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Running head: TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 1

Transparency in Wisconsin: A Content Analysis of City Websites

Aaron Tyler

University of Wisconsin-Oshkosh
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Abstract

Transparency and trust have been the subjects of countless studies. Too little transparency results

in decreased trust. Too much transparency can also lead to decreased trust. It is then clear that

the construct of transparency, and its relationship to trust, is incredibly complex. An emerging

avenue of study in this complex relationship is what role information and communication

technology (ICT) play in promoting transparency. Government websites, a form of ICTs, have

been credited as being a mechanism by which transparency can be strengthened. By conducting a

content analysis of 49 Wisconsin city websites, this paper will examine how transparent these

cities in Wisconsin are. This assessment will be based upon literature supported dimensions

pertaining to transparency. A transparency “scorecard” for the cities will be provided.

Implications for city or other government officials will be discussed with an eye towards

improving the transparency of the website while also noting areas of strength and weakness.
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Transparency in Wisconsin: A Content Analysis of City Websites

Transparency is a core tenet of a healthy, functioning democracy. Transparency is

credited as promoting essential elements of a democracy such as participation, corruption

prevention, accuracy of governmental information, informed decision making, trust in

government among other essential functions (Bertot, Jaeger, & Grimes, 2012; Borry, 2012; Song

& Lee, 2016; Tolbert & Mossberger, 2006). Of these essential elements, this paper is primarily

concerned with transparency’s potential to increase trust in government. Trust in government has

been a concern in the field of public administration for decades. Trust in government is critical

for numerous reasons. Declining trust is associated with declining public participation.

Ultimately, trust lends legitimacy to the political system and promotes compliance with

regulations and laws (Tolbert & Mossberger, 2006).

Yet the construct of transparency, and its relationship to trust in government, is incredibly

complex. Grimmelikhuijsen (2012) notes that transparency is, generally, thought to be a key

component to the trust in government conundrum, but argues expectations should be tempered

regarding what transparency can actually accomplish. Similarly, Kettl (2017) describes the

complexity of transparency and asserts that “full” transparency can actually undermine trust (p.

62). While transparency is no “silver bullet” to the problem of declining trust in government, the

link between transparency and trust is inescapable. New areas of the transparency-trust dynamic

offer a compelling avenue of study which this paper will seek to contribute to.

With the proliferation of ICTs, communication capabilities between local governments

and their constituents have changed drastically (Armstrong, 2011; Hong, 2013; Pollitt, 2016).

Government websites, a form of ICTs, have shown promise as a mechanism in which


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transparency can be strengthened. In turn, this may increase trust in government. Tolbert and

Mossberger (2006) found that the more information that appears on government websites, trust

in government leaders generally increases. Building upon the work of Armstrong (2011), Harder

and Jordan (2013) and Huang (2006), this paper extends the ICT-transparency literature to an

understudied area: local government websites. The aforementioned studies have indeed focused

on local websites, but as a whole, literature pertaining to transparency in local government

websites remains sparse. This is despite local government having the most intimate and

influential relationship with citizens. Simply stated, the purpose of this paper is to gauge how

transparent Wisconsin city websites are. The results of this paper and subsequent discussion will

have substantial implications for Wisconsin’s city leaders or other government officials.

This paper contains a literature review examining the complex construct of transparency

and its role in government with an emphasis on the role of ICTs. The literature review also

provides the foundation for the paper’s transparency scorecard. To assess the transparency of the

city websites, the study utilizes a content analysis focusing on literature supported transparency

measures. In addition to a discussion of the results and their implications, a transparency

scorecard will be provided for each city. Lastly, this paper contains a discussion of the relevancy

and importance of the topic area, in addition to future recommendations for research.

Literature Review

Transparency and its potential to improve governance has been a hot topic for academics

and practitioners in recent years. That is to say, literature is not lacking on the construct of

transparency. A present focus in the literature is what role government employed ICTs can play

in strengthening transparency. The internet is a mainstay in the American public’s life.


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Government use of ICTs is now widespread, but there are uncertainties as to ICTs relationship

with transparency and their potential benefits. Government websites have been thought of as a

means to bolster transparency and by extension trust in government (Tolbert & Mossberger,

2006). As such, what constitutes a transparent government website must be explored. The

purpose of this literature review is three-fold. The first purpose is to broadly examine and

provide understanding on the construct of transparency and its role in government. Second, to

explore the relationship between transparency and ICTs. Lastly, to identify and discuss the

dimensions and measures used in this paper’s transparency scorecard.

Methodology

Methodology utilized by this literature review contains three elements. The inclusion of

works is based on three distinct criteria. The search methods employed were limited to Google

Scholar and databases provided by the Polk Library of the University of Wisconsin-Oshkosh.

The results of these searches are then discussed. Lastly, the supplemental sources are examined.

Criteria for Included Scholarly Works

The works selected for inclusion in this literature review are based upon the following

criteria (1) written in English, (2) peer reviewed, (3) the subject matter of the work pertains to

government usage of ICTs and/or the broader theme of transparency in government.

Scholarly Works Search Methods

A literature search was undertaken in March 2019 using Google Scholar and the

ABI/INFORM Collection database provided by the Polk Library of the University of Wisconsin-

Oshkosh. The search used the terms, or combination of terms, “transparency in government
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websites”, “transparency in local government”, “attitudes of transparency”, “local government

websites”, “government website content analysis”. These results were assessed and reduced

based on their relevancy and content. The selected works were the ones that best encompassed

the subject matter.

Supplemental Searches

Additional searches and consultations of public administration literature were conducted

to provide contextual clarity and background. Notably, works by Guy and Ely (in press), Kettl

(2017) and Pollitt (2016).

Understanding Transparency

The construct of transparency and the ways transparency promotes good governance are

complex. Even defining transparency is no simple task. Part of the issue in defining transparency

is the malleability of the concept. To put another way, transparency can mean all things to all

people (Fox, 2007). As such, multiple concepts and definitions of transparency as it pertains to

government have been proposed. For the purposes of this paper, the definition of transparency

comes from Grimmelikhuijsen (2012): “Transparency is the availability of information about an

organization or actor which allows external actors to monitor the internal workings or

performance of that organization or actor” (p. 53).

