interview was also conducted after
the story-telling since it was believed that a one-time administration of the test would not be sufficient to
reveal the prevalence of abuse, if any. The Sceno test thus acted as a catalyst and a confirmatory test to the
later activities.
While one volunteer was engaged with the Sceno test, the rest of the participants were asked to jointly
draw the picture of a full-size nude adolescent boy (both frontal and dorsal). The purpose was to engage
the rest of the group to further work through their inhibitions and also to observe any inhibitions while
drawing the picture, especially if they omitted any significant body parts which had sexual connotations.
After completion, the participants were given a model chart of a nude body and asked to correct any
missing parts on their drawing. They were then given 9 model charts showing the different body parts of
the nude boy and asked individually to copy from that. Meanwhile, once one participant finished with the
Sceno test, he was asked to join the group to complete his drawing. However, changes in the module were
made for the first group and also for the next two groups after observing the following issues of the first
group:
1. The participants expressed a general resistance in drawing a nude picture and some refused to
draw.
2. Some had genuine difficulties in drawing which could be due to various reasons – poor psychomotor
skills, neurological disturbances/ impairment, etc.
3. Most of the participants had poor attention span, were restless and easily distracted which increased
with time. They had difficulty in staying in a confined room for a sustained period of time.
4. One member from the first group was particularly disruptive and showed signs of attention seeking
behaviour, distracting others, physical and verbal aggression, etc.
The following changes in the module were thus made:
1. The participants were divided into 2 sub-groups with each group having passive and aggressive
personality traits more or less equally divided.
2. While one sub-group was asked to draw, the other group was given time out. They were instructed
to play indoor games in their dormitories.
3. Instructions for drawing the nude picture were made more open on sexual issues, touching upon
areas such as growing changes in an individual’s body, hormonal discharges, etc. The purpose was
to continue to lessen the group’s anxiety and work through its inhibitions.
4. The participants were asked to copy from the model nude chart from the beginning instead of
drawing from their imagination. The first sub-group was asked to draw the frontal view, followed
by the body parts. The second sub-group drew the dorsal view followed by the body parts.
SECRET LIVES 137
Formation of sub-groups brought greater control and adherence to the activities of the workshop. The
participants were also given gifts during the sessions since they were known to be conditioned to such
acts, and also to act as motivators when the participants were becoming restless and losing interest. However,
it was also observed with the second and third groups that the participants could be motivated even
without gifts. Also, flexibility had to be a primary concern for the RPs, which meant on the spot changes to
the module keeping in mind the nature of the selected group. For example, when some members refused
to draw, they were given permission to go out and play or simply lie down and take rest or draw anything
they liked. That is, within certain set parameters, the participants were given the choice and freedom to do
what they wished.
Henceforth, the formation of the 2 sub-groups was maintained in all the ensuing activities. When one
group was engaged in an activity, the other was given time out. Care was also taken that one group did not
have to continue with more than one major activity, keeping in mind their restless nature and poor attention
span.
The next activity was body mapping, where the participants were given a general inhibition-reducing
explanation of the need to understand better the sensitive areas of our bodies. They were then instructed to
identify areas in their bodies that gave, or may give them pleasure or pain. The participants were each
given 2 model nude boy charts (frontal and dorsal view). The participants were then asked to concentrate
on themselves and by imagining the drawing as their own bodies, mark with a yellow marker any part/s
of the body that gave/s or would give them pleasure. After they finished, they were given red markers
and asked to point out areas (which might overlap with the pleasure zones) of their bodies that gave/s
them pain.
Individual attention had to be given to some due to various reasons. The nature of the activity increased
anxiety. There was restlessness, high degree of distractibility, side talking, looking at other’s work.
Instructions also had to be repeated, explained in more detail, when some members showed collective
resistance.
In the next segment, which was again an individual exercise, the participants were each given body-part
charts. Two sets of 12 markers were given to them, each set containing 12 names tags attached to each pen.
These read:
NAMES COLOURS
1. Grandfather Purple
2. Father Yellow
3. Uncle Light green
4. Elder brother Deep blue
5. Grandmother Florescent yellow
6. Younger brother Brown
7. Mother Red
8. Aunt Deep green
9. Elder sister Sky Blue
10. Acquaintance Pink
11. Stranger Black
The participants were asked to select the name(s) they thought were appropriate and use those pens to
mark the areas on the body-part charts where they felt that particular individual gave them pleasure. They
were instructed to mark with either a tick (√) or a dark circle (•). Individual attention had to be given to
some who showed marked resistance in doing the activity and also to those who could not read. Instructions
also had to be repeated since some members were seen to induce their anxiety and resistance onto others.
Some members also acted as allies to the RPs by encouraging the participants and rebuking them for being
shy or anxious about something so normal. Participants acting as facilitators further helped reduce tension.
However, individual differences were noticed in terms of cooperation. After the completion of this activity,
participants were asked to repeat the process, except they were now asked to select those names whom
they felt gave them pain and to match the area with a cross (x). It was also explained that areas of pleasure
and pain may overlap. Resistance was comparatively less in this activity, probably because (paradoxically)
it was easier for participants to accept and tolerate pain from close individuals (especially if they belonged
to forbidden categories like family members) rather than feel pleasure for reasons of guilt, shame etc.
After completion of the body mapping exercise, a picture card activity followed. A detailed explanation
is given below:
To find the exposure level to sexual activity, 6 picture cards were shown to the group members, each
depicting a male figure against the background of a railway platform and engaged in some activity pertinent
