Documenti di Didattica
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SV 58
ḥaǧǧ, qa-ysāfǝġ l-ǝl- ḥaǧǧ. aš
tǝġdōn? hūwi yġīd
yġūḥ l-ǝl-ḥaǧǧ, aš tǝġdōn?
aǧīb-ᵊl-kǝm… ṣuġāt. The Arabic Dialect lǝ-kbīġi
Band 58
2019
Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden
2019
Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden
1924-2017
Preface ..................................................................................................... 1
Symbols and abbreviations....................................................................... 3
1 Introduction .......................................................................................... 5
1.1 A brief history of the Jewish community in Baghdad ................... 5
1.2 The linguistic background of JB.................................................... 7
1.3 Research methodology .................................................................. 8
1.3.1 The phonological and morphological description ................. 8
1.3.2 The transcriptions ................................................................. 9
1.3.3 The translation ...................................................................... 10
1.4 Recordings and Informants ........................................................... 11
1.4.1 Sources.................................................................................. 11
1.4.2 Text types.............................................................................. 11
1.4.3 Short biography of the informants ........................................ 12
1.4.4 Sound files ............................................................................ 14
2 Phonology ............................................................................................. 15
2.1 Consonants.................................................................................... 15
2.1.1 The diachronic development of JB's consonants ................... 16
2.1.1.1 Reflexes of OA ˀ, w, and y .................................................. 16
2.1.1.2 Reflexes of OA interdentals ................................................ 16
2.1.1.3 Reflexes of OA r ................................................................. 16
2.1.1.4 Reflexes of OA q................................................................. 16
2.1.1.5 Foreign borrowed consonants ............................................ 17
2.1.1.6 Emphatic consonants ......................................................... 17
2.1.2 Phonetic changes in JB's consonants ..................................... 17
2.1.2.1 Assimilations...................................................................... 17
2.1.2.2 Additional phonetic changes .............................................. 18
2.2 Vowels .......................................................................................... 19
2.2.1 Long vowels .......................................................................... 19
2.2.2 Short vowels ......................................................................... 19
2.2.3 Shortening of long vowels..................................................... 20
2.2.4 Reflexes of OA vowels and diphthongs ................................. 20
2.2.4.1 OA u................................................................................... 20
2.2.4.2 OA ū................................................................................... 21
2.2.4.3 OA diphthong aw ............................................................... 21
2.2.4.4 OA i.................................................................................... 21
2.2.4.5 OA ī.................................................................................... 22
2.2.4.6 OA diphthong ay................................................................ 22
2.2.4.7 OA a................................................................................... 22
2.2.4.8 OA ā................................................................................... 23
2.2.4.9 Final vowels ....................................................................... 23
2.2.4.10 Final imāla ....................................................................... 23
2.2.4.11 Final OA āˀ....................................................................... 24
2.3 Stress............................................................................................. 24
2.4 Anaptyxis ...................................................................................... 25
2.4.1 Three consonants cluster....................................................... 25
2.4.2 Two consonants cluster ......................................................... 26
2.5 Glide ............................................................................................. 27
3 Morphology........................................................................................... 29
3.1 The pronoun ................................................................................. 29
3.1.1 Personal pronouns................................................................. 29
3.1.2 Pronominal suffixes............................................................... 29
3.1.3 Double object pronouns ........................................................ 30
3.1.4 Demonstratives and deixis .................................................... 31
3.1.5 Interrogatives ........................................................................ 31
3.2 The verb........................................................................................ 32
3.2.1 General overview .................................................................. 32
3.2.2 Derivation ............................................................................. 33
3.2.2.1 Stem I................................................................................. 33
3.2.2.2 Stem II ............................................................................... 35
3.2.2.3 Stem III .............................................................................. 36
3.2.2.4 Stems V and VI................................................................... 36
3.2.2.5 Stem VII ............................................................................. 37
3.2.2.6 Stem VIII ............................................................................ 37
3.2.2.7 Stem IX .............................................................................. 38
3.2.2.8 Stem X................................................................................ 38
3.2.3 Inflection............................................................................... 38
3.2.3.1 The SC................................................................................ 39
3.2.3.2 The PC ............................................................................... 39
3.2.3.3 The imperative................................................................... 39
3.2.4 Verb conjugation paradigms of strong roots ......................... 40
3.2.4.1 The SC................................................................................ 40
3.2.4.2 The PC ............................................................................... 40
2.2.4.3 The imperative................................................................... 41
2.2.4.4 SC and PC derivation bases of strong and weak roots in
representative persons in all stems .................................... 41
3.3 The participle................................................................................ 43
3.3.1 Stem I.................................................................................... 43
3.3.2.1 The AP ............................................................................... 43
3.3.2.2 The PP................................................................................ 43
4 Texts ..................................................................................................... 67
4.1 Family History .............................................................................. 67
4.1.1 Šamīyi.................................................................................... 67
4.1.2 Hwāġa (Lakes) ....................................................................... 76
4.1.3 qačaġ (Smuggling)................................................................. 81
4.1.4 aššōn sūwēta? (How did you do it?)....................................... 113
4.1.5 Xḷaṣči..................................................................................... 120
4.2 Iraqi History.................................................................................. 123
4.2.1 l-ˁIrāq ma tǝṣtafi (Iraq will not be peaceful)........................... 123
4.2.2 ˁǝllqō-hǝm b-Sāḥǝt ǝl-Taḥrīr
(They hung them in Taḥrīr Square) ...................................... 125
4.2.3 mǝlḥēmǝt šēšǝt hayamīm (The Six-Day War) ........................... 129
4.2.4 ˁǝdmō-hǝm wiya-l-īhūd (They executed them with the Jews) . 133
4.3 Stories from the daily life in Iraq .................................................. 136
4.3.1 tnaplu ˁlī-ha lǝ-ẓṇaḅīġ (The bees set upon it) .......................... 136
4.3.2 aku qamᵊl ᵊb-ġās-kǝm (There are lice in your hair) ................. 138
4.3.3 ḏ̣ġǝbtō-nu b-ǝs-siyāra (I hit him with the car)......................... 140
4.3.4 kǝššāfa (Scouts) ..................................................................... 145
4.3.5 ma qad-aqdaġ atḥarrak (I can't move).................................... 147
4.3.6 snūn-i waqˁǝt (My teeth fell off)............................................. 151
4.3.7 qapaġ ṃāl-qumbula ṃāl-ṭiyāra (The airplane bomb's lid) ....... 153
4.3.8 sawnd of ᵊmyūsǝk (The sound of Music)................................. 157
4.4 Stories from the daily life in Israel ................................................ 159
4.4.1 bēġki Šǝḥǝyyānu (Say the blessing Shehecheyanu)................. 159
4.4.2 ḏ̣iyǝˁnā-k (We lost you).......................................................... 162
4.4.3 ṭmaṣt ḅ-ḅaṭn-a (You sunk into it) ........................................... 165
4.4.4 farru ġazāt! (They threw gas!) ............................................... 167
4.5 Stories about people...................................................................... 168
4.5.1 Abrahām ᵊXḷaṣči ..................................................................... 168
4.5.2 Amal...................................................................................... 174
4.5.3 Rimōn.................................................................................... 179
4.5.4 Dahūd.................................................................................... 181
4.5.5 l-kə́llǝt-na wǝldə́t-na (She delivered us all) ............................. 185
4.6 Folk stories.................................................................................... 188
4.6.1 ˁzīyt ǝl-mǝlḥ (The preciousness of salt) .................................. 188
4.6.2 Dayyēnu................................................................................. 191
4.6.3 kǝl ˁǝnd l-īhūdi wu-nām ˁǝnd-ǝn-nǝṣġāni (Eat at the Jew's
house and sleep at the Christian's house).............................. 196
4.6.4 l-īhūdi wu-t-tǝngāyi (The Jew and the jug) ............................. 198
4.6.5 aṣl-ǝm lō fǝˁl-ǝm? (Instinct or acquired behavior?)................. 200
4.6.6 xǝnfᵊsāna xǝnfᵊsāna! (Oh beetle!)........................................... 202
4.7 Political discussions ...................................................................... 204
4.7.1 qa-ylǝṭmōn (They beat their chests) ....................................... 204
4.7.2 aġla dawla (The most precious country) ................................ 209
4.7.3 ahl ǝl-ḅēṇḅaġāt wu-l-qūṭ (The ones with ties and suits) .......... 211
4.7.4 Maṣᵊr (Egypt) ........................................................................ 213
4.7.5 tālu l-Kanada (Come to Canada)............................................ 215
4.7.6 fǝqra (Poor people)................................................................ 216
4.7.7 Mašˁal.................................................................................... 221
4.8 Food and Recipes .......................................................................... 223
4.8.1 Ḥaǧibāda ............................................................................... 223
4.8.2 kǝbba bǝrġǝl (Bulgur kubba) .................................................. 226
4.8.3 kǝbba (Kubba) ....................................................................... 228
4.8.4 ḥāmǝḏ̣ šalġam (Sour turnip) ................................................... 232
4.8.5 Kāri (Curry)........................................................................... 234
4.8.6 Bǝryāni .................................................................................. 237
4.8.7 bǝrġǝl (Bulgur)....................................................................... 240
4.8.8 Ḥġīġi ...................................................................................... 242
4.8.9 Silān (Dates syrup) ................................................................ 243
4.8.10 hāḏa l-akᵊl (This was the food) ............................................ 244
4.8.11 tǝksǝġ ǧōza wu-tǝšġáb-a (You break a coconut and drink it) . 246
4.9 Traditions and Holidays ................................................................ 247
4.9.1 tadāwi mal-qabᵊl (Cures of the past)....................................... 247
4.9.2 ġṣaṣāyi (Lead ball) ................................................................. 252
4.9.3 l-ˁēn (The evil eye) ................................................................ 254
4.9.4 Šašša...................................................................................... 258
4.9.5 Sabˁa (Shiv'ah) ...................................................................... 261
4.9.6 Kǝppūr (Yom Kippur)............................................................. 267
4.9.7 Sǝkka (Sukkah)...................................................................... 269
4.9.8 lǝ-mǧalla (Purim) ................................................................... 271
4.9.9 Šǝttāxa (Passover) ................................................................. 273
4.10 Conversations.............................................................................. 279
4.10.1 dǝ-ḏ̣uqí-ya! (Taste it!) .......................................................... 279
4.10.2 tmǝġˁaltu baḷḷa (I really suffer) ............................................. 284
4.10.3 šu d-ašūf-a (Let me see it!)................................................... 285
4.10.4 l-bēt ᵊtˀaǧǧar (The house was rented) ................................... 286
4.10.5 ǧibō-la šwayya ḥadd (Bring a Little bit of spice for her) ....... 287
4.10.6 ašu ma qa-ydǝqq? (Why doesn't it ring?) ............................. 288
4.10.7 ǝl-maṣraf māl-a aḅēl (Its expenses are terrible) .................... 289
4.10.8 qǝšmár-ǝm l-xwə́t-u (He lied to his siblings) ......................... 290
4.10.9 aš ma tǝstaḥi! (How shameless she is!) ................................ 293
The Arabic dialect of the Jews of Baghdad (JB) served for hundreds of years
as mother tongue for the people of one of the most prosperous Jewish centers
in the world. Jews lived in Baghdad from the days of its establishment as the
capital of the Abbasid dynasty up to the beginning of the seventh decade of
the twentieth century, when the last wave of Baghdadi Jews immigrated to
Israel. Throughout the years and under different rulers, the Jews of Baghdad
managed to maintain their religion, traditions and language. This volume is
dedicated to this special dialect.
I was exposed to JB since birth. My family immigrated to Israel in 1970-
71, when my parents were in their mid-twenties, and my grandparents were
older than 50. Although Hebrew would be considered my mother tongue, I
was surrounded by JB speakers. Some of them, like my grandparents, could
speak only JB, and thus I communicated with them solely in JB. This dialect
was always like music to my ears, and despite my love for it I never imagined
that it would become a part of my professional life.
When I obtained my master’s degree from the Hebrew University in
Descriptive Linguistics, and after years of researching Mandarin Chinese, my
supervisor and teacher, Prof. Eran Cohen, a great Semitician, opened my eyes
to the opportunity to contribute to my own heritage. I don't remember his
exact words, but he probably told me something like "there are so many
people in the world that can research Mandarin, but only a few can
investigate a dialect like JB".
Indeed, the documentation of JB at this point of time is a crucial task since
JB's soon extinction is, unfortunately, inevitable. The last generation of
people who still speak JB doesn't consist of people younger than sixty years
old and the dialect is no longer transmitted from one generation to the other.
In addition, the last speakers of JB are influenced from alien languages as
they have spent almost five decades out of Iraq.
Encouraged by Prof. Cohen's words and under his joint supervision with
Prof. Simon Hopkins, a great Arabist, I took the task upon myself.
My initial interest was grammar, and specifically the tense-aspect-
modality system of JB. Very quickly I realized that in order to conduct such
a research one must have a corpus. The wonderful texts collected by Jacob
Mansour in 1991 and the ones that were added to the Hebrew version of his
book in 2011 were really helpful, but were not sufficient for this type of
research. I had to find a way to add more texts and thus started to collect and
record some materials from my own family. At first I was reluctant to "waste
my time" on the tedious work of transcribing the texts and dealing with the
phonological and morphological aspects of the dialect, but under the
instruction of Prof. Werner Arnold from Heidelberg University I was exposed
to the wonders of Arabic dialectology. Prof. Arnold's trust enabled me to go
deeper into the details and to add some general grammatical value to the
knowledge of JB.
The joy of working on the corpus, initially a by-product of my research,
resulted in a significant amount of phonemically transcribed texts that
constitute a part of this book. They are preceded by a concise phonological
and morphological description of JB, adding some inputs to the great works
of Blanc (1964) and Mansour (1991).
This volume opens with an introduction about the history of the Jewish
community in Baghdad and the dialectical position of JB among the
Mesopotamian dialects. Then a few methodological remarks are presented
followed by some information about the sources of the texts and the
informants. Then, part 2 of the book contains a general description of the
phonological and morphological system of JB. Finally, part 3 is dedicated to
the texts themselves. These are divided into sub-categories according to their
genre and topic. Each consists of a few separate texts and each text is
transcribed phonemically into Latin signs, and translated into English.
Despite my attempts to produce a flawless text I am sure that in some
places typing, translation, or transcription mistakes might be found: such is
the nature of detailed manuscripts like the present one. I would therefore be
thankful to readers who bring these mistakes, as well as other comments and
remarks, to my attention.
It is my hope that this collection of texts will serve as a memorial to the
Jewish community of Baghdad and prove itself useful to scholars and people
who take interest in it from different disciplines such as philology, history,
anthropology, as well as to dialectologists, general linguists and other
language enthusiast.
I would like to thank all the native speakers that I interviewed for their
patience and understanding, and my professors in Jerusalem and Heidelberg
for sharing their knowledge and for their trust. Special thanks are due to Prof.
Werner Arnold and to Prof. Otto Jastrow, the editor of Semitica Viva, for the
publication of this book.
Finally, I dedicate this book to my grandmother Alwīz Ben-Eliyahu
(Xḷaṣči), who assisted me in my research by sharing her stories, history, and
vast knowledge. The moments we spent together will be cherished in my
heart forever.
1 This summary is based on Ben-Yaacov & Kazzaz (2007); Meiri (1997); Rizk-Allah
Ghanimah (1998); and Yahuda (1999).
2 Some demographic information about the Jews in Baghdad can be found in Ben-Yaacov
& Kazzaz (2007: 58) according to which there were 77,000 Jews in Baghdad in 1947,
and after 1950-51 exodus approximately 6,000 were left. In 1963 there were about
3,000 Jews, who remained till 1971. In 1975 only 350 Jews were reported, and in 2005
only a few Jews were still living in Baghdad.
3 Blanc (1964: 5) called the dialects after the SC form of the 1s of the verb 'to say' in stem
I, which encapsulates two of their most distinguishable features – the reflexes of OA /q/
and the 1s ending of the SC.
accurate picture of the qǝltu dialects and to divide the family into sub-groups.
JB was classified under the Tigris branch of qǝltu dialects (1978: 24-25). One
of the peculiarities of the Tigris branch, which is a characteristic of JB as well,
is the realization of r as ġ. JB also preserves the interdental consonants,
though there are other dialects in the Tigris group, like CB, that realize them
as dentals.
Blanc (1964: 166-176) claimed that JB is a direct descendant of dialects
spoken by the urban population of Abbasid Iraq, and has preserved or
continued several basic phonological and morphological features of the older
vernaculars. This claim was supported in later years by linguistic evidence
contributed by Aryeh Levin (1994: 328-329; 2012: 419) and by Arnold & Bar-
Moshe (2017: 44). Thus, it is probably the case that the description and
documentation of JB enable us to take a glance also at archaic linguistic
peculiarities of the Arabic language in general.
The following symbols are added to the three in Table 1 to render a more
accurate description of the discourse's nature:
Symbol Indication
… Disrupted prosodic group (unfinished segment)
: Opening of a following quotation
! Command, request or urge; exclamation (final tone)
Vocative (rising tone)
Table 2: additional discursive hints
As for stress units on the lexical level, each sequence of phonemes separated
by spaces represents a single unit as such. In the many cases in which a
grammatical particle, an auxiliary verb, or a morpheme is affixed to a lexeme
to create a single stress unit, a dash separates them from the base. This is
important since JB has several homonymic particles that are distinguishable
in respect to their ability to join the lexeme they modify to create a single
stress unit. In any case, the stress falls on the unit according to the rules
detailed in §2.3.
Names of people, places, etc. can be identified as they open with a capital
letter. In certain cases, the names of some characters in the texts were
anpnymized and replaced by PN (proper name) to protect their privacy.
Phonetic changes are explained through footnotes. Reoccurring phonetic
changes are explained only in the first time they are mentioned.
Code-switching with Modern Hebrew or English is a frequent
characteristics of the speech of some of the native speakers. Non-JB words or
phrases are inserted into brackets, preceded and followed by the initials of
the language they are taken from, for example: ᴴᴱ(kēn)ᴴᴱ. Specifically for
Abraham Ben-Eliyahu, when he describe his encounters with Muslim people
in Iraq, he usually quotes the encounter using MB. These instances are also
inserted into brackets.
4 The group is called "("משמרים את השפה העיראקיתliterally: preserving the Iraqi language)
and it can be accessed at: https://www.facebook.com/groups/zahavb/
are not transcribed but only translated, since I don't fully pronounce JB as a
native speaker. The same goes for Alwīz's caretaker, Melanie Perrera, a Sri
Lankan who speaks a little bit of Arabic, but not JB. The translated speech
appears as such in the transcribed column, surrounded by round brackets.
Yardena Sasōn was born in 1946 in Baghdad and immigrated to Israel in
1950. In her childhood she was surrounded by JB, as she lived in a ma'abara
of Iraqi Jews. Her grandmother used to live in her parents' house, and used
to tell stories. Yardena recorded herself telling two of these stories.
Other native speakers that participate in Abraham Ben-Eliyahu's
recordings such as Yogev Yahezqel, Moshe Qǝzzāz, and Blanche Qǝzzāz were
in their seventies or eighties at the time of the recordings. All of them
immigrated to Israel at the beginning of the fifties, and although they spoke
also Hebrew, their main tongue was JB, as they were surrounded by JB
speakers in their daily lives.
2.1 Consonants
affrica-
stop fricative appro- empha-
tive trill nasal
1 ximant tic
VL V VL V VL V
[ḅ]2;
bilabial p b w m [ẉ];
[ṃ]
labio-
f v3
dental
inter- ḏ̣
ṯ ḏ
dental
dental t d ṭ
ṣ; [ẓ];
alveolar s z r l n
[ḷ]; [ṇ]
post-
š ž4 č ǧ
alveolar
palatal y
velar k g x ġ
uvular q
pharyn-
ḥ ˁ
geal
glottal ˀ h
Table 3: Consonants
Table 3 gives a general overview of the consonants that take part in JB's
phonological system. A few diachronic remarks and explanations about
possible phonetic changes in consonants are in order:
2.1.1.3 Reflexes of OA r
The alveolar trill r is realized as voiced velar fricative ġ in words of clear
Arabic origin: qdaġtu 'I could'; nahᵊġ 'river'; yġīd 'he wants'; ysāfǝġ 'he travels'.
It is pronounced as the trill r in:
– modern Arabic words: siyāra 'car'; mudīr 'manager'.
– words of Hebrew origin: ráššam 'he wrote'; tōra 'bible'; sēfǝr 'Bible'
– words of Turkish or Persian origin: kōndra 'shoe'; parda 'curtain'; sǝṭra
'jacket'.
– proximity to x: āxǝr 'last'; mxarbaṭ 'confused, damaged'.
2.1.1.4 Reflexes of OA q
The preservation of the uvular pronunciation of the consonant q is one of the
primary features of qǝltu dialects. JB is no exception: qalb 'heart'; qǝltu 'I said'.
In a few words the acceptable pronunciation is voiced velar stop g, thanks
to MB influence: garāyǝb 'acquaintances'. These cases are, however, rare
(Mansour 2006: 233).
5 In MB k affricates into č in certain environments: čān 'he was' vs. ykūn 'he is'; bī-k 'in you
(m.s.)' vs. bī-č 'in you (f.s.)'. This affrication doesn't occur in JB (Blanc 1964: 25).
6 According to Blanc (1964: 20), ḷ is typical of gǝlǝt dialects and its existence in JB might
be attributed to a MB loan: mxaḅḅaḷ 'crazy'.
7 This phenomena is commonly termed tafxīm or velarization.
occurs: dxalna 'we entered' -> txalna. In some cases is can lead to a
complete assimilation: atḏakkaġ 'I remember' -> aḏḏakkaġ.
3. The consonant ġ might assimilate in the environment of x or q: lǝxxi8
'other (f.s.)'; qqētu 'I read'. When followed by ḥ, ġ might be
pronounced closely to w: fǝġḥan ~ fǝwḥān 'glad'. ġ can also drop
altogether: ma aˁġǝf 'I don't know' -> maˁǝf.
4. m can assimilate into n: tǝmṭǝġ 'it rains' -> tǝnṭǝġ. The opposite change
can also happen: zǝnbūġ 'bee' > zǝmbūġ.
5. l is easily assimilated into n: qǝnna 'we said'. The article l-, as well as
the relative marker, the preposition, and the direct object marker that
share the same allomorph l-, assimilate into the following consonant9:
l-šams 'the sun' -> š-šams. This can also occur with particles that end
with l, like the preposition māl- 'of': mār-raǧˁa 'of the return'.
8 This form originates from the combination of the article l- and OA uxrā 'other (f.s.)' as
follows: l-uxrā > l-ǝxġi > lǝxxi.
9 Mansour (1991: 66; 2006: 239) mentions that in JB, l- as definite article or relative
pronoun assimilates to the next consonant when the latter is dental, interdental,
alveolar, postalveolar and palatal (excluding the palatal y), given that the consonant is
not the first in a cluster. When it is the first in a cluster, an anaptyctic vowel is inserted
between the l- and the cluster: lǝ-ṭyūġ 'the birds'. Blanc (1964: 119-120) extends this
observation to all three dialects of Baghdad. In a footnote, however, Mansour (199: 66)
mentions that there are cases where the l- should assimilate but it doesn't. One case in
which this happens is when the speaker pauses after the definite article because he is
still in the course of selecting the following noun. The corpus indeed validates Mansour's
observation but presents additional cases in which the l- doesn't assimilate. This issue
requires a separate investigation, which is out of the scope of the current sketch. A
possible, although partial, explanation for the situation in JB might be found in Abu-
Haidar's summary of Baghdadi Arabic (2006: 225), where she mentions that in CB the
definite article often assimilates to the moon letter following it. She gives as an example:
ǝq-qaṃaġ 'the moon'.
2.2 Vowels
2.2.1 Long vowels
front central back
high ī ū
mid ē10 ō
low ā
Table 4: Long vowels
10 The vowel ē is pronounced with a preceding slight y sound – zēn 'good' is pronounced
like [zʸēn]. Abu-Haidar (2006: 224) mentions this glide in her summary of Baghdadi
Arabic, and notes that it is more common in the speech of women and men of rural
origin.
11 Unless when they originate from a long vowel that shortened due to stress shift: yǧibōn
'they bring', or they take part in modern words and loanwords: mudīr 'manager'.
12 Mansour (1991: 36) notes that ǝ is a centrally articulated vowel between u and i. This
supports his claim that in certain environments ǝ and i, and ǝ and u can have a very
close phonetic value: lí-qǝddām 'in advance' ([i]~[ǝ]); ḅǝṭǝl 'bottle' ([ǝ]~[u]).
5. and e are quite rare and they result from shortening of their long
equivalents due to stress shift13: yǧibo-l-yā-na 'they bring it/them to
us'.
13 Blanc (1964: 33) agrees that ē and ō in an unstressed position are shorter, but he doesn't
cite them as short vowels. Mansour (1991: 96-98), on the other hand, cites some cases
in which ē and ō shorten when unstressed. These include cases of stress shift in the
double object pronoun conjugation, of construct state, and of loanwords.
14 More accurately put, it is safe to say that from the phonetic point of view the originally
long vowel is shorter in an unstressed position in relation to other long vowels in the
same phonological word (Bar-Moshe, forthcoming).
15 There are cases of undtable monophthong vowel length (Bar-Moshe, forthcoming).
16 This case involves a consonantal particle which precedes a cluster with an initial w or
y. An anaptyctic is inserted to avoid a three consonants cluster, thus producing the
combination ǝw and ǝy (Bar-Moshe, forthcoming).