Transparency Legislation and Directives

Transparency has been the focus of several prominent legislative initiatives. The first of

these initiatives was the Administrative Procedure Act of 1946 (APA) (Borry, 2012; Harder &

Jordan, 2013; Piotrowski & Van Ryzin, 2007). The APA requires government agencies to
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provide public notice of proposed rule changes to allow for comments from the general public

(Borry, 2012; Harder & Jordan, 2013). Perhaps the most famous of transparency related

legislation is the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) of 1966. The FOIA was implemented

partly due to the APA allowing agencies too much discretion in withholding information from

the public (Harder & Jordan, 2013). The FOIA requires federal level agencies and departments to

release public documents upon being requested (Borry, 2012). Another prominent piece of

transparency legislation was the Government in the Sunshine Act of 1976 (GSA). The GSA

requires federal agencies to hold meetings publicly (Borry, 2012). Borry (2012) notes that every

state has variants of GSA and FOIA style laws.

Updates to FOIA or other similar legislation have occurred and continue to occur as

technology advances. For instance, the 1996 e-FOIA amendments made it so federal agencies

must make specific types of documents obtainable online (Borry, 2012). More recently, was the

directive issued by President Obama in 2009. The Obama administration’s “Transparency and

Open Government” directive’s purpose was three-fold. Executive level agencies and departments

were to increase participation, collaboration and transparency by, in part, harnessing new

technologies (Borry, 2012; Guy & Ely, in press; Harder & Jordan, 2013). As demonstrated by

the lengthy history and evolution of legislation, transparency, or the goal of attaining it, will be

on the agenda for the foreseeable future.

Process of Transparency

In an effort to help explain transparency, a significant amount of literature has been

devoted to the process of it. Fox (2007) identifies two varieties of transparency: fuzzy and clear.

Fuzzy transparency refers to the indirect opposition of transparency by only providing unclear
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information. Fuzzy transparency then does not accurately reveal how an entity practices or

makes decisions, but rather relies on disseminating information only nominally. Clear

transparency can be thought of as reliable programs or policies that reveal information on an

entities’ performance, responsibilities or behavior. Similarly, Kosack and Fung (2014) identified

four varieties of transparency. The first of these varieties, “freedom of information” legislation,

is relatively straightforward. Such legislation makes it a right of a citizen to ask for information

while obligating governments to grant that information or explain why it cannot. This is thought

to help promote citizens ability to govern themselves democratically. The second variety is

transparency for accountability (T/A). The T/A variety can best be thought of as an informational

disclosure with the intent of creating tangible improvements in public services. The final two

varieties of transparency, responsible corporate behavior and regulatory transparency, differ from

Fox by extending the identified varieties of transparency to the private sector.

Pathways. Transparency pathways may be defined as the means in which transparency

can be attained. Fox (2007) contributes to the understanding of transparency by noting two broad

pathways: proactive dissemination and demand driven access. Proactive dissemination meaning

the information made public by a government pertaining to its performance and activities (p.

665). Demand driven access is the organizational obligation to respond to specific requests for

specific kinds of information which otherwise would be inaccessible. A more detailed

examination of pathways comes from Piotrowski (as cited in Borry, 2012).

The first of the five proposed pathways is the requestor model. As its name would

suggest, the requestor model refers to a citizens’ request for public documents, be that formally

or informally. Like Fox (2007), Piotrowski’s (as cited in Borry, 2012) second pathway is
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proactive dissemination. While largely the same as Fox’s explanation of proactive dissemination,

Piotrowski notes this occurs when governments disclose information unprompted and that local

government in particular may not be the subject of statutory requirements to disclose

information. Next, is the pathway of open public meetings. Such meetings are considered to be

mechanisms of transparency due to their two-way information flow and the ability for citizens to

observe the workings of the government. The previous pathways were more formal in nature

compared to the next two pathways. Whistleblower releases is designed for the purpose of

exposing offenses that threaten the public interest. A whistleblower is an individual or

individuals frequently inside the offending organization with intimate knowledge of its workings

(Bok, as cited in Borry, 2012). Similar to whistleblower releases, is leaks. The purpose of leaks

is largely the same as whistleblower releases, but leaks are more clandestine in nature.

Principal-Agent Theory

Principal-agent theory is useful in supplementing the conceptualization and

understanding of transparency. At the core of principal-agent theory is the idea of information

asymmetry. The “agents”, in this instance government actors, know what they are doing at all

times. Conversely, the “principals” or the public, decidedly does not. The government is not

meant to be an independent actor pursing their own interests (Florini, 2002; Harder & Jordan,

2013). Rather, the agent is meant to act on behalf of the principal and in the principal’s interest

(Florini, 2002; Harder & Jordan, 2013). According to Harder and Jordan (2013), transparency is

a critical means of reducing asymmetry which is necessary to guarantee the advancement of the

public interest. Simply stated, transparency allows principals a better understanding of what
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agents are actually doing. But the efficacy of transparency to mitigate this information

asymmetry, among other limitations, is in some dispute.

Limitations and Complexity

Despite legislation and other efforts to promote it, transparency remains misunderstood

and at times, a misapplied concept. It is a complex construct with limitations. Some of the

studies that found these limitations will be discussed at length in subsequent sections of the

literature review, but the present section will focus on the complexities of transparency as noted

by Kettl (2017).

In his book Can Governments Earn our Trust?, Kettl (2017) discusses five reasons

transparency may fall short in meeting its intuitive appeal. Kettl’s first critique stems from

governmental transparency simply being a product of FOIA and GSA style laws. Transparency

would be out of obligation to the law rather than an actual commitment to openness. In turn, the

public views this brand of “transparency” as being nominal. Next, Kettl describes how

transparency often clashes with other forces, namely, political considerations. Being fully

transparent can harm a governmental organization that is fighting with other organizations for

resources while simultaneously attempting to carry favor with politicians (p. 58).