to platform life. These were:
1. Tea vendor
2. Cart puller
3. Porter/coolie
4. GRPF/RPF officer
5. “Parcel babu”
6. Gentleman carrying an attaché.
At the back of each card, 2 sexual activities were mentioned:
1. Kissing; licking
2. Exhibitionism; voyeurism
3. Biting; sucking; licking; fondling breasts
4. Anal sex; oral sex
5. Sadism and masochism; paedophilia
6. Mutual masturbation; frotteurism.
The participants were again told about the changes of the growing adolescent body and the necessity to
know the kind of activities that stimulate people including them. They were then told that each of the
picture card males liked some of the mentioned sexual activities and participants were asked which they
were aware of. Care was taken to mention that hearing of such activities did not necessary mean that they
indulged in those too. This was said because anxiety amongst the group was again evident when they
started to deny that they do not do such things. The purpose of showing the picture cards was to introduce
variety in the type of activities, to show figures against a backdrop that was familiar to then. Also saying
these fictitious characters liked such activities might help the members feel less threatened than if they
were directly asked those question. The second and third sample groups were clearly and specifically told
during the instructions that the figures shown on the picture cards were absolutely fictional and part of the
many games. This was done because some members in the first group had reacted strongly thinking that
the characters on the picture cards were real people and some also said that they knew those individuals.
Some were suspicious about the nature of the activity, thinking the RPs were trying to implicate those
SECRET LIVES 139
individuals by gathering information from the group members. Repeating the purpose of the exercise and
the relaxed attitude of the resource persons helped reduce tension within the group. The number of positive
responses of the participants were then tallied under each of the activities.
The second activity required information about the number of partners that participants would prefer in
their sexual activities. Two divisions were made where the first column indicated 1 partner and the second
indicated >1 or multiple partners. The participants were then instructed to individually come and point to
the column indicating their preference or which stance they supported. The responses were then tallied. A
part of the same exercise was done to gather information about the number of partners the participants
would prefer in exchange for money, kind or both. 3 such heads were made and under each head, 2 sub-
columns were drawn depicting 1 partner or >1 partner. The topic of money or in-kind support as means of
survival, which had already been introduced at the beginning of the research design, was once again
emphasised vis-à-vis using the human body as one such means to procure money or kind. The participants
were again asked to individually point out on the chart their preferred number of partners.
The third activity included a brainstorming exercise where the responses of the participants were noted
relating to knowledge of sexual organs and the level of information regarding their function.
The fourth activity included tallying the participants’ preferences regarding active participation in sex or
passive observation. It was observed that they were unable to relate to the second category, which was
thus changed to “passive participation”.
The fifth activity was to elicit responses regarding the various means of channelising sexual urges. The
participants were explained the need to utilise pent up sexual energy in various ways other than intercourse
to reduce tension in the body and feel more relaxed. The following, as written on the chart in columns,
were read out to them: masturbation, work, play, bathing, swimming, sleep, running, fights, addiction.
The last two heads were included not as channelised activities but to see how else these were used since
addiction was already known to be common amongst many of the participants. Each of these activities
were called out to the group and the members were asked to raise their hands in favour of the activity they
practised. Their responses were tallied and any other activities they practised that were not included in the
chart were noted under the head “others”.
The sixth activity sought to determine whether participants would be able to identify abusers and
differentiate areas of their bodies that gave them pain and pleasure. Although this was similar to one of
the earlier exercises in body mapping, this was more direct. The participants were asked to name the
painful areas that were noted down under the head of “pain”.
A sub activity included coping mechanisms, whereby the participants were asked to brainstorm on the
different means they would adopt if they faced an abuser. The responses were noted down and identical
or similar responses were tallied.
The seventh and final activity attempted to get information regarding the age of initiation into sexual
activities. The age options were between 3-6, 6-9, 9-12, 12-15, 15-18, and above 18 years. The participants
were instructed to name the approximate age or age range where they felt they became aware of or had
indulged in sexual activities. Since this was one of the more direct exercises, resistance was once again
evident amongst the participants. They became defensive and many said they did not know or indulge in
such things at such an early age. The final responses of some participants thus did not seem to be genuine
but were nevertheless noted down. This activity was also introduced from the second sample group.
Findings
The findings of the 9-day research programme are represented in the tables below.
Table 1: Identifying the pleasure/pain zones/spots of the body
PLEASURE
Howrah
Body parts Sealdah Sealdah and Howrah
(shelter home)
Head 6 6 7
Forehead 4 1 4
Eyes - - 1
Ears 4 3 4
Nose - 2 -
Lips 5 6 3
Cheeks 6 3 5
Chin/jaw 2 1 1
Neck 3 3 1
Shoulder 5 5 2
Chest/nipples 8 8 6
Armpit 2 1 -
Hands 8 8 6
Stomach 6 4 6
Waist 3 - -
Penis and balls 5 7 7
Thigh 9 7 6
Inner thigh 5 8 7
Legs/knee 6 7 3
Calf 6 2 5
Ankle/heel 8 7 3
Toes 1 2 3
Feet 3 5 5
Back of head 8 7 8
Nape 6 5 3
Back 9 8 8
Buttocks 6 5 5
Anus 3 1 -
SECRET LIVES 141
PAIN
Howrah
Body parts Sealdah Sealdah and Howrah
(shelter home)
Head 3 4 4
Forehead 1 1 2
Eyes 1 1 1
Ears 5 5 4
Nose 1 1 1
Lips 1 2 2
Cheeks 1 2 3
Chin/jaw 2 - 1
Neck 1 4 3
Shoulder 3 4 5
Chest/nipples 1 6 5
Armpit 3 4 -
Hands 3 5 5
Stomach 2 5 5
Waist - - -
Penis and balls 2 5 1
Thigh 1 6 1
Inner thigh - - -
Legs/knee 2 6 5
Calf 4 2 4
Ankle/hell 4 5 2
Toes 1 2 2
Feet 1 2 1
Back of head 1 4 4
Nape 3 3 5
Back 5 7 5
Buttocks 3 5 5
Anus 2 2 3
Pubic hair 3 3 2
Fingers 2 5 3
Fingernails 3 2 4
The table indicates that majority in the group could identify the pleasure–pain zones of their bodies and
could also differentiate between the two sensations.
Table 2: Identify sensations of pleasure/pain related to persons and sexual zones
(A) Sealdah station
RELATIONSHIPS PLEASURE PAIN

