The Tale of The Tale of a LUMBERMAN

as told by James D. Keeline

Early Writings
According to many accounts published during his lifetime
and for decades afterwards,1 Edward Stratemeyer’s literary
career began when he was 27 years old with his writing of
and the acceptance of his story, “Victor Horton’s Idea,” by
James Elverson of Golden Days, a Philadelphia weekly
story paper in 1889.2 However, his writing career, at least
on an amateur level, began much earlier.

For example, two years earlier, in 1887, Edward collaborat-

ed with his brother Louis on a comic operetta called Love’s
Maze (Elizabeth, NJ: Freie Press, 1887).3 He wrote the words or
“libretto” while his brother wrote the musical score. An-
other libretto from 1888, “The Perfume Prince,” survives in
manuscript form.4

In the winter of 1883, when Edward was just 20, he pub-

lished three monthly issues of Our American Boys.5
This was an ambitious amateur story paper with eight letter-
sized pages. The editor offered prizes to those who collected
subscriptions to the publication. One of these subscription
premiums is the subject of this presentation, “The Tale of a
Lumberman.”6

Cover of “The Tale of a Lumberman,” published by E. Stratemeyer in 1878.

There are surviving copies of several printed items from the

years when Edward was still in school. Most of these are
fragments with just two to four pages typeset in the copies
which may be inspected in the Stratemeyer Syndicate Re-
cords Collection at NYPL. These include miniature amateur
story papers and chapbooks:

• Our Friend (Aug 1876)7 story paper

• Young American (Jan-Feb-Mar 1877)8 story paper
• “That Bottle of Vinegar” (1877)9 chapbook
• “The Tale of a Lumberman” (1878)10 chapbook

This last example, “Lumberman” from 1878, was published

when Edward was just 15 years old.
 J.D. Baehr & Co.
No author was given for the tale but “Lumberman” was pub-
lished by “E. Stratemeyer” of Elizabeth, NJ, and printed by
“J.D. Baehr & Co.” of 228 High St, Elizabeth. This address
is located just a few doors away from Public School No. 3
which Edward attended during the latter part of his educa-
tion and from which he graduated in June 1879.11
John D. Baehr was born around 1857 in Elizabeth, New Jer-
sey and the address given was both his home and workplace
in Elizabeth city directories of 1876-79.12 In the 1880 U.S.
Census for New Jersey he was still a printer but located at
39 Smith St, less than a half mile away.13 By 1881 he was
listed as an employee of the Singer Sewing Machine manu-
facturing company.14
Baehr was a little more than a year younger than Edward’s
brother, Louis Charles Stratemeyer (28 Nov 1856-10 Sep 1905)
and may have even been in the same class.15 However, they
graduated from P.S. 2 on Morrell St. since P.S. 3 opened
in 1872.16
Amateur Printing Movment
As a book and job printer working from his home, 21-year-
old Baehr was either an enthusiastic amateur or a small-
scale professional job printer. Certainly, his work was not
on the scale of the other Elizabeth printers such as Drake
& Cook, the publisher of the 1877 Elizabeth City Directory;
Freie Press; and the Elizabeth Daily Herald.17
The field of amateur printing (and amateur journalism) had
an explosion in popularity in the 1860s, 1870s, and 1880s.
One factor of this was the introduction of the Novelty Press
in 1867. Oliver Optic’s Magazine had a couple articles
and stories about young printers as well as numerous refer-
ences in its Mailbox column answering letters from its read-
ers from about 1869 through 1875.18 Frequently, these were
requests by readers for specimen copies of amateur papers
and desires to purchase a second-hand press. Although it
was not advertised directly in the pages, the Novelty Press
is virtually the only one mentioned on these pages save for
a reader who had an Adams Press to sell and wanted to
know why there was so much interest in the Novelty.19 The
Novelty Press was advertised in other papers at the time.20
Public School No. 3 of Elizabeth, NJ, and its principal, Dr. W.D. Heyer
Perhaps the near exclusive mention of the Novelty in Oli-
ver Optic’s Magazine was an attempt at an innovative
promotion.
The year 1876 had two key events which promoted amateur
printing. The first was the Centennial Exhibition in Phila-
delphia in May,21 followed by the first meeting of the Ama-
teur Press Association held in Boston on July 4.22
The Centennial International Exhibition opened in Phila-
delphia on May 10, 1876. This was the first official World’s
Fair to be held in the United States and was used as a show-
case of American technological advances and resources.23
Philadelphia is just 85 miles from Elizabeth and, therefore,
a relatively short journey by rail at the time. The opening-
day ceremonies were attended by President Ulysses S.
Grant with an honor guard comprised of people from each
of the original 13 colonies. The New Jersey honor guard was
formed from the Phil Kearny Guard of Elizabeth.24 Edward
Stratemeyer’s older brothers were part of this group and if
they went to Philadelphia for the opening, it is reasonable
to guess that 13-year-old Edward would be eager to accom-
pany them.25 There are references to him attending other
big fairs such as the 1902 in Buffalo,26 1909 in Seattle,27 and
the 1915 fairs in San Diego and San Francisco.28 Whether
he actually attended or not, he and others in this area would
certainly have heard about the event in detail.
The popular Machinery Hall in the Philadelphia fair had dis-
plays of many kinds of printing apparatus, including small
presses which could be used by young amateur printers.29
Some of the more prominent models included:
Novelty Press from Benjamin O. Woods & William S.
Tuttle of Boston. First introduced in 1867, this press was
advertised and discussed favorably in publications like Oli-
ver Optic’s Magazine in the early 1870s. A duodecimo
model had a 5x7” chase for $15. The octavo cabinet model
with a foot lever had a 6.5x10.5” chase for $30.30
 Daughaday Model Printing Press No. 1, 5x7.5” chase, $20 (self inking).
Watson Centennial Address, 2.25x3.25” chase.