Kettl’s third and fourth discussion on the complexities of transparency center on the

transparency-trust dynamic. Kettl notes studies that indicate increased transparency can actually

lead to a decline in trust in government. Similarly, the notion of increased transparency leading

to increased trust is dependent on cultural views on the construct of trust. Finally, he points out

the “sausage-making” issue of transparency. If the public sees behind the proverbial curtain as to

how laws are made and how the government goes about its business, the public is better able to
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see the less than appealing aspects of the process, something Kettl refers to as “warts and

blemishes” (p. 60). This is exacerbated by media that has multiple platforms requiring

continuous content which frequently promotes stories on fraud, abuse and waste by the

government. Kettl astutely concludes, “Transparency, in fact, is just as slippery and difficult an

issue as trust itself (p. 62).

Transparency in Government

The value of governmental transparency centers on four broad concepts. First, is the idea

that transparency is critical to holding the government accountable (Borry, 2012; da Cruz,

Tavares, Marques, Jorge, & de Sousa, 2016; Kosack & Fung, 2014; Florini, 2002; Fox, 2007;

Harder & Jordan, 2013; Islam, 2006; Piotrowski & Van Ryzin, 2007; Song & Lee, 2016).

Second, transparency is thought to increase citizen engagement and participation (Borry, 2012;

Bertot et al., 2012; da Cruz et al., 2016; Guy and Ely, in press; Harder & Jordan, 2013; Hong,

2013; Kim & Lee, 2012; Piotrowski & Van Ryzin, 2007; Pollitt, 2016). Transparency is also

thought to act as a deterrent or spotlight on corruption or other related unethical activities (Borry,

2012; Bertot, Jaeger, & Grimes, 2010; Bertot et al., 2012; da Cruz et al., 2016; Fox, 2007;

Harder & Jordan, 2013; Grimmelikhuijsen, 2009; Kosack & Fung, 2014; Porumbescu, 2017).

Finally, transparency, through various mechanisms or means, is purported to increase public trust

in government (Bertot el al., 2010; Bertot et al., 2012; da Cruz et al., 2016; Grimmelikhuijsen,

2009; Grimmelikhuijsen, 2012; Kettl, 2017; Kim & Lee, 2012; Porumbescu, 2017; Song & Lee,

2016). To sum up, transparency has been cited by policy makers and several scholars as being

the panacea for good governance (Florini, 2002; Grimmelikhuijsen, 2009; Islam, 2006). But
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literature also suggests that transparency’s effects, particularly in relation to trust, need to be

more realistic (Grimmelikhuijsen, 2012).

Relationship to Trust

Both transparency and trust are “difficult” concepts. The relationship between these two

concepts is no different. Trust in government, like transparency, is a critical component for a

healthy democracy. Trust in government can be defined as a term that is used to describe the

extent to which individuals have confidence in public institutions to operate in their, and

societies, best interests (Kim & Lee, 2012; Sharoni, 2012). Trust is associated with promoting

legitimacy in the representative political system, encouraging compliance with the law and

greater use of governmental services along with other benefits (Sharoni, 2012; Tolbert &

Mossberger, 2006). But trust in government is not the norm. Tolbert and Mossberger (2006)

note, trust in government has been persistently low since the 1960s with short-term fluctuations.

Transparency is often cited as an aspect and means to promote trust (Bertot et al., 2010;

Bertot et al., 2012; Grimmelikhuijsen, 2012; Kettl, 2017; Kim & Lee, 2012; Porumbescu,

2017; Song & Lee, 2016). Literature is mixed in this regard and largely supports Kettl’s (2017)

sentiments on the complexity of transparency. As noted by Cucciniello, Porumbescu and

Grimmelikhuijsen (2016), the mixed results pertaining to the link between transparency and trust

can be partly attributed to the method of analysis employed. Furthermore, contextual

circumstances matter on the effects of transparency. Specifically, cultural values, the type of

policy issues at stake, existing attitudes towards government, the form of government and the

method in which transparency is increased (Cucciniello et al., 2016; Grimmelikhuijsen, 2012;

Kettl, 2017; Piotrowski & Van Ryzin, 2007). Cucciniello et al. (2016) conclude, “…the effects
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of transparency are very much a product of the environment in which they are implemented” (p.

41).

ICTs

ICTs (e.g., government websites, government social media) allow the information

provided by the government to be delivered more effectively and efficiently as it reaches a wider

group of citizens at a comparatively low cost with fewer spatial and temporal restrictions (Hong,

2013). More broadly, ICTs hold the potential to facilitate citizen-government interactions and

communication, a cornerstone of democracy (Bertot et al., 2012; Hong, 2013). The benefits and

potential ICTs hold have resulted in significant academic attention.

The classifications provided by the United Nations (2012) survey on governmental online

services helps conceptualize the stages of ICTs, specifically, government websites. Those

classifications being: emerging information services, enhanced information services,

transactional services and connected services (p. 11). Emerging information services are basic

government information on services, policies or laws (e.g., hours of operation, contact

information, newsletters) (United Nations, 2012). Enhanced information services pertain to more

advanced informational services (e.g., downloadable forms, statistics, multilingual capability,

video clips) (United Nations, 2012). Transactional services are both financial and non-financial

in nature (e.g., filing taxes, paying fines, applying for permits) (United Nations, 2012). Lastly,

connected services center on two-way communication between citizens and the government as

well as interactive tools (e.g., online surveys, e-petitions, Q&A sessions) (Hong, 2013; United

Nations, 2012).
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Government use of social media. Technology-driven transparency is generally thought

of as a vehicle to increase trust in government (da Cruz et al., 2016). One of these newer vehicles

is government associated social media. Bertot et al. (2010) and Bertot et al. (2012) highlighted

the unique opportunity social media has in promoting transparency. Song and Lee’s (2016)

study, using transparency as the mediating variable, linked the use of ICTs to trust in

government. Song and Lee established that usage of social media is positively associated with

perceived effects of social media in terms of government transparency. In turn, this is then

positively associated with trust in government. However, the direct relationship between the

public’s use of government social media and their trust in government was not significant.

