Social Networks - Nancy B Graves - Theodore Graves - Adaptive Strategies in Urban Migration

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IN URBAN MIGRATION
l
Nancy B. Graves and Theodore D. Graves
Department of Anthropology, The University of Auckland
Auckland, New Zealand
INTRODUCTION
The phenomenal growth in rural-to-urban migration during the post-World War

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 1974.3:117-151.
II period is matched by the growth of anthropological interest in this

phenomenon: the trickle of migrant studies in the 1950s has by the 1970s become
a flood. Thus a wealth of descriptive material from all over the world is now
available, providing a comparative perspective on the adaptive strategies which
the actors in this modern drama display.
The image of man as a relatively passive pawn of impersonal cultural forces,
which has pervaded anthropological theory in the past, is now giving way to a view
of man as a more active agent in shaping his destiny. The popularity of the term
"adaptation," apparent in its frequent use in the titles of books and articles in this
bibliography, reflects this shift in emphasis. "Adaptation" nicely captures a
growing concensus among anthropologists that the nature of man is best described
as neither totally active nor passive but interactive. Operating within the many
constraints which his physical and social environments impose, he seeks to over
come the problems confronting him by choosing among perceived available
options. Through the aggregation of such choices man modifies and is modified by
the world around him in a mutually evolving system.
Earlier studies focused on the way migrants were being forced out of their rural
settings by overpopulation and limited resources, and the heightened rates of
hypertension and mental illness they displayed when faced with the presumed
complexity and anomie of urban life. The implicit model of man guiding field
research in the 1 960s was more optimistic. Reports on this work, which are now
appearing in print in the 1970s, are apt to characterize migration as an active
search for a rewarding life, and to emphasize the many successful individual and
group mechanisms by which migrants cope with urban problems.
I We wish to acknowledge financial support from the Royal Society of New Zealand which
is making possible our current research on adaptive strategies in urban migration here in the
South Pacific. This work has served as the stimulus for the present review. Thanks are also
due to the dozens of colleagues who sent us copies of their current work in this problem area,
much of it still unpublished, thereby making our job easier.
117
1 18 GRAVES & GRAVES
The adaptations which follow upon the migration of rural people to urban
environments take place within three social arenas : among members of the home
community left behind; among the migrants themselves; and within the urban
host community to which they go. Thus the adaptive process is something of a
three-ring circus, and no single researcher can be expected to deal with all three
sectors at once. Nevertheless, adaptive responses displayed by each of these three
groups affect the problems confronting the others and the options open for their
solution. Thus the more holistic our view of the adaptive process, the more
realistically we can understand and assess what is happening within each. Recog
nition of this fact is growing. Today few studies look at one of these arenas in
isolation, and requests for "systemic" approaches taking two or thre:e into con
sideration simultaneously, together with their mutual interaction, are growing in
frequency (e.g. 38, 44, 66, 7 1 , 1 1 3, 140).
This complexity poses problems for reviewers. In the sections that follow we will
sketch major alternative strategies within each of these three arenas in turn and
suggest factors that appear to be important in determining which strat,!gies will be
chosen.2 But the interrelations among these three arenas, among the strategies
employed within each, and among the determinants of these strategies, will
prevent a nearly compartmentalized presentation.
ADAPTATIONS WITHIN THE HOME COMMUNITY
Alternative Strategies of Urban Migration
Migration itself can be viewed as both an individual and community response to

limited local resources, social deviance, and personal dissatisfaction. These
problems have been exacerbated by Western civilization, which has fostered rapid
population growth, undermined traditional authority, and promoted a desire for
the products of modern technology. Three maj or types of migrati on patterns are
reported that can be ranged along a continuum based on the degree of in
volvement mi grant s retain in their communities of origin: foraging; circular
migration; and permanent emigration.3
2 We have based our hunches about possible determinants of these choices on apparent
regularities in adaptive behavior reported in a sample of recent research. Studies which have
been richest and most helpful in this regard are those which give evidence for intragroup
variation: Bruner (1 1 , 1 2), Cornelius (24), Priedl (38), Jacobson (67), Koolage (73), Kotchek
(74), Lowy (78), Magnarella (79), Moore (91), Raczynski (106), Rollwagen (lOS), Snyder
( 1 23), Ujimoto (130, 1 3 1 ), Uzzell (132), and Wolfe (145). Second are studies which explicitly
contrast the typical strategies of two or more culturally distinct migrant groups within the
same host society: Bruner (II), Chimbos ( I S), Koolage (73), Maykovich (S2), and Thomas
(128). Finally we compared descriptions of modal patterns of single migrant groups (the
majority of articles reviewed) looking for similarities and differences in se tting,. background
of mi grants , and attitudes of the host society .
3 For an alternative conceptualization scheme of a mi gra tion system, see Schwarzweller,
Brown & M angalam'S view (1 13, 114) of donor and recipient subsystems with stem and
branch families.
ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES IN URBAN M IGRATION 119
"Foraging" patterns involve temporary forays into neighboring regions in order

to supplement local resources. The aim is to preserve the local community intact
while importing goods (ideas, genes, etc) it cannot produce itself. Today these
goods are generally obtained within a cash economy through the exchange of the
local community's labor. Few special skills are required, and the migrant will work
wherever opportunities present themselves : in mines, on the railroads, as forest
fire fighters, seasonal agricultural laborers, or as laborers in urban areas where

unskilled job opportunities are many and diverse but turnover is high. Among
recent studies, Hackenberg and his associates have stressed this mode of adapta
tion among Papago Indians as one particularly well suited to the rigors of the
Sonora desert. Their contemporary adaptation, he argues, is simply a continuation
of an aboriginal pattern in which wage-labor opportunities are being substituted
for other types of external resources (56).
Wahrhaftig ( 1 33) reports a similar migration strategy among Oklahoma
Cherokee, and again emphasizes its continuity with aboriginal patterns:
In their teens, Cherokees, often with a buddy or two, may journey to Colorado to cut
broom corn, to California to harvest tomatoes, to Wisconsin for the canning season, to
Chicago for an industrial job. A century or so ago, Cherokees also scouted for wagon
trains or headed West to prospect for gold or silver . . . [Earlier still] warrior-hunters
extensively combed over the broader reaches of their environment. . . .
Foraging strategies of this type are also reported by Hippler (58) among Alaskan
natives at an early stage in the evolution of population concentrations in the
North, and sound very similar to the migration patterns Graves and his co-workers
found among many Navajo Indians currently living on their reservation. Even
among assisted urban Indian migrants, a high proportion return home after only
short stays (51, 92).
It is therefore tempting to characterize foraging as an American Indian regional
pattern or as one associated with former hunters- and gatherers. Kenny's inves
tigations in Spain provide a useful corrective. Temporary migration by Spanish
peasants to Northern Europe is now common, and provides an important
supplement to local resources. Eighty-seven percent of these migrant workers
return home within 3 years, while 46% of them reemigrate. During the 1960-65
period, their remittances home plus their savings upon return added over 1V2
billion (US equivalent) dollars to the Spanish economy (71). This pattern contrasts
with the more permanent emigration of Spanish adventurers and settlers to the
New World of an earlier period, and is made possible by modern transportation
facilities and the demand for labor in a rapidly industrializing neighboring region.
This type of labor demand, we might note, coupled with government restrictions
on permanent immigration, is also giving rise to "foraging" patterns among
Tongans and Fijians coming to New Zealand. Feindt & Browning (35) report
similar migration behavior for unskilled laborers and agricultural workers from a
rural town in Northern Mexico.
"Circular migration" may be a natural evolution out of a "foraging" pattern. It
involves the establishment of more or less permanent ties between two economic
systems, one rural and one urban, and the periodic movement of labor between
120 GRAVES & GRAVES
them. It shares with the foraging pattern the characteristic of supplementing

limited resources in the rural community through temporary out-migration. But
where the foraging migrant retains a primary identification with his rural com
munity, circular migrants establish a dual identity.
Weisner, in systematic analysis of this phenomenon in Kenya ( 139), describes
the process as involving the attachment of rural homesteads to urbanjobs and the
development of a network of kinsmen living in both the rural and urban settings.
This social network serves as a communication network as well, channeling a flow
of people, information and material goods between rural and urban settings.
Weisner tested social relationships within a sample which included urban
migrants and matched potential migrants currently living in the rural area from
which his urbanites had come. He found that social proximity within this com
bined group was more strongly influenced by clan membership, ag{:, education,
employment history, and wages than by r ural-urban rcsidence. Within his samplc,
movement between rural and urban settings was frequent, although some retained
an essentially rural base and others were more or less permanent urbanites. Better
educated members who held the best jobs, moreover, were economically capable
of maintaining the strongest r ural-urban ties.
All the conditions which give rise to a foraging pa ttern can also lead to circular
migration. But in addition, circular migration seems to require the development of
a strong migrant network within the urban area capable of serving as a secondary
focus of social identification while still promoting strong ties with an affiliated
rural area. In Southern Rhodesia, Clyde Mitchell (89) argues that circular migra
tion is a result of barriers to social assimilation of rural migrants imposed by the
dominant white community. But a strong r ural-urban network can develop even
where barriers to urban assimilation are minimal. Based on their work in Kenya,
Ross & Weisner (109) oirer a series of preconditions, the most generally applicable
of which are continuity of rural property rights and moderate proximity between
the rural and urban communities.
Circular migration strategies are not confined to Africa, though that is where
they have been most frequently described.4 Overseas Chinese, for example, may
spend most of their lives abroad, but through periodic visits and the integration of
new migrants they retain close tics with their natal community dcspite great
distances. They contribute heavily to its development, build substantial homes
there, and eventually return to retire (Watson 1 36). The greater the distance
between rural and urban centers, however, or other barriers to periodic returns
home, the larger a migrant's network of urban kinsmen becomes, and the longer
he remains away, the more likely it is that his migration will become permanent.
Thus circular migration, as we have defined it, appears to be a relatively unstable
or temporary adaptation (see, for example, Denich 27).
"Permanent emigration" involves a shift of primary identification by the migrant
4 At least some of the instances of what has been referred to as circular migration in Africa
are probably better classified as "foraging" patterns since migrants retain identification with
their rural community and accept wage-labor opportunities wherever they arise.
ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES IN URBAN MIGRATION 121
from his rural to his urban home. A number of recent studies trace in detail the
adaptive strategies involved in successfully making this move, and these will be
dealt with later. Here we are concerned only with the factors which lead to this
particular migration strategy.
Ernestine Friedl, in a detailed study of permanent out-migration from Vasilika
to Athens over the period from 1930 to 1965 (38), neatly illustrates both the process
and its determinants. First, like other patterns of out-migration, permanent