Novelty Octavo Cabinet Press with a 6.5x10.5” chase, $30.

Kelsey Excelsior Press advertisement for the Centennial Exhibition.
 Golding Official No. 0, 2x3” chase, $3 (hand inked).
Oz author, L. Frank Baum had a Novelty Press while a boy in
1870 before moving up to a better press, probably a Watson
Young American, in 1873.31 He and his brother published
a few issues of an amateur paper called the Rose Lawn
Home Journal as well as other ephemera.32
Model Printing Press from J.W. Daughaday & Co. of
Philadelphia was introduced around 1872. It was displayed
in Machinery Hall (Section E, 4, Column 31) and small fly-
ers printed on one of the presses were given out. A 56-page
illustrated booklet called How to Print was available for
10¢ to booth visitors.33
Centennial Press from Joseph Watson of Boston. First
available in 1875, it was named for the Philadelphia Exhibi-
tion and offered for as little as $2 with chase sizes of 1.75x4”
(Business), 2.5x3.25” (Address), and 3.5x5” (Advertiser).34
Excelsior from William A. Kelsey of Meriden, CT. This
company had the longest life of printing press manufac-
turers and many of the other companies were absorbed by
Kelsey over the years. Kelsey’s first press was advertised in
December 1872 in Frank Leslie’s Weekly for $5. How-
ever, this press was characterized as “unworkable” by print-
ing historians. Later models were far more successful.35
The advertisement for the 1876 fair shows Toggle Press
Golding Official No. 0, 2x3” chase, $5 (self inked).
models first introduced in 1874. The Toggle No. 1 press had
a 2.5x3.25” chase for $3 while the No. 2 was 3.5x5.5” for $6.
A self-inking model, the No. 6, was introduced in 1875 with
a 3.5x5.5” chase for $12.36
Official Press from William H. Golding was a line of lever
presses introduced in 1873, including a Junior model (a.k.a.
No. 0) with a 2x3” chase for $3 (hand inked) and $5 (self).
Golding’s Pearl Press was available in several larger sizes
which appealed to professional job printers. Several models
had the option to be powered by steam.37
Printing The Tale of a Lumberman
The small presses displayed at the Philadelphia Exhibition
and otherwise offered were also available in larger models
at higher prices. The type on “Lumberman” fits in an area
2.5x3.75”. The two-page spread, if printed together could fit
in a 4x6” or 5x7” chase. With a larger chase, the pages could
be printed 4-up each side.
The body of the type is set with justified right margins. This
required some adjustment of the spaces used between the
words to get the right fit as type was added to the composing
stick. Occasionally the hyphenations do not follow the con-
ventional rules (p. 5, p. 9, p. 27).38 Since the text fills 31 pages
fully, compromises like these were probably necessary.
The copy of ‘Lumberman’ at NIU shows evidence of second-
ary printing offset from the main text. The letters which can
be detected are not mirror images so this is not due to wet
ink on a facing page. However, it can be caused by having
the paper adhere to the inked type before or after the main
impression. Some models of presses are more susceptible
to this than others. The copies at Yale and NYPL have not
been examined closely for similar characteristics.39
The font for the body is fairly conventional and not wholly
different from a modern typeface. The titles on the cover
and title page use one typeface which, while in some use in
the 1870s and 1880s in places like the Elizabeth city directo-
ries,40 it was generally discouraged by 1907 as being overly
ornate and hard to read.
The letters in “The Tale” in both locations have some distin-
guishing characteristics. After consulting many hundreds of
pages in vintage type specimen books from online sources,
this typeface was called Ornamented No. 1526 originally
from the Bruce Type Foundary.41 The De Vinne Press is re-
garded in the history of typesetting for its many manuals
on aspects of the trade and art as well as encouraging good
design. This particular typeface was discouraged.
A version of the typeface for the “Lumberman” portion of
the title is similar to another listed in the same 1907 speci-
men book called Antique Condensed.42 Many of these
Types of the De Vinne Press, 1907. p. 399.
1883 Elizabeth City Directory ad using Bruce Ornamented No. 1526.
fonts were available for decades prior to this. Most of the
smaller type foundaries merged in the early 1890s to form
the American Type Foundary in Elizabeth, N.J.43
The Tale of a Lumberman
There are several known surviving copies of “Lumberman”:
three at NYPL in the Stratemeyer Syndicate Records Collec-
tion,44 one at Yale in the Beinecke Collection,45 and a pho-
tocopy at NIU acquired in 1996 from a private collector of
New Jersey imprints.46
The first-person short story relates how the narrator, Clare,
went with a group of lumbermen deep into the Maine woods
in the fall of 1810, five years previous, according to the story.
Two log bunkhouses are built for the workmen. The narra-
tor and another go hunting for food with a group of Indians.
When they return, after many hardships in a winter storm,
a drunken brawl in one cabin leads to the stabbing of one
man, John Barr. The assailant wanders off from the cabin,
leaving the door open and the fires out. The other men, hav-
ing passed out from their inebriation, die in the cold. John
Barr, the man who was stabbed, survives by climbing under
a pile of furs in the bunkhouse.
The lumber mill of the Heidritter brothers of Elizabeth from an 1895 map.

In all, it is a rather involved short story and unlikely to be

the work of 15-year-old Edward, who would graduate from
Public School No. 3 in June 1879, the year after this
book was published. Edward never claimed that he wrote
it, since his name is given as publisher and not the author,
and, as noted by Dr. John T. Dizer, it seems different than
other early stories from his pen.47 However, the identity of
the real author has been a mystery as long as this story has
been known.

Heidritter & Sons Lumber

Whose story was it? One possibility considered initially in
this inquiry was that it was a tale related by an old timer
working for August Heidritter & Sons, a prominent lumber
company in Elizabeth. Edward’s sister, Anna R. Stratemey-
er (1859-1923), married one of the sons, Frederick L. Heidrit-
ter (1851-1911) in 1880, two years after the chapbook’s publi-
cation. The firm later even named a sailing ship after her.48
The 1869 edition of Our Fresh and Salt Water Tutors by W.H.G. Kingston.
However, if the story came from someone who was 20 in
1810, he would be 87 in 1877. Was it a holograph journal
from an early lumberman connected with the firm? there were some changes.