Porumbescu (2016) examined how citizens’ use of public sector social media relates to their

view of public sector trustworthiness. Use of public sector social media was found to be

positively related to satisfaction and perceptions of public sector trustworthiness. Porumbescu

(2016) concluded that social media could be more effective at improving relationships between

citizens and government than more conventional ICTs.

Government use of websites. A more established form of ICT is government websites.

Government websites offer an information flow to the public. Websites allow the public to view

the agenda and political process of the government more clearly (Harder & Jordan, 2013). Yet

not all governments and their citizens experience these benefits. Adoption of websites by the

government exists, in varying degrees, on all administrative levels. Local governments have been

the slowest to adopt websites and there is wide range in the maturity of stages (Huang, 2006;

Wirtz & Kurtz, 2016). Huang (2006) goes a step further and found local websites trail well

behind their state or federal counterparts. In their content analysis on county government

websites in Arkansas, Harder and Jordan (2013) found many sites did not surpass the most basic
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informational stage. Huang (2006) came to very similar results in their content analysis of county

websites and concluded transactional services, connected services and enhanced information

were generally at low levels. Even between large cities there is a wide gulf in websites. Wirtz

and Kirtz (2016) compared the websites of Hong Kong, Berlin, London, New York and Mainz

and found significant discrepancies particularly in regards to transactional and connected

services.

Harder and Jordan’s (2013) literature review found the benefits associated with ICTs,

namely cost-savings and enhanced government-public relations, may not be realized at the local

level due to resource constraints, political factors, organizational factors and internal resistance.

The local governments that were realizing the benefits were typically larger in population

(Harder & Jordan, 2013). Likewise, Huang (2006) determined that there was a significant

correlation between a counties adoption and development of a website with the county’s

population, racial, education, household, income, and business factors (p. 169).

As previously mentioned, literature is mixed on the trust-transparency relationship. This

holds true for the role of government websites in promoting transparency leading to an increase

in citizens’ trust of government. Hong (2013) found a positive relationship between citizens

experiences with state and local government websites and their trust in government. This was in

regards to using a website for informational purposes, not other purposes such as transactional.

Using a website for transactional purposes did not demonstrate a change in perceptions of trust at

the state and local level. Hong also found that if a citizen had an unsuccessful experience in

using a website, their trust in government was likely to decrease. Similarly, Tolbert and

Mossberger (2006) found, at the local level, the more information that appears on government
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websites trust in government typically increases. Both Kim and Lee (2012) and Sharoni (2012)

found a significant relationship between the use of informational and transactional services on

government websites and overall trust in government.

Conversely, Porumbescu (2016) found that greater use of government websites

negatively relates to perceptions of public sector trustworthiness. Porumbescu (2017) indicated

that increased use of government websites with the purpose of attaining information was

negatively related to perceptions of government honesty. More broadly, Porumbescu’s

conclusions demonstrate that increasing transparency through government associated websites

does not appear effective at improving citizens’ views of government. While evidence is mixed

as to whether usage of government websites by citizens increases trust in government through

transparency, website usage itself does promote perceptions of transparency (Bertot et al., 2010;

Hong, 2013).

Measures of Transparency

Various approaches have been undertaken to examine the transparency of websites.

These approaches help identify the various measures necessary in a transparent government

website. Harder and Jordan’s (2013) content analysis on county websites drew upon a wide

range of literature to compose their assessment of websites. Most prominently, the 10 Point

Transparency Checklist devised by the non-profit Sunshine Review. The 10 Point Transparency

Checklist contains the following parameters that should be present on a government website:

budgets, open meeting laws, elected officials, administrative officials, building permits and

zoning, audits, contracts, lobbying, public records and taxes (Sunshine Review, n.d.).
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Huang (2006) created a research instrument in which government functions are ordered

into four categories: information, communication, transaction, and democracy (p. 166). Each of

these categories contained multiple measures to assess a websites transparency; 12, 16, 5, and 3

items respectively (Huang, 2006, p. 166). da Cruz et al. (2016) devised an exhaustive index in

their examination of the transparency of Portuguese municipality websites. A unique feature of

da Cruz et al. was that their index was largely comprised of items that stakeholders considered

relevant. This resulted in 76 indicators of transparency being grouped into seven dimensions.

These indicators and dimension are: organizational information, social composition, and

operation of the municipality (18 indicators), plans and planning (13 indicators), local taxes,

rates, service charges, and regulations (5 indicators), relationship with citizens (8 indicators),

public procurement (10 indicators) economic and financial transparency (12 indicators), urban

planning and land use management (10 indicators) (da Cruz et al., 2016, pp. 876-877).

Fox (2007) emphasizes the need for budgetary information to be available to the public.

In addition to having general budget information available, Fox also calls for details pertaining to

public-sector contracts to be accessible as to attain the “clear” variety of transparency he

describes. In a study examining local government websites, specifically school board and county

sites, Armstrong (2011) found that the availability of public records served as a proxy for the

organizations general level of transparency. The public records Armstrong utilized to assess

transparency were: official contact info, procedure manuals, meeting schedules, meeting

agendas, job openings, local demographics, budgets, requests for bids, meeting minutes, contract

summaries, contracts, and local ordinances (p. 14).


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Similar to da Cruz et al. (2016), Piotrowski and Van Ryzin (2007) conducted a survey

asking respondents what type of records or information should be available online. They found

that financial/budgetary information including budgets and contracts should be included.

Additionally, meeting information and public safety information such as criminal records or sex

offender names were deemed important to respondents (Piotrowski & Van Ryzin, 2007, p. 313).