emigration is stimulated by labor surplus in the rural community and job oppor
tunities in the city. But for permanent out-migration to become a significant
adaptive strategy, labor surplus, whether from overpopulation or improvements in
agricultural technology, must have increased to the point where potential migrants
have a small productive role to play even on a seasonal basis. In Vasilika, sig
nificantly, no family with adequate land and only one son sent him to Athens
during the initial migration period. It was only after World War II that improved
agricultural technology, plus the presence of temporary farm labor for hire among
families lacking adequate land of their own, allowed five high status families to
export all their sons.
Second, Vasilikans possessed an 8.ttitudinal predisposition to out-migration;

any career was given higher status if it permitted living in Athens. Thus, "except
, for the possibility of retaining or accumulating substantial amounts of land in the
region, the Vasilikans assumed that a better life would require migration to towns
and occupations other than agriculture." For men this usually meant acquiring the
educational prerequisites for higher status urban jobs; for women it meant
acquiring urban property as a dowry. Since these prerequisites required money,
the earliest migrants and the largest proportion of eligibles to leave came from the
upper class.
Third, migrants generally lost their rights to village land in return for family
S\lpport in acquiring higher education or urban property. This was a deliberate
family strategy to preserve a unit of land large enough to provide an adequate
living for the children who were left behind. [Severing rural land interests appears
to be a critical factor in promoting permanent migration elsewhere as well. For a
Yugoslav case, see Denich (27, p. 135).]
Fourth, since Vasilikans were not an ethnic or racial minority group in Athens,
barriers to social assimilation were minimal. Throughout the period covered,
almost half of the migrants came to Athens without the support of urban kinsmen;
marriage to nonvillagers was common, as was geographic dispersal throughout the
city. Finally, "notably absent as a social mechanism for support in urban adjust
ment was membership in an association of compatriots." Such an association,
commonly reported in migration studies elsewhere, might also have promoted
continuing identification with their community of origin. This does not mean that
Vasilikans living in Athens lost interest in their natal community, and Friedl has
emphasized throughout her work the close ties which they maintain with rural
kinsmen and the mutual aid provided. But their integration into the urban context
is complete, and there is no intent of return, even in fantasy, for more than a visit.
It should be noted, however, that assimilation into the urban society is not
122 GRAVES & GRAVES
essential for permanent migration. A strong ethnic community which primarily

serves the interests of migrants (rather than mainly dedicated to improving their
rural homeland) may provide an alternative focus of personal identification even
for minority groups who remain outside the dominant urban community. Price
( 102), for instance, illustrates a case where Mexican-American migrants are quite
happy to settle permanently in San Antonio, and despite easy access to areas of
origin seldom visit home; while a M exican-American sample in Chicago con

tained a higher percentage of migrants desiring to return.
It is probably a mistake, we believe, to try to characterize the migration strategy
of a rural community as exclusively foraging, circular, or permanent. Rural com
munities often exhibit all three strategies in changing relative and absolute
frequency through time. Thus Hackenberg, for example, while referring to a
foraging pattern of seasonal migration as the adaptive pattern of Papago society,
presents strong evidence for a significant range of intragroup variation. His tables,
based on what may be the most thorough census of a group and its movements
through several generations ever collected by an anthropological team, show that
about 50% of the Papago have now permanently left their natal communities, half
of these to settle in some urban area. And the proportion of permanent urban
migrants has been steadily increasing (Hackenberg & Wilson 57). Our research
talents should now be directed to specifying the conditions under which one or
another migration strategy will occur with the greatest probability or ill the highest
relativefrequency.
Migration as a Selective Process
Who stays home, who migrates, and who returns again comprise a popular topic of
anthropological investigation (28, 31,38, 51, 60,126,142). The typical theoretical
framework employed is a modified "decision model" which emphasizes the
structural constraints within which individual decisions are exercised. Thus de
terminants of decisions to migrate can be divided into two broad classes: structural
and psychological. Structural variables can be further separated into those which
reflect the potential migrant's position within the opportunity system of both
urban and rural communities, and those which bear on his network of social
relationships.
THE MIGRANT'S PLACE WITHIN THE RURAL OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE Substantial

attention has been devoted to this class of variables by anthropologists, and it has
become something of a cliche that migrants will be disproportionately drawn from
among those segments of the rural population which occupy the least favored
structural positions. Thus age, lineage membership, sibling order, rights to tradi
tional titles, etc, have all been cited as important determinants of who is most
likely to leave. In a recent review of research on this problem in Rhodesia,
Mitchell (89) cites one study which found that while less than 20% of hl�admen and
primary patrilineal kin were absent from one rural area, almost 90% of affinal kin
were absent. "Men who continue in wage labour for as long as possible," he
quotes, "appear to be those who, even if they wished, could not advance their
ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES IN URBAN MIGRATION 1 23
position within the traditional system" (Garbett in 89, p. 1 74). Likewise Gregory
(55) found that migrants came from that part of the Andalucian village populace
most dissatisfied with their position in the socio-economic stratification system,
and their absence strengthened the semifeudal village structure.
It is increasingly clear, however, that a structurally disfavored position in the
rural opportunity system does not necessarily lead to migration. In fact, in a
number of cases, particularly at early stages in the process, migrants have tended
to come from more well-to-do rural families (7, 10, 33, 38, 1 1 9). Even if they were
structurally disfavored within the family (as with younger sons where there is
primogeniture), they are still well off compared to other community members.
This happens when the urban area presents constraints which must be considered
as well.
'
THE MIGRANT S POTENTIAL PLACE WITHIN THE URBAN OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE
Economists and demographers have long noted fluctuations in the migrant stream
closely matched to fluctuations in the urban job market. But anthropologists
conducting fieldwork in the 1 960s could afford to ignore this factor, since the
postwar period has seen a general economic expansion in most urban areas, with
many manual jobs available.
Friedl's study of the migration process from Vasilika to Athens helps us recog
nize that when urban job opportunities are limited, however, these limitations
frequently serve as the fundamental constraint within which migrant decisions are
made. After World War I, a large influx of refugees from Asia Minor, coupled
with a slow pace of economic recovery and industrialization, left few job openings
for unskilled workers in Athens, but there were good opportunities in the civil
service and the profess ions. Consequently, villagers who moved to Athens during
the 19305 were not those in the most structurally disadvantaged position within the
rural community but those whose families could best provide them with the
educational tools to compete. After the second world war, however, no such
constraints were operating, and migrants were drawn from all segments of the
community.
A good fit between the migrant stream and urban opportunities is also depen
dent on the adequacy of communication between rural and urban areas. The
greater the distance between these areas, the poorer this communication is likely to
be. "Chain migration," where new migrants are brought to the city on the initia
tion of relatives who are already there, serves as one adaptive mechanism for
overcoming this problem.5 The urban sponsors, of course, have a first-hand un
derstanding of the local job market, and will usually see to it that no one is
encouraged to come who will not be able to find a job and thereby become a
burden to his urban kinsmen (Pitt & Macpherson 98). By contrast, government-
5 Price ( 1 0 1 ) provides a useful history of the concept of "chain migration," which arose
through studies of European immigrant streams to Australia and New Zealand. See, for
example, Burnley ( 1 4) and Lee (76). Anthropologists have also devoted considerable
research attention to the phenomenon, most recently Friedl (38), Salisbury & Salisbury (110),
and Watson ( 136).
sponsored relocation programs either within or between countries are likely to be

less efficient. The bureaucratic goal is to fill quotas, and changing directives are
likely to lag well behind the business cycle (Weppner 142).
'
THE MIGRANT S POSITION WITHIN THE RURAL SOCIAL MATRIX Many migrants are
drawn from among those who are least tied to the rural community by bonds of
family and friendship-the unmarried, those who are members of small families,
immigrant families, or those whose parents have died. When they move, such
persons are therefore best able to make the shift of identification which is the mark
of permanent emigration. In a neat combination of qualitative and quantitative
data, for example, Taylor ( 126) demonstrated that English miners who took
advantage of a government relocation scheme differed significantly from a
matched sample of nonmigrants in their degree of social connectedness within the
rural community. They had fewer close kinsmen living in or near the rural
community, a larger proportion of their social activities centered around the
nuclear family, and they were more likely to participate in "culturally marginal"
social groups. Those migrants highest on a scale of sociocultural "dislocation" also

differed from other migrants in their postmigration behavior. They were quicker
to become socially assimilated within the new setting and to shed their remaining
ties with the old.
'
THE MIGRANT S CONNECTIONS WITH THE URBAN SOCIAL NETWORK The presence
of kinsmen in the city is likely to increase the probability that a particular villager
will go there (Weisner 138). But when distances are great and/or bureaucratic
barriers restrict the entrance of new migrants, the presence of ties with the urban
ethnic community may assume major importance for determining who migrates
and who does not. For example, Samoans, who do not have free entry to New
Zealand, must find over $400 (US) for passage, and must have both job and
housing guarantees upon arrival, thereby making urban kinsmen a necessity for
most (Pitt & Macpherson 98). But this does not mean that personal attributes will
be of no importance. Urban kinsmen are cool judges of character. They often will
be reluctant to sponsor a migrant whom they believe may become a drain on the
urban ethnic community or threaten their reputation among employers, on whom
they are dependent for job guarantees for other kinsmen. Furthermore, very close
lateral kinsmen-brothers and first cousins-may be less favored than somewhat
more remote kinsmen because it is easier to invoke sanctions against the latter
should they not fulfill their obligations to their sponsor or fail to conform to
community standards of behavior.
PSYCHOLOGICAL ATTRIBUTES OF THE MIGRANT A relatively minor amount of