17 Except for aš- (Bar-Moshe, forthcoming).
18 The diachronic analysis is based on the OA closed monosyllabic form qufl. The fact that
an anptyctic vowel is added in this pattern in certain cases in JB (§2.4.2) doesn’t
influence this analysis.
2.2.4.2 OA ū
– OA stressed ū > JB ū. For example: yqūl 'he says'.
– OA unstressed ū > JB u. For example: yaqūlūna 'they say' > yqulōn;
aškūn 'what' > aškun.
2.2.4.3 OA diphthong aw
– OA aw in a stressed syllable > JB ō. For example: yawm 'day' > yōm.
– OA aw in an unstressed syllable >JB u. For example: yawmayni 'two
days' > yumēn; sawdā́ 'black (f.s.)' > sudā.́
The change of vowel quality from ō to u due to stress shift can be seen in the
following examples: katbu20 'they wrote' + -nu '3.m.s.' -> kǝtbō-nu 'they wrote
it (m.s.)'; tǝlǝfizyōn 'television' + -āt 'p.' -> tǝlǝfizyunāt 'televisions'.
There are cases in which unstressed ō shortens to o rather than changes to
u: solaftu 'I talked'; ašlon 'how'. There are also cases in which the combination
aw retains: awqaf 'I stand'; sawwa21 'he did'. For a detailed discussion about
the diachronic development of the diphthong aw and its allophones in JB see
Bar-Moshe (2018).
2.2.4.4 OA i
– OA i in closed syllables > JB ǝ. For example: miftāḥ 'key' > mǝftāḥ;
nimtu 'I slept' > nǝmtu; ṣidq 'true, right' > ṣǝdᵊq22.
– OA i in an open unstressed syllable > JB ∅. For example: kitāb 'book'
> ktāb.
Remark – in loanwords i might keep its value. For example: tǝlǝfizyōn
'television'. Also in certain compounds that open with the preposition li- 'to',
in which the stress falls on the preposition, the vowel retains its value as i,
for example: lí-hassa 'till now'.
19 There are rare cases in which u can change into ǝ in an open unstressed syllable. In the
words ǧǝnūd 'soldiers' and ḥǝdūd 'boarder' the speakers seem to pronounce ǝ. They agree,
however, that the forms ǧnūd and ḥdūd also exists.
20 The 3.p. SC suffix -u is probably analyzed as originating from the diphthong aw (Blanc
1964: 62).
21 The combination ǝw, which might result from unstressed aw in the case of C2-w roots
in stem II, is realized as ū: sawwa 'he did' + -nu '3.m.s.' -> sǝwwā-nu -> sūwā-nu 'he did
it (m.s.)'.
22 The diachronic analysis is based on the OA closed monosyllabic form ṣidq. The fact that
an anptyctic vowel is added in this pattern in certain cases in JB (§2.4.2) doesn’t
influence this analysis.
2.2.4.5 OA ī
– OA stressed ī > JB ī. For example: yǧīb 'he brings'.
– OA unstressed ī > JB i. For example: yurīdūna 'they want' > yġidōn.
2.2.4.6 OA diphthong ay
– OA ay in a stressed syllable > JB ē. For example: bayt 'house' > bēt.
– OA ay in an unstressed syllable > JB i. For example: baytayni 'two
houses' > bitēn; bayḏ̣ā́ 'white (f.)' > biḏ̣a.̄́
The change of vowel quality due to stress shift can be seen in the following
examples: ktǝbi23 'write (f.s.)!' +-nu '3.m.s.' -> kᵊtbē-nu 'write (f.s.) it (m.)!';
kēk 'cake' +-ēn 'DU' -> kikēn 'two cakes'.
There are cases in which an unstressed ē shortens to e rather than changes
into i: beġaktu 'I blessed'. There are cases where its quality doesn’t change:
sēmˁīn 'are hearing'. There are also cases in which the combination ay retains:
aybas 'I dry'; sayyab24 'he left'. For a detailed discussion about the diachronic
development of the diphthong ay and its allophones in JB see Bar-Moshe
(2018).
2.2.4.7 OA a
– OA a in stressed syllables > JB a. For example: ǧamal 'camel'.
– OA a in closed post-stressed syllables > JB a. For example: katab 'he
wrote'.
– OA a in pre-stressed closed syllables > JB ǝ. For example: xabbāz
'baker' > xǝbbāz; sakġān 'drunk (m.s.) > sǝkġān; maftūḥ 'opened
(m.s.)' > mǝftūḥ.
– OA a in unstressed open syllables > JB ∅. For example: ṯaqīl 'heavy'
> ṯqīl.
Remarks:
1. The vowel following the prefixes of the PC is ǝ: yaftahimu 'he
understands' > yǝftahǝm. This is the case in many Arabic, and it
probably reflects a change from i rather than a into ǝ (Versteegh
1997: 134).
2. There are certain cases in which OA a in a stressed syllable changes
into ǝ: šǝhᵊġ 'month'. These cases are not systematic, as other roots in
the same nominal pattern don’t change their vowel (§3.5.2.1(1)).
3. There are many cases in which OA a in an unstressed open syllable
keeps its value: ṣadīq 'friend'; ṭarīq 'road'; madārǝs 'schools'; ǧamāˁa
'group; raˀīs 'president; baˁád-u 'he is still'. The OA a of these patterns
23 The 2.f.s. imperative suffix -i is probably analyzed as originating from the diphthong ay
(Blanc 1964: 62).
24 The combination ǝy, that might result from unstressed ay in the case of C2-y roots in
stem II, is realized as ī: sayyab 'he left' + -u '3.m.s.' -> sǝyyab-u -> sīyáb-u 'he left him'.
can zero-out with other roots, however: mlīḥ 'good (m.s.)'; ṭḥīn 'flour';
mḥābǝs 'wedding rings' (§3.5.2.3(1), for example).
4. In cases where OA a opens the word, it retains even if unstressed. For
example: axū-nu 'his brother'.
2.2.4.8 OA ā
– OA stressed ā > JB ā. For example: ˁāyan 'he saw'.
– OA unstressed ā > JB a. For example: ˁāyantu 'I saw' > ˁayantu.
Remarks:
1. Unstressed ā might keep its long value in loanwords. For example:
rādyō 'radio'.
2. Inner imāla:
a. Inner imāla occurs in certain morphological patterns as a result
of an existing i or ī around the ā. In most cases in JB the inner
imāla changes the vowel ā into ī. For example: kilāb 'dogs' > klīb.
b. Specifically for OA qātil pattern, the imāla is morphologically
conditioned25:
– When it represents an adjective: ā > ī. For example: bīġǝd 'cold
(m.s.)'.
– When it serves as a verb: ā > ē. For example: kētǝb 'is writing.
– When it represents a noun: ā retains. For example: kātǝb 'author'.
2.2.4.11 Final OA āˀ
In the patterns qatlāˀ and qutālāˀ, the final glottal stop ˀ drops but the
preceding vowel keeps its long and stressed value. For example: sudā́ 'black
(f.s.)'; tlaṯā́ 'Tuesday'. In some cases, however, it seems that the ˀ drops, the
final ā shortens, and the stress moves to the preceding syllable: ˁáḏra 'virgin'.
This happens also in words like mása 'evening'. Finally, there are cases in
which the final āˀ changes into i as a result of final imāla, like in: šǝti 'winter'.
2.3 Stress
Stress in JB falls on VKK or V̄ K closest to the end of the word. If neither occur,
the stress falls on the first V. Examples: ǧə́bna 'we brought' (VKK); ǧǝbnāḱ 'we
brought you' (V̄ K); ǧibu ̄́ 'bring (p.)!' (V̄ K); lēbsin̄́ 'are wearing' (V̄ K closest to
the end of the word); wálad 'boy' (on the first V).
Remarks and exceptional cases:
1. When a suffix is added to nominal and verbal patterns, the stress
shifts to the syllable that precedes the suffix regardless to the syllable
structure. For example: lēbǝs 'is (m.) wearing' vs. lēbə́s-u 'is (m.)
wearing it (m.)'; kammal 'he completed' vs. kǝmmál-a 'he completed it
(f.)'; xāybə́t-a 'poor her'.
2. There are two quantifiers in which the stress doesn’t shift to the
preceding syllable when a suffix is added: kə́llǝt-a 'all of it (f.)' and
ṯnḗnǝt-ǝm 'the two of them'28. This also happens in the temporal
coordinator tāĺ i-ya 'afterwards'.
3. In the PC of stems VII and VIII, the stress falls on the first syllable of
the base form -nqatǝl or -qtatǝl, unless one of the long suffixes -ōn or
-ēn is presented. For example: aftáhǝm 'I understand'; anházǝm 'I flee'
but tǝnhǝzmēn 'you (f.s.) flee'.
4. In the SC of stem X the stress falls, against the rules, on the first
syllable of the 3.f.s. and the 3.p.: stáˁᵊǧlu 'they hurried'. The same goes
for the f.s. of the AP of the same stem29: mǝstáˁᵊǧli 'is (f.)
hurrying/rushed'.
5. A frequent stress shift occurs in a number of pre-posed particles, such
as the prepositions li-, b-, mᵊn-, ˁal-, the determiner fǝd- and the
interrogative aš-. The particle might draw the stress as near to itself
as possible: lí-qǝddām 'in advance'; mə́n-bēt lí-bēt 'from house to house';
28 See also Mansour (1991: 167). Jastrow (1989: 167; 2001: 67) notes the same
phenomena in the Judeo-Arabic dialect of Nusaybin/Qāmǝšli, as well as in the Jewish
dialect of Mosul.
29 In these three cases the anaptyctic vowel doesn't bear the stress (phonology §4).
2.4 Anaptyxis
2.4.1 Three consonants cluster
A cluster of three consonants might occur in the following cases:
1. št or st followed by a third consonant, like: štġaltu 'I worked'; stḥētu 'I
was ashamed'; kǝštbān32 'thimble'.
2. rt or rṭ followed by a third consonant, like: pǝrṭqāl 'orange'.
3. When n is first in the cluster and is followed by two consonants:
kōndra 'shoe'; ˁǝnd-kǝm 'with you (p.)'.
Other cases of three consonants cluster, either in a single word or in two that
are uttered as one sequence, are frequently broken by the anaptyctic vowel33,
which usually separates the first and the second consonants, for example:
aǧīb-ᵊl-kǝm 'I bring for you (p.)'; qam-ᵊṭġad-a 'he expelled her'.
Remarks:
1. An anaptyctic can appear in between words also when the first word
ends with a two consonants cluster and the second word opens with
a two consonants cluster. For example: bǝnt ǝl-bēt 'the girl of the
house'; mn-ǝl-bēt 'from the house'.
30 An anptyctic vowel can carry stress in JB, as this example shows. Another example for
that is ˁayǝnə́t-ni 'you (m.s.) saw me'. The stressed anaptyctic vowel will be marked in
these cases as ə́ and not as anaptyctic so that the readers will be able to notice the stress
mark. Specifically for the case of ˁayǝnə́t-ni, JB speakers don’t always insert an
anaptyctic woel, so the form ˁayǝnt-ni exists in parallel.
31 A unit consisting of one syllable or more which has one main stress. For the complete
definition of the term see Dixon & Aikhenvald (2002: 13).
32 Though the form kǝšᵊtbān exists in parallel.
33 Specifically for the case of the definite article, the anaptyctic vowel will be noted as ǝ
rather than ᵊ, to distinguish it from other uses of the homophonic morpheme l (see
§3.7.1). This is not to suggest, however, that it is not an anptyctic vowel also in the case
of the definite article.
2. When words that open with a cluster of two consonants are preceded
by the definite article, the anaptyctic comes between the article and
the word. For example: lǝ-ṭbīx 'the dish'; lǝ-kbīġi 'the elder (f.)'.
3. When the addition of a definite article does not create a three
consonants cluster, no anaptyctic is inserted. For example: aṭˁī-hǝm l-
ūlād-i akᵊl 'I give food to my children'.
4. In stems VII and VIII in the SC an anaptyctic is inserted to avoid three
consonants cluster in the first and second persons34: nᵊǧġaḥtu 'I got
injured'; fᵊthamtu 'I understood'.
5. In stem X, an anaptyctic vowel is introduced in the 3.f.s. and the 3.p.
of the SC and in the f.s. and p. of the AP: stáˁᵊǧlu 'they hurried';
mǝstáˁᵊǧli 'is (f.) hurrying/rushed'. The stress falls, nonetheless, on the
previous syllable in these two examples.
6. In the PC of the 2.f.s., 2.p., and 3.p. in stems VII, VIII, and X, an
anaptyctic vowel is inserted between C1 and C2: tǝftᵊhmēn 'you (f.s.)
understand'; yǝstǝqᵊblōn 'they welcome'; tǝnkᵊsġōn 'you (p.) break'. This
happens also in the plural form of the AP in stems VIII and X:
mǝǧtᵊmˁīn 'are meeting'.
7. A three consonants cluster might result in certain persons from the
gemination of stem II or V in combination with an additional
consonant. In these cases, however, the gemination is not articulated
as a strategy to avoid the cluster. For the sake of diachronic clarity,
the gemination will nevertheless be noted, for example: mqaṭṭˁa 'cut
into pieces (f.)'; yṭǝllˁō-nu 'they take it (m.) out'.
8. When a word opens with two consonants cluster it is sometimes
necessary to introduce a prosthetic vowel in order to facilitate the
realization of the initial cluster: ᵊnzūl 'plague' (Mansour 2006: 235).
This, however, doesn't always happen.
34 The approach adopted here is diachronic in essence. It assumes that anaptyctic vowels
occur as a result of phonological changes in vowels, which in their own turn change the
syllabic structure and the stress. A synchronic approach might yield different
interpretations. For the cases that are introduced in this remark and in the following two
remarks, for example, one might argue that an anaptyctic vowel in a closed unstressed
syllable is synchronically perceived as a full vowel. This approach is also valid.
that an anaptyctic is inserted only when the last consonant is a liquid, i.e.
either r, ġ, l, m, or n, but an example like ṣǝdᵊq above prove that the reality is
more complex. Mansour (1991: 107-109) argues that the factor that
determines the need for an anaptyctic vowel is the relative sonority of the
consonants. When the first consonant of a final cluster has less sonority than
the last one, there is a need for an anaptyctic vowel. Such is the case with
qabᵊl. The opposite consonant cluster, on the other hand, does not require
one: qalb 'heart'.
Remarks:
1. When a non-consonantal suffix is added there is no more need for the
anaptyctic: laḥm-u 'his meat'. When the following word opens with
the article, the anaptyctic moves one position forward: ˁǝlč ǝl-ṃāy 'the
Acacia Gum' vs. ˁǝlᵊč ṃāy 'Acacia Gum'.
2. The vowel ǝ of the 2.f.s. suffix -ǝk is treated by Blanc (1964: 64-65)
as an anaptyxis. Blanc claims that the suffix itself is -k35. However,
the vowel appears throughout the declension, regardless to phonetic
considerations, and thus it won't be related as a case of anaptyxis.
Example: bēt 'house' + -ǝk '2.f.s.' -> bēt-ǝk 'your (f.s.) house'.
2.5 Glide
When a suffix that opens with a vowel is attached to a noun or a preposition
that ends with a vowel a glide is inserted. The glide is y if one of the vowels
is i, whereas it is w if one of the vowels is u, ū, or ō. The combination of u and
i produces the glide y. A few examples:
skamli 'chair' + -āt 'p.' -> *skamlīāt -> *skamlīyāt -> skamliyāt 'chairs'.
abu- 'father' + -i '1.s.' -> *abūi -> abū-yi 'my father'.
bi- 'in' + -i '1.s.' -> *bī-i -> bī-yi 'in me'.
wiya 'with' + -i '1.s.' -> *wiyā-i -> wiyā-yi 'with me'.
pālṭu 'coat' + -āt 'p.' -> *pālṭūāt -> palṭuwāt 'coats'.
ṣla 'synagogue' + -ōṯ 'p. (Hebrew loan)' -> *ṣlāōṯ -> ṣlawōṯ 'synagogues'.
Remark – when a word ends with i before the 3.f.s. suffix -ha, the h of the
suffix can be replaced by the glide y, for example: bi- 'in' +-ha '3.f.s.' can
simply develop into bī-ha 'in her', but has also the variation bī-ya36. The same
holds for words that end with w before the 3.f.s. suffix, where the glide w can
be inserted: abū-ha or abū-wa 'her father'.
35 This suffix also has an allomorph -ki that is used when the previous word ends with a
vowel: axū-ki 'your brother'.
36 According to Mansour (1991: 73) the long vowel of the preceding word is shortened
when a glide substitutes the h of the 3.f.s. suffix. The phonetic environment makes it
difficult to determine whether this is indeed the case, and so, for the sake simplicity, of
a long vowel will, nevertheless, be noted.
1 Blanc (1964: 60) argues that the variant ǝḥna is probably rarer. In the corpus, however,
it is more frequent in use in comparison to nǝḥna.
2 "C-" indicates that the previous word ends with a consonant.
3 "V-" indicates that the previous word ends with a vowel. This is relevant mainly to verbal
forms like: C3-w/y roots in conjugation; the PC endings -ōn and -ēn that drop their final
n before a pronoun suffix, and thus end with a vowel; 1.s., 2.f.s., and 3.p. SC endings;
and the verb ǧā 'he came' throughout its conjugation. There are also some prepositions
whose allomorph ends with a vowel when a pronoun suffix is added: bī- 'in', wiyā- 'with',
etc. In addition there are nouns like ab 'father' and ax 'brother' to which the vowel ū is
infixed before a pronominal suffix.
Remarks:
1. The 1.s. suffix -ni appears only after verbal bases and some
prepositions: ǧāb-ni 'he brought me'; llǝ-ni 'for me'. Noun bases and
other prepositions take the suffix -i: bēt-i 'my house'; ṣōb-i 'near me'.
2. 2.m.s., 2.f.s., 3.m.s., 3.f.s., and 3.p. have two allomorphs – the first
one is used if the previous word ends with a consonant, whereas if it
ends with a vowel, the second allomorph is used: ǧāb-a 'he brought
her' vs. bnā-ha 'he built it (f.)'; bī-nu 'in him' vs. ktab-u 'he wrote it
(m.)'; abū-ki 'your (f.s.) father' vs. ǝmm-ǝk 'your (f.s.) mother'.
3. As was already mentioned (§2.5), when a noun or a preposition that
ends with a vowel4 appears before the 3.f.s. pronominal suffix, the
latter can replace its h with a glide: abū-wa 'her father'; ˁlī-ya 'on her'.
A glide can also be inserted in such cases before the 1.s. suffix: abū-
yi 'my father'; bī-yi 'in me'.
4. For the 2.f.s. ending -ǝk see also §2.4.2(2).
4 Specifically the vowels i or u. The vowels a and ǝ take only the allomorph -ha: llǝ-ha 'for
her'; bnā-ha 'he built it (f.)'.
Remarks:
1. The distal demonstratives can appear without the final -i. Blanc
(1964: 139), for instance, doesn't even cite forms with -i. In the
corpus, however, mainly forms with -i appear.
2. For the distal plural demonstrative, Blanc (1964: 139) cites haḏōlak.
This form is, however, absent from the corpus, and the informants
reject its existence.
3. The demonstrative morpheme hal- is restricted in use to specific
adverbial compounds: hal-kǝbǝġ 'that big'; hal-qad5 'that much'; has-
sana 'this year'; b-haṣ-ṣūra 'this way'.
Other deixis:
hōn(i)6 'here'; wnīk(i)7 'there'; hēkǝḏ 'like this'; hassa or s-sāˁa 'now'.
3.1.5 Interrogatives
The following is a list of the common interrogatives in JB:
– aš 'what?': aš ṣāġ? 'what happened?'. Preceded by a preposition, its
allomorph is ēš: ˁala ēš qa-tǝḥkōn? 'What are you talking about?'.
5 Both hal-kǝbǝġ and hal-qad can be declined by the addition of the infix -āt followed by
a pronominal suffix: hal-qǝddāt-u 'he (is) that much'; hal-kǝbġāt-ǝm 'they (are) this big'.
The same phenomenon was noted by Jastrow in the Muslim dialect of Mosul (1979:
44).
6 According to Blanc (1964: 139), its original form was *hahuna. The weak combination
of ahu developed into aw, which resulted in the form *hawna. The diphthong aw in a
stressed position changed into ō (§2.2.4.3), which produced the form *hōna. Finally,
final imāla took place and we ended up with: hōni.
7 In parallel to the diachronic process that led to the development of hōni (as
demonstrated in the previous footnote), the original form of wnīki was *hahunāka, in
which ahu developed into aw: *hawnāka, and then changed into u in an unstressed
position: *hunāka (§2.2.4.3). Then both final and inner imāla took place to produce
*hunīki. At this point, the frequent prefixation of the preposition l- to this adverb led to
the elision of the deictic h: l- 'to' +*hunīki -> lunīki, a form which was reanalyzed as
consisting of the preposition l- and the adverb wnīki.
3.2.2 Derivation
3.2.2.1 Stem I
1. Strong roots
SC – unlike OA, JB presents only one base form qatal: katab 'he wrote';
labas 'he wore'; kabaġ 'he grew'. The conjugation of the different persons
follows the phonological rules that were already outlined: ktabtu 'I wrote';
katbǝt 'she wrote'.
PC – consists of two base forms: -qtal or -qtǝl, whose vocal shape, i.e.
whether their vowel is a or ǝ, is mostly predictable. Thus, verbs whose OA
vocalic type is a and those with a pharyngeal C3 tend to have the base form
-qtal, whereas all the rest get -qtǝl. There are, however, a few exceptions to
this rule12.
The vowel between the subject prefix and the base is always ǝ for the 1.s.,
2.m.s., 3.f.s., and 1.p.13: nǝktǝb 'we write'; yǝfham 'he understands'. ǝ is inserted
between C1 and C2 for 2.f.s., 2.p., 3.p.14: tkǝtbōn 'you (2.p.) write'.
Imperative – can be derived from the prefix-less PC base forms, to which
the imperative's subject suffixes are attached: tǝktǝb -> ktǝb 'write (2.m.s.)!';
qˁǝdi 'sit (2.f.s.) down!'; smaˁu 'listen (2.p.)!'.
2. Weak roots
a. C1-ˀ
SC – there is no change in the base form in comparison to strong roots:
amaġ 'he ordered'; akaltu 'I ate'; axḏǝt 'she took'.
PC – the ˀ of the root and the following vowel change into ā: tākǝl 'you
(m.s.) eat'; taklēn15 'you (f.s.) eat'; ākǝl 'I eat'.
Imperative – can be derived from the PC base with the relevant subject
suffixes: kǝl 'eat (2.m.s.)!'; kǝli 'eat (2.f.s.)!'; kǝlu 'eat (2.p.)!'.
Remark – the root ˀmġ is conjugated as a strong root in the PC and in the
imperative: tǝˀmǝġ 'you (2.m.s.) order'; ˀmǝġ 'order (2.m.s.)!'.
b. C1-w/y
SC – no change in comparison to strong roots: waqaˁ 'he fell'; yabsǝt 'she
dried (intransitive)'.
12 Some verbs of u vocal type in OA are built on basis of -qtal: yǝxlaṣ 'he finishes'; yǝkbaġ
'he gets older'. On the other hand, some verbs of a vocal type in OA are built on basis
of -qtǝl: yǝlqǝf 'he grabs'.
13 This doesn't follow JB's phonological rules according to which OA a in a closed post-
stressed position retains. Thus, rather than a shift from a to ǝ, one should treat this case
as one of shift from i to ǝ. In fact, the vowel between the prefix and the base of the PC
has changed into i in many modern Arabic dialects (Versteegh 1997: 134).
14 This is a result of reshuffling of the syllabic structure to avoid three consonants cluster:
*tiktubōn > *tǝktbōn > tkǝtbōn.
15 The ā has shortened due to stress shift (§2.2.3).
PC – the diphthong aw in the 1.s. awqaˁ 'I fall' doesn't change for
paradigmatic leveling reasons. The 2.f.s., 2.p., 3.p. also keep their typical
stem I conjugation: twǝqˁēn 'you (2.f.s.) fall'. In the 2.m.s., 3.f.s., and the 1.p.,
the vowel following the prefix, ǝ, produces the combination ǝw, which is
realized as ū: tǝwqaˁ -> tūqaˁ 'you (2.m.s.) fall'16. As for C1-y, only one root
was noted – ybs, in which the y drops in the 2.m.s., 3.f.s., and the 1.p.: *tǝybas
-> tǝbas 'you (2.m.s.) dry'17.
c. C2-w/y
SC – long ā appears in the third persons as opposed to ǝ in the rest: nām
'he slept'; nǝmtu 'I slept'.
PC – C2-w roots produce base patterns with either ā or ū: ynām 'he sleeps';
yṣūm 'he fasts'; tkunēn 'you (2.f.s.) will be'. C2-y roots present ī in their base
pattern: yǧīb 'he brings'; ybiˁōn 'they sell'.