A category of Huang’s (2006) content analysis of websites pertains to communication,

specifically, two way communication. Huang (2006) included multilingual support, comment

sections, disability services, site map and website search function in this regard. This is

supported by United Nations (2012) classification of “connected services” geared towards the

importance of two-way communication in transparency. An emerging area of connected services

is social media which holds promise in promoting transparency (Bertot et al., 2010; Bertot et al.,

2012; Porumbescu, 2016). Only da Cruz et al. (2016) included social media links as a measure of

transparency. da Cruz et al. (2016) is the most recent content analysis utilized by this literature

review, as such, it is most attuned to the social media zeitgeist. The results of the “Measures of

Transparency” portion of the literature review will be further discussed in “Research Methods”

which will ultimately provide the transparency scorecard for this paper.

Lessons from the Literature

The aim of this literature review was to examine the complex workings of transparency

and its role in fostering trust in government through the use of ICTs. Additionally, this review

sought to determine what measures of transparency are appropriate when assessing a website.

The review found that in a complicated and multifaceted topic, the evidence is mixed in

explaining to what extent, and role, ICTs play in the transparency-trust dynamic that is largely
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dependent on contextual factors. In some instances, transparency has been found to have no

significant link to trust or may even have a detrimental impact on trust (Cucciniello et al., 2016;

Kettl, 2017; Porumbescu, 2016; Porumbescu, 2017). Yet other studies demonstrate a positive

relationship on transparency’s ability to cultivate trust (Hong, 2013, Kim & Lee, 2012; Sharoni,

2012; Tolbert & Mossberger, 2006).

Literature does not support transparency as the “key” to good governance as transparency

outcomes are sometimes overstated or not positive (Cucciniello et al., 2016; Grimmelikhuijsen,

2012; Kettl, 2017). Rather, particular outcomes of transparency like increasing citizen

participation and corruption/unethical behavior reduction are more widely supported by literature

(Cucciniello et al., 2016). Despite the in-dispute trust-transparency relationship, literature

supports that citizens usage of government websites are positively associated as viewing the

government as transparent (Hong, 2013).

Even with its limitations, transparency remains a worthwhile endeavor that local

governments should strive for. One way to promote transparency at the local level is through

government websites. A transparent government website has multiple literature supported

measures. Literature showcases that there is a significant range of website adoption and what

stage those sites are at. Local government websites in particular show a wide range of maturity

(Harder & Jordan, 2013; Huang, 2006; Wirtz & Kurtz, 2016). This paper will contribute to the

lacking local government-transparency literature by conducting a content analysis on Wisconsin

cities’ websites.

Research Methods
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the present state of transparency of Wisconsin

cities websites. This examination will be conducted via a content analysis based upon literature

supported measures of transparency. Content analysis of websites is not a new or novel concept.

Previous studies such as Armstrong (2011), da Cruz et al. (2016), Harder and Jordan (2013) and

Huang (2006) have all conducted content analyses on local government websites. As Huang

(2006) notes, a content analysis is an effective methodology of appraising e-government

practices (p. 166).

The measures discussed in the “Measures of Transparency” portion of the literature

review have been organized along six general dimensions with 36 specific measures, the results

of which are depicted in Table 1. These specific measures provide a more thorough look into the

general dimensions of transparency. The general dimensions being: Organization Information;

Transactions; Financial and Economic; Communication; Taxes and Regulation; Records. The

individual measures can be located in column two of Table 1.

The dimensions and measures of Table 1 are derived from a combination of sources.

Notably, Huang’s (2006) content analysis which, in part, focused on two-way communication

adding the measures of search functionally, comment boxes, site maps, multilingual support and

the need to have links to various departments. Fox (2007) emphasized the need for the presence

of budgetary information on websites. Piotrowski and Van Ryzin (2007) echoed Fox (2007), but

also established the value of public safety information such as criminal records availability.

Armstrong (2011) highlighted the importance of various public records including, but not limited

to, contact information for government officials. Harder and Jordan (2013), utilizing the 10 Point

Transparency Checklist devised by the Sunshine Review, support all of the aforementioned
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measures but added information pertaining to permits, lobbying and audits. da Cruz et al.’s

(2016) robust content analysis reinforced many of the noted measures while also contributing

social media links or integration. Additionally, FOIA and GSA laws were taken into account

when developing the transparency scorecard. All included measures are supported by multiple

sources.

Table 1

Transparency Scorecard

Transparency Dimension Measures

Organization Information  Contact names of elected officials


 Email, phone number, address of elected officials
 Roles and responsibilities of elected officials
 Contact names of administrative officials

 Email, phone number, address of administrative officials

 Roles and responsibilities of administrative officials


 Links to departments
 Map/GIS of the city
 Voting information
 Job vacancies

Transactions  Ability to pay fees, bills or fines online


 Transaction availability pertaining to licenses and
registrations

Financial and Economic  Current budget


 Information about government contracts and the bidding
process
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 22

 Current/Open bids
 Rules and protocol pertaining to bids
 Information about lobbying associations
 Information about audits

Communication  Social media integration (embedded social media feed)


 City news and events
 Site map
 Search function
 Multiple language support
 Ability to comment/complain online
 Disability support (information on accessibility, who to
contact for assistance)

Taxes and Regulations  Information about taxes


 Information about city fees and fines
 Information about building permits
 Availability of building permit applications online
 Availability of downloadable forms

Records  Crime reports/maps


 Sex offender information
 Information on where/how to acquire public records
 Notice of public meetings
 Minutes of meetings
 Agenda announcements for future meetings

Description of Dataset
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 23

The websites that comprise the content analysis of this paper are all class one, two and

three cities located in Wisconsin. Wisconsin has four classes of cities which are based upon

population per the last federal decennial census or special interim census (League of Wisconsin

Municipalities, n.d.). Class one cities have a population of 150,000 or greater. In Wisconsin,

Milwaukee is the only class one city. Class two cities population is between 39,000 and less than

150,000. There are 15 second class cities in Wisconsin. There are 33 class three cities with a

population of 10,000 and less than 39,000 population (Wisconsin Legislative Reference Bureau,

2017). Of note, is that a city can attempt to reclassify itself, but it must take certain steps to do

so. Even if a city’s population does not fall within its class definition, it may have opted not to

take the steps to change their classification (League of Wisconsin Municipalities, n.d.). Class

four cities, defined as cities with a population below 10,000, were excluded.