Chest/ Chest/
Lips nipples Penis Buttocks Anus Lips nipples Penis Buttocks Anus
Father 1 1 1 1 - - - 1 1 -
Mother - 1 - - 1 - - - - -
Uncle et al 1 2 1 2 - - - 1 - -
Aunt et al - 1 - 1 - - - - - -
Brother - - - - - - - - - -
Sister - - - - - 1 - - - -
Elder brother 2 1 1 1 - - - - 1 1
Elder sister - - - - - - - - 1 -
Known 3 4 4 5 2 - - - - -
Unknown 1 1 2 2 - - 3 3 2 2
Grandfather - - - - - - - - - -
Grandmother - - - - - - - - - -
(B) Sealdah and Howrah stations

Chest/ Chest/
Father 2 2 1 1 - - - - - -
Mother 1 2 1 3 - - - - - -
Uncle et al - - - - - - - - - -
Aunt et al 1 3 1 1 1 - 1 1 1 -
Brother - - - - - - - 1 1 -
Sister 4 1 - 1 - - - - - -
Elder brother - - - - - - - - - -
Elder sister - 1 1 1 1 - - - - -
Known 2 - - - - - - - 1 -
Unknown - 1 1 2 - 1 2 2 1 2
Grandfather - 1 1 1 - - - 1 - -
Grandmother 1 1 - 1 - - - - - -
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(C) Howrah shelter home