Researching this as if it were a true first-person account, lo-
cations and proper names were examined. The locations in
the story are real place names. Next character names were
sought. The unusual French name of the man who stabbed
John Barr was Guyon Vidocq and this proved useful. A
Google web search brought up a link to an item in one of the
Google Books (http://books.google.com).49
W.H.G. Kingston
For example, in “Lumberman” the name of the home town
for the narrator is Castine, a city on the Atlantic coast. In
Kingston, the location is obscured to “C_____.”50 Many of
the locations in Kingston seem to relate to Canada such as
the Ottawa river instead of the Penobscot river in “Lumber-
man.”51 A smaller river which is obscured in Kingston as
“M_____” is named “Madawankeag” in “Lumberman.”52
This river is most likely the one spelled “Mattawamkeag”
today, a tributary which feeds into the Penobscot river. The
story also refers to a lake southeast of Mount Katahdin.53

The book link was a title by W.H.G. Kingston (1814-1880),
an author who was well known on both sides of the Atlantic,
called Our Fresh and Salt Water Tutors (Sampson Low,
1869). Chapter XVI is called “Mr. Clare’s Story” and runs
from pp. 151 to 170. Guyon Vidocq’s name appears on p.
155. Initial examination of this story revealed that most of
“Lumberman” was identical to the Kingston text. However,
It seems rather unlikely that Stratemeyer would add these
details while typesetting the story for publication in his
booklet. The references to piety and the evils of alcohol are
in both stories so it is unlike his later editing of the Brace-
bridge Hemyng “Dick Lightheart at Sea” to produce his
“Wizard of the Deep” (Wizard of the Sea in book form)
in 1895. In that example, Edward copied, word-for-word in
most places, a Hemyng story which was itself copied from
Jules Verne’s Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the
Seas. Stratemeyer made mostly minor changes to the He-
myng text which removed or altered references to gambling
and alcohol.54 Later in his life, Edward was a supporter of
state- and local-level prohibition movements.55
Vieux Moustache
The preface of the Kingston volume reveals that this story
came from an unnamed American source and the story was
altered for the English audience.56 Thus far, this original
book has not been scanned by Google or Microsoft or Ar-
chive.org, else it would have been discovered at the same
time as the Kingston. However, there were a few clues in
the introduction and last page of the Kingston version. In
particular, Kingston left unchanged the last sentence: “And
I, whom the general calls ‘Vieux Moustache,’ have finished
an old Boy’s Story of ‘Our Fresh and Salt Water Tutors.’”57
Preface and last line of Our Fesh and Salt Water Tutors by Kingston.
Entry in The American Catalogue of Books, 1866-1871, p. 415.
When looking for reviews and other references to the
Kingston story, an old error proved fruitful. An entry in the
American Catalogue of 1871 from Google Books yielded
a listing for That Good Old Time; or, Our Fresh and
Salt Water Tutors (NY: Hurd & Houghton, 1866) by “Vieux
Moustache.”58 As it turns out, the word “Water” is not part
of the subtitle and the book was actually released in 1867.
“Vieux Moustache” (literally “Old Moustache”) was a pen
name used by Clarence Gordon (1835-1920) for five juvenile
books and a number of articles and short stories. The sec-
ond of these was called That Good Old Time and it was
later republished as Our Fresh and Salt Tutors (NY: Hurd
& Houghton, 1870).59
Clarence Gordon was born in New York city on 28 April
1835 and he graduated from the Lawrence Scientific School
The 1867 edition of That Good Old Time by “Vieux Moustache.”
Locations mentioned:
• Castine, Maine • Penobscot River
• Bangor, Maine • Madawankeag River
• Mount Katahdin
of Harvard in 1835. He lived in Savannah, GA, for many
years. He moved to Boston in 1862 and Newburg, NY, in
1868 and while in these two locations he wrote five stories
for boys under the “Vieux Moustache” name which were
published as books between 1864 and 1873. From 1879
to 1883 he was a special agent for the U.S. Census Bureau
in charge of investigating meat production in the grazing
states west of the Mississippi River. He died in Sharon,
MA, on 26 November 1920.60
Moustache & Kingston Publication History