Harder and Jordan (2013) and Huang (2006) found a significant relationship between a

county’s population and website development. The larger the population, generally, the more

advanced the website. With this literature taken into consideration, it is assumed that class one,

two and three cities have websites more appropriate for analysis. In total, 49 cities meet this

criteria. To ensure each city had a website, the cities’ name followed by “Wisconsin” was

entered into Google. This action, in addition to determining if a website exists for assessment,

quickly identified how obtainable a city website is. Harder and Jordan (2013) note, if the website

is hard to obtain, it cannot be considered transparent. All 49 cities had readily obtainable

websites.

Transparency Scorecard
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 24

Every city’s website is examined and scored by means of the transparency scorecard. For

every instance a measure of a dimension is located on a website, it is noted on the scorecard with

numerical values. A zero is assigned when no information on a measure is found. .5 points are

awarded to a measure containing partial information. One point for complete information. The

highest possible score for a city is 36 based upon the 36 measures of transparency that comprise

the scorecard. This scoring system is the same one utilized by Harder and Jordan (2013).

Armstrong (2011) and Harder and Jordan (2013) both imposed a 15 minute time limit

when examining a website. The rationale behind this was that most website visitors search for

information no longer than 15 minutes and that content must be easily identifiable (Armstrong,

2011, p. 13). Harder and Jordan (2013) note that if a measure takes longer than the 15 minutes to

locate, transparency is lacking (p. 114). This analysis accepts the justification presented by

Armstrong and Harder and Jordan and will use the 15 minute limit for website review.

Similarly, this paper follows Armstrong (2011) as search functions were not utilized in

examination of the websites even if they were present. As this content analysis concerns

transparency, measures should be clearly marked and able to be found without the use of such

methods or keywords. The city websites were examined in April of 2019. As such, each website

was inspected at one moment in time. The content examined is then limited to the content at the

time of the analysis. Furthermore, it is assumed that all information on the various websites is

accurate. Results of the analysis are depicted in Table 2.

Data Analysis

To reiterate, some of these measures may exist on their respective websites they may just

be hard to find. When that occurs, the measure cannot be considered transparent. Transparency is
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 25

more complex than simply having information online (Armstrong, 2011; Fox, 2007). The effort a

city puts into making that information readily accessible and available through clear website

navigation largely determines a websites transparency. As Armstrong (2011) notes, the where

and how information is placed on a website is a vital component of that websites transparency.

The transparency that results from a failure to make information readily accessible and available

is described by Fox (2007) as “fuzzy” or transparency in name only. As such, a city that

promotes fuzzy transparency will not realize the benefits of “clear” transparency.

The specific measures of the general dimensions are not depicted in the results but will be

discussed. The “Key” located in the second row of Table 2 demonstrates the possible points for

each dimension as well as total possible points. “Green” highlights a class one city. “Blue”

highlights indicate a class two city. “White”, a class three.


Running head: TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 26

Table 2

Organizational Financial and Taxes and


City Information Transactions Economic Communication Regulations Records Total

Key 10 2 6 7 5 6 36

Madison 10 2 6 5 5 4.5 32.5

Milwaukee 10 2 6 4.5 5 5 32.5

Wausau 10 1 5 5.5 5 6 32.5

Muskego 10 2 5 5.5 4.5 5 32

River Falls 10 1 5 7 5 4 32

Fond du Lac 10 1.5 5 3.5 5 6 31

Stevens Point 10 2 4.5 4.5 5 4.5 30.5

Superior 10 1.5 4 5.5 5 4.5 30.5

Burlington 10 1 4.5 5.5 5 4.5 30.5

Green Bay 8.5 2 5.5 5.5 5 3.5 30

La Crosse 10 1 5 4.5 5 4.5 30

Neenah 9.5 1 4.5 5.5 4.5 5 30

Oconomowoc 10 0 4.5 5.5 4.5 5.5 30


TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 27

Waukesha 10 1.5 5 4 5 4.5 30

Kenosha 8.5 2 4 5 5 5 29.5

Sun Prairie 10 1.5 5 3.5 5 4.5 29.5

Beloit 9.5 1 5 4.5 4.5 4.5 29

Marshfield 9.5 1.5 3 4.5 4.5 6 29

Oak Creek 10 1 5 3.5 4.5 5 29

Oshkosh 10 1.5 5 4 4.5 4 29

Manitowoc 10 1 3.5 5 5 4 28.5

Pewaukee 9.5 1 4 5 4 5 28.5

Greenfield 9.5 1.5 2 5.5 4.5 5 28

Janesville 10 0.5 4 3.5 5 5 28

New Berlin 8.5 1 4.5 6 4.5 3.5 28

Wauwatosa 10 1 5 3.5 5 3.5 28

West Allis 9.5 1 2 6 5 4.5 28

Brookfield 10 1 2 5.5 5 4 27.5

Racine 8.5 1 5 5.5 4.5 3 27.5


TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 28

Appleton 9 2 3 4.5 4 4.5 27

Watertown 10 1 5 2.5 4.5 4 27

Eau Claire 7.5 1 5 4.5 4.5 4 26.5

Glendale 8.5 1 2 5.5 5 4.5 26.5

West Bend 10 1 5 2.5 5 3 26.5

Middleton 8.5 2 2 5.5 4.5 3.5 26

Cudahy 8.5 1 4 3.5 4.5 4 25.5

Hartford 8 0.5 5 5.5 3 3.5 25.5

Baraboo 8.5 1 2.5 4.5 4 4.5 25

Menasha 9.5 2 2.5 2 5 4 25

Sheboygan 10 0.5 5 3 3 3.5 25

De Pere 10 0.5 5 2.5 4 2.5 24.5

Franklin 9.5 0 2 3 5 5 24.5

Kaukauna 9 2 2 3.5 5 3 24.5

Chippewa Falls 8.5 1 1.5 4.5 5 3 23.5


Wisconsin
Rapids 9 1 2 4 4 3 23
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 29

Fort Atkinson 9 1.5 1 3.5 5 3 23

Marinette 7.5 1 3 6.5 2 3 23

Beaver Dam 9 1 3 2.5 3.5 3 22


Two Rivers
8.5 1.5 2 3 3 3 21
Running head: TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 30

Of the 49 cities examined, spanning three different classes of cities, the average score

was 27.66 out of the possible 36 points; 76.9% of the total possible points. 27 cities scored above

the mean, with 14 cities scoring 30 or above. The lowest score recorded was 21. Three cites

scored 32.5, the highest recorded. The standard deviation was 2.93.