the vast literature on migration has been done by psychologically trained
anthropologists. The view that structural constraints are overwhelming deter
minents of the migration process may lead some investigators to ignore the role
that psychological variaBles play in all migration decisions. The relative impor
tance of psychological factors, however, will vary from situation to situation and at
different points in the development of a migration stream through time. For

example, migrants who are economically more secure than the typical subjects of
anthropological investigation may be responding less to the push of economic
necessity than to the pull of urban opportunity. And for the innovators who first
move with little information or help from urban kinsmen, a desire to get ahead,
willingness to take risks, and a sense of control over their own fate may play a
more important role. Rather than argue the relative merits of a structural or
psychological explanation (Bryan 13), our task should be to assess what are the
consequences for urban adaptation of different combinations of structural and
psychological determinants?
A migrant's psychological attributes can also usefully be broken into a number
of SUbtypes:
(a) Cognitive variables: knowledge of, beliefs about, and expectations for varying
settings and their opportunities. Graves (5 1) has consistently found these to be the
best psychological predictors of migrant status. Such variables may represent a
fairly realistic assessment of a migrant's own structural position and therefore be
highly correlated with it. Consequently, the increment cognitive variables add to
our understanding tends to be relatively small, though interesting (Graves 49).

(b) Motivational variables, especially need for achievement and aspiration for
children. Taylor (126) found such variables to be the major determinants of
decisions to move for over 20% of his sample of miners. These were generally not
among the most structurally disfavored families. For those whom circumstance
prevents from achieving their goals, high aspirations may lead to greater frustra
tion and sense of failure and quicker return home (Graves 49, 50).
(c) Personality variables, such as flexibility, optimism, risk-taking, and time per
spective (Kemper 70). We have little yet to go on here, but these would seem to be
particularly important for understanding the type of adaptive strategy a migrant
will employ. For decisions to migrate, a tendency to plan ahead is likely to lead to
greater attention to the calculus of push and pull, and therefore sometimes to
greater discouragement in the face of structural constraints (Graves 50).
Before leaving this section, we would like to add a word on decision-making
itself as a psychological process. Despite the fact that some form of individual
decision theory is frequently used as an organizing model in studies of migration,
relatively few researchers have actually investigated the decision process itself.
Taylor's ( 126) study is a noteworthy exception; in conjunction with hints from
other work it suggests two important points: 1. The limits of rationality. Although
in the aggregate individuals may sort themselves out fairly well by where their
maximum potential advantagc may lic, thc proccss by which they make these
decisions is frequently less than optimally "rational." This appears to be par
ticularly true for those who are experiencing the greatest conflict in their lives
between strong social-emotional ties to their rural homes and the limited
economic opportunities they face there. A majority of Taylor's migrant miners
were economically redundant in their home communities. Many of these,
however, were reluctant migrants, well mapped into the local community and
thoroughly satisfied with life there except in the economic sphere. Consequently,
126 GRAVES & GRAVES
they were in an ambivalent state, they spent little time thinking about the pos
sibility of moving or collecting information about its potential advantages, and
their decisions to leave were frequently precipitated on the spur of the moment by
some relatively minor event. Graves and his co-workers (51) found a similar
ambivalence among many Navajo Indian migrants who had taken advantage of
the government's urban relocation scheme, which may help account for some of
the subsequent instability in their decisions. 2. The role of other persons. By

focusing on characteristics of the migrant himself, an individual decision model
fails to recognize the extent to which wider social units may be important parties to
that decision. Taylor found significant roles being played by friends, who might
decide to move together, and family members, particularly migrants' wives, whose
structural characteristics were sometimes more important determinants than their
husbands'. Friedl (38) emphasized the decisive role of parents, and we have
already mentioned situations where the decision is m ainly made by urban kins
men (Pitt & Macpherson 98).
Secondary A daptations Within the Home Community
Every adaptation both solves some problems and creates others. Migration is no
exception. Some of the most fascinating research on migration involves an
examination of the adaptive changes which are taking place in rural areas as a
direct response to out-migration and/ or the return home of former migrants.6 The
literature is still sparse, but we predict that this will prove a popular topic in the
future, since it permits research within the circumscribed, "traditional" settings
anthropologists seem to prefer.
A critical consequence of out-migration is change in demographic characteris
tics of the home community such as age and sex ratios. Typically, the largest
proportion of migrants are drawn from among the most economically productive
segments of the population: able-bodied men in their twenties and thirties. One
consequence of this is to increase the "dependency ratio," i.e. the number of
nonproductive or low-productive persons (women, children, the handicapped,
and the aged) who must be supported by e ach productive male. On the Tokelau
Islands, for example, a group of three atolls about 300 miles north of Western
Samoa, Antony Hooper and Judith Huntsman have recently shown a dramatic
change in this ratio, even though the absolute decrease in population is small. In
1951 each hundred productive males (15 to 59 years old) supported 203 less
productive persons; by 1971 they were supporting 307, a 50% increase. Most of this
change has taken place in the last few years. The following passage from a recent
report (62) suggests some of the profound consequences of this change in the
dependency ratio and adaptive responses which the atoll communities are
making:
There is noticeably less leisure for the men in both Nukunonu and Fakaofo than there
was in late 1967 when we began our field studies in the islands. The late afternoon
6 Two recent books explore the adaptive changes which are taking place within rural
settings as a result of nearby industrialization: Miller (88) and Spindler et al (124).

gatherings of men for gossip and games have now almost gone, and the flamboyant
cricket competitions which gave Tokelau life periodic excitement and elan lasting a
month or more over the Christmas period, are now restricted to a few days. Some kaiga
are more depleted of able-bodied men than others, giving rise to inequalities in the
amounts offoods like coconuts and fish which are available. And since this runs counter
to the traditional ethic, there has been a tendency for the elders to initiate more frequent
communal fishing expeditions . .
In another island community, N amoluk Atoll near Truk, Marshall (8 1) found that
three-quarters of the men in the 15 to 34 age range had left, and half of the women.
The atoll therefore lacked the manpower for large-scale community projects, less
taro was being planted, and there was a greater reliance on the local store.
Although the urban market for female labor, particularly domestic servants,
may sometimes be high, young single males usually constitute the bulk of the
migrant stream. A second typical result for the home communities, therefore, is to
increase the proportion of women, with obvious consequences for sexual behavior
and marital patterns. Migration also exposes the community's eligible males to
alternative mates from outside the traditional system of marriage exchange. This is
weakening the traditional marriage alliance system, Marshall (8 1) argues, and his
community providcs a laboratory example of how Levi-Strauss' elementary sys
tems evolve into complex ones. On the other hand, the network of kinsmen is
being expanded to include Truk, thus increasing the range of kin resources which
can be drawn on, and providing a basis for the establishment of stable patterns of
circular migration between the two islands.
A third typical result of migration is both to speed up a dependence on money
within the rural community and to increase the amount available through remit
tances home and the savings of returnees. This can have highly disruptive con
sequences, undermining traditional authority, lineage solidarity, and patterns of
reciprocity (Hooper & H untsman 62).
A fourth problem posed by migration is how to maintain ties with those who are
away. Retention of land rights by temporary migrants has already been referred
to, and adaptive strategies must be devised for making decisions about the use of
this land while the migrant is away. Home communities can be seen as offering the
migrant long-term security in exchange for cash remittances (Dirks 29). And what
political role will migrants be permitted to play in their home communities?
Orellana (95) describes a situation where Mixtec migrants in Mexico City have
exercised decisive political influence at home through their urban community
association. Recently this group has formed an associational council with equal
representation from the village council and the urban union council, and theore
tically equal decision-making power in their rural community affairs.
A fifth problem is confronted by the rural educational system, whether in
digenous or Western. Will it train its youth for life in the rural community, or will
it attempt to prepare them for life in some urban center? This frequently creates a
real dilemma for parents, teachers, and the children themselves, since skills
appropriate to one setting are often not as appropriate to the other (Howard 63).
Frequently, education for urban life is only available outside the rural community,
and its acquisition constitutes the first step in permanent emigration (Denich 28,
Friedl 38). Less often, advanced education away from home can be used to further
rural-based careers (Staniford 1 25).
Finally, a major problem for rural communities involves the reintegration of
former migrants who have returned home. In an ambitious study, David Gregory
(55) followed a group of migrants from Andalucia to jobs in Germany and then
back home again, where he analyzes their readaptation to rural life and role as
"culture brokers" (see also Isbell 66). In another study of Spanish migrants,
Michael Kenny (7 1 ) has provided an insightful analysis of their reintegration,
including the "reverse culture shock" many of them experience. The ambivalence,
suspicion, and resentment villagers feel toward these returnees, he notes, must all
be overcome, typically through overconformity to village mores.
The readjustment of highly successful migrants returning to retire (Rollwagen
1 08, Watson 1 36) may be entirely different from that of migrants who have
returned because of economic failure (Feindt & Browning 35, Graves 51), or
where education and experience abroad has alienated them from traditional
values. Albert Wendt ( 1 4 1 ), a Samoan novelist and himself a return migrant,