Remarks:
i. According to Blanc (1964: 106), in certain high frequency
roots the PC base vowel, ā, ī, or ū, drops and ǝ is inserted
instead between the prefix and the base18. This might occur
only when the suffixes -ēn and -ōn are added. Only one case
as such was notes, however, namely that of the form yġidōn
'they want', which can, in parallel, be formed as yǝġdōn.
ii. When the indirect object marker l- is added to a verb form of
the root qwl, the long vowel of the base changes its value in
the following manner: the ā of the SC changes into a, whereas
the ū of the PC and the imperative changes into ǝ. In addition,
in the PC and the imperative, the l of the root elongates when
it is separated by a vowel from the l- of the marker: qal-l-i 'he
told me'; qalǝt-l-i 'she told me'; qǝllē-l-i 'tell (2.f.s.) me!'; yqǝllō-
l-i 'they tell me'.
iii. The verb 'to come' deserves a special treatment. In the first
and second persons of the SC ī is inserted: ǧītu 'I came'; ǧītǝm
'you (2.p.) came'. The third persons' conjugation is: ǧā19 'he
came'; ǧǝt 'she came'; ǧō 'they came'. In the PC: aǧi 'I come';
tǝǧi 'you (2.m.s.) come'; tǝǧēn 'you (2.f.s.) come'. The
imperative, like in other Arabic dialects, is formed on basis
of a different root: tāl 'come (2.m.s.)!'; tāli 'come (2.f.s.)!'; tālu
'come (2.p.)!'.
16 Blanc (1964: 104) notes only the form tǝwqaˁ, but Mansour (1991: 152-153) cites both.
17 Parallel to tūqaˁ, the form tības should be expected, but it does not exist.
18 Blanc cites it as a MB feature, but he mentions that it happens also in JB in a few
frequent verbs (1964: 106).
19 The final vowel is noted as long in the forms ǧā and ǧō.
d. C3-y
SC – the diphthong ay changes into ē for the first and second person: bnētu
'I built'. In the third person the y of the root zeroes out: bana 'he built'; banǝt
'she built'; banu 'they built'.
PC – has two patterns: abni 'I build' vs. abqa 'I remain. In both patterns the
vowel + y zero out altogether before the suffixes -ēn and -ōn: tǝbqēn 'you
(2.f.s.) remain; tǝbnōn 'you (2.p.) build'.
Imperative – can be derived from the PC base: tǝbni -> bnī 'build (2.m.s.)!';
tǝbqa -> bqā 'stay (2.m.s.)!'; tǝbqēn -> bqē20 'stay (2.f.s.)!'; tǝbnōn -> bnō21
'build (2.p.)!!.
Remark – C3-ˀ roots are conjugated as C3-y ones. A typical root is qġˀ 'to
read', in which the ġ systematically assimilates to the preceding q: qqētu 'I
read'. The PC and the imperative forms follow the pattern of the root bqy
rather than that of the root bny: tǝqqa 'you (m.s.) read'; yǝqqōn 'they read'; qqā
'read (m.s.)!'; qqē 'read (f.s.)'. When both the direct and the indirect object
pronouns are added to the imperative, the final vowel changes into a also for
the 2.f.s.: qqa-yā-nu 'read (m.s./f.s.) it to him!'.
e. C2C3
SC – the base form is qatt, in which C2 and C3 are never separated. The
vowel ē is inserted between the base and the ending of the first and second
person: sadd 'he closed'; sǝddēti 'you (2.f.s.) closed'; saddǝt 'she closed'.
PC – the base form is qǝtt, in which C2 and C3 are never separated: asǝdd
'I close'; tsǝddōn 'you (2.p.) close'.
Imperative – is derived from the PC base with the additional imperative
endings: sǝddi 'close (2.f.s.)!'.
3.2.2.2 Stem II
1. Strong roots
Stem II's conjugation is predictable on the basis of the OA conjugation of
the stem and JB's phonological rules. In all instances of the conjugation where
a three consonants cluster is produced, the gemination is not articulated. It
will, nevertheless, be noted in the transcription.
SC – kammal 'he finished'; kǝmmalti 'you (2.f.s.) finished'; kammlu 'they
finished'; kammlǝt 'she finished'.
PC – akammǝl 'I finish'; tkǝmmlēn 'you (2.f.s.) finish'; ykǝmmlōn 'they finish'.
Imperative – kammli 'finish (2.f.s.)!'.
2. Weak roots
C3-y – the same changes as those mentioned for C3-y in stem I occur: xalla
'he put'; xǝllētu 'I put'; yxalli 'he puts'. The imperative xalli 'put (m.s./f.s.)!' is
used for both 2.m.s. and 2.f.s., but when an object pronoun is added, they can
be distinguished again: xǝllī-nu 'put (2.m.s.) it (m.)' vs. xǝllē-nu 'put (2.f.s.) it
(m.)'.
C2C3 – are conjugated regularly, but in persons where a three consonants
cluster might develop an anaptictic vowel is added: ykǝbbᵊbōn 'they make a
kebab (shape)'.
Quadrilateral roots of transitive verbs are conjugated similarly to stem II's
conjugation: xarbaṭ 'he confused, damaged'; čaqlab 'he rolled over'. Anaptyctic
vowels are inserted in certain cases to avoid three consonants cluster: čaqᵊlbǝt
'she rolled over'; ynǝxᵊbšōn 'they search'.
imperative, the applicable prefixes and endings are simply added to the SC
base: yǝˁtāz 'he needs'; tǝˁtazōn 'you (2.p.) need'.
C3-y – final a is produced for the 3.m.s. of the SC: štaġa 'he bought'. For
the first and second person, the ending is preceded by ē: štġēna 'we bought'.
Final i is produced for the PC persons that don’t end with a subject suffix:
aštáġi 'I will buy'.
C2C3 – their SC base is qtall-, to which the subject suffixes are added:
štamm 'he smelled'. In the first and second person, the subject suffix is
preceded by ē: štǝmmēt 'you (m.s.) smelled'. In regards to the PC and the
imperative, the applicable prefixes and endings are simply added to the base:
yǝštamm 'he smells'; tǝštǝmmōn 'you smell'.
3.2.2.7 Stem IX
Stem IX is restricted to specific semantic classes like verbs of colors and
deficiencies. Its base form is -qtall- for both the SC and the PC, thus its
conjugation is similar to that of C2C3 roots of stem VIII: ṣfaġġ 'he grew pale';
yǝṣfaġġ 'he grows pale'. In the SC, the endings of the first and second person
are preceded by ē: ṣfǝġġētu 'I grew pale'.
3.2.2.8 Stem X
Stem X is quite rare in use in JB.
1. Strong roots
SC – its base form is staqtal-: staˁǧal 'he hurried'; stǝˁǧalti 'you (2.f.s.)
hurried'. An anaptyctic vowel is introduced in the 3.f.s. and the 3.p.: stáˁᵊǧlu
'they hurried'.
PC – its base form is -staqtǝl-: yǝstaˁǧǝl 'he hurries'; nǝṣṭanḏ̣ǝġ 'we wait'. An
anaptyctic is added in the 2.f.s., 2.p., and the 3.p.: tǝstᵊˁǧlēn 'you (2.f.s.) hurry'.
2. Weak roots
C2-w/y – are built on the basis of st- followed by stem I base: stġāḥ 'he
rested'; yǝstġāḥ 'he rests'. In the SC, the endings of the first and second person
are preceded by ē: stġaḥētu 'I rested'.
C3-y – are conjugated on the basis of staqta- for the SC and -staqti- for the
PC: stanqa 'he selected'; yǝstanqi 'he selects'.
C2C3 – are built on the basis of st- followed by stem I base: stˁadd 'he got
ready'; yǝstˁǝdd 'he gets ready'. In the SC, the endings of the first and second
persons are preceded by ē: stˁǝddētu 'I got ready'.
3.2.3 Inflection
Verbs in the different stems and tenses are inflected for person, gender, and
number, as the following tables demonstrate:
3.2.3.1 The SC
Free26 Bound27 Free Bound
1.s. -tu -tū-; -tō- 1.p. -nā -nā-
2.m.s. -t -t-
2.p. -tǝm -tǝm-
2.f.s. -ti -tī-;-tē-28
3.m.s. ∅ ∅
29 3.p. -u -ū-;-ō-
3.f.s. -ǝt -ǝt-
Table 9: The inflection of the SC
3.2.3.2 The PC
Free Bound Free Bound
1.s. a- 1.p. n-
2.m.s. t-
2.p. t-…-ōn t-…-ū-; t-…-ō-
2.f.s. t-…-ēn t-…-ī-; t-…-ē-
3.m.s. y-
3.p. y-…-ōn y-…-ū-; y-…-ō-
3.f.s. t-
Table 10: The inflection of the PC
26 "Free", in contrast to "Bound", relates to the bare verb itself, when no pronominal
suffixes are added to it, in which case, the syllable to which the ending belongs is never
stressed.
27 When two allomorphs appear in the paradigm, the one on the left is used before the
3.f.s. pronominal suffix -ha, whereas the one on the right is used before the rest of the
suffixes. In both cases the syllable to which the suffix belongs is stressed. This is true
also for the suffixes in Table 10 and Table 11 below.
28 Blanc (1964: 61-62) mention only the allomorph -tī- for the 2.f.s., but this allomorph
serves only before the 3.f.s. pronominal suffix -ha. The allomorph -tē- precedes the rest
of the pronominal suffixes.
29 The 3.f.s. suffix doesn't follow the phonological rule according to which OA a in a closed
post-stressed position retains. However, it probably reflects the suffix -it that has
developed in non-Bedouin dialects rather than the OA suffix -at (Gaash 2013: 66).
3.2.4.1 The SC
Stem I Stem II Stem III Stem IV Stem V
1.s. ktabtu kǝmmaltu safaġtu tkǝmmaltu
2.m.s. ktabt kǝmmalt safaġt tkǝmmalt
2.f.s. ktabti kǝmmalti safaġti tkǝmmalti
3.m.s. katab kammal sāfaġ doesn't tkammal
3.f.s. katbǝt kammlǝt sāfġǝt exist tkammlǝt
1.p. ktabna kǝmmalna safaġna tkǝmmalna
2.p. ktabtǝm kǝmmaltǝm safaġtǝm tkǝmmaltǝm
3.p. katbu kammlu sāfġu tkammlu
Stem VI Stem VII Stem VIII Stem IX Stem X
1.s. tsamaḥtu nᵊǧġaḥtu fᵊthamtu ṣfaġġētu stǝˁǧaltu
2.m.s. tsamaḥt nᵊǧġaḥt fᵊthamt ṣfaġġēt stǝˁǧalt
2.f.s. tsamaḥti nᵊǧġaḥti fᵊthamti ṣfaġġēti stǝˁǧalti
3.m.s. tsāmaḥ nǧaġaḥ ftaham ṣfaġġ staˁǧal
3.f.s. tsāmḥǝt nǧaġḥǝt ftahmǝt ṣfaġġǝt stáˁᵊǧlǝt
1.p. tsamaḥna nᵊǧġaḥna fᵊthamna ṣfaġġēna stǝˁǧalna
2.p. tsamaḥtǝm nᵊǧġaḥtǝm fᵊthamtǝm ṣfaġġētǝm stǝˁǧaltǝm
3.p. tsāmḥu nǧaġḥu ftahmu ṣfaġġu stáˁᵊǧlu
Table 12: The conjugation of the SC
3.2.4.2 The PC
Stem I Stem II Stem III Stem V
1.s. aktǝb abˁaṯ akammǝl asāfǝġ atkammǝl
2.m.s. tǝktǝb tǝbˁaṯ tkammǝl tsāfǝġ tǝtkammǝl
2.f.s. tkǝtbēn tbǝˁaṯēn tkǝmmlēn tsafġēn tǝtkǝmmlēn
3.m.s. yǝktǝb yǝbˁaṯ ykammǝl tsāfǝġ yǝtkammǝl
3.f.s. tǝktǝb tǝbˁaṯ tkammǝl ysāfǝġ tǝtkammǝl
1.p. nǝktǝb nǝbˁaṯ nkammǝl nsāfǝġ nǝtkammǝl
2.p. tkǝtbōn tbǝˁṯōn tkǝmmlōn tsafġōn tǝtkǝmmlōn
3.p. ykǝtbōn ybǝˁṯōn ykǝmmlōn ysafġōn yǝtkǝmmlōn
Stem II
Strong kammal kǝmmaltu ykammǝl tkǝmmlēn
Weak C3-y xalla xǝllētu yxalli txǝllēn
C2- sawwa sūwētu ysawwi tsūwēn
w+C3-y
quadrilateral naxbaš nǝxbaštu ynaxbǝš tnǝxᵊbšēn
Stem III
Strong ā type sāfaġ safaġtu ysāfǝġ tsafġēn
ō type sōlaf solaftu ysōlǝf tsolfēn
ē type bēġak beġaktu ybēġǝk tbeġkēn
Stem V
Strong tkammal tkǝmmaltu ytkammal tǝtkǝmmlēn
quadrilateral txarbaṭ txǝrbaṭṭu ytxarbaṭ tǝtxǝrᵊbṭēn
Stem VI
Strong ā type tsāmaḥ tsamaḥtu yǝtsāmaḥ tǝtsamḥēn
ē type tbēġak tbeġaktu yǝtbēġak tǝtbeġkēn
Stem VII
Strong nǧaġaḥ nᵊǧġaḥtu yǝnǧáġǝḥ tǝnǧᵊġḥēn
Weak C1-w nwalad nūládtu yǝnwálǝd tǝnwᵊldēn
C2-w/y ndāġ ndaġētu yǝndāġ tǝndaġēn
C3-y nˁama nᵊˁmētu yǝnˁámi tǝnᵊˁmēn
C2C3 nḥabb nḥǝbbētu yǝnḥabb tǝnḥǝbbēn
Stem VIII
Strong ftaham fᵊthamtu yǝftáhǝm tǝftᵊhmēn
Weak C1-w ttafaq ttǝfaqtu yǝttáfǝq tǝttᵊfqēn
C2-w/y ˁtāz ˁtazētu yǝˁtāz tǝˁtazēn
C3-y štaġa štġētu yǝštáġi tǝštġēn
C2C3 štamm štǝmmētu yǝštamm tǝštǝmmēn
Stem IX
Strong ṣfaġġ ṣfǝġġētu yǝṣfaġġ tǝṣfǝġġēn
Stem X
Strong staˁǧal stǝˁǧaltu yǝstaˁǧǝl tǝstǝˁᵊǧlēn
Weak C2-w/y strāḥ stġaḥētu yǝstġāḥ tǝstġaḥēn
Table 15: SC and PC derivation bases of strong and weak roots in representative
persons in all stems
3.3.1 Stem I
3.3.2.1 The AP
When used as a verb, the AP base of stem I is qētǝl-: kētǝb 'is (m.) writing';
ǧēmˁi 'is (f.) gathering'.
Remark – when the root qˁd is conjugated in the plural, it can have either
the form qāˁdīn 'are sitting' or qēˁdīn. The singular forms are restricted to ē in
their base: qēˁǝd 'is (m.) sitting'; qēˁdi 'is (f.) sitting'.
3.3.2.2 The PP
The PP base of stem I is mǝqtūl-: mǝftūḥ 'is (m.) opened'; mǝktūba 'is (f.)
written'; mǝfhumīn 'are understood'.
In the PP of C3-y roots, the long vowel ū and the y fall, while a final vowel
i is introduced: mǝqli 'is (m.) fried'; məšwīyi 'is (f.) grilled'; mǝbniyīn 'are built'.
When the PP of stem I is used for nouns, it keeps its OA pattern: maktūb
'letter' vs. mǝktūb 'is (m.) written'.
Table 17 shows that there is no difference between the m.s. and the f.s. of the
AP. On the other hand, the plural forms of the AP and the PP are clearly
distinguished, unlike the case with the conjugation of strong roots.
Stem III's conjugation of the participles is similar to that of stem II, only
that a long vowel ā comes between the first and the second consonant.
30 Blanc (1964: 97) cites mǝštǝmmīyi for the f.s. and mǝštǝmmayīn for the p., but the
informants claim that these forms do not exist.
3.3.6 Stem IX
The participle base form of stem IX is mǝfˁall-. There is no active-passive
distinction in this stem: mǝḥmaġġ 'is (m.) blushing'; mǝḥmǝġġāyi 'is (f.)
blushing'; mǝḥmǝġġayīn 'are blushing'.
3.3.7 Stem X
The participle base form of stem X is mǝstafˁǝl-. The active-passive distinction
is preserved only in the form of the m.s.: mǝstaˁǧǝl 'is (m.) hurrying'; mǝstaˁǧal
'is (m.) rushed'; mǝstáˁᵊǧli 'is (f.) hurrying/rushed'; mǝstǝˁᵊǧlīn 'are
hurrying/rushed'.
Warnings can be conveyed using the sentence particle taġa preceding the
PC: taġa aġūḥ wu-axǝllī-k hōni '(I warn you that) I will go and leave you here'.
The fossilized modal verb lazǝm- precedes the PC to denote obligation:
lazǝm-tə́ǧi 'You must come'.
The fossilized modal verb yǝnġad- precedes the PC to denote necessity:
yǝnġad-tə́ǧi 'You need to come'.
The optative is usually denoted by the bare PC, and can be understood as
such from the context. However, there are additional means to denote a wish,
such as the sentence particle bāġi: bāġi ḥkī wiyā-yi kǝlmi 'I wish you'd say a
word to me'. As for negative hope, it can be expressed by the sentence particle
xō(b) followed by the negator ma in a rhetorical question: xō ma štġēt-l-i šēn?
'I hope you haven’t bought me anything'.
For a more detailed discussion of the above mentioned modal verb
modifiers and other, including additional examples and diachronic analysis
of their origin, see Bar-Moshe (2017: 160-204).
3.5.1 Declension
3.5.1.1 Number
Singular nouns and adjectives can be thought of as morphologically
unmarked. To create a dual or a plural noun, morphological operations are
carried out on the singular form in accordance to the following guidelines:
1. The dual
The dual suffix -ēn is quite productive in JB: sbuˁēn 'two weeks'; sǝntēn
'two years'; duġṭēn 'twice'; mitēn 'two hundred'; mǝṭrēn 'two meters';
qaṭēn 'double'; akᵊltēn 'two dishes'; nuˁēn 'two types'; mkanēn 'two
places'; gḷaṣēn 'two cups'; šǝlᵊġmaytēn31 'two turnips'. As the list above
shows, the dual is not restricted in use for nouns denoting time,
measurements, quantities, or numbers.
Another strategy to convey duality, though less common, is by the
use of the separate cardinal number ṯnēn 'two' following the plural
form of the noun: bnāt ᵊṯnēn 'two daughters'; bzazīn ᵊṯnēn 'two cats'. It
is important to note that the speakers don’t use this strategy due to
31 The dual form is derived from the singular form šalᵊġmāyi, which is derived from the
collective noun šalġam followed by the singulative suffix -āyi (§3.5.3.4).
3.5.1.2 Gender
Feminine nouns and adjective are usually identified by the feminine ending -
a or -i33. A singular noun or adjective that ends differently is most probably a
masculine one. Thus, our discussion will focus on the feminine ending. The
analysis will distinguish two situations – when the feminine ending occurs in
an isolated noun, adjective, or AP vs. when it precedes suffixes and in a
construct state noun.
1. The feminine ending in an isolated noun, adjective, or AP
JB has either -a or -i as a feminine ending in isolated nouns or
adjectives, depending on the phonemic structure of the preceding
syllable34:
a. When the preceding syllable contains y, i, ī, or ē, the feminine
ending is -i: kbīġi 'big (f.s.)'; bēḏ̣i 'egg'; zġayyġi 'small (f.s.)'.
32 The phonemic structure of the singular form changes when the plural suffix is added.
This change is predictable in Hebrew, and so it is not considered as a broken plural.
33 For rare cases in which final imāla results in ē see §2.2.4.10.
34 Blanc (1964: 68) claims that it depends on "the structure of the base", and according to
Mansour (1991: 40) it depends on "the preceding vowel".
35 In a word like dǝni 'world' the final imāla is caused by the original y of the root that fell
down.
36 This form originates from OA šaǧara. The ∅ in the syllable that precedes the feminine
ending goes back to an a, and so the feminine ending is a rather than i.
37 When the vowel of the OA feminine suffix -at- is situated in an open unstressed syllable,
it zeroes out.
38 The original form *qǝb|bǝ|tēn went through a reduction of its gemination (though not
noted as such in the transcription) and zeroing out of the ǝ of the feminine suffix
allomorph in an opened unstressed syllable.
39 The analysis treats the compound as one phonological word in which the syllables are
divided in the following manner: *ǧī|ǧa|tal|sūq. The vowel of the feminine suffix is
situated in the syllable ǧa, which is an open unstressed syllable, and thus it zeroes out.
are used in parallel and seem quite evenly common. The same
happens with the numeral ṯnēn 'two' which also has the
allomorph ṯnḗnǝt- preceding a pronominal suffix. Thus, the two
forms ṯnēn-ǝm and ṯnḗnǝt-ǝm mean 'both of them'. As for the
change in stress in these cases §2.3(b).
3.5.2 Derivation
A diachronic point of view is adopted here for the analysis of JB nominal
patterns. The patterns detailed in the following paragraphs are divided into
groups such as "patterns with gemination", "patterns with the ending -ān" etc.
These groups represent a division which used here for the sake of
methodological clarity only, namely to enable the reader to locate a specific
pattern in a faster and easier manner.
Generally speaking, the patterns change their OA base forms into JB base
forms according to JB phonological rules. When a word keeps the OA pattern,
it can be considered as a loanword, meaning that it was introduced into JB in
a late stage.
44 This word is inserted into the pattern as if it is synchronically derived from the root bnt.
Sometimes, when in construct state, the n assimilates into the following t: bǝtt kalb
'daughter of a dog'.
45 It is possible that the a of the pattern qatil assimilates first into the i of the following
syllable and then changes into ǝ in a stressed syllable. Fischer & Jastrow (1980: 144)
recognize this process in Mesopotamian dialects.
2. qutul
This pattern changes into qǝtǝl as expected: ǧǝzǝġ 'islands'.
3. qatal
The pattern preserves its OA form: samak 'fish'; baṣal 'onion'; marag46
'soup'.
4. qatala
This pattern should have resulted in qatla (see §2.2.4.7). There are
indeed some words that follow this pattern: samka 'a fish', but in
others the first vowel a has, for unclear reason, changed into ǝ: sǝǧġa
'tree'. In addition, some loanwords keep the original OA pattern:
ḥaraka 'temperature, movement'.
5. qital and qutal
These patterns are used for plural nouns and change into qǝtal: ǝbaġ
'needles'; wǝṣal 'pieces'.
48 The first short vowel of daǧāǧa zeroes-out in an unstressed position, and the
combination of d and ǧ is analyzed as a single ǧ since the latter is already a combination
of d and ž.
49 Blanc (1964: 79, 199) claims that the initial a of OA awlād fell off since the preposition
l- was frequently prefixed to it, which led to its reanalysis as follows: the original form
*lawlād consists of the diphthong aw, which in an unstressed position changed into u,
resulting in *lulād. This form was reanalyzed as l- + wlād. However, the final result,
wlād, can be also explained as a result of JB changes in aqtāl pattern. Following this
explanation, when the article is prefixed to this word we get: l- + wlād. An anaptyctic
is inserted between the article and the word to avoid three consonants cluster. This
produces the combination ǝw: lǝ-wlād, which is realized as ū: lūlād.
50 The plural form snūn was also noted for this noun.
51 Literally: variety of colors.
52 Many plurals of the pattern qatlān may be produced in parallel by adding the sound
plural suffix -īn: tǝˁbanīn 'tired (p.)'.
53 For example, the plural ḥbāli 'pregnant (p.)' goes back to the s. form ḥǝblē 'pregnant (s.)'.
– This pattern is also common with the ending -a for plural nouns:
nhūġa 'rivers'; ǧsūġa 'bridges'; ḅṭūla54 'bottles'.
– When the first u is kept, the pattern should be perceived as
hosting a loanword: hukūma 'government'.
– The word ḏhubāt 'golden jewelry' is marked by two plural markers
– the pattern qtūl and the suffix -āt (see §3.5.1.1(2)).
59 This is probably a loanword, since the form maqᵊbġa exists in parallel. Interestingly, the
loanword is the one that appears in the corpus.
60 Probably a MB loanword, due to the change of q into g.
changed into ē. The suffix a was added and changed into i under
the influence of the preceding ē.
– The word buḥayra 'lake' shows no change in the pattern qutayla,
and thus should be considered as a loanword.
– The adjective zġayyǝġ61 'small (m.s.)' is based on the pattern
qutayyil, which went through the relevant JB phonological
changes. The combination ayy is considered a combination of a
short vowel and geminated consonant, and not of the diphthong
ay followed by the consonant y, therefore it didn't change into
ēy62. In the feminine form, the gemination drops to avoid three
consonants cluster (although it is still noted in the transcription)
and final imāla takes place: zġayyġi 'small (f.s.)'.
8. uqtūl
In this pattern the initial a drops, and so the final pattern is qtūl: sbūˁ
'week'.
3.6 Numerals
3.6.1 Cardinal numbers
65 A noun based on OA pattern qutla, which untypically to this pattern underwent final
imāla.
66 Blanc (1964: 90) cites also the form ṯǝntēn, but the informants reject its use in JB.
Indeed, there is no trace for it in the corpus.
any case the different word order doesn’t seem to bear any semantic
distinction. Having said that, the use of the dual ending suffixed to the noun
is the most frequent strategy to count two units of a noun: bǝntēn
(§3.5.1.1(1)).
67 Allomorph class C can be considered a private case of class B since it takes the numerals
of class B and compounds them with a noun, while adding a -t- infix in between. When
class B numeral is derived from OA qVtl pattern, an anaptyctic vowel is inserted as well
(§2.4.2).
68 The interdental ṯ assimilates to the following t.
3.6.1.5 Tens
The tens can be derived from OA following JB's phonological rules: ˁǝšġīn '20';
tleṯīn69 '30'; ġǝbˁīn70 '40'; xǝmsīn '50'; sǝttīn '60'; sǝbˁīn '70'; tmenīn '80'; tǝsˁīn '90'.