Setting aside the subtitles, both the Moustache and Kings-
ton stories appeared each under two main titles with a bit
of overlap:
By “Vieux Moustache” (Clarence Gordon)
That Good Old Time; or, Our Fresh and Salt Tutors (NY: Hurd & Houghton, 1867).
Our Fresh and Salt Tutors; or, That Good Old Time (NY: Hurd & Houghton, 1870).
By W.H.G. Kingston
Our Fresh and Salt Water Tutors: A Story of That Good Old Time: Our School Days
at the Cape (L: Sampson Low, Marston, 1869).
Captain Mugford; or, Our Salt and Fresh Water Tutors (L: Sampson Low, Marston,
1893).
Early editions are more difficult to find than other “Vieux
Moustache” books because collectors have learned that
the 1860s and 1870s copies contain several illustrations by
Winslow Homer. It is not uncommon to see these books
cut up so the illustrations can be sold separately as “prints.”
The story copied by Stratemeyer did not have an illustration
associated with it, however.61
Comparing Lumberman with Moustache
An 1867 copy of That Good Old Time was listed at the
Boston Public Library. Since it was seldom used, it was
stored off site. However, when Meg Morrison, a BPL em-
ployee tried to retrieve it, the book could not be located im-
mediately. Fortunately it did turn up a couple weeks later
and copies of chapter XVI, “Mr. Clare’s Story,” were made
and mailed.
A comparison of this text and “Lumberman” leaves little
doubt that it was the source consulted by Stratemeyer to
produce the chapbook. The wording is nearly identical with
only some occasional typographical errors in Stratemeyer’s
version.
• Text used to frame the story in the context of the larger
book were removed such as when Mr. Clare, the narra-
tor, addresses one of the fellow characters in the book:
“‘You laugh, Drake, and you are right, ...” (p. 4).62
• Since the final product was intended to be a first-person
story in Stratemeyer’s version, extaneous quotation
marks were removed or altered as necessary.63
• Examples of misspellings in “Lumberman” include:
“ane” for “and” (p. 10), “lenght” (pp. 14, 25), “desperte” (p.
16), and “prostate” for “prostrate” (p. 18).64
• Occasionally words were dropped from the Moustache
version: “some meat” for “some more meat” (p. 20).65
• One paragraph in Moustache is split (p. 6).66
All in all, “Lumberman” is a faithful copy of “Mr. Clare’s
Story” with only the small changes likely to creep in to a
letterpress project like this. In fact, it seems that Edward’s
version is far closer to its original source than many stories
as noted by Paula Petrik in an online encyclopedia of child-
hood for an entry on “Juvenile Publishing”:
Because they were novice writers, the authors often copies
or, more precisely, plagiarized plots and characters cre-
ated by their favorite adult authors: Captain Mayne Reid,
Horatio Alger and, especially, Oliver Optic. Nevertheless,
in their so-called adaptations of adult work, the amateur
editors made significant alterations in characterization
and plotting to suit their own perceptions.67
Conclusion
Edward Stratemeyer was an avid reader from an early age.
He seems to have read stories in hardcover as well as story
paper periodicals.68 Having several older brothers, he likely
read some of their books and magazines.69 He also spent
considerable time with his brothers as he worked with or for
them in their respective stores in Elizabeth as noted previ-
ously.70
The early miniature story paper fragments extant from this
early period, Our Friend from 1876 and Young Ameri-
can from 1877, are incomplete.71 The two chapbooks, “That
Bottle of Vinegar” and “The Tale of a Lumberman,” are com-
pleted works which people outside the family may have seen
at the time.72 Enough copies of “Lumberman” were printed
such that he claimed to have 125 copies available in 1883,
almost five years later, to offer as subscription prizes.73
Yet, this story was not written by him. It was not even type-
set by him exclusively since J.D. Baehr & Co. was involved.
Instead, young Edward was the publisher. He selected a
text from a book at hand, made small editorial changes, and
made decisions about how it should be printed.
This describes a young man who is looking at literature be-
yond something to be merely read or even written but rath-
er a business into which he could enter by taking the works
of others and publishing them, sometimes in new forms, for
a market.