provides a fascinating though fictionalized account of this variability within a
single family.
The main thrust of research to date has been on the adaptations returning
migrants themselves must make. A few national governments (cited by Kenny)
have developed a variety of schemes to assist returning farmers and craftsmen
financially, but as Kenny notes, "the social adjustment of the returnee presents a
greater problem than his economic integration." The mutual adaptations involved
in such reintegration remain a fascinating topic for further research.
ADAPTATIONS WITHIN THE MIGRANT COMMUNITY
The adaptive processes displayed by migrants themselves will be examined in

terms of a series of problems with which each must cope, such as finding a place to
live, getting a job, making friends, etc. Alternative strategies which are typically
employed for dealing with these problems can be classified along three dimen
sions: individualistic versus group-oriented, formal versus informal, and
generalized versus specialized. Again, all such typologies are artificial and
heuristic: migrants may employ more than one type of strategy simultaneously or
sequentially, and they may use opposing types for different problems.
Individualistic versus Group-Oriented Strategies
We can consider as individualistic those strategies where a migrant relies essen

tially on his own resources or his own initiative for a solution. If he uses institu
tional resources made available by the host community, he does so as an in
dividual or nuclear household head. By contrast, in group-oriented strategies the
migrant turns for help to other people, usually kinsmen, fellow villagers, or
migrants from his own ethnic group. Although such strategies tap a larger pool of
resources than those possessed by the migrant himself, these are shared within a
framework of reciprocity norms which require him to contribute his own resources
to swell the adaptive potential of the group as a whole. Such strategies constitute
the typical adaptive mode of many cooperative, kin-based societies described by
anthropologists, and contrast with the individualistic strategies more common
within Western society (Denee 26, Graves & Graves 47). Intragroup variations can
usually be found, however, and ultimately we hope more attention will be given to
specifying factors which lead to the choice between these alternatives (as in
McDonald 83).
TRANSPORTATION TO THE CITY The first problem a potential migrant must solve
is getting there. If the urban area is close, this problem may be minor. But as
distances increase, so do transportation costs. Migrants with limited personal
resources frequently turn to kinsmen for help, usually ones who are already living
in the urban setting and earning a good income. Thus a strategy of "chain
migration" can also serve to allay transportation costs.
An individualistic alternative to chain migration, commonly employed by the
first migrants who lack urban kinsmen, is "stage" or "step" migration. In this
strategy a migrant initially moves to a nearby area where wage work is available,
and saves for his passage to a larger and more attractive center farther away. This
strategy also allows the migrant to adjust to urban living more gradually before
moving to the metropolis (Walsh 1 34, Whiteford 144). Step migration, however,
may also involve help from urban kinsmen.
A second common practice is for a man to migrate himself first, spend months or
even years in the urban area saving for passage, and then bring over his wife and
dependent children (Walsh & Trlin 1 35). This enables married men to make a
move with little or no kin assistance, but the social-psychological costs of such a
strategy are obvious. A third alternative is to accept assisted passage from home or
host government (6 1 , 62, 93, 1 20, 1 25), or from an urban employer. Such nonkin
assistance carries its own obligations, of course, but these tend to be impersonal,
fixed, and limited.
HOUSING Most new migrants move in with relatives at least temporarily, if any
are available, and kinsmen are an important aid in finding individual housing as
well ( 14, 37, 38, 42, 70, 76, 97, 98, 1 1 3, 1 1 5, 1 18, 143, 146). Several other studies,
however, report migrants preferring to find housing of their own, or with institu
tional aid (36, 4 1 , 79). If kinsmen help finance the migrant's move, this increases
the probability that he will choose to live initially with relatives, and for a longer
period (83).
While living with kinsmen, of course, migrants are obligated to them, are
expected to contribute to the household, and are, to varying degrees, subject to
their authority. Groups and individuals differ in the extent to which they are
willing to accept these obligations and restrictions in return for the financial and
emotional support which their kinsmen can provide. Ashton (3), for example,
contrasts the adaptation of Mestizo and Negro inhabitants of an urban housing
project: Mestizo occupants frequently imported relatives who contributed to the
welfare of the total family unit, while Negros often preferred to livt: as nuclear
families and rent out space to nonkinsmen, who made no furth -r contribution to
the home. In Auckland, adolescent Maori migrants can escape the obligations and
reciprocities of family living by finding accommodations in groups of peers
(Gillespie 40). In this way they arc not under kin authority while indulging a
preference for group activities with persons their own age. Older relatives in the
city are likely to be avoided unless problems arise which they can't handle on their
own.
The type of housing available to migrants is largely determined by public policy,
the stage of industrialization reached, and the rapidity of urban growth. Where
government resources are insufficient to provide adequate and inexpensive public
housing, for example, squatter settlements (24, 34, 77, 109, 1 3 2) or owner-built
homes with few facilities (28, 38, 72), may spring up wherever vacant land can be
obtained. The choice of low-income, owner-constructed homes has been seen as
an adaptive strategy which allows improvements as resources and family size
grow. Despite frequent objections to squatter settlements by the host society,
migrants view them variously as alternatives which allow ready cash in preference
to permanent ownership of house and land ( 1 40), as family headquarters, or as

stepping stones to better lives in the future. At times, however, they may become
residue communities for the economically unsuccessful ( 1 32), and they vary
greatly in their degree of cohesion and cultural unity (80, 99). The characteristics
of the particular area in which a migrant settles, furthermore, are likely to
influence subsequent coping strategies, such as community participation and
political demand-making (24).
EMPLOYMENT A migrant's kinsmen are also important resources for obtaining

urban jobs. Where immigration authorities require work guarantees for admis
sion, such as for Chinese migrants to the United Kingdom ( 1 36) and Australia ( 1 9,
65) and certain Polynesian groups coming to New Zealand (98), the prospective
migrant may have few alternatives. Even those with assisted passage from some
employer often obtained this opportunity because the employer is himself a
kinsman, or through the intervention of kinsmen already working there. Thus the
migrant becomes obligated to both kinsman and employer. Reliance on kin
connections may also be strengthened during periods of job scarcity (28, 1 1 8). As
in the case of housing, furthermore, the probability that a new migrant will receive
kin help in finding a job is increased if he has also received such help in getting
there and/or with housing (83). Thus conditions which promote chain migration
also affect adaptive strategies for employment as well, and the new migrant may
become increasingly enmeshed within a kinship network which both strengthens
his dependence on and his attachment to the urban ethnic community.
Those migrants who prefer a group-oriented strategy but lack kin or do not want
to be obligated to them, may be able to find jobs through a voluntary association
of fellow migrants. Weiermair ( 1 37) reported that H ungarian refugees in Canada
were quickly placed in jobs, many with H ungarian employers, through a highly
organized set o f interlocking ethnic associations. This would only b e possible,

however, when migration from the group had been proceeding for some time.
Between individualistic and group-oriented, an intermediate strategy may be to
establish a patron relationship with some successful or upwardly mobile person
who may or may not be a kinsman. Denich (27) details the use of such "connec
tions," usually fellow migrants who have been more rapid in their ascent up the
economic ladder. Similarly, in Taiwan lower-status migrants frequently turned to

upper-status migrant patrons and even to the anthropologist (Gallin & Gallin 39).
In Turkey the town storekeeper often served this role (Magnarella 79). Social
recreational groups of unrelated clients may for m around such a person (Butter
worth 1 6).
Finally, many migrants still prefer to find jobs on their own. Although Denich
(27), for example, makes much of the use of informal networks and connections,
fully 60% of her sample reported that they had found jobs without such help.
Similarly, Magnarella (79) reported that 70% of Turkish migrants to Ankara found
their own jobs, and only 1 7% used kin aid. This should not be interpreted as a
break with the ethnic community for social and psychological support, however.
SOCIAL INTERACTION The basic choice for migrants in this sphere is between
drawing one's friendships exclusively or primarily from within one's own kinship
or ethnic group in the city, or attempting to assimilate socially on an individual
basis with members of the wider urban society. Much research attention in the past
has been directed toward understanding the process of social assimilation and its
determinants; recent literature, however, has emphasized the continuing role of
kinship and coethnicity in filling the social and emotional needs of urban migrants
(11, 15,20,58,98,115).
Informal meeting places for members of the same tribe or village are often used
for this purpose: the coffee-house among Turkish and Greek migrants (5, 79), for
example, or the local bar among American Indians (48, 1 22). Such meeting places
serve many important purposes besides social and recreational. As Josephine
Baddeley notes among Greeks in Auckland:
For members of this coffee house society it is a place to get things done . . . . There a pool
of varied skills and talents is available . . . . Before proceeding with any dealings with the
State the proposed course of action will be discussed at the coffee house and often
someone will have influence in the right quarter. . . . Assistance is sought for anything
from housepainting to . .. harbouring an illegal immigrant.. .. Often consumer goods,
such as Greek food, can be obtained cheaply through the right contacts . . . . When in
financial straits or searching for a job, an appeal will be lodged with someone at the
coffee house and the news will circulate until the need is fulfilled (Baddeley 5, p. 10).
Few recent studies have dealt with differences between migrant groups in social
strategies. Chimbos ( 18), in a survey of Dutch, Greek, and Slovak immigrants in
Canada, provides some s uggestive findings, though unfortunately his focus is on
preferences rather than actual behavior. Among Greeks and Slovaks, more than
132 GRAVES & GRAVES
two-thirds preferred members of their own ethnic group for all types of social
activities, whereas most Dutch preferred Canadian friends. Greek and Slovak re
spondents referred to shared customs and traditions and language similarity as
the main reasons for their preferences, while those Dutch choosing friends from
their own ethnic group did not give such reasons. Chimbos suggests that having an
individualistic Protestant cultural tradition and a similar language increased ten
dencies among the Dutch to assimilate. Attitudes of the host society, of course,
influence group differences of this sort as well (46, 129).
Of even more interest are studies of intragroup differences in social behavior.
Social class differences in migrant friendship networks have been reported
throughout the world (44, 67, 70, 109, l i S). Kotchek (74) finds three main social
adaptations among Samoan migrants to Seattle, Washington: (a) Fa'aSamoa
groups with a religious and kin base; (b) a Pan-Samoan union; and (c) isolates
who find their social connections in the larger society. In research among Navajo
Indian migrants to Denver, Peter Snyder ( 1 2 1) found that by far the largest
amount of social interaction took place with other Navajos. But those who
reported non- Indian friends in the city were most likely to have had military service
experience, and those who reported participation in Pan-Indian groups or
friendships with other Indian tribal members had the highest amount of educa
tion-usually involving mixed Indian boarding school. There was also a tendency
for those who had lived longest in the city to have assimilated more socially,
though the high rate of reservation return makes cause and effect interpretations
tenuous (see also Snyder 122, 123).
Baddeley (5) also examined intragroup differences in the social behavior of her
Greek migrants. Those who were members of the Greek Orthodox community
had significantly higher rates of social interaction with kinsmen and fellow
Greeks, and were less likely to have married a non-Greek, than those who were
not. In turn, church membership was strongly related to a lack of premigration
experience outside an orthodox community. Church members also had less per
sonal resources than nonchurch members: less education, poorer jobs, and homes
in less prestigious parts of the city.
In sum, it would appear likely that the same factors which lead a new migrant to
turn to kinsmen and co-ethnics for help in solving transportation, housing, j ob,
and other problems of urban living will also lead him to seek thcm out as friends.
Furthermore, the mutual interdependence which this group problem solving
creates will tend to reinforce bonds of kinship and friendship ties within the ethnic
community as well. Thus a number of recent studies have found that for many
migrant groups, urban life, far from attenuating primary relationships within the
ethnic community, may actually reinforce and strengthen them ( 1 1, 15, 69, 98).
Formal versus Informal Strategies
Adaptive strategies can also be classified as to whether they involve the use of
formal channels of organizations or informal social networks. This dimension
cross-cuts the previous one and is at least theoretically independent of it, though
there may be a tendency for those with a preference for individualistic adaptations
to prefer the use of formal social mechanisms.
FINANCIAL AID Formal versus informal strategies can be found for the solution
of most migrant problems: signing up for some government-sponsored relocation
program, or obtaining passage through kinsmen; going to an employment agency,
or a patron; accepting state housing or banding together to form a squatment. But