3.6.1.6 Hundreds
The numeral 'one hundred' is mīyi. When it precedes a noun its form changes
into mīt: mīt ᵊbnāt 'one hundred girls'.
The numeral 'two hundred' is formed as a dual noun: mitēn.
The numerals 300-900 are formed by compounding a numeral from
allomorph class B with the morpheme -mīyi or -mīt: sabᵊˁmīyi 'seven hundred'.
3.6.1.7 Thousands
The numeral 'one thousand' is alf: alᵊf Lēra '1,000 Lira'.
The numeral 'two thousand' is formed as a dual noun: alfēn.
The numerals 3000-9000 are formed by compounding a numeral from
allomorph class C with the morpheme -alāf: ṯmǝntalāf 'eight thousand'.
3.7 Prepositions
3.7.1 'to', 'for'
OA l- usually occurs as such in JB and denotes either dative or lative
(movement towards a location in time or space) relations: ǧāb-l-i 'he gave me';
69 The numerals '30' and '80' underwent inner imāla. Blanc (1964: 92) notes them as tliṯīn
and ṯminīn, which implies imāla towards i, but the speakers pronounce it rather closer
to e.
70 The numeral '40' dropped its initial a.
71 The same goes, naturally, to the f.s. variant wlanīyi 'first (f.s.)' and the plural variant
wlaniyīn 'first (p.)'.
72 Derived from a C3-y root, this form is used both for the m.s. and the f.s.
l-bǝnt-kǝm 'to your daughter'; l-bēt Dahūd 'to the house/family of Dahūd'. There
are three cases in which different allomorphs are in use:
– lē- when it completes a motion verb and proceeded by a pronominal
suffix: ġāḥ lē-nu 'he went to him'.
– llǝ- preceding a pronominal suffix, when the combination of the
preposition and the pronoun are under focus (Bar-Moshe 2019): llǝ-
nu 'to him'; llǝ-ha 'to her'.
– The allomorph li-73 is used only to indicate lative relations. It precedes
a syllable whose structure is CV, and is specifically common in
compounds like: lí-wēn 'up to where'; lí-hassa 'till now'; lí-qǝddām 'in
advance'; mᵊn-bēt lí-bēt 'from house to house'. This allomorph usually
takes the compound's stress.
The morpheme l- also marks a definite object: fūwġō-nu l-dǝhᵊn 'they boiled
the oil'. In fact, the morpheme takes part in a larger construction which
consists of the verb, followed by a pronominal suffix that agrees with the
object and refers to it, followed by the morpheme l- and a noun which overtly
represents the object. In a similar construction, the morpheme l- might mark
genitive relations. The only difference would be the occurrence of a noun
rather than a verb as the first member of the construction: abū-ha l-ǝmm-I 'the
father of my mother'.
Remark – the morpheme l- can also represent the definite article: l-ǧīǧi 'the
chicken', or serve as a relative marker: mani l-yġūḥ? 'who is the one who is
going?'. The correct interpretation of the morpheme as a preposition, an
object marker, a genitive marker, a definite article, or a relative marker
depends on its syntactic environment. Regardless to its syntactic function, this
morpheme tends to assimilate quite commonly to the following consonant
(see §2.1.2.1(5)).
3.7.3 'from'
OA min presents the following allomorphs in JB:
– mn- before V or CC: mn-ǝl-bēt 'from the house'; mn-abū-ha 'from her
father'.
– mᵊn- before CV: mᵊn-Bǝġdād 'from Baghdad'.
3.7.6 'with'
The preposition 'with' in JB is wiya- rather than a reflex of OA maˁa: wiya-
mani? 'with whom'.
The allomorph wiyā-78 is used before pronominal suffixes: wiyā-na 'with us'.
3.7.7 'like'
OA miṯl presents the following allomorphs in JB:
– mǝṯᵊl- before CV: mǝṯǝl-sadd 'like a dam'.
– mǝṯl- in the rest of the cases: mǝṯl-ᵊš-šams 'like the sun'.
Remark – this preposition was grammaticalized into the conjunctive adverb
'for example'. When it is used as such its form is mǝṯǝl.
74 Blanc (1964: 122) cites it as mmǝnn-. In most of the cases, however, the initial
gemination of m is absent. Like the allomorph llǝ- the gemination is articulated when
the preposition is in focus: mmǝnn-ak štaġa? 'was it from you that he bought?'.
75 In slower speech the allomorph before the article can also be realized as ˁal-: ˁal-ǝṣ-ṣǝnīyi
'on the tray'.
76 For the 1.s. Mansour (1991: 165) notes ˁléyyi or ˁlayyi, and Blanc (1964: 122) notes
ˁlayyi.
77 In this case the n usually drops, thus producing the form ˁǝd-na 'by/with us'. Possibly,
that it first assimilates to the following d, and only then drops to prevent a three
consonants cluster.
78 Blanc (1964: 123) notes it as wiyā- while Mansour (1991: 165) as wǝyyā-.
3.8 Adverbs
JB gathered its inventory of adverbs from different sources. Some adverbs orig-
inate from OA, and traces of nunation are still apparent in them: awwalan 'first
of all'; dāyman 'always'; taqrīban 'about, around'; ṭabˁan 'naturally'. Some make
use of suffixes to convey their special meaning, for example the use of the rela-
tional suffix in yumīyi 'daily', or of the singulative noun suffix in nǝqṭāyi 'a little'.
Others are deictic words in essence (§3.1.4): hēkǝḏ 'like that'; hassa 'now'; hōn(i)
'here'. There are adverbs that are constructed as a preposition phrase: lí-qəddām
'in advance'; b-ǝl-awwal 'at first'. Some adverbs are borrowed from surrounding
languages, like: ham80 'also', which exists in both Turkish and Persian.
The following is a non-exhaustive list of common adverbs classified by
semantic categories:
– Manner – ˁāl 'good'; kǝllǝš 'very'; b-ǝḏ̣-ḏ̣aḅṭ 'exactly'; hēkǝḏ 'like that';
kṯīġ(i) 'significantly, much'; ˁal-asās 'supposedly'; b-ǝl-ˁaǧᵊl 'quickly';
yawāš 'slowly'; lí-qəddām 'in advance'; ṭabˁan 'naturally'; aṯāġi
'apparently'.
– Time – baˁdēn 'afterwards'; t-tāli81 'afterwards, then'; kaġġa 'once';
mǝrrāt 'sometimes'; hassa 'now'; s-sāˁa 'now'; lí-hassa 'till now'; bōḥi
82 When the stress falls on the last syllable, namely abadán, the meaning changes to 'not
at all': ma ǧā abadán 'he never came (literally: he didn't come at all)'.
83 This adverb is similar in form to the verb yǝǧi 'it (m.) comes' and is probably a result of
its grammaticlaization.
1 The full phrase is: ma aˁġǝf aškun. The second word is uttered so quickly, that it is barely
noticeable. In fact, this phrase frequently loses some of its sounds. Many different
examples for that can be found in the texts below.
2 This verb shares the same root with the noun ḏ̣ammān, which is defined by Woodhead
& Beene (1967: 281) as "landlord, man who owns an orchard and sells the unharvested
crop".
3 A discourse marker which comes to verify that the hearer is following the story. The
same goes for i, which appears further down in the text and literally means 'yes', but
when it is pronounced in a rising tone the speaker wishes to make sure that the hearer
is at the same page with him. Also ˁġaft, which literally means 'did you know' and
appears below is a discourse marker of the same type.
4 The construction X (wu-)ma X conveys a message similar to 'X and the like'. The same
construction repeats three times in this text: ǧsūġa ma ǧsūġa 'bridges and the like';
ḅwiyyǝġ wu-ma ḅwiyyǝġ 'bamboo weaves and the like'; txūt wu-ma txūt 'mattresses and
the like'.
5 The form should be tdūs, but the 2.m.s. prefix t- of the PC assimilates to the following
consonant d.
9 š-ǝsm-a, literally meaning 'what is her name', is a pause marker. It is used to earn some
time when speakers need to think about their next utterance.
ˁǝd-na10 b… we had…
balam ᵊkbīġ mᵊn-hāḏa yǝnqǝl ṭˁām, a big boat like that that ships
seeds,
tāxǝd xǝmsīn ṭǝnn, (a boat able to) carry 50 ton,
abu šġāˁ, with a sail,
māku? you know?
A: i i i… Yes yes yes…
B: xǝllēna txūt… We put mattress…
A: mhāyla. mhāyla11.
B: mhāyla kbīġi. A big mhāyla.
wu-ǧīna bī-nu mn-ǝl… And we came with it from…
mn-ǝl… from…
mn-ǝl-Hǝndīyi ila l… from Hǝndīyi to…
ila-š-Šamīyi. to Šamīyi.
masāfa kbīġi hāyi. It is a long distance.
ṭlaˁna mn-ūnīki b… We took off from there at…
ḥawāli ǝl-aġbaˁ ǝl-ˁaṣᵊġ, around four in the afternoon,
kānǝt iyām ṣēf, it was summer,
wṣalna l-ǝč-Čǝfǝl… we arrived at Čǝfǝl…
l-ǝč-Čǝfǝl wṣalna taqrīban b-nǝṣṣ we arrived at Čǝfǝl at around
ǝl-lēl. midnight.
nǝm… We slep(t)…
stġaḥēna b-ǝč-Čǝfǝl ˁǝnd ǧamāˁa we rested in Čǝfǝl at (our)
mǝn… friends (place)…
nzanna12 wnīki ˁǝnd-ǝm, we stayed there with them,
wu-ṭlaˁna mᵊn-ġəbša…. and we took off at dawn…
ġǝddēna ġkabna b-ǝl… we took again the…
bī-nu, it (the boat),
ḥǝtti… so that…
aku mkanāt yǝnqaṭǝˁ ᵊǧ-ǧǝsᵊġ, there are places in which the
bridge stops (working),
ˁǝnd-ǝm mǝṯᵊl-saˁāt mǝḥdūda, they have like fixed (working)
hours,
ḥǝtti nlaḥḥǝq qabᵊl ma ysǝddōn-u. so that we will make it before
they close it.
hāyi ǧǝsġ ǝl-Kūfa. It is the bridge of Kūfa.
wu-hāyi… And this…
10 The n of the preposition assimilates to the following d (or vice versa), however, the
germination shortens due to the production of a consonants cluster.
11 Another type of boat.
12 The l of the root nzl assimilates to the following n.
13 A discourse marker that encodes the hearer's understanding and signals to the speaker
that he/she can continue talking.
14 In this word the usual realization of ǝw into ū does not occur.
15 See Woodhead & Beene (1967: 412).
16 Hyperbolically.
17 The n of the preposition is not pronounced.
18 The speaker uses a rhetorical question to give the explanation. The question translates
literally into: 'aren’t they growing rice all day long in the swamp?'.
19 Elongates the final s to give a dramatic effect.
20 The PC prefix t- of the 3.f.s. assimilates into the following ǧ. Also, the speaker elongates
the final f to give a dramatic effect.
21 A very quick pronunciation of the full phrase ma aˁġǝf aš yǝssǝmō-nu, 'I don't know what
its name is'. It comes to convey uncertainty. In this case the speaker doesn't want to
commit about the lake's name.
22 The stress in this word doesn’t follow neither OA nor JB rules. Possibly the speaker
wanted to utter the singular form, which would result in stressed in the syllable ḥáy,
but then changed his mind.
A: hāyi… It…
ˁaqb-a… Afterwards…
l-īhūd badu… the Jews started…
ᵊkṯīġ yṭǝlˁōn qačaġ, many got smuggled (out of Iraq),
yṭǝlˁōn ˁala… they got out through…
ˁal… through…
b-waṣᵊṭ l-akġād, with the help of the Kurds,
šwayya šwayya wu… little by little…
šwayya šwayya wu-qa-y… little by little they…
wu-qa-yṭǝlˁōn. they got out.
ana, I,
ˁənd-i kān wēḥǝd b-ǝl… I had someone (a friend) in the…
mudiriyǝt ǝl-amn ǝl-ˁām, police,
qal-l-i: he told me:
Ibrahīm… Abraham…
qa-yəˁġǝf qa-yǝmšōn qačaġ. he knew that people are getting
smuggled.
qal-l-i: He told me:
ənta la təmši qačaġ. Don't get smuggled.
ana lāzǝm aṭǝllǝˁ… I have to (be the one that)…
aṭǝllə́ˁ-ak. gets you out.
ana qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
təˁġǝf, You know,
ˁənd-i axū-yi… I have my brother…
ˁənd-i axū-yi b… I have my brother in…
b-Landǝn sēkǝn, living in London,
wu-əḥna ma m… and we haven't…
ṣāġ ᵊsnīn mᵊn… it has been years…
mᵊn-ǝt-tasqīt lí-hassa ma ˁayǝnnā- since the (monarchy) fell till now
nu, we haven't seen him,
wu-qa… and…
wu-qa-nġīd ᵊnġūḥ ᵊnˁayə́n-nu. and we want to go see him.
awwal ši qǝltō-l-u da… First thing I told him that…
walə́d-i wu-waldə́t-i d-aġīd aṭǝllə́ˁ- I want to smuggle my father and
ǝm. mother out.
qal-l-i… He told me…
qal-l-i: He told me:
24 yqǝl-l-ak literally means 'he tells you', but in this case it impersonlly refers to a hearsay.
25 The l in the compound ašlon assimilated into the following š. This occurs quite
frequently.
A: ᴴᴱ(lō! No!
lō!)ᴴᴱ No!
kə́llǝt-na… For all of us….
kə́llǝt-na. for all of us.
ᵊn-nafar mitēn. 200 per person.
i. Yes.
əḥna qāˁdīn ǝḏ-ḏəhᵊġ, We were sitting at noon,
sūwō-l-na ġǝdwīyi qa-nǝtġadda, they prepared lunch for us (and)
we were eating,
ma ašūf ǝlla28 hūwi ǧā daqq ᵊl-bāb suddenly I see him coming,
wu-qāl: knocking on the door and saying:
yaḷḷa! Let's go!
hətti ma tġǝddēna baˁᵊd. We haven't even eaten lunch.
qəmna. We got up.
ǧeyyi b-siyāra Landrōvǝr. He came with a Landrover.
Ǧīb. A Jeep.
wu-ṭlaˁna ġkabna bī-ya. And we took it.
baqa… But…
aš šēylīn? what did we carry (with us)?
ǧǝnᵊṭṭēn ᵊzġār mᵊn-hāyi mal-īd Two suitcases that can be hand-
māku? carried, you know?
b-idē-na. In our hands.
kəlla hāyi ṭ-ṭǝllaˁnā-ha lᵊ-ḥwās. This is all the cloths that we
took.
waḷḷa, Indeed,
ṭlaˁna, we went out,
qal-l-u l-ǝs-sāyǝq: he told the driver:
ṭlaˁ mᵊn-turuq ᵊlli ma bī-ya taftīš Take us through roads that don't
ma taftīš, have inspection,
i. Yes.
wṣalna ila nāḥya yǝssǝmū-ha We arrived to a region called
nāḥyǝt Māwǝt ˁala l-ḥǝdūd māl… Māwǝt on the border with…
mal-Irān. with Iran.
wṣalna ḥawāli sətti wu-nəṣṣ ǝl- We arrived at around half past
maġrǝb. six in the evening.
kānǝt hāyi b-šəhᵊġ Marč. It was in March.
wṣalna l-ūnīki, We arrived there,
qāl: (and) he said:
hassa y… Now…
hōni hassa yǧibō-l-na lᵊ-bġīl wu- They will bring the mules here
nǝġkab ᵊbġīl wu-nġūḥ. now and we will ride on them
and go.
wu-ḏǝllēna qa-nǝṣṭaṇḏǝr. And we kept waiting.
ašu la bġīl wǝla hāḏa? But there were neither mules nor
anything.
ma šəfna ǝlla hāḏa l… Suddenly we saw this…
hāḏa l… this…
hūwi ˁayán-u hāḏa l-trattab wiyā- he saw the smuggler with which
un l-qačarči, he handled things,
l-iǧīb lᵊ-bġīl, the one that brings the mules,
ˁayán-u ǧā lí-hōni, he saw him coming here
(towards us),
bēt-u wnīki b-aḏīki l-ṃǝṇṭaqa lᵊ- his house was there at the
nzalna bī-ya b-ǝl-ġās, entrance to the area where we
got down,
b-ġās l-ūlāyi. at the entrance of the town.
waḷḷa ǧā. Indeed, he came.
ašu hāḏa qa-yˀǝššǝġ-ᵊl-na b-īd-u ī We saw him signaling to us with
hēkǝḏ: his hands like that:
ġūḥu ġūḥu ġūḥu! Go go go!
i. Yes.
hāḏa nazal… He went down…
nazal lē-nu rəkᵊḏ̣. He went down to him (to the
smuggler) running.
i. Yes.
ftáham mənn-ǝm… He understood from them…
ma aˁġǝf aš ḥǝddáṯ-u, I don't know what he told him,
ǧā hāḏa ġakab b-ǝs-siyāra, he came on into the car,
qal-l-u l-ǝs-sāyǝq: (and) told the driver:
yāḷḷa rǧaˁ! Go back!
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
yāba aškun nǝrǧaˁ? What does it mean (that) we go
back?
ma… He didn't…
ma qa-yǧāwǝb. he didn't answer.
ᵊnla… He sh…
ᵊnlaǧam. he shut down.
ma… He didn't…
ma qa-yǧāwǝb. he didn't answer.
wəllan, Anyway,
dǝni lēl, it was dark,
ᵊrǧaˁna. we went back.
waḷḷa… Indeed…
baqa l-nǝswān lēbsīn ˁəbi, the women (the wife and
daughters) were wearing abayas,
wu-ana lēbǝs məṯᵊl-lǝ-klāw wu- and I was wearing a Klāw29 and
hāḏa… that…
i, yes,
wu-qa… and…
wu-qa-nəmši. and we drove away.
wu-kǝll ma yˁāyǝn ḏ̣awa mal- and every time that he saw the
siyā… light of a ca(r)…
siyāra mn-ᵊbˁīd, car from afar,
mu b-āḏa ṭ-ṭarīq, not in this road,
b-ġēġ ṭarīq, but in other one,
yxammǝl qa-yǝ.. he thought they…
qa-yǝǧōn ˁlē-na. they were coming for us.
wṣalna ila l… We arrived to the…
hāḏa… this…
l-mawqaf mal-ǝš-šərṭa. police barricade.
d-dǝni ḏǝlmē, It was dark,
wu-hūwi šēˁǝl ᵊs-siyāra, he (kept) the car turned on,
šēˁǝl ᵊḏ-ḏawa. he turned on the lights.
ma nˁāyǝn ǝlla šərṭa ṯnēn waqfu We suddenly saw two policemen
wu-b-i… standing and…
wu-kǝll wēḥǝd b-īd-u tǝfga, and each one had a gun in his
hand,
hēkǝḏ b-ǝl-ˁǝġḏ lēzə́m-a, that he was holding diagonally,
wu-wǝ… and…
wəqqfə́t-a lᵊ-siyāra, and they stopped the car,
i. yes.
hāḏa… He…
nazal, went down,
i. yes.
qalō-l-u: They told him:
hā? Hey?
ḥaǧǧi Karīm! Haǧǧ karīm!
wēn b-ǝl-lēl hāḏa? Where (are you going) this late?
qal-l-ǝm: He told them:
ᴹᴮ(waḷḷa kān ˁəd-na ˁərᵊs b- We had a wedding in Māwǝt…
Māwǝt)ᴹᴮ…
hāyi nāḥya Māwǝt ᵊl-kənna bī-ya, (he referred to) Māwǝt region in
which we were.
29 A Muslim skullcap.
30 This expression repeats the word yaḷḷa 'let's go' twice as a single intonation unit.
lí-Bǝġdād. To Baghdad.
i, Yes,
zēn. Okay.
wṣalna… We arrived…
qǝltō-l-ak, I told you,
wṣalna wǝčč-ġəbša hēkǝḏ, we arrived at dawn,
təˁġǝf… you know…
dǝni bahār. it was chilly.
wǝqqafīn, There were standing…
siyarāt šərṭa siyarāt mal-ˁaskarīyi, police cars (and) army cars.
wu-hāyi ᵊl-ṃǝṇ… And this ar…
mǝṇṭaqa mal-taftīš ᵊkbīġi. (was) a big inspection area.
waḷḷa ašu ˁaynō-na qālu: Surprisingly they saw us and
said:
fūtu! Pass!
ṭlaˁna. We got out (of there).
ḏ̣ǝllētu afakkǝr ənnhu axə́ḏ-u l-āḏa I kept on thinking whether I
s-sāˀǝq ywǝṣṣə́l-ni l-ǝl-bēt. should use this driver to take me
home.
baḷḷa ylǝzmō-nu t-tāli wu-qāl ana But they might stop him and
ǧǝbtō-hǝm l-āḏa l-bēt. then he could say (changes to
direct speech) I took them to this
house.
tāĺ i-ya, Then,
fǝkkartu qəltu: I thought and said:
hāyi… It…
aḥsan mᵊn-anzǝl… it would be better if I go down
anzǝl wu-āxǝḏ taksi wu… I go down and take a cab and...
baḷḷa… Really…
wu… wu-hāḏa. and (all) that.
ᵊnzalna. We went down.
ǧītu ˁal-bēt, I came home,
ftaḥtu bāb ǝl-ḥadīqa, I opened the garden's gate,
ma mǝqfūl. It wasn't locked.
yaˁni ma… I mean it wasn't…
ma mǝlkūk, it wasn't sealed (by the police),
ma bī-nu lakka. it didn't have a seal.
l… The…
bāb ǝl-bēt ma mǝlkūk. the door of the house was (also)
not sealed.
ˁġaftu ma hāḏa… I knew that not…
maḥḥad ǧā. nobody came.
dxalna l-ǝl-bēt… We entered into the house…
32 The ṯ of the root assimilates to the personal suffix t. This happens twice more in the
following utterences.
33 A prison's name.
i. Yes.
wu-ana ṭˁitō-nu xǝmsīn Dinār… And I gave him 50 Dinars
(more).
ənta… You…
hāyi ana mᵊn-ˁǝnd-i, it is (a present) from me,
ma ˁǝnd-ak šəġᵊl ənta bī-ya. It's none of your business.
ana… I…
ənta ǧǧīb-l-i34 bass mīyi wu-xǝmsīn (he insisted:) give me only 150
Dinār. Dinars.
ma q-aṣaddǝq ana. I couldn't believe it.
ana mǝnqárǝr tlettalāf aġbaˁtalāf. I already decided (to invest a
sum of) 3000-4000 (Dinars).
i. Yes.
qǝltō-l-u z… I told him….
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
waḷḷa b-kēf-ak. Really, as you wish.
aš tġīd ana ḥāḏ̣ǝġ. I am willing (to do) whatever
you want.
i. Yes.
qal-l-i… He told me…
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
lakan d-aġūḥ aǧib-ᵊl-k-iyā lᵊ-flūs. Then I will go and bring you the
money.
qāl: He said:
lā, No,
xǝllī-ha l-ǝl-axīr. Leave it to the end.
i. Yes.
qal-l-i: He told me:
ᴹᴮ(ˁala-kǝllǝn, Anyway,
rūḥ l-ǝs-safar, go to the passport (office),
aˁtáqǝd tilg-i hassa wāṣǝl l-ǝs-safar I think you will see now that the
ǝl-muˁāmala)ᴹᴮ. request is (already) there.
baqa l-ˁaṣġiyāt mǝftūḥa idārat ǝs- In the afternoons the passport
safar. office was opened.
ġəḥna l-ūnīki. We went there.
waḷḷa alqi asamī-na mˁallqa, Indeed I saw our names hanging
(on the board),
ənnahu qa-yǝṭˁō-na pasapōrt. (which means) that they are
going to give us passports.
zēn. Okay.
baqa aš lazǝm-ᵊnsawwi? What should we do, then?
ṯī… ṯīni yōm mn-ǝṣ-ṣbāḥ ġəḥtu… The next day in the morning I
went…
ġəḥtu… l-as… I went to…
hā! Oh!
l-asāmi… The names…
lāˀ! No!
ma kānǝt ᵊmˁallqa. They were not hanging (on the
board).
ġəḥtu ˁala-hāḏa ḏābǝṭ ǝš-šərṭa, I went to the police officer,
qǝltō-l-u yāba… I told him, please…
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
ᴹᴮ(aku hāyi muwāfaqa da… There is this approval…
gālō-l-i əǧǧat l-hǝnā)ᴹᴮ. they told me that it arrived here.
qāl: He said:
ᴹᴮ(i. Yes.
əǧǧat l-hǝnā dǝzzēnā-ha…)ᴹᴮ It came here and we sent it…
ma-qa-ybǝˁṯū-ha l-wizārt ǝd- They send it to the Ministry of
daxilīyi b-ǝl-awwal. Internal Affairs first.
twaffǝq ᵊˁlī-ha wizārt ǝd-daxilīyi. So that the Ministry of Internal
Affairs would approve it.
ᴹᴮ(dǝzzēnā-ha l-wizārt ǝd-dāxilīya, We sent it to the Ministry of
Internal Affairs,
qaḏ̣īya māl-sbūˁ ᵊzmān wu-təǧi)ᴹᴮ. in a week's time it should come
(back) here.
i. Yes.
stǝnḏaġtu sbūˁ sbuˁēn, I waited for one-two weeks,
māku! Nothing!