Chest/ Chest/
Father - 1 1 1 - - 1 - 1 1
Mother 1 2 2 3 - - - - - -
Uncle et al - 1 1 - - - - 1 1 1
Aunt et al - 1 1 1 - - - - - -
Brother - 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 - -
Sister 1 - - - - - - - - -
Elder brother - 2 4 2 - - - 2 1 -
Elder sister - 1 1 1 - - - - 1 -
Known - - 1 - - - 1 1 1 -
Unknown 1 1 2 - - - - - - 1
Grandfather - 1 - - - - - 1 - -
Grandmother 1 1 - 1 - - - - - 1
Table 2 (A, B, C) indicates that:

● Pleasure tends to dominate pain amongst a majority of the boys.
● There is a high incidence of incest prevalent.
Table 3: Exposure level to sexual activities
Howrah
Sexual activities Sealdah Howrah and Sealdah
(shelter home)
Kissing 10 7 9
Licking 7 3 4
Exhibitionism 10 4 7
Voyeurism 7 7 8
Biting 2 4 8
Sucking/licking/
5 7 8
fondling breasts
Anal sex 10 7 9
Oral sex 10 8 9
Sadism 5 4 7
Masochism 5 1 7
Paedophilia 7 8 9
Mutual masturbation 10 8 8
Frotteurism 10 4 9
The table shows that majority of the platform boys have information regarding sexual activities.
Table 4 (i) Number of partners
Number of partners Money Kind Money and kind

Platform
1 >1 1 >1 1 >1 1 >1
Sealdah 7 3 4 1 3 1 - 2
Sealdah and Howrah 5 3 3 1 - - 4 2
Howrah (shelter home) 5 4 2 2 1 2 1 1
Table 4 (ii) Preference in exchange of sex
Platform Money Kind Money and kind

Sealdah 4 1 5
Sealdah and Howrah 3 0 5
Howrah (shelter home) 6 2 1
Table 4 (i) and (ii) show that the majority of respondents preferred single sexual partners in exchange for
money, kind or both. The majority preferred money and kind in exchange for sexual favours.
Table 5: Active and passive participation
Platform Active Passive Active and passive

Sealdah 7 1 2
This table shows a preference for active participation in sexual activity by the boys. Passive participation is
also seen to be the least preferred choice amongst them.
Table 6: Sexual channelisation/coping strategy
Platform Mastur- Work Play Bath Swim Sleep Run Fight Addiction Others
bation
Sealdah 7 6 8 9 3 9 5 9 5 Voyeurism,
Sealdah 4 6 5 6 7 4 4 4 5 use slang,
and Howrah drink
water, talk,
tease, eat,
be in a
crowd,
body
massage.
Howrah 9 5 6 9 6 6 6 7 5
(shelter home)
The table indicates a high incidence of sexual channelisation amongst the boys as well as coping strategies
through certain self-destructive acts like substance abuse, fights.
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TABLE 7 (i): Identification of abuser
Platform Pain Pleasure Pain and pleasure