In 1882 there was a long and detailed article in St. Nich-

olas Magazine which described the amateur newspa-
per phenomenon.74 Petrik says this created a new wave
of young printers and perhaps it rekindled Edward’s next
wave of writing and publishing which produced the three
issues of Our American Boys in 1883.

It is interesting that although he was 21 at the time, he de-

scribed himself as a “boy printer.”75 Perhaps this was an
attempt to appeal to his readership, boys and girls who were
looking for amateur papers by their peers.

Edward’s intimate knowledge of typesetting, composition,

and printing served him well in later years as he commu-
nicated with publishers and even typesetters.76 For a time
he commissioned and owned the electrotype printing plates
for some of his Syndicate books and he leased them to pub-
lishers for an additional royalty percentage.77

Printing even shows up as a topic of one of the early Syndi-

cate books, Two Boy Publishers; or, From Typecase
to Editor’s Chair (Cupples & Leon, 1906) by “Allen Chapman”
in the Boys of Pluck series. The ghostwriter for this series,
Weldon J. Cobb, was a Chicago newspaperman and the in-
formation on typesetting and printing is even more detailed
than his railroad descriptions even though his relatives had
important positions with a midwest rail line.78

Lumbering even returns as a topic in Edward’s own book,

Two Young Lumberen; or, From Maine to Oregon
for Fortune (L&S, 1903). This was issued as the first volume
in the Great American Industries series. As it turned
out, it was the only volume written or published.79