The most transparent websites with scores of 32.5 are Milwaukee, Madison and Wausau.

Milwaukee is the only class one city in the state. Madison a class two city and the state capitol, is

the second most populous city behind Milwaukee. Wausau, also a class two city, is significantly

smaller than Madison with a population of just 39,000 (Wisconsin Legislative Reference Bureau,

2017). The least transparent websites are Two Rivers, Beaver Dam and Marinette with scores of

21, 22 and 23 respectively. All three cities fall within the class three category and have an

average population of 12,964 (Wisconsin Legislative Reference Bureau, 2017).

Harder and Jordan (2013) and Huang (2006) found a relationship between website

transparency and a county’s population. The greater the population of the county, generally, the

greater the website transparency. Based upon the results of this analysis, this holds true for cities

in Wisconsin. Table 3 shows a brief comparison between the classes of cites. Milwaukee was

omitted in the table as it is the only class one city, but it did tie for the highest score.

Table 3

Class of City Mean Standard Percentage of


Deviation Cities Below
Overall Mean

Class Two 28.96 2.05 26.66%


TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 31

Class Three 26.92 2.97 54.54%

Class two cities were relatively consistent in their transparency scores. Madison, the most

populous of the class two cities, tied for the highest overall score as did Wausau. The lowest

scoring of the group, Sheboygan, came in with 25. For class three cities, there was a slight

increase in the disparity of website transparency. Muskego and River Falls both scored a 32, the

highest of the class three cities. However, as previously noted, the three lowest scores of all the

cities examined came from class three.

Table 4 shows the frequency of the specific measures. From Table 4, some overall trends

are evident about the state of city websites. “Organization Information” measures such as contact

names and information of elected and administrative officials frequently appear on websites.

However, the measures “Roles and responsibilities of elected officials” and “Roles and

responsibilities of administrative officials” have numerous “Partial” designations. This is largely

due to websites not specifying responsibilities of departments or elected bodies such as the city

council. Availability of information related to the “Financial and Economic” dimension was

mixed. The measures “Current budget” and “Information about audits” were frequently

available. Measures relating to bidding of government contracts was not as frequent or resulted

in numerous “Partial” designations. For instance, the measure “Information about government

contracts and the bidding process” had 13 “Partial” scores because rather than having an

explanation pertaining to bidding on the city website, the websites would contain a link to a

different website which would have the pertinent information.


Running head: TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 32

Table 4

Measure of Transparency Frequency

All Partial None


Contact names of elected officials 49 0 0

Email, phone number, address of elected officials 42 7 0

Roles and responsibilities of elected officials 34 15 0


Contact names of administrative officials 47 2 0

Email, phone number, address of administrative officials 48 1 0

Roles and responsibilities of administrative officials 42 7 0


Links to departments 49 0 0
Map/GIS of city 37 1 11
Voting information 45 3 1
Job vacancies 48 0 1
Ability to pay fees, bills or fines online 42 5 2
Transaction availability pertaining to licenses and registrations 10 11 28
Current budget 46 0 3
Information about government contracts and the bidding process 27 13 9
Current/open bids 32 2 15
Rules and protocol pertaining to bids 32 7 10
Information about lobbying associations 2 2 45
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 33

Information about audits 39 3 7


Social media integration (embedded social media feed) 12 33 4

City news and events 48 1 0


Site map 26 0 23
Search function 49 0 0
Multiple language support 23 1 25
Ability to comment/complain online 19 2 28
Disability support (information on accessibility, who to contact for assistance) 21 1 27
Information about taxes 45 4 0
Information about city fees and fines 36 11 2
Information about building permits 34 13 2

Availability of building permit applications online 46 2 1


Availability of downloadable forms 47 2 0
Crime reports/maps 14 13 22
Sex offender information 17 2 30
Information on where/how to acquire public records 23 7 19
Notice of public meetings 49 0 0
Minutes of meetings 47 2 0
Agenda announcements for future meetings 38 10 1
Running head: TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 34

Other informational measures such as “Information about taxes”, “Information about city fees

and fines” and the various measures relating to public meetings were generally available.

Conversely, public interest measures such as “Crime reports/map”, “Sex offender information”

and “Information on where/how to acquire public records” had a high rate of “Partial” or “None”

designations. Despite the noted lacking or partial measures related to information, as a whole,

city websites in Wisconsin can all be thought of as strongly providing basic governmental

information otherwise known as being at the emerging information services stage of

development (United Nations, 2012).

The second stage pertaining to information, the enhanced information services stage, is

not as well developed. This stage is characterized by items such as downloadable forms,

multilingual capability, video clips and disability support (United Nations, 2012). The measures

“Availability of building permit applications online” and “Availability of downloadable forms”

were readily available. However, “Multiple language support” and “Disability support” were

among the measures with the most instances of the “None” designation. The presence of video

clips was outside the scope of the transparency scorecard, but a few instances of embedded video

clips were observed.

City websites are at a basic transactional stage in Wisconsin though certain measures are

significantly more frequent than others. “Ability to pay fees, bills or fines online” was the most

frequent of the two measures under the “Transactions” dimension with 42 “Full” designations.