B: ṃāku? Nothing?
A: ṃāku. Nothing!
waḷḷa. Really.
ˁǝnd-i ṣadīq b-ǝd-Diwanīyi ˁǝnd-u I had a friend in Diwanīyi that
wēḥǝd yǝštáġǝl b-ǝl.. has (knows) someone who works
in…
b-wizārt ǝd-daxilīyi b-ǝl-qyūd ǝs- in the secret forces of (the
sǝrrīyi. Ministry of) Internal (Affairs).
i. Yes.
qǝltō-l-u… I told him…
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
Ḥāzǝm, Ḥāzǝm,
ᴹᴮ(hāḏa mu gəlǝt ǝbᵊn šēx Səgṃān Didn't you say that the son of
yǝštáġǝl b-ǝd-daxilīya)ᴹᴮ? sheikh Səgṃān works in (the
Ministry of) Internal (Affairs)?
qal-l-i: He told me:
i. Yes.
aš ˁǝnd-ak? What do you need? (Literally:
what do you have?)
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
hāyi lǝ-ḥkīyi wu-hāyi lǝ-ḥkīyi. This is the story and this is the
story.
qāl: He said:
hassa ana aġūḥ l-ǝd-daxilīyi. I will go to (the Ministry of)
Internal (Affairs).
ġāḥ l-ǝd-daxilīyi, He went to (the Ministry of)
Internal (Affairs),
ǧā ǧāb-l-i… he came back and brought to
me…
qal-l-i: he told me:
ᴹᴮ(hāyi ṣādra ṣār-l-a ˁašᵊrtiyām It was issued ten days ago,
ṣādra,
wu-hāḏa l-raqum wu-t-taˀarīx)ᴹᴮ. and this is the number and the
date.
i. Yes.
ᴹᴮ(bas la…t… But don't…
la tgūl… don’t say…
la trūḥ tǝnṭī-hǝm raqum, don't go and give them the
number,
hāḏa sǝrrīyi…)ᴹᴮ. it is confidential.
yaˁni t-tāli yqǝllō-l-ak ᵊmnēn ǧǝbt-u I mean, later they can ask you
l-aḏa r-raqᵊm? where did you get this number
from.
i. Yes.
waḷḷa rǧaˁtu ˁala hāḏa, I came back to this guy,
qǝltō-l-u: (and) told him:
yāba ana kǝnt… I was…
yōm ǝš-šǝbāṯ kān… on Saturday…
ᴹᴮ(rǝḥt kǝnt b-ǝd-dāxilīya wu-gālō- I went to (the Ministry of)
l-i l-muˁāmala dazzō-ha ˁad- Internal (Affairs) and they told
kum)ᴹᴮ. me that they sent the papers to
you.
i. Yes.
qāl: He said:
ᴹᴮ(ma aftákǝr. I don't think so.
lā, No,
ma wǝṣlə́t-na)ᴹᴮ. It didn’t arrive to us.
t-tāli qal-l-u l-wēḥǝd ǧawwa īd-u, Afterwards he told one of his
subordinates,
šərṭi, a policeman,
qal-l-u: he told him:
ᴹᴮ(ma d-dawwǝr)ᴹᴮ hōni wu-hōni? Would you please check here and
here?
qa-ydawwǝġ. He was searching.
i. Yes.
qāl: He said:
ᴹᴮ(hā, Oh,
i, yes,
wəṣlat wəṣlat hāyi qētə-l-a l… It arrived, it arrived (and) I
read…
qētə-l-a)ᴹᴮ. I read it.
ḥūwál-a l-ǝl… l-ǝl… He transferred it to the…
tanḏīm ǝǧ-ǧawazāt, passport's organization,
ḥətti yǝṭˁō-na ǧawazāt. so that they'd give us passports.
baqa nġǝdd lazǝm-ᵊnsawwi… But we had to do…
ᵊnsawwi istiṃāra ham: to fill the forms again:
ǝsm-ak, Your name,
ǝsm abū-k, your father's name,
wēn ᵊdrast, where did you study,
wēn… where…
kǝll wēḥǝd. each one (of us).
i. Yes.
zēn, But,
hassa ana muškila ˁǝnd-i mal-bənt-i I had the problem that my
hāyi mǝtxarǧi ṣaydalīyi, daughter had just graduated
from pharmacology school.
wu-haḏāk… and that…
wu-haḏāk ǝš-šəhᵊġ ṭalaˁ amᵊr: and that month an order was
issued:
ṣaydali, pharmacists,
ṭabīb, (or) doctors,
muhandǝs, (or) engineers,
mǝmnūˁ ǝs-safaġ, (their) travel is prohibited.
əlla hūwi yǧīb mn-ǝl-wizāra mal- Unless they bring (an approval)
hāyi… from the Ministry of…
mǝṯᵊl-wizārt ᵊṣ-ṣaḥḥa əḏa ṣaydali like the Ministry of Health if one
aw ṭabīb, is a pharmacist or a doctor,
twāfǝq l… should approve the…
aw wizārt ǝl-ašġāl əḏa hūwi or the Ministry of Labor if he is
muhandǝs, an engineer,
yāḷḷa… only then…
yāḷḷa ṭˁō-nu muwāfaqa mal-safaġ. only then they would give them
a travel approval.
ma qa-yǝġdō-hǝm yǝmšōn hḏōli. They didn't want this (kind of)
people to travel.
ġəḥtu sayaltu, I went and asked,
qālu: They said:
ma yṣīġ əlla… It is not allowed unless…
əlla lāzǝm hāyi… unless this…
tǝǧi l-muwāfaqa. this approval comes.
baqa hāḏa l-muḥāmi l… The lawyer who…
wu-baˁᵊd… and…
hāḏa t-tkǝffál-ǝm ᵊl… the one who paied the guarantee
for….
l-walə́d-i wu-waldə́t-i. for my father and mother.
i. Yes.
qāl… Said…
qal-l-i: he told me:
waḷḷa wǝl… Really…
wəl-ak, beware,
ᴹᴮ(ˁābra, It will be okay,
la tgūl ṣaydālānīya)ᴹᴮ. Don't say (that she is) a
pharmacist.
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
aššon? How?
ma… It is that…
awwal ma sūwēna l-muˁāmala when we just made the request
katbǝt ənnhu ᴹᴮ(xāriǧat kulliyat ǝṣ- she wrote that she graduated
ṣaydala)ᴹᴮ. from the Pharmacology school.
waḷḷa ǧīna… Indeed we came…
ǧīna ġəḥna qa-nṣawwi l-muˁāmala we went to make the process of
hāyi mal-ṣaḥīfat aˁmāl, giving our resume,
ṣūwētu ana, I did (it),
sawwǝt Alwīz, Alwīz did (it),
wu-ǧǝt Amal qa-tṣūwī-ha. And Amal came to do it.
i. Yes.
qal-l-a: He told her:
ᴹᴮ(š-tǝ-štaġlīn)ᴹᴮ? What is your profession?
qālǝt-l-u: She told him:
ᴹᴮ(rabbat bēt)ᴹᴮ. Homemaker.
ana qǝltō-l-u… I told him…
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
ᴹᴮ(rabbat bēt)ᴹᴮ. Homemaker.
aš fǝkkaġtu… I thought…
ma… no…
ma mˁaynī-ha, they never saw her,
wu-wəla qa-tǝštáġǝl. And she is (currently) not
working.
qēˁdi b-ǝl-bēt. She is (literally: sitting) at home.
waḷḷa wu-mašǝt lǝ-ḥkīyi. And it really worked (Literally:
and the thing walked).
ᴹᴮ(rabbat bēt)ᴹᴮ. Housemaker.
wu-ġaddǝt Gīlda sawwǝt hami. And Gilda also did (it).
wu-qālu: And they said:
waddi… Take…
ᴹᴮ(rūḥ št...štǝri ṭawābǝˁ mīt go buy posts tamps (in the value
Dinār)ᴹᴮ, of) 100 Dinars,
kǝll pasapōrt xāmsi wu-ˁǝšġīn 25 Dinars for each passport.
Dinār.
šġētu ṭawābǝˁ… I bought posts tamps…
l-ǝǧ-ǧawazāt. for the passports.
sūwō-l-i l… They made for me the…
qalō-l-i: they told me:
tǝǧi b-ǝl-wāḥdi wu-nǝṣṣ taxə́ḏ-a l- Come at 13:30 to take the
pasaportāt. passports.
i. Yes.
ana yǝnġad-asawwi muˁāmala mal- I had to get an international
ǧadri lāzǝm ˁalamīyi. approval (of vaccination against)
smallpox.
i. Yes.
wu-mal-ḏarībt ǝd-daxᵊl. And of income tax.
mḥǝḏḏ
̣ ̣əġ́ -a mal-ǧadri… I already prepared the one of the
smallpox.
ana aḏ̣ġǝb ǧadri? I will never do the vaccine
against smallpox (rhetorically: I
will get injected smallpox?).
ˁǝnd-i ṣadīq yǝmši l-ǝd-Diwanīyi, I had a friend that used to travel
to Diwanīyi,
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
hāḏa aku muwaḏ̣ḏ̣af ṣaḥḥi ṣadīq-i There is a health officer who is a
wnīki b-ǝd-Diwanīyi. friend of mine there in Diwanīyi.
B: ǧīb-l-i mənn-u. Bring me (the approval) from
him.
A: qal-l-i… He told me…
ġūḥ ǧīb-l-i šahāda. (I told him:) go bring me a
certificate.
Lǝbnān. Lebanon.
qāl: He said:
ṃāku. There isn't.
bass yōm lǝ-xmīs. Only on Thursdays.
nᵊǧbartu. I didn't have any other choice.
ḏǝllēna lí-yōm lǝ-xmīs. We stayed till Thursday.
baqa ġəḥtu ṯīni yōm mn-ǝṣ-ṣbāḥ l- The next day in the morning I
ǝs-safāra l… went to the embassy…
l-Inglizīyi, the British (embassy),
axaḏtu l-vīyaz mal-Landǝn. I took the visas to London.
i. Yes.
wu… And…
wu-ġəḥtu axaḏtu, and I went to take…
yǝṭˁō-na kǝll wēḥǝd mīyi wu-ˁǝšġ… they gave each one of us one
hundred and…
mīyi wu-ˁǝšġīn… 120…
mīyi wu-ˁašġa Dnanīr kānǝt. it was 110 Dinars.
axaḏtu trāvǝl čēk ham sūwitū-ha. I took it as travel checks.
wu-yōm lǝ-xmīs mn-ǝṣ-ṣbāḥ xǝllēna And on Thursday morning we
b-ǝṭ-ṭiyāra wu-ġəḥna l… put (ourselves) on the plane and
traveled to…
ġəḥna l-Bēyrūt. we went to Beirut.
i. Yes.
ḏ̣ǝllēna b-Lǝbnān yǝǧi-idaˁš yōm We stayed in Lebanon around
wu-ˁaqb-a ġəḥna šwayya l-Tərkiya eleven days and then a little bit
wu-baˁdēn ġəḥna l-Angə́ltǝra wu- in Turkey and then we went to
ǧīna lí-hōni. England and came here (to
Israel).
i. Yes.
B: bas… But…
suˀāl, (I have) a question:
hāyi awwal… It was the first…
fád-dōġa ḥawwalt tǝnházǝm You tried to flee away only once
wəla… or…?
A: lā, No,
marra wāḥdi, once,
marra wāḥdi. once.
B: marra wāḥdi. once.
A: marra wāḥdi. once.
35 The l of the root qwl assimilated into the following t of the suffix.
36 Literally 'and eat from it (from the money)'.
4.1.5 Xḷaṣči
Speakers:
A: Abraham Ben-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
B: Yogev Yahezqel
ǝḥna… we…
ma ˁǝf… I don't know…
hēkǝḏ. that.
zēn. Okay.
xāl-i ftaham ǝnnahu… My uncle understood that…
yaˁni kǝnn-u ǝḥna… I mean as if we…
yaˁni hāyi l-ˁāˀila mᵊn-S… I mean the family is from…
māl… of…
mǝn ṣāġǝt mal-Sfarād māku? when the (expulsion) of Spain
happened, you know.
l-ǝl-īhūd. To the Jews.
wu-ntašru l-Tə́rkiya wu… And they scattered to Turkey
and…
balki hāḏa mn-ǝl-ᴴᴱ(gēzaˁ)ᴴᴱ māl- Maybe it's from their
ǝm balki, descendants,
i, yes,
l-aṣᵊl. the origin.
A: hāyi… It…
iyām ǝl… In the days of…
l-ḥarb māl… the war of…
Ǝnglē… England…
kān ḥarb ǝl-ˁarab wu-l-Ǝnglēz, there was a war between the
Arabs and the English,
kǝll ˁǝmġ-ǝm lǝġwāt kānǝt. they had troubles (between
them) all the time.
kanu-ǧēybīn ǧēš Hǝndi, They (the English) brought an
Indian army,
xāybīn, poor them,
šǝbbˁō-hǝm qatᵊl. they were beaten harshly
(literally: they were sated with
beatings).
ywǝddō-hǝm wēn? Where did they (the English)
send them (the Indians) to?
l-ǝš-Šamīyi. To Šamīyi.
wǝddō-hǝm l-ǝš-Šamīyi… They sent them to Šamīyi…
kānǝt hāyi l… There was this…
l-mamūra l-ǝkbīġi, senior responsible lady (on
behalf of the British),
kanǝt-tǝǧi tākǝl ᵊb-bēt Liyāhu. she used to come and eat in
Liyāhu's house.
kān Abrahām tawwa wēldə́t-u. (The mother of) Abraham just
gave birth to him.
šǝhᵊġ šǝhġēn hēkǝḏ. A month or two (before).
qalə́t-l-a: (The responsible lady) told her
(the mother of Abraham):
qa-tˁanē-nu hāḏa ǝbn-ǝk? Look at your son (rhetorically:
do you see your son?)!
ᵊtṣiġ lǝḥyə́t-u lí-hōni, His beard will be that long
(literally: will become till here),
l-ˁIrāq ma tǝṣtáfi. (but) Iraq will (still) not be quiet.
kǝll ˁǝmġ-a qtīl, (There will be) fights throughout
its entire life,
41 Points to a certificate hung on the wall, in which England acknowledged Mnašši for his
help with the Arab tribes during the war.
42 Probably means to say mšǝllḥīn 'naked (p.)'.
43 Refers to xām ǝš-šām 'Damascus fabric' – a type of basic beige color fabric, made of
unclean cotton (Yona 2014: 114).
44 The phrase xām sawāḥil is translated as "rough, unbleached cotton cloth" by Beene &
Woodhead (1967: 215).
45 Refers to Iraqi Jews who cooperated with the Jewish Agency and assisted Jews to get
smuggled out of Iraq through the Iranian border.
46 Refers to 9 Jewish boys who were caught while trying to escape out of Iraq and were
hung in Baghdad on January 27, 1969.
47 The speaker uses a rhetorical question to verify that the hearer knows this fact.
48 The honorific title ḥaḏ̣rǝt-, usually in construct state, is used to address an honorable
person such as a judge. In this case, the use is sarcastic. Literally it means 'my honor',
but in fact it means the opposite – 'I, the humble'. It is used when a speaker wants to
convey naivety.
49 Originally should be b-waqt-a, literally meaning 'at its time'. In the articulated form the
w assimilated into the previous b. As a result of the loss of the w, the geminate b became
emphatic.
A: Abrahām, Abraham,
ǝl-yōm wēḥǝd ᵊb-ᴴᴱ(Dǝtsēmbǝr)ᴴᴱ Today is December 1, 1999.
təsˁa wu-tǝsˁīn.
ᵊḏḏǝkkaġtu50 ˁala ᴴᴱ(mǝlḥēmǝt šēšǝt I recalled the Six-Day War…
hayamīm…
ēx hayá bǝxlál matsáv hayehudīm What was the situation of the
be-ˁÍrak azz)ᴴᴱ? Jews in Iraq then?
B: hāyi mǝn… When…
mǝn ṣāġǝt ǝl-ᴴᴱ(mǝlḥamá)ᴴᴱ mal- when the Six-Day War occurred,
ᴴᴱ(šēšǝt hayamīm)ᴴᴱ,
əḥna lí-qabl ǝl-ᴴᴱ(mǝlḥamá)ᴴᴱ we, (even) before the war, were
waḷḷa kənna xēyfīn aššon qa-yǝtt… really afraid (of) how they
were…
qa-yǝttǝmmōn51, gathering,
ǝǧ-ǧyūš hāyi ltammǝt kə́llǝt-a. all the (Arab) armies gathered.
wu-hāḏa Ǧaṃāl ˁAbd ǝn-Nāṣǝr kǝll And this Ǧaṃāl ˁAbd ǝn-Nāṣǝr all
sāˁa wu-xa… wu… wu… the time…
wu-qa-yəxṭǝḅ xǝṭaḅāt mᵊn-hāyi ᵊl… used to give speeches of the kind
ᵊl… that…
əlli qa… that…
qa-thiyə́ž-ǝm l-ǝl… l-ǝl… incited the…
šuˁūb kə́llǝt-a l-ˁarabīyi. all the Arab people.
bas b-ǝl-ˁIrāq kān But in Iraq…
ǝl-m… ǝl… ǝl-ᴴᴱ(ṃǝšṭār)ᴴᴱ the regime there…
ᵊwnīki…
kān raˀīs wuzarā hāḏa Ṭāhǝr the prime minister was Ṭāhǝr
Yəḥya, Yəḥya,
kānu ḏǝdd ǝl-ᴴᴱ(ṃǝšṭa…)ᴴᴱ they were against…
ḏǝdd… against…
ḏǝdd-Ǧaṃāl, against Ǧaṃāl,
yaˁni ma… I mean…
ma mǝttǝfqīn wiya-Ǧaṃāl ˁAbd ǝn- they didn't agree with Ǧaṃāl
Nāṣǝr. ˁAbd ǝn-Nāṣǝr.
wu-ma mˀi… And not…
50 The prefix t of stem V assimilated into the first consonant of the root ḏ.
51 The l of the root lmm assimilated into the t of stem VIII.
52 An Egyptian Arabic radio station that was the main medium through which former
Egyptian President Ǧaṃāl ˁAbd ǝn-Nāṣǝr spread his messages across the Arab world.
i. Yes.
maṯalan, For example,
sawwu hōsa l-ǝl-hāyi… they made a scandal to this…
hāyi ma… māl … the…
mal-sabᵊˁ duwal… of the seven countries…
sabᵊˁ duwal mahzūma53, the seven defeated countries,
waḷḷa ma…. I really don't (remember the
words)…
A: i, Yes,
šū qūl-a! Would you please say it?
sabᵊˁ duwal mahzūma wu-baˁᵊd? The seven defeated countries and
(what's) next?
mᵊn-hāḏa… From this…
B: ma qad-aḏḏakkaġ54… I don’t recall…
šǝˁᵊr hūwi… hūwi… It is a song…
msūwī-l-u. They made (a song) about it.
lǝ-kġād kayyfu kəllǝš ᵊkṯīġi b-āyi The Kurds were really happy
mal-hāḏa. about it.
53 Refers to a song that was composed back then mocking the seven Arab countries that
took part in the Six-Day War and were defeated by a single small country.
54 The t of stem V assimilated to the first consonant of the root ḏ.
55 The root nkl is borrowed from Modern Hebrew and integrated into JB's morphology.
56 Some Jews were accused of spying for Israel.
57 The w of the word waqt influences the preceding preposition b and as a result it becomes
emphatic.
58 Dates syrup.
59 The root npl is borrowed from Modern Hebrew and integrated into JB's morphology.
60 The n of the root changes into m as an influence of the adjacent b.
la ma… No…
māku ši nothing.
axǝḏnā-nu l-āḏa, we took him (the respected man),
ǧǝbnā-nu67, we brought him,
qāl: he said:
aḥsan šēn da-nwǝddī-nu68 l-ǝs- the best thing would be for us to
Sadda… take him to Sadda…
l… l-ǝš-šǝrṭa. to the police.
ǧǝbnā-nu l-ǝs-Sadda… We brought him to Sadda…
i. yes.
awwal ma dxalna l-ūnīki… At the moment we got inside…
l-ǝl-hāḏa markaz šǝrṭa, to the police station,
miyát-a n-nafs-u. he acted as if he is going to die.
ma qa-yǝqdaġ yǝḥki wu-ma qa- (As if) he can't speak and he can't
yǝqdaġ hāḏa, that,
qa-yǝˁġaǧ… he is limping…
lǝġwāt. Nonsense.
ˁaqb-a, Then,
hāḏa l… this…
raˀīs ǝl-urafā kān wnīki, master sergeant was there,
qa-ysawwi maḥḏ̣ara mal-lǝ-ḥkīyi, he was making a report of the
incident,
qa-ysaǧǧǝl daˁwa… he was writing a complaint…
i. yes.
wu-hūwi kǝnn-u bada yġīd yǝfzáˁ-l-u And he seemed as if he wants to
l-aḏāki. help that guy.
ḥass ǝnna-hu maṯalan69 ana yhūdi, (Maybe) he sensed that I am a Jew,
for example,
abu s-siyāra. the owner of the car.
ma ˁǝf… I don't know…
b-ǝl-taḥqīq ǝsm-i ṭˁitō-l-yā wu-ḥass (maybe) in the investigation I gave
yhūdi… him my name and he noticed that
(it is) Jewish…
i. yes.
qam-yǝfzáˁ-l-u l-aḏāki. He started to help that guy.
hāḏa ṣadīq-i… this one, my friend…
ana muṭmaˀə́nn, I was relaxed,
A: ḥayāt ṣaˁbi ˁāšu b-ǝl-ˁIrāq haḏōli. They lived a hard life in Iraq.
B: i, i, i haḏōli… Yes, yes, yes, they…
A: kǝllǝš ḥayāt ṣaˁbi. A very hard life.
ˁaḏḏbō-hǝm haḏōli, They oppressed them,
bēt ˁamm-ǝm, their paternal uncle's family,
hāyi mġāt ˁamm-ǝm Xazna, Xazna, the wife of their uncle,
kānǝt ᵊtġāġ, she was jealous,
kēf haḏō… because they…
hāyi ˁǝnd-a wlād wu-hīyi ma ˁǝnd- this one had children and she
a, didn't,
wū! wow!
skǝt wu-xǝllī-ha. Don't ask. (Literally: shut up and
put it).
xāybīn ˁala-ˁǝmġ-ǝm. Poor them. (Literally: poor them
about their life).
B: ᵊnfanu fani aswad. They suffered tremendously
(literally: they suffered a black
suffering).
A: ᴴᴱ(kēn)ᴴᴱ. Yes.
kǝll laṭma, Each slap,
kǝll ḏaġba… each hit…
yqūl, He told (me),
kān walad, (that when) he was a child,
ˁǝmġ-u ˁašġ ᵊsnīn hēkǝḏ šēn, (when) he was ten years old or
so,
kǝššāfa… scouts…
yġīd yġūḥ l-ǝl- kǝššāfa. he wanted to join the scouts.
kǝššāfa yǝnġād-l-a p̟ anṭrūn. He needed the scouts' trousers
(literally: the scouts needs
trousers to itself).
B: i, Yes,
lakān? of course.
A: wēn… Where…
mani yǝšġī-l-u70? who will buy (the trousers) for
him?
70 The t of stem VIII commonly falls when the root šġy is conjugated.
71 The article that precedes the word is a relative marker. This can be inferred not only
from the context, but also from the two anaptyctic vowels – if it were a definite article,
only one would appear.
lāzǝm ᵊmkān ˁadᵊl wu-lāzǝm fǝd- (you) should (lay) on a flat place
šǝhᵊġ azyad m… for a month or more…
lǝmman yṭīb wu-hāyi. till it will get better and (all)
that.
lēš-ma daxlǝt Tōya ǝxt-u l-Yusēf Suddenly Tōya the sister of Yusēf
qa-t… came in…
ham ma aˁġǝf aš kān ǝsm-a, I also don't remember her name,
nzūl! Ugh (literally: epidemic)!
hassa bǝnt-a b… Her daughter is now in…
b-Bǝġda… Baghda…
b-Landǝn. in London.
B: Tōya ǝxt-u l-Yusēf. Tōya the sister of Yusēf.
A: i… Yes…
Tōya i… Tōya yes…
B: i… Okay…
aš? what's (the problem)?
A: daxlǝt lē-na, She came into our (house),
hāyi ham tǝˁˁǝf72 ṭǝbb mal-ˁarab. She also knows Arabic medicine.
i. yes.
qālǝt: She said:
wī! Oh!
ašu ǝnti nēymi b-ǝl-aġḏ̣, I see you are sleeping on the
floor,
lēš? why?
qǝltō-l-a: I told her:
hāyi… This…
hāyi lǝ-ḥkīyi wu-hāyi lǝ-ḥkīyi. this is the story and this is the
story.
qālǝt: She said:
qūmi! Get up!
ˁǝnd-ǝk ˁǝlᵊč ṃāy? Do you have Acacia Gum?
ġēġ73 kǝnna qabᵊl yǝˁǧə́b-na ˁǝlᵊč We used to like to chew Acacia
ṃāy nǝlˁǝs? Gum in the past.
B: i. Yes.
A: ˁǝd-na, We have,
i. yes.
ˁǝnd-ǝk fǝd-m… Do you have…
mǝtrēn xām? two meters of cotton cloth?