a prominent area receiving research attention is financial assistance. In personal
crises or for large investments, when a migrant's own resources prove inadequate,
he can choose to turn to friends or relatives or to some institutional source.
Working among Mexican Americans in Los Angeles, for example, Joan Moore
(91) found that the usc of kin and friends for financial needs did not decrease
with time in the city, or even with second generation status. Rather, Mexican
Americans seemed to develop a more reliable informal network for financial help
the longer they had been in the urban environment. She suggests that this strategy
is extremely rational, since loans from such primary sources are less costly to repay
than borrowing from formal institutions. Similarly, Uzzell ( 132) found that a
greater percentage of migrants in an economically better-off settlement of Lima

used kin help in money matters than those in worse-off areas. This was frequently
a matter of opportunity, since those in poor neighborhoods had few friends or
relatives with adequate resources themselves to make a loan.
One adaptation to such economic marginality found throughout the world is the
rotating credit association (Kurtz 75). Members, who may or may not be kinsmen
but are usually co-ethnics, periodically contribute a fixed amount to a pool, all of
which is then given to one member after another in turn. This permits each to
make large purchases which he could not otherwise afford. Faithful contribution is
based more on personal obligations to the organizer and other members than on
formal sanctions. These organizations clearly lie somewhere between the use of
informal kinship and friendship resources and impersonal banking institutions.
Frequently urban kinsmen may operate as a corporate group in financial mat
ters (Bruner 1 1 , Pitt & Macpherson 98). Among Samoans in Auckland, for
example, the 'aiga, or extended family, functions as an informal mutual aid
society, members pooling resources and making group decisions as to the invest
ment of capital for b uying houses in the city, constructing houses for relatives in
Samoa, providing transportation, medical funds, etc. Different segments of the
'aiga get together at various times as units for the mobilization of additional
capital (98).
Potentially such organizations have many advantages as sources of financial aid
among co-ethnics, since they involve limited liability for the borrower, do not
place him in a position of subservience to a single kinsman or patron, and by
pooling resources can offer greater help than most individuals. At the same time,
however, they can preserve the flexibility, informality, and personalism found
when working through kinsmen. But the evidence for their use is mixed. For
example, Doughty (30) found such organizations extremely common in Lima, but
Uzzell's ( 132) sample of migrants in that city rarely reported using them as sources
of financial aid. Moore (9 1 ) found voluntary associations were not used by
M exican Americans for financial aid, while Kurtz's (75) credit association was a
success among Mexican Americans in a nearby city. What is still needed are more
studies delineating the circumstances under which migrants, having both formal
and informal resources available for financial aid, differentially choose one or the
other.
MEDICAL CARE Whether migrant health improves or declines after moving to the
city is a matter of debate. Some investigators discover a rise in stress symptoms
such as hypertension (Huizinga 64, Prior 104), while others report a better general
health state among migrants compared to home and host communities (Baker 6).
One factor which certainly must be considered is the availability of public health
programs in the city compared to rural areas. Doctors have been troubled,
however, by what they perceive as poor use of available resources by migrants, and
the persistence of informal, traditional medical practices and practitioners even in
modern urban settings. Press ( 1 00), for example, found migrants alternatively
using both traditional and modern medicine in Bogota, while other authors have
noted the persistence of traditional forms of curing for certain maladies not
considered to be adequately handled by modern medical techniques (Ayala 4,
Schepers 1 I 2). Edgerton et al (32) on the other hand, found a decline in belief in
curanderismo among Mexican Americans in Los Angeles. And in a study in
Honduras, Teller ( 127) found that migrant and nonmigrant differences in the use
of modern medical care vanished when difference in socioeconomic: status was
controlled for. Finally, working among urban gypsies, Salloway (I l l) reported
that their general strategies of persistence, lack of trust in authority, and effective
informal communication networks led them to obtain good information about
their maladies and to ferret out the best doctors to help them. Thus they managed
to use the formal system of medical facilities extremely effectively within the
mores of their own culture.
When both formal modern and informal traditional medical systems are
available side by side, little is yet known about factors leading to their differential
use. Traditional medical practices have been shown to be highly effective for many
ailments, particularly those with a large psychosocial component ( 1 1 2). Some
differences may therefore be a rational selection of the medical technique best
equipped to handle a particular ailment. In other cases non-use of modern
medical facilities provided by the urban society could be related to such factors as
knowledge, transportation, costs, or formal and impersonal institutions and un
comfortable social situations between doctors and patients from different cultures.
CONFLICT AVOIDANCE AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION Two recent studies report

both formal and informal mechanisms for avoiding or minimizing conflict under
crowded urban conditions. For example, formal etiquette increased in the city
among Malays (Provencher 105) and civil inattention was used to increase the
privacy of individual dwellings, located in closer proximity than in the rural area.
ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES IN URBAN M IGRATION 135
Chinese living i n multifamily homes instituted formal rules covering the purposes
of rooms used by all and hierarchy of privilege for their use, as well as informal
mechanisms of conflict resolution to be used if avoidance procedures failed (An
derson 2).
These studies tell us little, however, about the conditions under which alterna
tive strategies will be used. In a study of conflict resolution in Koforidua, Ghana,
Michael Lowy (78) attempted to test the hypothesis that with urbanization,
nucleation of the household, and an increase in contractual social relationships,
formal public remedy agencies would assume greater importance than private,
informal remedy agents in the settlement of disputes. What he found was that
informal remedy agents continued to be widely used in the city, while the most
important factor in choice of strategy turned out to be the nature of the case itself,
rather than personal attributes of the plaintiff. Those whosc primary aim was to
collect money turned to the courts, whereas those primarily concerned with
preserving their reputation or prestige used a mixture of strategies, in which
informal agencies played a prominent role. Thus:
Migrants, wage earners, the literate and well-educated and the young are no more likely
to turn to the courts as the only or primary remedy agent than are non migrants.
subsistence farmers, the illiterate and uneducated, and the old. Nor did common
ethnicity between the litigants lead to the use of private, rather than public remedy
agents . . . .
He did find, however, that disputants who were involved in single role rela
tionships were more likely to use only the courts than those whose relationships
involved multiple roles.
Generalized versus Specialized Strategies