Sealdah 1 7 2
TABLE 7 (ii): Coping mechanism
Form of coping mechanism Frequency

Run away 3
Shout for help 2
Attack abuser with the help of friends 2
Escape after asking abuser to wait 3
Hit at the private parts of the body, 1
carry a blade in the mouth and slash
at opportune moment
Table 7 confirms the finding of Table 1. It further shows that a majority of the boys can differentiate between
pleasure and pain in terms of abuse. Table 7 (i) also indicates a subjective preference for both sensations by
a significant number in the groups. Table 7 (ii) shows the various strategies the boys practice or would
adopt if faced with an abuser.
TABLE 8: Age of initiation
Platform 3-6 6-9 9-12 12-15 15-18 18 +

Sealdah - - - - - -
Sealdah and Howrah - 3 2 3 - -
Howrah (shelter home) 1 - - 7 1 -
The table indicates that the average age of initiation into sexual activities is between 12-15 years.
Summary of stories interpreted from the Sceno: The Howrah and Sealdah platforms consisted mainly of
trains, passengers, platform dwellers, platform employees, beggars, people related to the railway
administration and people who come to the platform with dubious intentions. The stories revealed the
boys’ fear, anger, hostility and aggression in a symbolic fashion and their constant insecurity of being
exposed and punished by the people in power.
The train was seen as a key factor in all their stories connecting them to people belonging to different
cultures, classes and places. Trains and platforms were seen as the main source of income, be it in kind or
cash and satisfying basic needs like food, clothes and shelter. The train was the root of their hopes, dreams,
sorrows and suffering.
A figure of an angel was frequently used, indicating their wish for a magical change, which the boys felt
might come only through the blessings of God-like figures. Garden and jungle co-existed, the former
representing dreams of a flourishing life and the latter signifying their present life of uncertainty, anxiety,
life threatening issues and inhuman struggle for existence. A good looking, well dressed gentleman was a
common character in most of their stories, which symbolised their attraction and admiration for such
people in reality and an underlying desire to belong to that class of society. It further revealed an underlying
hope that such people might be their saviour or caregiver for at least a day.
The boys also used some animal figures like crocodile, fox, pig, cow etc. It was interesting to note that they
placed the animal figures as cohabitants of platform dwellers and used them as symbols of their inner
feelings, such as aggression, repulsion and hostility. The animals were personified as corrupt politicians,
taxi drivers, drug peddlers, abusers and people illegally trading kidneys, eyes, etc, for money. At the same
time, platform dwellers were seen to have no alternative for survival but to accept such animal-like
behaviour. Happy or sad incidents, like welcoming of a VIP or a person committing suicide on the railway
tracks, were interwoven in their stories because of their symbiotic attachment to train, platform and its
surroundings.
These stories further reveal different programmes – educational or cultural – conducted by social
organisations within the station premises for the benefit of platform children and their active participation
in them. Their craving for family and intimate relationships were manifested through the presence of large
and small families who posed as passengers. They felt good just to look at them from a distance or make
small kinds of contact with them. They did not think of going back to their homes because of their early
traumatic experiences with their families and they were now conditioned to a carefree lifestyle.
The stories created by the boys of the Howrah shelter home consisted mainly of occasional running trains,
village scenes, people engaged in various types of work, churches, temples, various charitable activities of
NGOs and the presence of a few animal figures. They also revealed in the interviews following the stories
that prior to shelter homes, they had negative experiences during their short stay on the platform.
The stories revealed that the boys had symbolically placed their traumatic experiences on the platform at
the periphery of the stories, which signifies that concerns regarding the platform life per se were secondary
to their existence. They focused more on the life within the premises of the shelter home. They expressed
positive attitudes and faith in churches, temples and social organisations. In fact, the moral teaching of the
religious institutions were found to be very strong in shaping their perceptions, attitudes and beliefs. They
hoped for a better understanding with the inmates as well as with the authorities. There was a strong need
for moral support and security from these institutions for attaining better quality of life.
The role of gatekeeper was highlighted in some stories, which signified a censor who controlled the entry
of bad people inside the peaceful territory. The animal figures of crocodiles, foxes, cows and monkeys
were introduced as mischief makers and were also important secondary characters in the stories. These
animals referred to people engaged in illicit activities like trafficking children and drugs and selling of
organs. Many projected the bad mother image on cows in their stories. This was due to deprivation of the
mothers’ affection from a very early age. Beggars were perceived as degraded human beings whom they
would like to drive out from their homes. It also expressed their own anxiety over such extreme deprivation.
The stories revealed a high regard for people associated with religions institutions, social organisations
and those seen to be putting in a sincere effort to improve their quality of life. As most of the boys had gone
through physical as well as psychological trauma from the very beginning of their lives, signs of
vulnerability, restlessness, frustrations, impulsivity, aggression and pessimism were commonly found in
the different characters in their stories.
SECRET LIVES 147
A comparative study
Although the sample size of the boys from the Howrah was very small, some interesting differences
have been revealed between the boys of the Howrah and Sealdah platforms and the boys from the