A: hāyi… That…
qa-tǝtz… qa-tǝzzawwaǧ Hanā, Hanā was getting married,
b-Bǝġdād ġēġ? in Baghdad obviously,
ˁǝnd-na b-ǝl-bēt. in our house.
wu-xāla Lūlu b-ǝd-Diwanīyi kānǝt. And aunt Lūlu was in Diwanīyi.
wu-kānu bēt Dahūd… and the family of Dahūd…
Dahūd wu-Ēvlīn kānu b-ǝd-Diwa… Dahūd and Ēvlīn were in…
b-ǝd-Diwanīyi, Diwanīyi,
qa-yǝǧōn l-Bǝġdād, they were coming to Baghdad,
qalō-l-u l-… they told him…
xalli-tǝǧi wiyā-hǝm, that she should go with them,
yaxdō-ha74 wiyā-hǝm ˁalamūd l-ǝl- they would take her with them
ˁǝġs. (to go) to the wedding.
hāyi... She…
ˁǝnd-a snūn ᵊmġakba ġēġ? she had false teeth obviously75.
tǝmši tǝtqayya b-ǝṭ-ṭarīq. She was walking and vomiting
on the way.
hāyi šǝlḥə́t-a lᵊ-snān-a wu-ġǝfˁə́t-a She took off her teeth and put
b-ǝǧ-ǧazdān. them in her purse.
wu-ǧō l-ǝl… And (when) they arrived to…
l-Bǝġdād, to Baghdad,
nasǝt wēn xǝllə́t-a. she forgot where she put them.
lǝ-snān-a na... Her teeth…
nasǝt wēn xǝllə́t-a, she forgot where she put them,
wu-tāĺ i-ya ǧō… then they arrived…
ǧō l-Bǝġdād, they arrived to Baghdad,
hāyi qa-tġīd tǝnzǝl, as she got off (literally: she
wanted to get off),
kǝn-tqə́l-l-ǝm: she told them:
wī aḅēl! Damn it!
snūn-i waqˁǝt. My teeth fell off.
wēn waqˁǝt? Where did they fall?
mǝn qa-tǝtqayya waqˁǝt. They fell off when she was
vomiting.
74 Usually the 3.p. pronominal suffixes of PC verbs change into -ū- before the suffix -ha, in
this case the speaker seems to pronounce -ō- for an unclear reason.
75 The speaker says obviously because Lūlu was old, and all the listeners know her.
B: wī aḅēl! Oh no!
A: waḷḷa aššon… But, my god, how…
aššon ˁaḏīm Dahūd, great Dahūd was,
aššon ġūḥ-u zġayyġi. what a modest man he was
(literally: his soul is small).
ġāḥu lᵊ-mkanāt ǝl-qayy ma… They went to the vomiting
spots…
māl-a qa-ynǝxᵊbšōn bī-nu yǝġdōn to search in it and to see (if the
yˁaynōn b-ǝl-arḏ. teeth are) on the ground.
wēn ᵊtqiyə́t-a? Where did she vomit them?
m… š… ma šāfu. They didn't find.
ᵊmkanēn tlāṯi ma šāfu, (They searched) two, three spots
but didn't find.
ġaddu raǧˁu lē-na l-ǝl-bēt. They came back again to our
house.
hā… Oh…
qalō-l-a: they told her:
yāba! Please!
dǝ-ḏkǝġi wēn xǝllitī-ha. Try to remember where you put
them.
ma qa-tǝḏkǝġ. She couldn't remember.
tāĺ i-ya, Afterwards,
axḏə́t-u l-ǧazdān ṃāṃa Zbēda Mama Zbēda took the purse,
fǝtḥə́t-u tˁāyǝn ǝl-… opened it and saw the…
hāyi lǝ-snūn b-ǝl-ǧazdān. the teeth inside the purse.
wī aḅēl! Oh my god!
aššon hōsa ṣāġǝt. There was such a mess.
waḷḷa l… Indeed…
hāyi awwal ǧəmˁa ˁaqᵊb ǝl- it was the first Friday after the
ᴴᴱ(mǝlḥēmǝt)ᴴᴱ… (Six-Day) War.
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
wqaf! Wait!
ana aǧi. I will come.
ǧītu lē-hǝm l-ǝl-bēt. I came to their house.
wu… wu-ǧǝbtō-nu xǝllitō-nu b-ǝz- And I took it and put it in the
zǝmbīl. (shopping) basket.
B: yaˁnu xāf la-ylǝzmō-nu wu…? So he was afraid that they would
catch him and…?
A: xāf la… He was afraid…
qa-ydusōn ᵊbyūt qa-yxafōn, they (the Iraqi authorities) were
searching the houses (and) they
(the Jews) were afraid.
i. Yes.
wu-xā… And…
hāyi ma yqǝlō-l-a78 aškun hāyi əḏa It's because they (the Iraqi
tǝ… authorities) could ask (literally:
say) him what it is if they…
ma hīyi… it was…
ma mbayni aškun hīyi. it was clear what it is.
xǝllitū-ha… I put it…
xǝllitū-ha b-ǝl… I put it in the…
b-ǝl hāḏa… in this…
b-ǝz-zǝmbīl l-āyi, it in the basket.
wu-xəllētu foqāt-a bēbǝnǧān. And I put eggplants on top of it.
(laughs) (laughs)
bēbǝnǧān wu-ṭaṃāṭa wu-ma aškun. Eggplants and tomatoes and I
don't (know) what (else).
kənnu mxaḏḏaġ, As if it was vegetables.
i. Yes.
xǝllitū-ha b-ǝs-siyāra māl-i wu- I put it in my car and I brought
ǧəbtu wiyā-yi wēḥǝd, someone with me,
ṣadīq-i mᵊn-garāyə́b-na, a friend of mine from our
relatives,
qǝltō-l-u: I told him:
fūt wiyā-yi. Come with me.
hūwi šwayya xūwāf hāḏa. He (this friend) was a (bit of a)
coward.
80 The root šġḥ implies an autopsy, which is forbidden in Judaism, and thus not welcomed
by Yaˁqūb, who is religious.
hāyi… It (was)…
l-ᴴᴱ(parde…)ᴴᴱ The orchar…
kān hāḏa ᴴᴱ(pardés)ᴴᴱ kǝllǝš ᵊkbīġ. There was a very big orchard.
bī-nu pǝrtqāl wu-nūmi wu-aškāl ᵊlwān It had oranges and lemons and
bī-nu. many things (literally: a variety of
colors) in it.
qamu-hǝžġō-nu, They started to abandon it,
yaˁni qa-yġidōn yfellšō-nu, I mean they wanted to clear it,
wu-l-awādǝm qamu-yġuḥōn, and the people started to go,
gwīni ytǝrsōn, to fill up sacks,
pǝrtqāl wu-aškāl ᵊlwān. (of) oranges and many things.
ǧǝt Rūti, Rūti came,
kǝn-tqə́l-l-i: and told me:
kǝll-ǝm qa-yġuḥōn yǧibōn pǝrtqāl. Everybody is going to grab oranges.
wu-ana dāyman kǝntu-asawwi šarbat And I always used to make juice in
b-ǝṣ-ṣēf. the summer.
qǝltō-l-a: I told her:
yaḷḷa! Let's go!
fūti da-nġūḥ ᵊnǧīb, Come, let's go and bring (oranges),
nsawwi šarbat. to make juice.
ġǝḥna l-ūnīki. We went there.
aš… What…
aš ᵊnˁāyǝn? What do we see?
kǝll-u l-pǝrtqāl wu-l-āyi fōq b-ǝs- All the oranges and that are on the
sǝǧġa. top of the trees.
mᵊn-ǧawwa kǝll-u mēxḏī-nu, (The ones) on the bottom are all
taken already,
wu-ḏ̣allǝt fa… bass fōq. and only the (ones on the) top
remained.
yaˁni ma nūṣal ᵊnġūḥ ᵊnqaṭṭǝˁ. I mean we will not (be able to)
reach and pick (them).
xǝll… I lef(t)…
ǝnta… You…
ǝnta kǝnt ᵊzġayyǝġ b-ǝl-ˁarabāna. you were small (and sitting) in the
stroller.
xǝllitō-k qēˁǝd b-ᵊmkān… I left you sitting in some place…
qǝltō-l-a: I told her:
fūti Rūti! Come Rūti!
A: i. Yes.
kānu wlād Gilda kǝll-ǝm hōni, The children of Gilda were all
here,
wu-ġǝḥtǝm qa-tlǝˁbōn wu-kānǝt… and you went to play and it
was…
kān čōla baˁd-u. (in a place that) was still
deserted.
wu-hāyi mǝḥfūġa hāyi l-nǝqġa, And this pit was dug,
wu-mġǝṭṭāyi b-makīna mal-ᵊḥwās and covered by an old washing
ᵊˁtīqi. machine.
ḥaḏrə́t-ak ǝnta tġīd ᵊtˁāyǝn aš-aku You wanted to see what was
ǧuw… unde(r)…
ǧuwāt-a l-āyi l-nǝqġa. under the pit.
mǝddēt ġā… You turned…
ġās-ak wu-ṭmaṣt ḅ-ḅaṭn-a wqaˁt. your head and sunk into it, you
fell.
wu-ǧō l-ūlād qa-yǝbkōn: And the children came back
crying:
waqaˁ Assāf b-ǝl-nǝqġa, Assaf fell into the pit,
waqaˁ… he fell…
tāl man yṭǝllə́ˁ-ak92. We needed to take you out.
ṭǝllǝˁnā-k wu-hāḏa ǧǝld-ak kǝll-u We took you out and your skin
msallax, was all wounded,
mǧallax mn-ǝl-ḥāyǝṭ māl… scratched from the wall of…
hāyi. this.
hāyi swālə́f-ak. These are your stories.
B: (And later, when I came back, (And later, when I came back,
what did Grandmother Zbēda do to what did Grandmother Zbēda do
me?) to me?)
A: aš sūwə́t-l-ak? What did she do to you?
ġǝžl-ak? (You mean she treated) your leg?
B: (Yes, what did she put?) (Yes, what did she put?)
A: xallǝt tamaġ, She put dates,
ḥmǝt-u, heated them,
92 The construction tāl man followed by a verb literally means 'come who…'. It conveys
difficulty. In this sentence its meaning can be paraphrased into 'let whoever can get you
out come'.
wī aḅēl! Oh my God!
(laughs) (laughs)
aš sawwǝt bī-na swayāt! What a mess she did!
hāyi… She…
kǝll qumbula93 t-tǝnḏáġǝb, Every bomb that was fired,
mǝn tǝsmaˁ ḥǝss, when she heard (its) sound,
tǝġǧǝf, she would shiver,
tqum-thǝdd ḅaṭn-a. (and) would have diarrhea (literally:
her stomach starts to release).
hīyi mḥaṭṭi ṣǝṭlīyi b-ǝl-qǝbba, She put a bucket in the room,
wiya-ṃaṃa Zbēda kānǝt. she was (in the same room) with
grandmother Zbēda
wu-mǝn hāyi, and when (the bomb sounded),
tsūwī-ha. she would do it (defecate).
hāyi sūwə́t-a, (One time) she did it,
ġīḥi ġēġ mal-x…? naturally, there was a smell of…
qamǝt-ᵊddǝqq94 hēkǝḏ ˁal-ḥāyǝṭ. She started to knock on the wall.
ḥēl ḥēl ḥēl. Strongly, strongly, strongly.
Abrahām ᵊqˁǝd! (She screamed:) Abraham wake up!
farru ġazāt ᵊqˁǝ… They threw gas (Chemical bombs)…
qˁǝdu! Wake up!
qˁǝdu! Wake up!
la tḏǝllōn ᵊnyāmi! Don’t stay asleep!
96 The indirect object marker l assimilates into the following n of the pronoun suffix.
4.5.2 Amal
Speakers:
A: Zvi Bar-Moshe
B: Alwīz Ben-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
C: Amal Bar-Moshe
101 Literally the speaker asks rhetorically 'isn't it winter?!' to hint for the fact that it was
cold.
4.5.3 Rimōn
Speakers:
A: Alwīz Ban-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
B: Assaf Bar-Moshe
C: Zvi Bar-Moshe
A: hā, Oh,
mǝn ᵊnwaldǝt, when she was born,
sāˁt ǝl… at the time of…
l-ᵊnwaldǝt, of birth,
qa-yǝbġád-l-a qa-yǝbġad-l-a102. she (her mother) was cold.
Xālda. Xālda (the mother).
ǧabō-l-a ǧūd, They brought her a hot bottle,
xǝllo-l-yā bēn-ᵊġǧūl-a. they put it between her legs.
nazlǝt Rimōn, Rimōn (the baby) came down,
nazlǝt ˁal-ᵊǧ-ǧūd. (and) fell down on the hot bottle.
ǝǧ-ǧūd ḥāġ kəḷḷǝš. The hot bottle is very hot.
wu-hīyi ġēġ laḥᵊm tāza. (Rhetorically:) and she was,
naturally, "fresh meat".
wu-hīyi… And she…
hāyi kə́llǝt-a ḥtaġqǝt. got all burned.
wu-tǝbki wu-t… And she wass crying and…
hāyi. (and all) that.
B: (How old was she?) (How old was she?)
A: ṯāniya103. A second (old).
tawwa nazlǝt. She just came down.
B: (Wow). (Wow.)
A: wu-qa-tǝbki. And she was crying.
wu-yqulōn: And they said:
lā, No,
hāyi ma bī-ya šēn. she doesn't have a thing.
hǝmmi l-ūlād lǝ-zġāġ mǝn… They, the small children, when…
awwal ma yǝǧōn l-ǝd-dǝni when they just come to the
yqumōn104-yǝbkōn. world they start crying.
wu-t-tāli aš yˁaynōn? And then, what did they see?
C: ᴴᴱ(hayta bat yōm o mašu. She was one day old or
something.
yōm aḥad)ᴴᴱ. (Only) one day (old).
A: aš yˁaynōn? What did they see?
102 The repetition here conveys either high degree or extended period of time.
103 The ṯ sounds here as t, although the interdentals keep their value as a rule in JB.
104 The prefix y is barely pronounced.
wu-mlīḥ Alīza kānǝt wiyā-ha b- And (it was) good that Alīza (the
ᴴᴱ(bēt ḥolīm)ᴴᴱ. baby's aunt) was with her in the
hospital.
qa-ybǝdlō-l-a, They were changing her,
ġǝslō-l-a wu-ybǝdlō-l-a l-Rimōn. They bathed her and were
changing her, (to) Rimōn.
kānǝt tawwa… She has just…
qalə́t-l-ǝm: She (Alīza) told them:
hāyi aškun? What is it?
Alīza. Alīza (said).
qalō-l-a: They told her:
lā, No,
hīč, nothing,
māku šēn. nothing's wrong (literally: there
is nothing).
wu-hīyi hāyi kə́llǝt-a ᵊnḥaġqǝt ḥaġq And she, all of her, was burnt
kəllǝš qawi. really severely.
wu-ṣāġ-l-a hōsa b-ǝl-mustašfa, And there was a mess about her
in the hospital,
wu-ġādu yṭǝllˁō-hǝm l-ǝl-nǝrsāt mn- and they wanted to fire the
ǝl-mustašfa105 lēn… nurses from the hospital
because…
mǝ… mīytū-ha tǝlfū-ha lᵊ-bnēti. they (almost) killed her, they
damaged the girl.
wu-xāybə́t-a ġǝbˁīn yōm b-ᴴᴱ(bēt And poor her (she was) forty
ḥolīm)ᴴᴱ. days in the hospital.
B: (Wow). (Wow.)
A: ǧabō-l-a dhunāt māl… They brought her oils of…
mal-samak. of fish.
lǝmman ṣǝdᵊq ᵊšwayya našfǝt, Till (the blisters) really dried a
bit,
wu-axḏū-ha l-ǝl-bēt. and they took her home.
wu-xāybə́t-a ḏa
̣ llǝt. And poor her, (the burn scars)
remained.
bēbi106 zġayyǝġ. A small baby.
yǝmkǝn ǝ… Maybe…
sábᵊˁtiyām ma ˁǝmġ-a. she wasn't (even) 7 days old.
xāybə́t-a aš ǧaġġǝt. Poor her, what she suffered
(literally: dragged).
wāw. Wow.
4.5.4 Dahūd
Speakers:
A: Zvi Bar-Moshe
B: Asˁad Mˁallǝm
C: Amal Bar-Moshe
D: Alwīz Ben-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
aš…? What…?
A: qāl: He said:
i. yes.
ġēġ kfaġtu? I made (such) a mistake
(rhetorically: didn't I make a
mistake?)!
B: wī aḅēl! Oh my God!
D: hāḏa kān… He was…
A: ṭfā-ha107 l-aḏīki s-safra! Damn that trip (literally: [may
God] extinguish that trip]!
D: kan-ixāf ᵊˁlī-ha s-siyarə́t-u. He used to fear for his car.
B: lēš? Why?
A: ṭfā-ha l-aḏīki s-safra. Damn that trip!
B: aš ṣāġ? What happened?
A: zēn t... Okay…
saˁtēn wu-nǝṣṣ, (it takes) two hours and a half.
ᴴᴱ(naxōn)ᴴᴱ? Right?
sāˁa wu-nǝṣṣ mn-ǝl-Ḥǝlli l-Bǝġdād, An hour and a half from Ḥilli to
Baghdad,
wu-sāˁa mᵊn-Diwanīyi l-ǝl-Ḥǝlli. and an (additional) hour from
Diwanīyi to Ḥilli.
ma hēkǝḏ? Isn't it so?
ō b-ǝl-ˁaks? Or the other way around?
D: i. Yes.
A: saˁtēn wu-nǝṣṣ bǝla-ma yǝnfátǝḥ ǝl- Two hours and a half without
ḥalq? talking? (literally: the mouth
does not open up?)
ᴴᴱ(ēn mǝlla)ᴴᴱ? Not (even one) word?
kǝlmi waḥdi māku. There isn't (even) one word.
ᴴᴱ(ata)ᴴᴱ qēˁǝd b-ǝl… You are sitting in…
b-ǝl-hāḏa… in this…
kǝnn-u b-ǝl-qaṣāṣ. as if you are punished.
qēˁǝd b-ǝl-qaṣāṣ. Sitting in punishment.
B: (Laughs) (Laughs)
A: ᴴᴱ(zē)ᴴᴱ fǝš-ši108… It is something…
ᴴᴱ(asōn)ᴴᴱ. A disaster.
ᴴᴱ(bimēt)ᴴᴱ. Really.
C: kan-yǝdxǝl l-ǝl-ḥǝmmām, He used to get into the shower,
ˁaqb-a yǝṭlaˁ yǝlbǝs šaqṣa. and then to get out wearing a
head kerchief.
109 There is no agreement between the masculine noun ši and the feminine adjective that
follows it.
110 This root is usually conjugated in Stem II: nūwáġti 'you shined', tnawwǝġ 'she shines'.
In this case, however, the PC of stem I is used, and although it is a C2-w root, it
follows the strong root's conjugation.
111 A festivity taking place on the sixth day after a girl was born. This festivity is called
after the popcorn, šašša, which is traditionally served as a snack (see also §4.9.4).
112 A jewelry made out of two pieces of a ball-shaped growth that grows on Thuja trees.
The two balls are attached and covered with golden threads. It was used as a talisman
against the evil eye.
113 Refers to the tradition to mark the wall on top of the bed of the woman who gave
birth with a mixture of water and talcum powder or saffron. One of the elderly women
puts a bit of the mixture on the tip of her finger and marks the wall seven times. This
is done to protect the woman who gave birth from the evil eye.
114 An ideophone that denotes negation.
115 Refers to a different tray full with popcorn, nuts, and seeds (such as pumpkin,
watermelon, or sunflower seeds) that are cracked as a snack.
kān wu-ma kān ˁal-aḷḷahu tǝklān. Once upon a time (Literally: was
and (or) wasn't, (and the rest)
depends on god).
kān fǝd-malǝk, There was a king,
hāḏa l-malǝk ˁǝnd-u bnāt ᵊṯnēn. this king had two daughters.
fád-yōm, One day,
qal-l-ǝm, he told them,
hūwi qa-yġīd ysāfǝġ l-ǝl-ḥaǧǧ, he wants to travel to the Haj.
qa-ysāfǝġ l-ǝl-ḥaǧǧ. He is traveling to the Haj.
aš tǝġdōn? What do you want (me to bring)?
hūwi yġīd yġūḥ l-ǝl-ḥaǧǧ, He wants to travel to the Haj,
aš tǝġdōn? What do you want (me to bring)?
aǧīb-ᵊl-kǝm… I will bring to you…
ṣuġāt. presents.
lǝ-kbīġi qalǝt-l-u: The elder told him:
ǧib-l-i ḥwās wu-ǧib-l-i hēkǝḏ wu-ǧib-l-i Bring me cloths and bring me this
hēkǝḏ. and bring me that.
lǝ-zġayyġi kǝn-tqə́l-l-u: The younger told him:
tġūḥ b-ǝs-salāma wu-tǝrǧaˁ b-ǝs- Go in peace and return in peace,
salāma,
wu-ana aḥǝbb-ak ᵊmqadd-ǝl-mǝlḥ. and I will love you as much as (I
love) salt.
mǝlḥ ašqad ᵊˁzīz. Salt is so precious.
aḥǝbb-ak hēkǝḏ. I will love you that (much).
raǧaˁ, He returned,
sāfaġ wu-raǧaˁ. he traveled and returned.
raǧaˁ ᵊmn-ǝl-ḥaǧǧ, He returned from the Haj,
ṣāḥ-l-ǝm lᵊ-bnāt-u. he called for his daughters.
qal-l-ǝm… He told them…
lǝ-kbīġi aš ṭalbǝt? What did the elder request?
ṭˁa-l-yā. He gave it to her.
lǝ-zġayyġi aš ṭalbǝt? What did the younger request?
tḥǝbb-u mqadd ǝl-mǝlḥ. To love him as much as (she loves)
salt.
qām ᵊṭġad-a. He expelled her.
qal-l-a: He told her:
lēš aškun ǝl-mǝlḥ xaṭaġ qa-tḥǝbbē-ni what is (it about) salt so that you
mqadd ǝl-mǝlḥ? love me as much as (you love) salt?
ana ma aqbal, I don't accept it,
la aġīd-ǝk wu-la aġīd ᵊl-mǝlḥ māl-ǝk. I don't want you and I don't want
your salt.
zaˁal wiyā-ha. He got angry with her.
ṭlaˁ… ᵊṭġad-a mn-ǝl-bēt. He expelled her from home.
hāyi l-xāybi, This poor one,
ḏallǝt. she stayed.
fǝd-ᵊnhāġ ˁayán-a bᵊn ṣǝḷṭān, One day the son of the sultan saw
her,
wu-ḥább-a, and he fell in love with her,
wu-dzūwáǧ-a116. and he married her.
hāyi kǝn-ᵊtqūl tġīd tǝntáqǝm ᵊmn-abū- She said she wants to take revenge
ha. on her father.
lēš ᵊṭġad-a mn-ǝl…? Why did he expel her from the…?
qāmǝt sūwə́t-l-ǝm ᵊˁzīmi kbīġi. She made a big feast for them.
wu-ma xǝllə́t-l-ǝm wǝla nǝqṭāyi mǝlḥ, And she didn't put even a little bit
of salt for them,
bī-nu lᵊ-ṭbīx. in the food.
ǧō qaˁdu qa-yaklōn, They started to eat,
ma qa-yṭiqōn yaklōn. and they couldn't eat.
qalə́t-l-ǝm: She told them:
lēš ma qa-taklōn? Why aren't you eating?
aškun hāyi? What's going on (literally: what is
it)?
qalō-l-a: They told her:
hāḏa kǝll-u ḅǝla-mǝlḥ, It's all without salt,
mnēn ᵊnṭīq nakə́l-u? how can we eat it?
qalə́t-l-u117: She told him:
ṣiḥō-l-u l-abū-ha… Call for her father…
hāḏa abū-ha… the father of hers…
ṣiḥō-l-u, call for him,
qǝllō-l-u, tell him,
aššōn ma kan-yǝftáhǝm? how come he couldn't understand?
ǝl-mǝlḥ ašqad bī-nu ˁzīyi. How precious salt is.
ana sūwitū-ha l-āyi kǝll-a bǝla-mǝlḥ I did all of it without salt so that he
xaṭaġ yǝˁġǝf ˁzīyt ǝl-mǝlḥ ašqad will understand how strong the
ᵊqwīyi. preciousness of salt is.
wu-ǝs-salāmu ˁlē-kum. And may peace be with you.
4.6.2 Dayyēnu118
Narrator:
Yardena Sason
118 Dayyēnu is a Hebrew word that repeats itself in Passover Haggadah and means
'sufficient for us; we will be satisfied'.
119 fṭīġ means unleavened bread made from flour and water, Matzah. This bread is eaten
on Passover, and so the holiday was called after it. It is equivalent also to the name
of the holiday in Aramaic: ʿēḏā d-faṭīrē.
120 Literally the speaker uses a temporal conjunction meaning 'when', but then she
changes the syntactic structure.
121 The indirect object marker l assimilates to the following pronominal suffix's n.
122 The speaker pronounces the word lēlǝt 'evening' so quickly that the second l and the
following ǝ are not uttered.
123 Although the root is ḥrs, the s is pronounced as emphatic one, probably because of
the r.
124 The 2ms prefix t- of the PC assimilates to the following ǧ.
ya ḥākə́m-ka125! Oh judge!
lǝ-ḥkīyi hēkǝḏ: The story goes like that:
ana mšētu ṣōb-lǝ-knīsi, I was walking near the church,
qad-abki. crying.