Finally, mi grant adaptations can be classified as generalized if the same individual
or group performs a number of functions, or specialized if only a single function is
performed.
ECONOMIC ADAPTATIONS Both migrant groups and individuals may choose

generalized or specialized roles within the host economy. For the individual a
generalized adaptation usually means accepting relatively unskilled work in
exchange for being able to fill a wide range of employment opportunities. Such an
adaptation frequently cuts short initial periods of unemployment (5 1 , 137, 144)
but may decrease opportunities for upward mobility. Other migrants may prefer
to specialize in certain occupations because they were already prepared for these
by considerable time and investment, as were certain Hungarian refugees
(Weiermair 1 37), and are willing to wait to find a suitable opening. Or they may
specialize because of the opportunities presented for their participation in a
certain economic niche. S uch opportunities are frequently provided by a distinc
tive occupation characteristic of their own ethnic group, and thereby represent a
group-oriented strategy.
There appear to be two maj or types of ethnic niche in the host economy which
l36 GRAVES & GRAVES
a new migrant may enter: (a) the owner-run, labor-intensive business, often
building on previous skills brought by the migrants which are not prevalent within
the host society; and (b) the ethnic work force, where groups of m igrants are
concentrated in certain industries or firms. Good examples of the former are
found in Sengstock's study of Iraqi immigrant grocery chain stores in Detroit
( 1 1 6), Watson's description of the international establishment of Chinese res
taurants by groups of migrants from the same village ( l 36), Chinese immigrants in
Australia who specialize in market gardening and restaurants (Choi 19, Inglis 65),
Italian immigrants to New Zealand specializing in gardening, fishing, or terrazzo
businesses, depending on their area of origin in Italy (Burnley 1 4), the hawkers in
Hong Kong (McGee 84, 85), and the ubiquitous popsicle entrepreneurs of Mexico
(Rollwagen 108). In each of these cases migrants have been able to exploit an
economic niche within the urban milieu, often using the help of extended family
members, where they can set their own hours and operate under their own
direction. Thus this niche is ideal for settling new migrants into a familiar world of
compatriots.
Some of these enterprises (street hawkers, or a restaurant opening in the family

residence) can begin with a relatively small outlay and expand as profits rise.
Others, such as a popsicle factory, require considerable initial capital investment.
In almost all cases reported, such a niche is chosen because it avoids competition
with the resident labor force. Upward mobility is possible within the niche as the
new business grows, or as migrants employed by kin or compatriots learn the
necessary skills and start similar businesses of their own. Thus the ethnic business
has proved both profitable and relatively secure. The main danger is that the group
may be vulnerable under changed economic or political conditions (Adams 1 ,
Sengstock 1 16).
Often the choice between working for an ethnic enterprise or seeking em
ployment from members of the dominant society is more a matter of oppor
tunity than preference, and little is known about other considerations which may
operate. Chimbos ( 1 8), however, collected hypothetical preferences from a sample
of 450 Dutch, Greek, and Slovakian immigrants in Ontario which are highly
suggestive. Slovaks had the strongest preference for employers from their own
ethnic group, Greeks were pretty well split, while Dutch migrants preferred
Canadian employers. When asked for reasons for preferring fellow ethnics as
employers, 78% mentioned language (especially Slovaks), and 4 1% mentioned
feeling more comfortable with them (especially Greeks). The most frequent
reason for avoiding an ethnic niche was the fear that employers from one's own
ethnic group would be more demanding. Also mentioned by many was a desire to
learn English faster and to avoid situations of potential conflict with co-ethnics.
The second type of economic niche, the ethnic work force, may be specialized
and highly skilled, as in the well-known case of Mohawk high steel workers, but is
more often unskilled and generalized. It most frequently arises out of a need for
large numbers of industrial workers by the host society. These may be recruited
from abroad or from the countryside by the employers themselves, or by relatives
already working there, as among Samoans in Auckland (Pitt & Macpherson 98). A
second factor influencing the development of this type of niche is a paucity of

capital or entrepreneurial skills within the migrant group. Pitt & Macpherson also
found, for example, that few Samoans had attempted small businesses, and most
had failed, because they lacked opportunities to acquire management and com
mercial skills before migration, and because kinship obligations resulted in an
excessive extension of credit or contributions to the 'aiga. We need more infor
mation on the strategies by which some migrants successfully balance family

needs against business profits and capital accumulation.
Joining an ethnic work force has many of the same advantages for a new
migrant as joining an ethnic business: he participates in a group of co-ethnic
workers, often relatives, who can help him learn necessary skills, overcome or
avoid language barriers, and develop work habits in line with industrial expecta
tions. It also provides valuable flexibility during his initial adjustment, since
co-workers can serve as buffers between him and his employer, substitute in case
of enforced absence, or cover for him when he is sick, late, or just hung over.
Co-working kinsmen, however, are also likely to exercise oppressive social con
trols to insure work standards which will preserve the group's reputation with their
employer, since the behavior of each affects the economic security of the group as
a whole.
VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS Mutual aid societies and voluntary associatIOns

which have been the object of considerable research attention ( 1 7, 2 1 , 30, 59, 75,
79, 90, 1 1 5, 1 3 1), are a highly flexible adaptive strategy employed by migrant
communities throughout the world. Such associations can be formed on the basis
of kinship, area of origin, ethnicity, religion, co-residence or occupation in the
city, or almost any other source of common interest. They also vary in the degree
to which they serve generalized or specialized functions. A typical village im
provement association, for example, may raise money for development projects
in the migrant's natal community, sponsor youth groups and sports teams, provide
other recreational activities in the city, offer formal or informal classes in lan
guage, crafts, or other skills, provide a source of advice, money, or legal aid in
emergencies, and serve as a political pressure group. In addition, participation
informally teaches migrants organizational skills, provides avenues for status and
prestige whil:h may be denied within the dominant society, and reinforces ethnic
group identification and cultural pride. At the specialized end of the continuum
may be a burial society or a rotating credit association which limits its activities to
specific economic functions.
Bruner's study of Toba Batak migrant associations in three different Indonesian
cities points up well the differing roles voluntary associations, here based on clan
membership, can play in different urban environments even within the same
culture group ( 1 1). In Medan, close to their area of origin, clan associations
provided mutual aid and tied the migrants to their home communities through
ceremonial affairs, which emphasized ethnicity. In Bandung, where Toba Batak
are a small group, a pan-Batak association (still based on an ostensible common
ancestor) sprang up during a period of tension within the city for the specific
purpose of protecting and promoting Batak interests vis-a-vis the dominant ethnic
group, the Sundanese. Finally, in Djakarta, where the Batak population is large
but in a multiethnic national milieu, the clan association became a bl:lreaucratic
organization complete with membership cards, published directory, and central
presidium with annually elected officers. At the same time the association aimed to
orient Batak toward the national Indonesian culture.
Migrant groups differ widely in the frequency with which they form voluntary
associations for various purposes. Although most extensively described in West
Africa, Doughty (30) reports an average of five such associations in Lima,
Peru, from each highland district, and estimates 8000 for the nation with an
average of 15 officers per club! By contrast, Moore (91 ), Friedl (38), and Denich
(27) report migrant preferences for informal contacts and friendships. Reasons for
these regional and ethnic differences are not clear. Mithun (90) argues that the
prevalence of such groups in the B lack community is a response to pressures from
the dominant white society, while Orellana (95) believes that a migrant group
must have a strong tradition of cooperative problem solving in their home com
munities for such associations to spring up in the city.

We know even less about why some migrants turn to these groups for various
purposes, while others do not. Ujimoto ( 1 3 1 ) found that the degree of participa
tion in voluntary associations among Japanese immigrants in Canada was related
to holding material resources elsewhere and to duration of residence .in the
country. Among Puerto Rican migrants in New York City, RogIer ( 107) concludes
that as upwardly mobile members manage to make it within a dominant system
which stresses competition and individual gain, they will disassociate themselves
from cooperative ethnic group endeavors. By contrast, Hirabayashi and his co
workers (59) found that the leaders and core activists in formal American Indian
organizations were drawn from among the more acculturated. As is true for other
forms of group-oriented strategies, participation in voluntary associations is likely
to prove in part a function of the extent of the migrant's individual resources. In
addition, his degree of acceptance by and integration into the host community is
likely to prove an important determinant. But even groups which assimilate
readily and have few economic needs may display a strong persistence of ethnic
associations largely for affective reason. Among Danes in San Francisco, Chris
man explains, they provide secure social relationships in an otherwise shifting and
impersonal environment (Chrisman 2 1).
Urban Coping Strategies and Psychological Stress
Where earlier studies of urbanization tended to focus on attendant pathologies,

contemporary studies are more apt to emphasize effective coping mechanisms. In
a recent book on urban stress, Glass & Singer note: " . . . we have been struck by
the discrepancy between repeated stated condemnations of the quality of life in
the city and the fact that many people not only survive in these circumstances, but
actually thrive and enjoy them" (43, p. 1). This point seems particularly salient
with regard to the type of urban migrants who have become a common focus of
anthropological investigation. Coming from traditional rural communities, they
ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES IN URBAN MIGRATION l39
typically lack the training, capital, or even language skills which might seem
necessary for a smooth urban adj ustment. Frequently racial and cultural distinc
tiveness and minority political status make them the object of discrimination and
scorn by the dominant community. Yet relatively few seem to come down with
incapacitating physical or psychological symptoms.
The stress which accompanies change of all kinds has been shown in cross
cultural studies to be related statistically and apparently causally to an increase in

physical breakdown. In a recent review of this work, however, Graves & Graves
(52) have argued that the relationship between environmental stressors and
various stress symptoms, including "diseases of adaptation," is far from perfect
and is mediated in part by psychological and social coping strategies. The general
effectiveness of these strategies among urban migrants is undoubtedly an impor
tant factor in their high degree of mental and physical health.
The first overwhelming handicap experienced by most new migrants in coping
with a new environment is limited personal resources. The typical response is to
draw on the resources of a group, generally kinsmen and .co-ethnics. The use of
such group-oriented strategies creates a network of interdependency which for
most migrants proves socially and psychologically supportive as well. Thus they
trade some freedom and autonomy for personal security and a pool of resources,
to which they contribute what they can, and from which they may draw when the
need arises. For most rural migrants this is a bargain into which they enter
willingly. Some, however, find it frustrating and oppressive, and opt out whenever
they believe they have the personal resources to do so. Working with a sample of
60 Polynesian immigrants from Niue, for example, Fraser McDonald (83) found
that the choice between strategies of independence and kin-dependence was
consistently related to the amount of personal resources the migrant had acquired.
Unhappily, the individualistic strategies these migrants are selecting may ulti
mately prove far more stressful and less adaptive than the group-oriented strate
gies they are abandoning. But by then they will have cut themselves off from their
ethnic community in ways which will make reintegration difficult or impossible.
A second difficulty facing most new migrants is simply the mass of new
problems they must cope with in the city. All need to find themselves a home and
job, learn to get around, and make new friends. Many, however, are also un
familiar with the norms governing appropriate behavior within a wide range of
urban contexts: from using an electric stove to dealing with an impersonal
government bureaucracy. To learn these norms on one's own would prove a task
too massive and psychologically taxing for most migrants, though it is less so the
more culturally similar they are to the dominant group, and the more prior urban
experience they possess. Alternative ways of dealing with this situation include:
ISOLATING MECHANISMS These serve to reduce the number, scope, and intensity
of the problems with which a migrant must cope immediately. By living and
working within the ethnic community, by avoiding interethnic contact whenever
possible, and by avoiding the use of strange and impersonal urban institu
tions-financial, educational, health, and welfare-the new migrant keeps the
140 GRAVES & GRAVES
problems with which he must deal within manageable bounds. Dominant society
representatives working with migrants regret this isolation, not only because it
retards "assimilation" -a frequent social goal-but also because it means that
available resources of the host society are underused by the very people who most
need them (Graves & Graves 46, Lee 76).
MEDIATION BY MORE ESTABLISHED URBAN RESIDENTS Friends and kinsmen who