shelter home:
● The threat of being abused by strangers or unknown people was far less in the home boys than the
platform boys, due to the security of their homes.
● The shelter home boys reported more pain (read abuse) from incestuous relationships than the
platform boys. This was probably because they originally came from family backgrounds and,
despite the families being mostly dysfunctional, were less vulnerable to falling prey to abusers
who posed as relatives and protectors. They could also differentiate between good and bad due to
their present living conditions where they had a substitute family and hence, better emotional
bonding with authority figures than platform boys who look for such figures on the platform itself.
● Shelter home boys preferred having sex for money and not for kind unlike the platform boys who
craved both. This was because the former already had the protection of the shelter homes and their
basic needs were already satisfied. They needed money for economic freedom.
● The Sceno stories revealed a basic difference between the stories of the platform and shelter home
boys. For the former, their whole existence was centred around the train and the platform. Any
experience (good or bad), relationships and learnings were train- or platform-centric whereas, in
the shelter home, platform life and the trains were secondary to their emotional and physical life.
Another significant difference was the strong impact of moral teachings on the shelter home boys,
whereas morality was more fluid for the platform boys and learnt directly from life experience.
IN CONCLUSION
The findings of the research confirmed that there was a definite prevalence of sexual abuse on the platforms
of Howrah and Sealdah. The technical definition of abuse was, however, different for them: they related
abuse to only physical pain or injury. As Table 2 indicated, a majority of them derived pleasure from
sexual contact with incestuous figures who were not necessarily biologically related, for example, their
references to mothers or uncles were found to be more surrogate than biological. Most did not recognise
such relations as being sexually abusive as such. This was due to their own emotional deprivation since
childhood. They craved physical closeness and warmth which they were able to experience from incestuous
relations. Thus, they also mentioned pain (read abuse) in cases of people who were not known to them i.e.
not emotionally close to them. Furthermore, incestuous attractions are, in general, naturally heightened
during the period of adolescence, the age range of the sample population also.
Another interesting finding was that, despite a majority of the boys learning about sexual practices or
gathering information about their sexuality directly from experience or through observation, masturbatory
guilt was prevalent among them. This showed that, despite apparently having very few inhibitions in
their sexual practices or behaviours, sex for them was also a forbidden pleasure. The theme or content of
their masturbatory guilt was also found be incestuous in nature. They also showed resistance in discussing
their personal sex-related experiences with the resource persons whom they perceived not only as authority
figures but as also belonging to a different class of society. The belief was that such bad things did not
happen in higher classes. This was because they were found to relate sexual practices with life-threatening
diseases like HIV (despite having information/knowledge about contraceptives) and also being more
prevalent in their class than upper classes.
It was also evident that they received information about various modes of sexual practices or activities
through direct experience or observation since they lacked formal education or guidance from authority
figures like parents and teachers. As Table 3 revealed, most of them had been exposed to such acts as
exhibitionism, sadism, masochism etc, either through observation or through direct experiences. Although
it was generally assumed that such children have multiple partners due to their high-risk lifestyle, it was
found that the majority preferred to have a single partner (Table 4 i). Most also preferred active participation
(Table 5) since it gave an outlet to aggression and heightened libido. It was also found that a majority
preferred to receive both money and in-kind benefits in lieu of sex (Table 4ii). As the stories of the Sceno
test plus interviews revealed, they did not perceive money as the only source of security, also needing
protection from those who promised food, shelter or clothes in exchange of sex. Although the boys were
seen to be able to channelise their sexual energy through various positive and negative activities (Table 6),
it was evident from the pattern of their responses that they did so without any conscious knowledge and
that the activities were ways of expending sexual energy. Once they became aware of this, they were able
to volunteer several other means of coping with sexual urges (Table 6, “others”). As mentioned earlier,
since the boys related abuse with physical pain or injury, they did not have much difficulty in adopting
methods of defending themselves when faced with an abuser (Table 7 ii). The majority mentioned their
age of initiation into sex or sexual activities as between 12 and 15 years (Table 8). But from their general
responses, interactions and interviews, it could be safely inferred that it was much earlier than what they
reported.
Thus it can be concluded from the above discussion that boys living on the railway platforms are perennially
driven by a life of uncertainty where most of their activities and relationships are transient. They are
compelled to compromise on many of their needs and aspirations in order to survive in the unstructured
and unpredictable environment of the platform. One such way is succumbing to sexual abuse. Thus, any
desires or ambitions they wish to fulfil are being constantly compromised by those who are more powerful
socially, and those who provide boys with a constant source of income, support and security to maintain
their existence on the platform. Finally, their perception of people around them as being corrupt and
immoral reinforces their own tendency towards selling sex as a commodity.