Conversely, “Transaction availability pertaining to licenses and registrations” had a wide range

of frequency with 28 designations of “None”. The “Partial” designations in this measure can be

attributed to the presence of registrations such as registering for a recreational activity but the

site then lacks the ability to pay for licenses such as for a pet.
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 35

The connected services stage centers on two-way communication between citizens and

the government as well as interactive tools (Hong, 2013; United Nations, 2012). The city

websites of Wisconsin can, at best, be characterized as being on a basic level of this stage. The

vast majority of websites had links to their respective social media platforms, but as showcased

by the 33 “Partial” designations of the “Social media integration” measure, most sites do not

embed a feed to their social medias. The measure “Ability to comment/complain online” shows

that over half of the websites observed do not have this capability.

Discussion

This paper examined the state of transparency for city websites in Wisconsin. The results

indicate that transparency is generally greater in class one and two cities than class three cities.

But by-in-large, Wisconsin cities demonstrate a commitment to transparency. Furthermore, city

websites are strongly informational but at a basic level. Some cities are advancing in the

informational stage and incorporating elements of enhanced information, but others remain at the

basic informational stage. Likewise, transactional elements are present but largely remain at a

basic level. Connected services or two-way communication is lacking, however, most cities have

made some efforts in this stage of website development.

Practical Implications

If a city is looking to increase their website’s transparency the first thing officials should

consider is how much stress does the city place on making information available and easy to

find. This study found that while information may be present on a website, it may not be easily

findable. That is reflected on a cities score as a measure cannot be deemed transparent if it is not

easily available. Armstrong (2011) found ease of accessibility to be a key indicator of


TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 36

transparency. Supplementing this are the findings from Wirtz and Kirtz (2016) in which they

determined ease of use is fundamental to a city website. Governments learn from one another. In

the case of website transparency, it would be in the interest of a city lacking in transparency to

examine a more transparent city. While a website should reflect a city’s character, components

such as site mechanics and functionality can be imitated to an extent. Recalling Armstrong

(2011), the where and how information is placed on a website is a vital component of that

website’s transparency. Similarly, Sørum, Andersen and Clemmensen (2013) in their study on

government website quality found that categorization of information and effective navigation

were primary components of a “good” government website. Another common approach to

address website transparency is through the use of a private entity. If resources permit, it may be

beneficial to partner with a private website design and hosting company. The two highest scoring

class three cities, River Falls and Muskego, utilize a private partnership for their website needs.

There is significant potential for cities to improve their transparency, particularly in two-

way communication and transactional aspects. A simple means to address the two-way

communication issue is to embed a feed of a social media platform such as Facebook directly on

the city homepage. River Falls, the only city to have a perfect score in the “Communication”

dimension, does just this. From a transactional standpoint, transactions should expand past the

ability to pay fees or fines and include license and city specific transactional needs. For instance,

if a city’s park system is an important component of the community, the city could make renting

a park shelter available online. However, cities typically partner with a processing agent to

handle payments and such a suggestion may be better suited for cities that are not as resource

constrained.
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 37

Transparency, and the benefits from it, must be pursued for all communities. This is

considerably more difficult due to the likely financial and technological resource constraints of

smaller communities such as class three and lower cities. As noted, some class three cities

partnered with private organizations to design and host their websites. But this is unlikely to be

feasible for all class three cities. A potential low resource approach to improving transparency

comes from Piotrowski and Van Ryzin (2007) in which they conducted a survey asking

respondents what type of records or information the government should make available online.

By utilizing the same approach developed by Piotrowski and Van Ryzin, a city could tailor the

types of records or information to its citizen’s wants which would then be made directly

available on the city website. Another series of options that is applicable to all cities are low-

maintenance improvements specifically geared towards deficient measures. For instance, a

simple sentence could be added explaining the purpose and responsibilities of a city council or

providing a link to public records information. Neither of these examples require a complete

overhaul of the city’s website, rather, just minor tweaks.

Limitations

Despite the relevance of this study, it has limitations and concerns. First, the scope of

transparency related literature is vast. As such, various measures or dimensions may have been

omitted from the paper’s final scorecard. Second, this study examined websites at one point in

time. The content examined is then limited to the content at the time of the analysis. Third, prior

content analyses’ such as Huang (2006) and Armstrong (2011) utilized a team of people to

conduct the data collection portion of the analysis to combat bias and ensure objectivity. Due to

time and resource constraints this paper did not do that. Finally, the data set utilized in this paper
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 38

largely neglects rural and less populous areas of Wisconsin and how transparency is or is not

occurring in those communities.

Future Research

This study provides a literature supported scorecard that can serve as a foundation for

future transparency content analyses. Refinement of the scorecard, notably, in the dimensions of

“Communication” and “Transactions” should be strongly considered. The present scorecard did

not account for several enhanced information such as video clips or webcasts. Likewise, several

transaction functions fell outside the scope of the scorecard. As websites continue to progress,

the scorecard must as well.

The state of transparency in smaller communities must also be examined. If transparency

is truly vital to a functioning democracy, it must be for everyone. This paper’s dataset excluded

class four cities. Future research should focus on these underserved communities in Wisconsin to

gauge if they are realizing the benefits of transparency. Another avenue to explore are the

determinants of the variation in transparency levels across cities. Armstrong (2011), Harder and

Jordan (2013) and Huang (2006) all did this in varying capacities in their respective studies.

Conclusion

This paper provides a baseline of how transparent city websites in Wisconsin are. The

findings of this paper’s content analysis indicate that Wisconsin city’s websites are largely

transparent with class three cities lagging slightly behind class one and two cities. It also

determined that city websites are strongly informational at a basic level. There is potential for

improvement in several areas notably transactional capabilities and two-way communication.

Resource constraints are likely to be the biggest obstacle to increasing city website transparency
TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 39

and city officials must determine the best approach for their community; some options have been

outlined in this paper. Transparency is complex with numerous limitations and benefits, but as a

core tenet of a healthy and functioning democracy, it must be prioritized.


TRANSPARENCY OF CITY WEBSITES 40

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