have been in the city longer, who know the language and are familiar with the
bureaucracy, or who have "connections", bridge the cultural gap between new
migrants and urban institution (Cornelius 23, Denich 27). Doctors, employers,
clerks, and b ureaucrats often find such mediation frustrating, and could afford to
be more tolerant of it.
DIRECT TEACHING BY THOSE ALREADY FAMILIAR WITH URBAN LIFE The time and
patience required for such coaching can usually be obtained only from kinsmen or
close friends; the necessary skills are probably only to be found among those who
are themselves bicultural (Bruner 1 2). Unhappily, assistance offered by the

dominant society usually entails the use of formal educational facilities which
themselves pose an additional problem with which a new migrant must learn to
cope.
A third general problem for new migrants is the lack of control which they
experience over large segments of their lives in the city. Tn their experimental
studies of urban stress, Glass & Singer (43) found that individuals were more able
to adapt to a given stressor and showed less post-stress impairment if they felt
some control over it, or could at least predict its occurrence. Efforts to gain some
measure of control and predictability are important in the choice of coping
strategies for many migrants. The ethnic business enterprise, fo r example,
parallels the self direction enjoyed by an independent farmer; voluntary associa
tion can provide political clout or financial aid within the familiar context of
co-ethnics; for some, informal, personalistic approaches to a variety of problems
provide a sense of control which impersonal institutions lack. Again, the search for
predictability and control tends to encourage the migrant to select adaptive stra
tegies which involve kinsmen and co-ethnics.
In addition to the things they can deal with, migrants also find themselves at the
mercy of economic and social forces which result from thc policies and practices of
the host community. A diminished sense of control is therefore endemic among
migrants, particularly if they are minority group members. This can have a wide
range of negative behavioral consequences. N. B. Graves (45), for example, found
that urban mothers having strong feelings of lack of control over the outcomes of
child rearing showed an increase in hostile, irritable, and power-assertive behavior
towards their children. T. D. Graves (50) found excessive drunkenness associated
with generalized feelings of powerlessness among urban Navajos, particularly
those with the poorest jobs. To avoid the physical and psychological breakdowns
which such behavior may presage, as well as to minimize their social costs,
adaptive changes need to bc made by members of the host community as well.
ADAPTATIONS I N THE HOST COMMUNITY
Most studies which consider the host community at all do so from the point of view
of the effect of the host economy, political system, immigration laws and policies,
and attitudes of its members on the adj ustment of the migrants, rather than on
adaptations being made by members of the host community. Commenting on
studies of Maori migration, Walsh ( 1 34, p. 4) notes: " . . . studies which . . . ignore
the constant need for institutional adjustment to cater for the multi-cultural nature
of our society belie both reality and a premise basic to healthy cultural interaction:
namely, that adaptation is needed by all the cultures involved." This lack of
research concern is surpassed only by the lack of concern among most members of
dominant urban societies themselves. Although a majority of both Australians and
New Zealanders, for example, ascribe in theory to a policy of mutual adaptation
(Trlin 129), they clearly support and rarely question official practices aimed at
promoting cultural homogeneity in the Anglo-Saxon tradition. But mutual adap
tations are nevertheless taking place, not all in the way or with the results that the
host community-or the migrants, for the matter-might prefer.
OffiCial Policy
Official policy towards potential immigrant groups varies from complete rejection
to active encouragement. Within each group's quota, moreover, those with certain
skills or training, or those having kinsmen already living in the host community,
may be favored over those without such qualifications. There is a widespread
belief that immigration policies are closely linked to economic cycles and the
social attitudes which these generate, but obviously many other historical cir
cumstances are operative as well (Price 101). Within New Zealand, for example,
Tongans are essentially excluded as permanent residents and Samoan immigra
tion, formerly liberal, is now restricted; Cook Islanders and Niueans, still being
New Zealand citizens, have relatively free entry, while Tokelau Islanders, also
citizens, have benefited from a government program of assisted passage and re
settlement as a humanitarian response to overpopulation and a hurricane in 1966
(Hooper & Huntsman 62). These differences in official policy have had a profound
effect on the patterns of migration and subsequent adaptation observable among
these related Polynesian groups.
Official policy often has unanticipated results. Restrictive immigration laws, for
example, tend to promote chain migration, thereby reinforcing and perpetuating
a distinctive ethnic community, a result considered undesirable by host countries
promoting assimilation (Burnley 14). If host behavior is then cool and rejecting,
the circle of voluntary separation is completed. The next stage may be a resurgence
of ethnic pride in response to rejection, where the ethnic group becomes a political
action group (22, 30, 58, 59, 103, 1 1 7), generating further xenophobia within the
host community.
Within a country, internal migration to urban areas can be encouraged by
indirect methods such as "government choosing not to promote regional
development in areas where economic forces would need direction to ensure
growth . . . causing the young and ambitious to move more readily . . . [and
resulting] . . . in unbalanced age and sex distributions in source and destination
areas with all the too well publicised problems of social adj ustment" (Walsh 1 34,
p. 3). Or direct methods may be used, such as relocation programs (Graves 5 1 ,
Taylor 126). Such programs may b e based o n slender and untested assumptions,
but once established, the government bureaucracy becomes self-justifying and
self-perpetuating. For example, the urban relocation program of the Bureau of

Indian Affairs, jokingly called the Indian Fullbright Act, has doubtless en
couraged urban migration by thousands of poorly prepared Indians who might
not otherwise have given it a try. Thus the frequency of urban failure and return
home has been high, while the national aim of economic improv'�ment and
cultural assimilation for Indians has not been achieved.
Community Services and Housing
The rapidity of urban migration since W orid War II presents an overwhelming

problem for urban planners and politicians: how to provide adequate services for
the newcomers and prevent existing services from deteriorating. Many cities have
more than doubled in population, thus theoretically requiring a capital outlay as
great as that accumulated during their entire previous histories. F,�w anthro
pological studies devote much attention to the adaptive strategies of government
officials who must cope with such problems.
As part of a cross-national study of migrant strategies, Wayne Cornelius has
studied the influence techniques used by six communities on the periphery of
Mexico City (25). Although his main focus has been on the political behavior of
the migrants themselves, his approach is in part transactional. For example, he
argues that the low propensity for self-help projects found within his M exican
sample, in contrast to one from Peru, has resulted in part from benign neglect by
Peruvian officials compared with a deliberate effort by Mexican officials to en
courage dependence on the government for welfare programs, including hostility
toward proj ects initiated without their knowledge or participation. Furthermore,
the responsiveness of government officials in Chile and Venezuela to political
petitioning has resulted in residents devoting most of their efforts to petitioning
activities rather than to self-help. Finally, within his Mexican sample, a propensity
for political petitioning over protest demonstrations is explained by: " . . . the
demonstrated efficacy of conventional demand-making strategies in securing
community improvement which serves to reduce the attractiveness of protest
tactics among both community leaders and their followers . . . "
The provision of adequate housing for migrants is a particularly difficult

problem. The type of public housing provided for is generally based on social
patterns of the host society; for Western countries, this means the nuclear family
unit. Placement of government financed migrant housing may have adverse effects
on the client group. The New Zealand government, for instance, assists many
newcomers to purchase their own individual homes in the suburbs, but it has a
deliberate policy of "pepper-potting" racial groups as "the quickest and surest way
of integrating the two species of New Zealander" (the Hunn Report, quoted in
Walsh 134, p. 4). This spreading of Polynesian homes among those of the
dominant white group creates additional problems for migrants dependent on
group-oriented strategies.
The unwillingness or inability of the dominant society to provide adequate
inexpensive public housing for migrants is undoubtedly a factor in the develop
ment of squatter settlements (Epstein 34). But some economists have .argued that
providing better urban housing will simply increase the flow of urban migrants,
and thereby the demand, not only for housing but for other services as well.
Furthermore, migrants (and other city dwellers) themselves know best the type of
housing they want and need (Mead 86). Owner-built homes at least have the virtue
of conforming to owner needs, within the limits of their economic capabilities
(Turner in Kimball 72; Mangin 80). Encouraging squatter settlements by provid
ing land or granting titles after the fact may therefore be the most rational
adaptation many urban administrations can make.
A daptations within the Business Community
The response oflocal businessmen and workers to the influx of a large ethnic work
force of new migrants has been given only minimal attention (54, 96, 142). Such .
cheap labor may be seen as a boon to the expanding economy by employers, but a
threat to job security by employees. For example, employers recruiting large
numbers of unskilled Cook Islanders to New Zealand sometimes "rationalize"
their firms so that they no longer need the number of skilled white New Zealand
workers formerly employed. And those who do remain have serious interpersonal
adjustments to make to culturally dissimilar work mates.
Some employers, trying to avoid racial problems among their workers as well as
to benefit from their generally high productivity, have hired teams of Polynesians,
while foremen have learned to call on elders within the group to control the
behavior of the rest (98). Other employers, however, find that some young
Islanders resent the continuance of old systems of authority in new settings, and
have to be separated from their elder kin. It would be equally fascinating to study
the responses of German workers and employers to the influx of Spanish, Italian,
and other Southern Europeans.
Adaptations within Educational Institutions
In most cases the major concern of educators toward migrants is "How can we best
teach them to become more like us so that they can share the advantages we
enjoy?" This ethnocentric perspective results in a series of "compensatory educa
tion" programs designed to overcome the "cultural deficits" minority group
migrants are presumed to display. Consequently, they have failed to entertain the
possibility that something of educational value might be learned from other
culture groups (47).
For example, N. Graves, E. Denee, and co-workers have observed a
predominant style of "inclusive" interaction among Polynesians, which involves
the use of groups for instructional and socialization purposes. This contrasts with
the typically "exclusive" methods of Pakeha (white) teachers, where students work
144 GRAVES & GRAVES
on their own or in teacher-pupil dyads. Not fitting the educational ideal of