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SURVIVAL STRATEGIES

A STUDY OF CHILDREN LIVING ON STREETS AND RAILWAY

For further information please contact:

Coping with Chaos: Children on platforms of Howrah and Sealdah 11

Running to Stand Still: Growing up in Asansol Station 55

Solace from the Street: Vulnerable children in Khulna and Barisal 77

Secret Lives: Sexual abuse in Howrah and Sealdah 131

1.1. Why this research?

1.3. Ethical considerations

1.4. Limitations of the study

1.5. Overview of the findings

1.5.1. Why do the children end up at the station or on the street?

1.5.2. Living conditions; organised exploitation and sexual abuse

1.5.3. Government/NGO support and gaps

1.5.4. Problems of reintegration

● Passengers behaved badly with them;

A DON BOSCO ASHALAYAM STUDY

Objectives of the study

The specific objectives of the study were to understand the following:

● Involvement of GO/NGO/INGO/CBO/civil society in providing support, local resource

1. Night-stay children: Children who spend the night at the platform.

1. SEED study on Howrah station

The key issues discussed were:

January 2005 to June 2005

Sample frame and data collection design

Station Night shelter Catchment Migrant Total

The sample frame of the 100 children was as follows:

Station Night Shelter Catchment Migrant Total

→ Platform children have been classified into three categories:

2. Catchment children are those who:

3. Migrant children have been further classified into two categories:

Age, sex and type of platform children

Table No. S-1

Table No. H-1

Distribution of children by religion

Table No. S-2

Hindu Muslim Others TOTAL

Table No. H-2

Distribution of children by language

Table No. S-3

Bengali Hindi Others

Table No. H-3

Bengali Hindi Others

Distribution of children by education

Table No. S-4

Primary High School final

Table No. H-4

Primary High School final

Identification of the platform children

Table No. S-5

Ration card ID card Bank pass book Others None Total

Table No. H-5

Ration card ID card Pass book None Other Total

Table No. S-6

Intra-state Inter-state Born in station

Table No. H-6

Occupation of platform children

Table No. S-7

Table No. H-7

Menial jobs Hawking Begging Shops Others None

Daily income of the platform children

Table No. S-8

Rs 0-50 Rs 51-100 Rs 101-150 Rs 151-200 NA