Although the topic of lumbering was not the source of Ed-

ward’s success, his role in publishing this early story did
lead to much bigger things downstream.
_____
1 39
Biographical articles which imply that Edward Stratemeyer’s first writ- Collection citation information for NYPL and Yale copies.
ing was “Victor Horton’s Idea” include: 40
Examples of Bruce Ornamented No. 1526 in Elizabeth City Directories
2
Stratemeyer, Edward. “Victor Horton’s Idea.” Golden Days. 2 Nov include ads for Maurice H. Stratemeer and Henry J. Stratemeyer, Jr.,
1889 to 30 Nov 1889. among others.
3 41
Stratemeyer, Edward. Complete Libretto. Love’s Maze. Comic Opera Bruce Ornamented No. 1526 found in Types of the De Vinne Press,
in Two Acts. Written by Edward Stratemeyer. Composed by Louis C. 1907, p. 399.
Stratemeyer. (Elizabeth, NJ: Freie Press Printing Office, 1887). Wallace 42
Antique Condensed found in Types of the De Vinne Press, 1907, p..
Palmer copy in Keeline collection. 43
4
American Type Foundary
Stratemeyer, Edward. “The Perfume Prince.” 44
5
NYPL
Our American Boys. Three issues of an 8-page amateur story paper 45
Yale
published Jan 1883; Feb 1883; Mar 1883. These issues mostly contain 46
stories and material written by Edward Stratemeyer. Editor is listed as Joseph J. Felcone.
47
“Robert Rollic,” a Stratemeyer pen name. Dizer
6 48
The Tale of a Lumberman. As Told By Himself. (Elizabeth, NJ: E. Sailing ship, Anna R. Heidritter.
Stratemeyer Publisher, 1878). Printed by J.D. Baehr & Co., Book and 49
The Google Book Search project (http://books.google.com) was an-
Job Printers, 228 High Street, Elizabeth, NJ. Copies at NYPL (3), Yale, nounced at a book fair in Frankfort, Germany, in October 2004. The
and a photocopy of the privately-owned copy at NIU. Apparently 125 purpose of the project was to scan books in libraries, both old public
copies still available in 1883. domain and newer protected titles, and make them findable in a web
7
Our Friend. Aug 1876. search engine. This opens up new opportunities for research as titles are
8
Young American. Jan-Feb-Mar 1877. digitized and their contents’ can be searched by key words.
50
9
That Bottle of Vinegar. 1877. Castine
51
10
Tale of a Lumberman. As Told By Himself. Penobscot River
52
11
Keeline, James D. “Edward Stratemeyer, Author and Literary Agent, Madawankeag
53
1876-1906.” PCA 1999. Mount Katahdin
12 54
Elizabeth City Directories, 1876-79. Keeline, James. D. “Jules Verne, Bracebridge Hemyng, and Edward
13
Relative location of 228 High St. vs. 39 Smith St., Elizabeth, NJ. Stratemeyer: A Case of Nineteenth-Century Plagiarism.” PCA 1996.
55
14
Elizabeth City Directory, 1881. Stratemeyer’s interest in the Anti-Saloon League of New Jersey, etc.
56
15
Louis C. Stratemeyer obituary mentions the school he attended. Citation for Kingston preface.
57
16
Details on P.S. 2 (Morrell Street School) and P.S. 3 (High Street Citation for last page of Kingston.
58
School). The American Catalogue of Books, 1866-1871. p. 415.
17 59