individual achievement, the pedagogical benefits of group problem-solving have
not been perceived (Denee 26, Graves & Graves 47).
Happily, in some cases the dominant society is becoming more sensitive to the
demands of minority groups for recognition, and Miller (87) documents a suc
cessful case of institutional innovation in the establishment of a department of
American Indian studies at the University of Minnesota. But there is still some
way to go before educational adaptations emerge which are significantly two-way
learning situations. N . B. Graves (45) found that among urban minority group
mothers at present, additional years of education are related to more feelings of
hopelessness about the learning capabilities of the migrants' children and fewer
attempts to teach them at home. And Ogbu (94) found similar fatalistic attitudes
toward education reinforced in migrant children and parents by the reward
behavior of dominant group teachers.
Prejudice and Discrimination
M igrants from rural areas, whether culturally and racially distinct or not, are
vulnerable to being characterized as uncivilized and rough ( 1 2, 37, 145). An
interesting cognitive adaptation of host community members is to divide migrants
into two groups: bad and good, like us or different from us. Thus Wolfe ( 145)
found that Southern white migrants who shifted home and job frequently were
derogatively termed "Hoosiers," while more stable migrants were called "good
country people." An underlying factor here may be the perceived degree of
commitment to the neighborhood. In a study of a workingclass section of Boston,
Bleiker (9) noted that new persons moving into the area were characterized as
"transients" or "hippies" if they rented accommodations, but "neighbors" if they
bought their homes (regardless of attire or hair style). "Neighbors" were treated in
a friendly and helpful manner, especially if seen making improvements on their
property, while other newcomers were ignored and frozen out of neighborhood
social relations.
Attitudes of hosts toward themselves may be as important determinants of
behavior toward immigrant groups as attitudes toward the newcomers. For
example, Beethan (8) describes the differing reactions of two English towns toward
the "problem" of turban-wearing Sikh bus drivers. Though both towns had a
similar negative reaction to the turbans, the stubborn and nonadaptive response of
one town, and the resulting racial confiict, was in marked contrast with the other.
There the dispute was settled amicably, in consonance with its citizens' image of
themselves as tolerant and unprejudiced.
The degree to which prej udicial attitudes among members of the host society
are reflected in discriminatory behavior toward migrants is a matter for debate.
The assumption of an attitude-behavior congruence by most investigators of
migrant-host relationships is strongly contested by psychologists. The intensity of
feelings and the contextual circumstances needed for the display of hostile acts is
completely unknown. The influence of image content, other than positive-nega
tive, is also undoubtedly important but seldom studied. For example, we feel (53)
Pakeha New Zealanders' behavior toward a Maori (generally seen as friendly,

easy-going, and low on aggression) may in certain circumstances, say the context
of a pub, be quite different than toward a Samoan (more often seen as violent,
impulsive, and aggressive, particularly when drinking). It is also helpful to know
the reverse images of the dominant host group by the migrants ( 1 2, 53, 68). But
most needed of all are more systematic observations of behavior in the contexts
where interaction between migrant and host takes place.

Modifications in Interpersonal Behavior
Edward Bruner's study of Toba Batak in Bandung, Indonesia, is particularly

insightful in this regard (Bruner 1 2). He details the ways in which the Sundanese
majority adjust their behavior to deal with the Batak, whom they regard as crude,
rough, and aggressive, by initial avoidance, subsequent aggression, or subtle and
not so subtle communication of cues concerning appropriate behavior. Simul
taneously, the Batak are being taught by kin more experienced in the city how to
assimilate their behavior to that of the Sundanese: "learning to become less ag
gressive, to soften the rough edges, and to talk in a lower tone of voice" ( 1 2, p. 1 5).
CONCLUSIONS
As anthropological interest in rural-to-urban migration has grown, so has the

sophistication of our research. The strength of anthropology still lies in detailed
descriptions of typical behavior patterns within a limited physical and social
context. In reading material for this review, however, we have learned most from
those studies which have recognized the widest range of determinants, while
attempting to achieve a fruitful quantitative-qualitative mix: combining careful
description and case material with systematic data on the range of variation in
adaptive strategies being employed, characteristics of those who employ them, the
national and local circumstances under which one or another type is likely to
appear, and the consequences of their use. The analysis of such co-variation within
the framework of intimate familiarity with a field setting, will enable us to avoid
the sterility of superficial sample surveys while still making the move from
description to explanation.
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ANNUAL

ADAPTIVE STRATEGIES § 9538

The phenomenal growth in rural-to-urban migration during the post-World War

II period is matched by the growth of anthropological interest in this

ADAPTATIONS WITHIN THE HOME COMMUNITY

Alternative Strategies of Urban Migration

Migration itself can be viewed as both an individual and community response to

"Foraging" patterns involve temporary forays into neighboring regions in order

fire fighters, seasonal agricultural laborers, or as laborers in urban areas where

them. It shares with the foraging pattern the characteristic of supplementing

and its determinants. First, like other patterns of out-migration, permanent

Second, Vasilikans possessed an 8.ttitudinal predisposition to out-migration;

essential for permanent migration. A strong ethnic community which primarily

origin seldom visit home; while a M exican-American sample in Chicago con­

THE MIGRANT'S PLACE WITHIN THE RURAL OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE Substantial

sponsored relocation programs either within or between countries are likely to be

social groups. Those migrants highest on a scale of sociocultural "dislocation" also

PSYCHOLOGICAL ATTRIBUTES OF THE MIGRANT A relatively minor amount of

different points in the development of a migration stream through time. For

our understanding tends to be relatively small, though interesting (Graves 49).

the subsequent instability in their decisions. 2. The role of other persons. By

settings as a result of nearby industrialization: Miller (88) and Spindler et al (124).

communal fishing expeditions . .

values. Albert Wendt ( 1 4 1 ), a Samoan novelist and himself a return migrant,

ADAPTATIONS WITHIN THE MIGRANT COMMUNITY

The adaptive processes displayed by migrants themselves will be examined in

Individualistic versus Group-Oriented Strategies

We can consider as individualistic those strategies where a migrant relies essen­

to permanent ownership of house and land ( 1 40), as family headquarters, or as

EMPLOYMENT A migrant's kinsmen are also important resources for obtaining

organized set o f interlocking ethnic associations. This would only b e possible,

economic ladder. Similarly, in Taiwan lower-status migrants frequently turned to

or a patron; accepting state housing or banding together to form a squatment. But

greater percentage of migrants in an economically better-off settlement of Lima

CONFLICT AVOIDANCE AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION Two recent studies report

Generalized versus Specialized Strategies

ECONOMIC ADAPTATIONS Both migrant groups and individuals may choose

Some of these enterprises (street hawkers, or a restaurant opening in the family

second factor influencing the development of this type of niche is a paucity of

mation on the strategies by which some migrants successfully balance family

VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS Mutual aid societies and voluntary associatIOns

munities for such associations to spring up in the city.

Where earlier studies of urbanization tended to focus on attendant pathologies,

cultural studies to be related statistically and apparently causally to an increase in

MEDIATION BY MORE ESTABLISHED URBAN RESIDENTS Friends and kinsmen who

are themselves bicultural (Bruner 1 2). Unhappily, assistance offered by the

ADAPTATIONS I N THE HOST COMMUNITY

self-perpetuating. For example, the urban relocation program of the Bureau of

The rapidity of urban migration since W orid War II presents an overwhelming

The provision of adequate housing for migrants is a particularly difficult

on their own or in teacher-pupil dyads. Not fitting the educational ideal of

Pakeha New Zealanders' behavior toward a Maori (generally seen as friendly,

where interaction between migrant and host takes place.

Edward Bruner's study of Toba Batak in Bandung, Indonesia, is particularly

As anthropological interest in rural-to-urban migration has grown, so has the

I . Adams, B. N. 1972. A sians in Uganda: training program: alternatives to tradi­

bans: A Comparative Study in Local Univ. of California Press

ethnicity in Indonesia. In Urban Eth­ 26. Denee, E. M. L. 1973. Mother-child

Psychother. 24: 1 24-34 Culture shock in A uckland: Pakeha

Brasilia. See Ref. 30, 5 1-58 sian-Pakeha contrasts in adaptation.

residential search and urban settlement. Social-Psychological Study of Urban In­

87. Miller, F. C. 1 97 1 . I nvolvement in an Negroes and Anglos. Int. Migration

Black urban community. UrbanA nthro­ Migration Rev. 6: 1 82-99

lies in Transition. University Park: studies. Presented at Ann. Meet.

origin seldom visit home; while a M exican-American sample in Chicago con

We can consider as individualistic those strategies where a migrant relies essen

I . Adams, B. N. 1972. A sians in Uganda: training program: alternatives to tradi

ethnicity in Indonesia. In Urban Eth 26. Denee, E. M. L. 1973. Mother-child

residential search and urban settlement. Social-Psychological Study of Urban In

Black urban community. UrbanA nthro Migration Rev. 6: 1 82-99

c upat i on . Forth coming in a volu m e on 1 30. Ujimoto, K. V. 1972. Post-war Japa