ˁaynə́t-ni Máryam ǝl-ˁáḏra, Virgin Mary saw me,
ᴴᴱ(Mariya)ᴴᴱ, Mary,
ġǝmzə́t-l-i d-adxǝl. (and) signaled me to come in.
dxaltu. I came in.
qalə́t-l-i: She told me:
áš-b-ak ǝbn-i? What's wrong my son?
qǝltō-l-a: I told her:
ˁāni, Look,
ǧā… (the holiday) came…
qa-yǝǧi ˁīd lǝ-fṭīġ, Passover is coming,
ma ˁǝnd-i flūs, I don't have money,
ašlon aṭˁī-hǝm l-ūlād-i akᵊl? how will I give food to my
children?
qalə́t-l-u: She told him:
wǝla yhə́mm-ak! Don't you worry!
xə́ḏ-a l-āyi l-almasāyi, Take this diamond,
ana ma… I don't…
ma ˁǝnd-i aš asawwi bī-ya. I have nothing to do with it.
ġūḥ bīˁ-a wu-štaġi aš ma lāzǝm. Go sell it and buy what is needed.
qal-l-a: He told her:
mlīḥ. Good.
axáḏ-a l-alma… He took the diam…
axǝḏtū-ha l-almasāyi wu-ġǝḥtu. I took the Diamond and went.
ana bǝqtu? I didn't steal (rhetorically: Did I
steal?)!
ma bǝqtu. I didn't steal.
hīyi ᴴᴱ(Mariya)ᴴᴱ qalə́t-l-i. Mary told me.
hāḏa l-ḥākǝm, The judge,
smáˁ-a lᵊ-ḥkīyi, heard the story,
qal-l-u: (and) told him:
fūt mᵊn-wǝčč-i, Get out of my sight,
ma aġīd aˁayə́n-ak, I don't want to see you,
wu-la tǝǧi baˁᵊd. and don't come again.
hāyi lǝ-ḥkīyi. This is the story.
125 The speaker probably means to say ḥākə́m-na, as she did before. It might be that the
speaker is influenced from Modern Hebrew, where the 2ms pronominal suffix -xa can
be used to address a judge.
ǝntǝm ᵊb-bēt-kǝm ham kanu-yǝḥkū-ha Did they use to tell this story also
l-āyi lǝ-ḥkīyi? in your family?
lō hāyi lǝ-ḥkīyi kānǝt bass mal-ˁamm- Or was this story (told) only by
u Yusēf aḷḷa yǝġḥám-u? dear uncle Yusēf, god bless his
memory?
126 Probably starts to say lākǝn 'but', but is being distracted by the interviewer.
hāyi… It was…
aku kōma… There were many…
fǝd-aġbaˁ xams ᵊġǧīl yhūd, around four or five Jewish men,
kǝll šǝbbaṯ ytǝrsōn ᵊǧyūb-ǝm ḥabb every Saturday they would fill their
raqqi, pockets with watermelon seeds,
wu-aku qaḥwa, and there was a coffee shop,
yġuḥōn yqǝˁdōn b-ǝl-qaḥwa. they would go sit in the coffee
shop.
hāyi… One time…
qaˁdu b-ǝl-qaḥwa, they were sitting in the coffee shop,
wu-aku wēḥǝd ˁǝnd-u mǝṭi yḥammǝl and there was someone who had a
ᵊˁlē-nu tǝngayāt. donkey on which he used to load
jugs.
yġūḥ ybīˁ-a. He used to go sell them.
hāḏa kǝll ma yǝmši mn-ūnīki yˁayə́n- Every time he used to pass by (the
ǝm yqum-ysǝbb b-ǝl-īhūd wu-yšattǝm coffee shop), he saw them and
b-ǝl-īhūd. started to curse and to come down
on the Jews.
tāĺ i-ha, One time,
aku wēḥǝd mn-ǝl-qāˁdīn qāl: One of the men sitting there said:
maḥadd127 yǝṭlaˁ mᵊn-ḥáqq-u bass No one but me can deal with him
ana. (literally: come out from his
rightness).
aš tġīd ᵊtsūwī-l-u? (They asked him:) what do you
want to do to him?
qal-l-ǝm: He told them:
ana ma aqūl. I am not going to say.
asūwī-ha lᵊ-ḥkīyi wu-t-tāli. I will do the thing and then (you
will know).
hāḏa ǧā qa-yǝtmandal yōm ǝš-šǝbbāṯ He (the donkey owner) came by all
wu-qa-ysǝbb wu-yšattǝm b-ǝl-īhūd. cocky on Saturday, cursing and
coming down on the Jews.
hāḏa ḥǝḏḏáġ-l-u ǝbġi, The other one prepared a needle,
ǧā lí-ṣōb-ǝl… got close to the…
ǝl-mǝṭi, the donkey,
127 A compound based on the negator ma and the numeral aḥḥad 'one'.
tāǧǝr, A merchant,
ˁǝnd-u bzazīn ᵊṯnēn. had two cats.
ˁǝnd-u bn… He had…
bzazīn ᵊṯnēn mġabbi. he raised two cats.
hāḏa… This guy,
mǝn yǝqˁǝd yākǝl, when he sits to dine,
kǝll bǝzzūna, each cat,
yǝṭˁī-ha šamˁa, he gives it a candle,
yǝšˁə́l-a lᵊ-šamˁa wu-tǝqˁǝd… he lights the candle, and it sits…
tǝnṭə́ġ-u lǝmman yxallǝṣ ᵊl-akᵊl. it waits for him until he finishes
(eating) the food.
xallaṣ ᵊl-akᵊl, When he finishes the food,
yǝṭˁī-hǝm ᵊllǝ-hǝm… he gives them…
yṭǝffī-ha129 lᵊ-šmīˁ wu-yǝṭˁī-hǝm ᵊllǝ- he turns the candles off and gives
hǝm ᵊl-akᵊl. them the food.
fád-ᵊnhāġ ǧā ṣadīq-u l… lē-nu, One day his friend came by,
qa-yˁayyǝṭ… screaming…
aš… "What…?"
qal-l-u: He told him:
aškun hāyi lǝ-bzāzīn? What's (going on with) these cats?
waḥdi mᵊn-hōn wu-waḥdi mᵊn-hōn One from this side and one from
wu-lēzmīn šamˁ, the other and they hold a candle,
wu-šēˁǝ… wu-šēˁə́l-a. and you light it.
qal-l-u: He told him:
ana hāyi… This…
ṣāġ-l-i snīn aġǝbbī-hǝm ˁala-hāyi. I have been training them to (do)
this for years (now).
qal-l-u: He told him:
haḏōli fǝˁl-ǝm lō aṣl-ǝm? These (cats), is it something that
they learned to perform or their
instinct (literally: their origin)?
qal-l-u: He told him:
lā! No!
haḏōli… They…
aṣl-ǝm, It's their original behavior,
129 This story was told over the phone, so the quality of the recording is unfortunately
not optimal and there are some blackouts. In this case the prefix y- of this verb form
is inaudible.
130 The narrator uses the interrogative pronoun mani 'who' when she actually refers to
'what'.
131 The narrator uses here the contradiction between faṣᵊl and aṣl, while earlier and later
she uses the contradiction between aṣl and fǝˁl. Both faṣᵊl and fǝˁl are used to describe
an acquired ability whereas aṣl is used to describe an original instinct. Having said
that, the narrator herself gets them confused several times along the story.
132 The clause "and I will put you in a box" is uttered only for the purpose of making a
rhyme.
133 JB form should be tzūwǧē-ni. For the narrative purpose of rhyme, the speaker uses the
suffix -na instead of -ni and precedes ā instead of ē to it. In addition, the prefix t- of
the 2.f.s. assimilates to the first consonant of the root z, which happens again at the
end of the story.
134 My informants say that this curse is frequent in children's story telling, and that its
final part is just a pun which softens the harshness of the curse and rhymes with the
following sentence.
137 Refers to the Shi'ite tradition of beating themselves on the chest during the day of
Ashura to mourn for the martyrdom of Husayn ibn ˁAli.
138 Another ceremonial act which is performed to mourn Husayn ibn ˁAli's death. The prac-
tice of Tatbir includes striking oneself with a sword on the head, causing blood to flow.
139 Arbaˁīn, literally: '40', is a Shi'ite observance that occurs forty days after the Day of
Ashura. It commemorates the martyrdom of Husayn ibn ˁAli.
B: ᴴᴱ(aval)ᴴᴱ ᵊmxǝllī-l-ak ᵊnǧāna bī-ya But they put a pile with dye in it,
ṣǝbᵊġ,
wu-yǝǧōn yṣǝbġū-ha l-ǝl... and they come and dye…
l-ǝl-qǝmṣān māl-ǝm. their shirts.
C: hāyi... It…
i, yes,
ᴴᴱ(bemet)ᴴᴱ, Indeed,
ǝl-ˁām ˁayǝnnā-ha l-āyi lǝ-ḥkīyi. Last year we saw this thing.
B: yaˁni xaṭṭaš140 yˀǝḏḏū-ha l-nafs-ǝm (Sarcastically:) I mean, why
baˁᵊd? should they hurt themselves
anymore?
A: wu-ana... And I…
i... yes…
ana... I…
hāyi… It…
qabᵊl-sǝntēn, two years ago,
mǝn ˁayǝntū-ha l-hāyi, when I saw that,
kǝntu hōni, I was here,
ˁǝnd-PN, at PN's place,
qēˁdīn hōn. (we were) sitting here.
C: ᴴᴱ(ken Yes,
ken)ᴴᴱ, yes.
b-ǝl-ġǝbˁīn. In the Arbaˁīn.
ġǝbˁīn. Arbaˁīn.
hāyi qabᵊl-tlēṯ ᵊsbuˁāt kānǝt. It was three weeks ago.
A: qa-tǝǧi baṣāt mᵊn-kǝll ǝd-dǝni. Buses from all over the world
were coming.
hāḏa l-bāṣ ǧā mᵊn... This bus was coming from…
mᵊn-Stᵊrālya, from Australia.
hāḏa l-bāṣ ǧā, that bus was coming,
baḷḷa, really,
mn-ǝl-Nāmsa, from Austria,
hāḏa mᵊn-ǝl-Suwēd, this one from Sweden
hāḏa... that one…
B: wu-lēš wnīki ham ysūwōn. But there (in these countries)
they also do (the ceremony).
ᵊnzūl aš... It's a plague how…
A: wēhuwē! Oh!
wu-kǝll-ǝm ynǝz... And all of them…
qa-ynǝzlōn, go down (from the busses),
140 The ġ of the original compound xaṭġaš, which means 'for what', assimilated into the
preceding ṭ.
141 JB form for 'black' is sudā. In this idiom, however, the common use is sōda.
142 The name Sweden is pronounced in three different ways in this conversation: Suwēd,
Suwīd, and Swīd.
143 Pronounces the word with an anaptyctic vowel, though there is no reason for its
insertion. The same verb form is uttered again by the same speaker later on without
the anaptyctic vowel.
B: ma qālu mǝmnūˁ hāyi baˁᵊd l-u… But they said that it is forbidden
from now on…
ma hāḏa lē… Since it is…
ǝl-ᴱᴳ(lēbǝr)ᴱᴳ. labor.
A: hāyi l-šēn ᵊq-qa-yṭǝllˁō-nu. This is the thing that they show
(on TV).
yōm yōm. Everyday.
b-ǝr-rǝmḏān, During the Ramadan,
yōm yōm. everyday.
C: ᴴᴱ(aval)ᴴᴱ fǝqǝġ ᵊlli… But (a level of) poorness that…
ᴴᴱ(bemet)ᴴᴱ ma… Really, no…
ḥǝtti haḏōli l-mǝˁdān ᵊl-kānu, Even these gypsies that were
(means: we used to see) in Iraq,
ma kān hēkǝḏ fǝqǝġ. were not so poor.
B: ma ˁaǧībi hā… hāy… hā… (Rhetorically:) isn't it
hāyi…? amazing…?
A: aġla… aġla… The richest…
aġla dawla b-ǝl-ˁālam hūwi l-ˁIrāq. Iraq is (means: has the potential
to be) the richest country in the
world.
B: baḷḷa aġla dawla! Indeed the richest country!
A: b-ǝl-ˁālam! In the world!
B: i. Yes.
i. Yes.
A: sūwō-hǝm hassa… They (means: the war) made
them now…
Afrīqya ham aḥsan mǝnn-ǝm. Even Africa is better than them.
ma tǝtˁaǧǧab? Amazing (rhetorically: wouldn't
you be amazed?)!
4.7.3 ahl ǝl-ḅēṇḅaġāt wu-l-qūṭ (The ones with ties and suits)
A: hāyi kān ˁǝd-na mˁ… We used to have…
mˁallmi b-Frank ˁĪni144, a teacher in Frank ˁĪni (school),
PN, (her name was) PN,
kānǝt ᵊddǝrrə́s-na145 ǧuġrāfya. She used to teach us geography.
B: emm. Yes, (I remember).
hāyi baˁə́d-a ṭāybi? Is she still alive?
A: baˁə́d-a ila-ssa b-Lōs Anǧǝlǝs. She is still in Los Angeles.
bǝnt-a, Her daughter,
ᵊṣdiqə́t-na. is our friend.
baqa fǝd-ᵊnhāġ, So one day,
waḷḷa wu-xabrə́t-ni, she suddenly called me,
qalə́t-l-i: and told me:
ǝmmi ǧǝt wu-qa-ddawwǝġ146 ˁlē- My mother came, and she is
kǝm. looking for you.
baḷḷa, Really,
wu-aˁzə́m-a ˁǝnd-i l-ǝl-bēt, I invited her to my house,
sūwitō-l-a ˁǝšwīyi. I made dinner for her.
baqa, So,
qa-tǝḥki ˁal-ˁIrāq. she was talking about Iraq.
ma hāyi axū-ha, Her brother, as you know,
kān āmᵊr ǝl-qūwa ǧ-ǧawwīyi. was the commander of the air
force.
awwal wēḥǝd b-zaman ˁAbd ǝl- (He was) the first one in the
Karīm Qāsǝm qǝtlō-nu b-ǝṯ-ṯawra times of ˁAbd ǝl-Karīm Qāsǝm
māl… whom they killed in the
revolution of…
mal-tlāṯi wu-sǝttīn. (of 19)63147.
qal… qalb-a mǝǧmūġ ˁlē-hǝm. Her heart is burning (with anger)
against them.
kǝn-tqūl: She said:
ᴹᴮ(hāyi… hāḏa l-ˁIrāq aš ṣār bī? What has become of Iraq?
l-xaṭǝr aḷḷa! In the name of God!
wēn haḏōla ahl ǝl-ḅēṇḅaġāt wu-l- Where are the ones with the ties
qūṭ ǝl-ḥǝlwa? and the beautiful suits?
š-šōn)ᴹᴮ… hāḏa… hāyi… How…
149 The 3.f.s. t- prefix of the PC assimilates into the ṭ of the root.
4.7.7 Mašˁal
The speakers discuss Israel's failure to assassinate the head of Hamas, Xālǝd
Mašˁal, in Jordan in 1997.
A: mǝṯǝl-hāyi, Like that (time when),
Mašˁal, (Xālǝd) Mašˁal,
mǝn ġāḥu, when they went,
hāḏa… this…
ġādu yqṭlō-nu. they (Israel) wanted to kill him.
yqə́l-l-ak, They (impersonal) say,
lēš? Why?
ašlon? How come?
hāḏa… This…
lēš, Why,
mǝn kān b-ᴴᴱ(Yardēn)ᴴᴱ, when he was in Jordan,
ašlon ysūwōn hēkǝḏ ᵊḥkīyi? how come they do such a thing?
(trying to kill him in a friendly
country like Jordan).
B: lakan wēn yǝnġād? So where should they (do it)?
A: ma ᴴᴱ(Yardēn)ᴴᴱ… But Jordan is…
ma ᴴᴱ(Yardēn)ᴴᴱ wu… hāḏa… But Jordan is…
B: i wēn yǝtlaqōn wiyā-hǝm? So where (else) would they find
them (the terrorists)?
A: wiyā-hǝm… With them…
qa-yǝblō-hǝm l-ǝl… l-ǝl-Ǝrdǝn, They are putting Jordan into
trouble,
l-malǝk qa-yǝblō-nu. they are putting the king (of Jordan)
into trouble.
B: ᴴᴱ(besedǝr, Okay,
aval… but…
aval)ᴴᴱ wēn yǝtlaqōn wiyā-nu? but where (else) could they find him
(Mašˁal)?
hāḏa qa-yǝġdōn yṣidō-nu, they want to capture (literally:
hunt) him,
wēn yǝtlaqōn wiyā-nu? where (else can) they find him?
A: wu-ˁaqb-a ġǝkᵊḏ̣ ġǝkᵊḏ̣ Bībi, And afterwards, very quickly, Bibi
(Netanyahu),
mǝṯᵊl-ǝl-hāḏa, like a…
xāf wu-ġāḥ bˁaṯ-l-ǝm ᵊl–hāḏa… he got scared and sent them the…
l-anti. the antidote.
C: lā, No,
ǧabō-l-a. they brought her (these pastries).
A: ǧabō-l-i bdāl-ak, They gave me my dear153.
ǧabōl-i maˁūn hēkǝḏ. They gave me a plate this (big).
hāyi mᵊn-ǧǝmlə́t-a hāḏa, it's (taken) from it (the plate),
Ḥaǧibāda. the Ḥaǧibāda.
D: (They gave her two plates as a gift. (They gave her two plates as a
One from grandmother's friend…) gift. One from grandmother's
friend…)
B: (Who is this friend of yours?) (Who is this friend of yours?)
A: Dorīs. Dorīs.
ma tǝˁġǝf-ǝm bdāl-ak. You don't know them my dear.
wu-mġāt-u154 s-Samīr ǧabə́t-l-i And Samīr's wife brought me
Zlābya. Zlābya155.
ˁǝnd-ǝk baˁᵊd ᵊZlābya? Do you have some more Zlābya?
C: ǧabə́t-l-u, She (already) offered him,
ma yġīd. He doesn't want.
B: (No, no, I don't want.) (No, no, I don't want.)
A: lā! No.
lā, No,
ṭayybi lǝ-Zlābya m… the Zlābya is tasty…
ma ḥǝlwa. it is not (so) sweet.
E: aku Zlābya? Is there Zlābya?
C: Ōrli msūwə́t-a. Orli made it.
E: hōni aku hassa? Is there (some) here now?
C: i. Yes.
E: wēn-i? Where is it?
B: (Did you make this Ḥaǧibāda?) (Did you make this Ḥaǧibāda?)
A: lā bdāl-ak. No, my dear.
hāyi Dorīs ǧabǝt-ᵊl-yā-ni. Dorīs brought it to me.
B: (How do you make Ḥaǧibāda?) (How do you make Ḥaǧibāda?)
A: lōz mǝṭḥūn, (Take) grained almonds,
wu-yxǝllō-l-u šakar, and add sugar to it,
šwayya mal-hēl, a little of cardamom,
yˁǝǧnō-nu b-māy waġd ᵊšwayya, knead it a little with rose water,
i. Okay.
153 Literally: '(I) replace you'. Originally, the utterance means that the speaker is willing
to replace the addressee and to take over their sins when the judgement day comes.
In the course of time the original meaning has changed, and synchronically it is a
common endearment vocative used toward the younger generation. It can be simply
translated into 'my dear'.
154 Pronounced unclearly, but it is obvious that the speaker intends to pronounce mġāt-u.
155 A sweet deep fried pastry covered with melted sugar.
hēkǝḏ yaxḏōn waḥdi waḥdi Take one after the other and
ykǝbbᵊbū-ha hēkǝḏ, make a ball shape like this,
wu-yxǝbzū-ha. and bake it.
B: (Does it have flour?) (Does it have flour?)
A: lāˀ! No!
B: (Only almonds?) (Only almonds?)
A: lōz. Almonds.
lōz wu-š… Almonds and…
B: (Almonds and rose water and (Almonds and rose water and
sugar.) sugar.)
C: ᴴᴱ(Martsipan, Marzipan,
ze kmo martsipan)ᴴᴱ. it is like marzipan.
A: bdāl-ak, My dear,
kǝnna… we used to…
aku šǝkᵊl mal-bǝrġǝl, There is a type of bulgur
nxǝllī-l-u laḥᵊm. we put meat with it.
kǝll kēlu bǝrġǝl kēlu laḥᵊm. One kilogram of meat for each
kilogram of bulgur.
yǝnˁáǧǝn ǝl… The (mixture) gets kneaded…
tǝnqáˁ-u l-ǝl-bǝrġǝl… you steep the bulgur,
nǝˁǧə́n-u l-ǝl-bǝrġǝl, we knead the bulgur,
nxǝllī-l-u šwayya mǝlḥ… we put a bit of salt to it…
b-ǝl… b-ǝl-laḥᵊm nǝˁǧə́n-u. we knead it with the meat.
wu-nǝḥmǝs157 laḥᵊm b… And we fry meat…
b-ǝl-baṣal, with onion,
nǝḥmə́s-u. we fry it.
wu-ǝḏa tġīd qǝšmǝš, And if you want raisins,
ǝḏa tġīd txalli lōz, (or) if you want to put almonds,
xalli ḅ-ḅaṭn-a, put (them) inside of it,
wiya-l… with the…
wiya-hāḏa l-ḥams, with this fried (meat and onion),
wu-qǝṭṭə́ˁ-u l-ǝl… and cut out…
l-ǝl-bǝrġǝl, (pieces of) the bulgur (dough),
wu-ḥǝššī-nu, and fill it,
tǝslə́q-u wu-tǝqlī-nu. (then) you boil it and fry it.
B: (That's it?) (That's it?)
A: ǝmm. Yes.
B: (But there are a lot of sorts of (But there are a lot of sorts of
(bulgur) kubba.) (bulgur) kubba.)
A: aku ysūwōn bǝla-laḥᵊm, There are (people) who make (it)
without meat,
yxǝllōn kēlu bǝrġǝl, they put one kilogram of bulgur,
ᵊgḷāṣ ṭḥīn, a cup of flour,
wu-gḷāṣ ᴴᴱ(ṣōya… and a cup of soy158…
solēt)ᴴᴱ. semolina.
B: (Oh... three sorts?) (Oh... three sorts?)
A: i, Yes,
hāyi… it is…
hāyi badal… it is instead of…
bǝla-laḥᵊm. without meat.
A: āh ṯumīyi! Oh ṯumīyi159!
ham hēkǝḏ. (Is) also (made) like that.
ṯūm wu-tǝṯġə́m-u, You chop garlic,
tǝḥmə́s-u wiya-l-baṣal, you fry it with the onion,
wu-txalli ham ᵊˁlē-nu xǝḏġa, and you also put parsley on it,
wu-ḥǝmḏ wu-ḥala, and sour and sweet (ingredients),
wu-kǝbba. and kubba.
tġīd kǝbba tġīd laḥᵊm. Either kubba or meat (literally:
you want kubba you want meat).
B: (What do you like? Kubba or (What do you like? Kubba or
meat?) meat?)
A: ana yǝˁǧə́b-ni kǝbba, I like kubba,
ma yǝˁǧə́b-ni laḥᵊm. I don't like meat.
B: (And the kubba itself, how do you (And the kubba itself, how do
make it? You used to make it you make it? You used to make
and…) it and…)
A: ᴴᴱ(solēt)ᴴᴱ, Semolina,
wu-txǝllī-l-a šwayya mal-mǝlḥ, and you add a little bit of salt to
it,
wu-tǝˁǧə́n-u, and you knead it,
b-ǝl-māy, with water.
wu… wu-ǧǧīb160 laḥᵊm mǝṯġūm wu- And you put minced meat and
xǝḏ̣ġa wu-baṣal šwayya wiyā-ha. parsley and a little bit of onion
with it.
xǝllī-nu b-ǝl-ḥam… b-ǝl… Put it in the…
tāxǝḏ wǝṣal wǝṣal mal-ᴴᴱ(solēt)ᴴᴱ, You take pieces of semolina
(dough),
šwayya šwayya, a little bit,
wu-tḥǝššī-nu b-āḏa l… and you fill it with the…
laḥᵊm wu-l-hāyi… meat and the…
wu-yṣīġ ˁǝnd-ak kǝbba, And (when) you get kubba,
fǝrr-a ˁala-l… throw it on the…
161 This phrase is usually used positively as a reaction to naughtiness. In this case, it is a
reaction to the caretaker that kindly laughs from the strange sound of the word
dǝˁbǝlla.
162 The preposition b- assimilates into the following p̟ .
D: lāˀ! No!
māl… Of the…
aš ysǝmmū-ha? What's its name?
ma kǝbba. Not kubba.
B: (Yes, kubba.) (Yes, kubba.)
D: ᴴᴱ(kṣiṣot)ᴴᴱ? Meatballs?
B: (No! With… filled with something (No! With… filled with
that I don't like.) something that I don't like.)
D: ᴴᴱ(pǝtriyot)ᴴᴱ. Mushrooms.
B: (In the sweet dishes you either put (In the sweet dishes you either
sweet kubba or…?) put sweet kubba or…?)
D: āh! Oh!
nūmi Baṣġa. Dried lime163.
A: āh. Oh!
C: (Ah, you don't like dried lime?) (Oh, you don't like dried lime?)
B: (What is this kubba?) (What is this kubba?)