Ads for Elizabeth, printers may be found in Elizabeth City Directories. Moustache, Vieus (Gordon, Clarence). Our Fresh and Satlt Tutors;
18
Issues of Oliver Optic’s Magazine which contain references to print- or, That Good Old Time (NY: Hurd & Houghton, 1870).
60
ing presses, especially the Novelty Press, include: References on Clarence Gordon include:
19 61
Letter in Oliver Optic’s Magaine which offers used Adams Press and Winslow Homer illustrations in Moustache and Kingston editions.
wonders why Novelty Press is so popular in the magazine’s pages. 62
Petrik, Paula. “Juvenile Publishing” in
20
Advertisements for the Novelty Press may be found in: 63
Stratemeyer referred to Edward S. Ellis as a “back number” (a periodi-
21
References to the 1876 Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition include: cal reference) (1891) and described how kids would wait around news-
22
References to the 4 Jul 1876 meeting of the Amateur Press Association stands for the latest issue of their favorite papers (1923). He also men-
include: tioned having a library of books, including Paul the Peddler (1899).
64
23
Details on the scope of exhibits at the 1876 Philadelphia Centennial Ex- A copy of an Optic book owned by Henry J. Stratemeyer Jr. is owned by
hibition. Peter C. Walther. It seems likely that Edward read this volume.
65
24
Articles which mention the Phil. Kearny Guard of Elizabeth as New Jer- Edward apparently worked at the store owned by his father, Henry J.
sey’s representative for President Grant’s honor guard at the opening- Stratemeyer Sr, at 212 Morris Ave; the store owned by Henry J. Jr. and
day ceremonies include: Maurice H., Stratemeyer Bros. at 31 Broad St.
66
25
Edward would be eager to attend 1876 Philadelphia Centennial Exhibi- Our Friend. August 1876. Young American. Jan-Feb-Mar 1877.
67
tion. Stratemeyer, Edward. That Bottle of Vinegar. 1877. The Tale of
26
Buffalo 1902. a Lumberman. As Told By Himself. (Elizabeth, NJ: E. Stratemeyer,
27 1878).
Seattle 1909. 68
28 Edward’s ad in Our American Boys indicated that he had 125 copies
San Diego 1915; San Francisco 1915.
29
of The Tale of a Lumberman to offer as a subscription premium.
Printing press displays at Machinery Hall in the Exhibition include: 69
30
Ballard, Harlan H. “Amateur Newspapers.” St. Nicholas Magazine.
Novelty Press references Jul 1882. pp. 717-727.
31
L. Frank Baum and the Novelty Press references 70
Petrik, Paula. “Juvenile Publishing” in
32
Rose Lawn Home Journal references 71
Cite statement by Stratemeyer claiming to be a “boy publisher.”
33
How to Print 72
Letters which exhibit typesetting knowledge.
34
Centennial Press 73
Letters indicating ownership of printing plates.
35
Unworkable press 74
Chapman, Allen (Cobb, Weldon J.). Two Boy Publishers; or, From
36
Excelsior Press Typecase to Editor’s Chair (NY: Cupples & Leon, 1906).
37 75
Official Press Stratemeyer, Edward. Two Young Lumbermen; or, From Maine
38
Examples of exceptions to hyphenation rules in “Lumberman.” to Oregon for Fortune (Boston: Lee & Shepard, 1903).