A: hāyi aku… There is…
ḅ-ᵊmkān-ma hāyi mal-ḥǝlu, Instead of the sweet one,
ḅ-mkān-ma yxǝllōn hēl, instead of putting cardamom,
yxǝllōn nūmi Baṣġa. they put dried lime.
wiya-l-laḥᵊm. With the meat.
yluxō-nu, They mix it,
laḥᵊm mǝṯġūm wu-baṣal, minced meat and onion,
wu-yxǝllōn nūmi Baṣġa. and they put dried lime.
wu-yḥǝššū-ha l-ǝl-kǝbba mᵊn-hāyi And they fill the sweet kubba
mal-ḥǝlu hēkǝḏ. like this.
B: (Basra lemon? This lemon comes (Basra lemon? This lemon comes
from Basra?) from Basra?)
A: šū ǧībi…! Will you bring (one)…!
C: (Sour…) (Sour…)
B: (Its origin is from Basra?) (Its origin is from Basra?)
A: hāyi. (Shows:) This is it.
B: (Why do you call it Basra lime?) (Why do you call it Basra lime?)
D: hāyi mn-ǝl-ᴴᴱ(Parās)ᴴᴱ. It's from Iran.
B: (From Iran.) (From Iran.)
E mᵊn-Irān hāyi. It is from Iran.
A: hāyi mᵊn-Irān, It is from Iran,
i. Yes.
ma ˁǝf. I don't know.
ašu ysǝmmū-ha nūmi Baṣġa? For some reason they call it
Basra lime.
164 The prefix t- of the PC assimilated into the first consonant d of the root.
A: zēn, Okay,
baˁᵊd ˁǝnd-u akᵊltēn qa-yġīd yǝˁġǝf. he has two more dishes that he
wants to know (how to cook).
kāri ašlon ᵊtsūwē-nu, How do you make curry,
wu-l-bǝryāni ašlon. and how (do you make) Bǝryāni.
B: kāri bdāl-ak ᵊṣˁīb, Curry is difficult my dear,
bī-nu xǝḅbaṭīyi. it has trouble.
A: lā, Never mind (literally: no),
ana qa-aġīd aˁġǝf. I want to know.
qǝllē-l-u. Tell him.
ašlon ysūwōn kāri? How do they make curry?
B: kāri… (For) curry…
tǝḥmǝs baṣla wu-ṯūm wu-kāri, you fry an onion, garlic and
curry,
hāyi kǝll-a sawwa. all of them together.
wu-txalli ṣ… and you put…
ṃāy… water…
wu-txalli ṣōṣ mal-ṭaṃāṭa, and you put tomato sauce,
hāyi lǝ-ḅṭūla, these bottles,
māku? you know (rhetorically: isn't
there?).
A: Kaččǝp. Ketchup.
B: k… Kaččǝp, Ketchup,
wu-aku ṣōṣ hami. and there is also a sauce.
A: hāyi l-Hačč Pi. This HP (sauce) 165.
B: Hačč Pi, HP (sauce),
wu-aku ṣōṣ, and there is a sauce,
ma hāḏa ṣ-ṣōṣ ǝl… not this sauce of…
C: (It is chili sauce. Chili sauce?) (It is chili sauce. Chili sauce?)
B: ṣōṣ hāḏa l… This sauce…
mal-ṭaṃāṭa, of tomato,
l-ḅǝṭǝl. the bottle.
Kaččǝp, Ketchup,
4.8.6 Bǝryāni166
Speakers:
A: Alwīz Ben-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
B: Zvi Bar-Moshe
C: Melani Perera
166 A rice dish of Indian origin that was popular also in Iraq.
167 There is a technical problem with the recording that prevents us from clearly hearing
the last syllable of word, but it is evident that the speaker utters mǝslūq.
168 The prefix t- of the PC assimilated into the following ǧ.
169 The root byn is used usually in visual contexts in the sense of 'revealed, seen, exposed'.
Here, however, the speakers means that the flavor of the cardamom should be
dominant.
dǝhᵊn azyad ᵊmn-ǝt-tǝmman txalli. you (have to) put more oil than
(in the case of) rice.
B: (You like it more than rice?) (You like it more than rice?)
A: i. Yes.
aṭyab. (It is) tastier.
aṭyab. (It is) tastier.
B: (I like it too.) (I like it too.)
A: balki nhāġ hōni ǝnta, If you are here one day (during
the day),
tsūwī-l-ak mᵊn-hāḏa l-bǝrġǝl. she could make some bulgur for
you.
ǝda fārǝġ. If you are free.
4.8.8 Ḥġīġi171
Speakers:
A: Alwīz Ben-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
B: Assaf Bar-Moshe
171 A drink made out of almonds. It is traditionally drunk to break Yom Kippur's fast.
172 The n of the preposition mᵊn assimilated into l.
hāyi ynǝqˁō-nu wu-ymǝġdō-nu b-ǝl- They used to soak it (the dates, with
māy, water) and crush them within the
water,
wu-yǝġlō-nu wu-yǧibōn ᵊkyās, and (then) boil it and bring (fabric)
bags,
yˁǝbbō-nu l-āḏa t-tamaġ wu-l-āyi kǝll- put the dates and everything in the
a b-ǝl-kīs, bags,
wu-yˁǝṣġō-nu, and squeeze it,
yaxḏō-nu l-māy māl-u, take its liquid,
yˁǝṣġō-nu, squeeze it,
wu-hāḏa yǝġlō-nu wu-yṣīġ silān. and boil it (again), and (then) it
becomes Silān.
wu-ǝḏa ma tġīd tǝġlī-nu, And if you don't want to boil it,
ġalwa zġayyġi wu-ṭǝllə́ˁ-u b-ǝš-šams. boil it (only) a little bit and take it
out to the sun.
A: (Did you use to have specific food (Did you use to have specific
for each day of the week?) food for each day of the week?)
B: i. Yes.
A: (What was the food of each day? (What was the food of each day?
On Sunday what did you use to On Sunday what did you use to
eat?) eat?)
B: mnēn aˁef… I don't know (rhetorically: from
where do I know?)…
C: lā, No,
ma l-aḥḥad. Not Sunday.
yōm lǝ-xmīs aš taklōn? What did you use to eat on
Thursday?
B: yaklōn… They used to eat…
kǝnna-nākǝl Kǝčri. We used to eat Kǝčri173.
C: Kǝčri, Kǝčri,
ᴴᴱ(naxōn)ᴴᴱ. right.
yōm ǝǧ-ǧǝmˁa aš taklōn? What did you use to eat on
Friday?
B: ṭbīx. Cooked dishes.
nǝṭbǝx. We used to cook.
ḥāmǝḏ wu-ḥǝlu, Sour and sweet (dishes),
tǝmman. rice.
l… wu-l-ǝš-šǝbbāt174 ᵊtbīt. And Tbīt175 for Saturday.
C: i. Yes.
A: (And during the week itself?) (And during the week itself?)
B: lā, No,
kǝll yōm… every day (something else)…
n… nōba… one time…
marag wu-tǝmman, soup and rice,
wu-nōba wiyā-nu ḥāmǝḏ, and one time a sour dish with it,
173 Rice with lentils spiced with cumin and garlic and served with cultured milk.
174 The typical JB pronunciation is šǝbbāṯ. The speaker doesn’t pronounce the interdental,
however, probably due to the following t.
175 Traditional Iraqi dish for Saturday's lunch, which is considered as the Iraqi Jewry
version for Cholent. It is based on a whole chicken filled with rice and meat, cooked
during the night and surrounded by rice spiced with bharāt, Iraqi spices mixture.
176 The w of the root wḥd assimilated into the preceding preposition b- and both became
emphatic.
4.8.11 tǝksǝġ ǧōza wu-tǝšġáb-a (You break a coconut and drink it)
Speakers:
A: Assaf Bar-Moshe
B: Alwīz Ben-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
C: Zvi Bar-Moshe
A: (Did you use to use coconut milk?) (Did you use to use coconut
milk?)
B: lāˀ! No!
A: (No? you didn't have it?) (No? you didn't have it?)
C: kǝnna-nǝšġáb-u. We used to drink it.
aškun lāˀ? (Rhetorically:) How come (you
said) no?
nǝšġáb-u, We drank it,
nǝšġáb-u, we drank it,
kǝllǝš… (it was) very…
B: ġēġ mal-ǧōz? But it was from a nut
(rhetorically: isn't it of a nut?).
tǝksǝġ ǧōza wu-tǝšġáb-a? (rhetorically:) You brake a nut
and drink it.
C: i. Yes.
wu-hāyi kǝllǝš tayyǝb kān. And it was very tasty.
B: ma hāyi… But it…
lāˀ! No!
aku… There is…
C: hǝmmi yxǝllō-nu yṭǝbxō-nu. They (the Sri-Lankan) put it and
cook (with) it.
hōni aku ḅṭāla. There are bottles here (in Israel).
B: i. Yes.
i. Yes.
177 ṣlubi (pl.) ṣluba is defined in Woodhead & Beene (1967: 267) as 'nomad, desert
dweller'.
178 The Hebrew root ˁsk is inserted into stem V in JB.
179 This is the English term for the Hebrew word, but it seems that the speaker actually
refers to a different condition, namely an infectious abscess.
bas hīyi qwīyi kə́llǝš haḏīki. but it is very strong, this one.
zēn. Okay.
haḏōli aššon ydawū-ha? How do they treat it?
ana aḏḏǝkǝ… I…
aḏḏakkaġ siyə́d-i ṭalaˁ ˁǝnd-u waḥdi remember that my grandfather had
mᵊn-hāyi b-ṣadġ-u. one of these in his chest.
ǧabō-l-u wāḥdi… They brought him someone…
ˁǝrbīyi… a tribeswoman…
Faṭṭūma ǝsm-a… called Faṭṭūma…
hīyi ˁaynə́t-a, she looked at it,
ǧābǝt ǧigāra, brought a cigarette,
xǝllə́t-a ˁala-hāyi l… put it on top of this…
ǝl-ḥǝmġā… red…
ˁa-lǝ-mkān l-aḥmaġ, on the red spot,
wu-aš ma qa-txǝllī-ha ma qa-yḥǝss and no matter how she put it, he
hūwi kǝll šēn. didn't feel anything.
mǝn ˁāynǝt ma qa… When she saw that he didn't…
ma qa-yḥǝss, didn't feel,
qalə́t-l-ǝm: she told them:
ǧibō-l-i… Bring me…
ṭḥīn wu-ǧibō-l-i dǝhᵊn. flour and bring me oil.
fūwġō-nu l-dǝhᵊn. Boil the oil.
ǧabə́t-u lᵊ-ṭḥīn, She brought the flour,
sūwǝ́t-u dāyǝġ madāyǝġ hāyi l… she put it around this…
ǝl-ḥǝmġā l… the red…
hāyi z-zǝnᵊqṭāyi. this pimple.
mǝṯᵊl-sadd ḥǝtti… Like a dam so that…
wu-qamǝt-ᵊtfǝrr dǝhᵊn ˁala-l… And she stared to throw oil on
the…
ˁala-l-hāyi ḥǝtti d-hǝhᵊn la yǝndalǝ… on it, so that the oil wouldn't
la yǝ… spil(l)…
sūwū-ha mǝṯl-ǝs-sadda l-ǝd-hǝhᵊn They made it like a dam for the oil
ḥǝtti d-hǝhᵊn qa-yǝġli. so that the oil boils.
wu-aš ma qa-yfǝrrōn dǝhᵊn hūwi ma And no matter how much oil they
qa-yḥǝss. throw, he doesn't feel.
ma qa-yḥǝss. He doesn't feel.
wu-qa-tǝnˀakǝl ǝl-hāyi… l-hāḏa… And this (the abscess) gets eaten…
ila-an180 bada yǝšˁar ǝnna-hu hūwi until he started to feel that he feels
qa-yǝšˁar b-ǝl… the…
b-lǝ-ḥṃāwa… the heat…
b-lǝ-ḥṃāwa, the heat,
180 The speaker elongates the a to iconize the period of time that passed.
181 The speaker probably intends to utter ṭupa 'ball', but pronounces it with f by mistake.
182 The prefix t- of the 2.m.s. of the PC assimilates into the following d.
l-maǧra l-hāḏa mal-bōl tsǝdd-u wu- it (the disease) closes the flow of
hāyi qa-t… the urine and it…
(Another speaker:) (Another speaker:)
kǝll ǝd-dwayāt kānǝt ˁǝnd-ǝm ᴴᴱ(b- They had all the medicine in a (sort
tsura)ᴴᴱ… of) way…
(Abraham:) (Abraham:)
kǝll-a… All of it…
kǝll-ǝm hāyi tadāwi māl… all of these are cures of…
mal-ˁarab. of Arab.
(…) (…)
ˁǝnd-ak ǝl-haḏōli… You have these…
b-ǝl-lēl ᵊwlād kānu yǝnnǝšlōn wu- during the night kids used to catch
yqǝḥḥōn, a cold and to cough,
wu-lí-hassa yaˁni… and still today (the following
treatment is used), I mean…
aš kan-ysūwō-lǝm? what did they use to do for them?
l-mǝġḥūma ǝmm-i… My deceased mother…
aš ᵊtǧīb? what did she bring?
ᵊtǧīb… She brought…
ᵊl-hāḏa dǝhᵊn sīġaǧ, this sesame oil,
tǝḥmī-nu… She heated it…
tǝḥmī-nu swayya wu-tǧīb-u wu-txalli heated it a bit and she took it and
wiyā-nu ḅ… put with it b…
ḅǝṭnaǧ… ḅǝṭnaǧ187…
ḅǝṭnaǧ. ḅǝṭnaǧ.
wu-tǝdhən-ᵊl-yā ṣ-ṣadġ-u l-walad, And she rubbed the child's chest
with oil,
tˁāyǝn ǝl-walad ašlon ǝl-qaḥḥa t… (then) you see how the child's
cough…
txǝff ᵊˁlē-nu b-ǝl-lēl, lessens at night,
wu-mᵊn-ha… And like…
wu-mᵊn-hāyi l-ˁāl yǝstġāḥ. and he (can finally) rest very well.
b-ǝl… in the…
b-āḏa l… in this…
hāyi l-maˁᵊlqa bī-ha ṃāy, this spoon with water188,
qa-tdīġ-u ˁala-ġās-u l… you pour it over the head of…
l-šūf mani ǝḏa qa-tġīd tsawwi… whomever you want to (take the
evil eye from)…
C: mu qa-ydīġ-u ˁala-ġās-u qa-y… It is pouring over the head of…
hāḏa… it…
mu yfǝrr-a ˁala-ġās-u. It is not throwing it over the
head.
D: ᴴᴱ(beseder)ᴴᴱ, Okay,
yfǝrr-a b-ǝṭ-ṭāṣa. he (impersonal) throws it in the
metal bowl.
A: yfǝrr-a b-ǝṭ-ṭāṣa ˁala-ġās-u. He throws it into the metal bowl
over his head.
D: wu-baˁdēn yǝnġād yšīl-a lᵊ-ġṣaṣāyi And then he is supposed to take
ydūs-a? the lead ball out and squeeze it?
A: lā! No!
yšīl-a l-ġṣaṣāyi yǝdlə́q-a b-ǝš-šārǝˁ. He should take the lead ball out
and pour it on the street.
tlǝṯ ᵊšwārǝˁ. On three (different) streets.
D: tlǝṯ ᵊšwārǝˁ? On three (different) streets?
A: wēḥǝd… One…
D: lēš hāyi tlǝṯ ᵊšwārǝˁ? Why on three (different) streets?
A: mn-ǝl-ˁēn. (To protect) against the evil eye.
C: taqāṭǝˁ ṭuruq. A crossroad.
D: yaˁni tlǝṯ ᵊšwārǝˁ ḥēsdī-nu? It means that three streets are
jealous of him?
A: hā? What?
D: tlǝṯ ᵊšwārǝˁ ḥēsdī-nu? It means that three streets are
jealous of him189?
C: lā! No!
A: tsǝ! No!
hāyi tlǝṯ ᵊšwārǝˁ mn-ǝl-ˁēn. It is spilled (on) three (different)
streets to (protect) against the
evil eye.
190 A rhyme.
191 Speaker A reveals that the previous quote was uttered by a woman.
192 Refers to G6PD deficiency, also known as favism. It is a genetic abnormality in the
activity of a red blood cell enzyme. It is particularly common in people of
Mediterranean and African origin. People with the deficiency are allergic to fava
beans and some medicine, like quinine.
4.9.4 Šašša
Speakers:
A: Alwīz Ben-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
B: Zvi Bar-Moshe
C: Assaf Bar-Moshe
193 A rhyme. When they say bēt abū-hǝm ᵊmḥašša 'the house of their father is filled', they
probably mean to wish that it will be filled with good things, like food and money.
A: (What did you use to do when (What did you use to do when
somebody died?) somebody died?)
B: wī aḅēl! Oh my God!
ġēġ mǝṯl-ǝl-aslām kānu? They (the Jews) were like the
Muslims (rhetorically: weren't
they like the Muslims?).
A: (What do you mean?) (What do you mean?)
B: yxǝllō-nu ᵊqbāl-ǝm l-ǝl-mayyǝt wu- They used to put the dead in
ywǝqfōn ylǝṭmōn. front of them and beat their
chests.
C: wu-aš ysūwōn? And what did they use to do?
B: ylǝṭmōn. They used to beat their chests.
A: (The Jews?) (The Jews?)
B: i. Yes.
A: (What do you mean by "they put it (What do you mean by "they put
in front of them"? The body?) it in front of them"? The body?)
B: i. Yes.
lakan aš yxǝllōn? (Rhetorically:) what else will
they put?
A: (Covered?) (Covered?)
B: wī aḅēl! Oh my God!
lakān? Of course (rhetorically: or else?).
C: hāyi hōni ham sūwū-ha. They did it also here (in Israel).
hāyi mǝn… When…
mǝn māt Dahūd Sǝlmān, When Dahūd Sǝlmān died,
ˁamm-u s-Sǝlmān, The paternal uncle of Sǝlmān.
B: i. Yes.
C: wu-dǝfnō-nu b… And they buried him in…
b-Ḥolōn, in Holon.
mani kān… (Asking himself:) who was (it)?
Xazna mġāt Sasōn, Xazna, the wife of Sasōn,
wu-ǝxt-a, and her sister.
B: Zbēda. Zbēda.
C: sawwu lṭīmi… They beat their chests…
194 One of the definition of the root ˁdd in stem II is "To enumerate the merits of a dead
person" (Wehr 1976:594). The noun ˁiddāda is interpreted as "a women that laments,
that mentions the virtues of the deceased" (Yona 2014:145).
195 Imitates the sound of the chest beatings.
b… ᴴᴱ(beˀmēt)ᴴᴱ! Really!
C: hassa ana qa-aḏḏǝkkáġ-a, (If) I remember it,
lēš hīyi ma tǝˁġǝf? why shouldn't she know?
aššon ma tǝˁġǝf? She must know (rhetorically:
how come she doesn't know?).
A: (There weren't any lamentations?) (There weren't any
lamentations?)
C: aššon ma kān? Of course there were
(rhetorically: how come there
weren't).
taˁdīd. (It is called) taˁdīd.
B: kān… There was…
kanu-yǧibōn waḥdi msǝlmīyi They used to bring a Muslim lady
tˁǝddə́d-l-ǝm. to lament for them.
C: ᴴᴱ(ze mǝkṣūˁa, It is a profession,
ze…)ᴴᴱ kanu-yˁǝddᵊdōn. They used to lament.
aš kanu-ysǝmmō-hǝm? What was their name?
haḏōli? These (women)?
A: mullāya. mullāya196.
C: mullāya, mullāya,
i. Yes.
yǧibōn mullāya. They used to bring a mullāya.
A: (Do you remember what this (lady) (Do you remember what this
used to say?) (lady) used to say?)
D: ī! Uff!
dǝ-yaḷḷa! Drop it!
B: lāˀ! No!
ana aṣlan kǝntu-atbaġbaˁ. I even used to be afraid (of it).
axāf. I used to be afraid.
A: (And later? They buried it?) (And later? They buried it?)
B: mmm. Yes.
yaxḏō-nu l-ǝl-Ḥǝlli. They used to take it (the body) to
Ḥǝlli.
A: (Why to Ḥǝlli?) (Why to Ḥǝlli?)
B: l-maqbara b-ǝl-Ḥǝlli kānǝt. The (Jewish) cemetery was in
Ḥǝlli.
A: (There was no cemetery (There was no cemetery
elsewhere?) elsewhere?)
B: ma kānǝt b-ǝd-Diwanīyi. There wasn't one in Diwanīyi.
A: (In Baghdad?) (In Baghdad?)
196 According to Beene & Woodhead (1967: 444): "woman that sings at weddings,
funerals, etc."
B: i. Yes.
C: tlǝṯ mǝrrāt. Three times.
tlǝṯ mǝrrāt. Three times.
mǝnḥa wu-ˁar… ˁarbīt197 wu… Mincha198 and Arvit199 and…
mǝnḥa… Mincha…
ᴴᴱ(lō, No,
ba-bōkǝr)ᴴᴱ… in the morning…
ša… šaḥrīt, Shacharit200,
mǝnḥa wu-ˁarbīt. Mincha, and Arvit.
B: ṣbāḥ wu-ḏǝhᵊġ wu-ˁaṣᵊġ. (In the) morning, noon, and the
afternoon.
A: (And blessings?) (And blessings201?)
C: kǝll yōm. Every day.
kǝll yōm braxōt202. Every day (they used to have)
blessings.
aš kanu-yǧibōn… What did they use to bring…
B: ḥasab-ǝl-ūṣūl. As required.
C: aš kanu-yǧibōn b-ǝl-braxōt? What did they use to bring for
the blessings?
B: ham mǝṯᵊl-hōni. Also like here (in Israel).
aš tǝfrǝq? (Rhetorically:) what's the
difference?
kān… There was…
C: mezonōṯ ysūwōn kǝˁkāt. For Mezonot203 they made kǝˁkāt
204
.
B: wu-ysūwū-ha… And they used to do it…
kānǝt tāza lǝ-ḥkiyāt. the things were fresh.
xō ma… Not…
C: kǝll yōm yxǝbzō-l-ǝm wu-yǧibō-l- Everyday people used to bake for
ǝm. them (for the family of the dead)
and bring to them.
B: kǝll-a tāza kānǝt. Everything was fresh.
197 In the names of the Jewish ritual prayers, ˁarbīt and šaḥrīt, the final consonant is not
pronounced ṯ.
198 Jewish afternoon prayer service.
199 Jewish evening prayer service.
200 Jewish morning prayer service.
201 Refers to the custom of blessing God by blessing three kinds of food – tree fruit, land
fruit, and baked goods or goods made with flour.
202 Pronounces it as a hybrid form of JB and Modern Hebrew. The JB form is braxōṯ.
203 The name for the blessing of baked goods.
204 Baked soft bagels.
A: (And the Muslims friends used to (And the Muslims friends used to
come?) come?)
B: i. Yes.
aš tǝfrǝq? (Rhetorically:) what's the
difference?
C: yǝǧōn xalᵊf-lǝ-ṣlā, They used to come after the
prayer,
yǝǧōn qabᵊl-lǝ-ṣlā. (or) before the prayer.
mu b... Not…
b-waqt lǝ-ṣlā. at the time of the prayer.
A: (What did they use to do after the (What did they use to do after
Shiv'ah?) the Shiv'ah?)
C: ma b-ǝs-sa… Not in the…
b-ǝs-sabˁa yǧibō... In the Shiv'ah they brought…
ma yṣīġ yqumōn hāḏa… They (the family) was forbidden
to get up…
yǧibō-l-ǝm akᵊl. People used to bring food for
them.
ma hēkǝḏ? Right (literally: not like this?)?
B: i. Yes.
C: mani kan-ysūwī-l-ǝm akᵊl? Who used to cook for them?
B: ṣǝdqān-ǝm, Their friends.
šūf mani. Whoever (literally: see who).
C: mn-ǝl-ˁāyila. From the family.
B: wu-āxǝr... And in the last…
āxǝr l-īyām, the last day (of the Shiv'ah),
yṭǝbxōn tǝmman. they used to cook rice.
kānu b-Bǝġdād fǝqaġ ᵊkṯīġ. There were many poor people in
Baghdad.
kṯīġ kṯīġ. A lot.
C: tǝmman wu-ǧīǧ wu-samak. Rice and chicken and fish.
B: wu-yaxḏū-ha ywǝddo-l-yā-hǝm l-ǝl- And they used to take it and to
ūnīki. bring it there to them (to the
poor).
l-ᵊmkanāt-ǝm haḏōli l-sēknīn. To the places where they live.
A: (Were they Jews or Muslims?) (Were they Jews or Muslims?)
B: yhūd. Jews.
205 As a part of a Jewish tradition called Kapparot, in which a chicken is turned above
and around someone's head and then slaughtered, as an expiation for one's sins.
A: wāw! Wow!
lō tǝˁġǝf aššon sǝkka kānǝt. If you only knew what kind of
sukkah there was.
mqad hāḏa ṣ-ṣalōn kǝnna-nsawwi We used to build a sukkah as big
sǝkka. as this living room.
B: (Where? On the roof?) (Where? On the roof?)
A: lā! No!
b-ǝl-ḥōš. In the house.
ˁala-saqf ašlon? Not on the roof (rhetorically:
how come on the roof?).
C: lēš mǝṯᵊl-hōni? It's not like here (in Israel)
(rhetorically: why? is it like
here?)
ṭarma, (In the) courtyard,
ṭarma. (in the) courtyard.
D: wēn? Where?
qa-tǝḥkēn ˁa-d-Diwanīyi? Are you talking about Diwanīyi?
A: i. Yes.
D: i. Yes.
ḥōš mǝftūḥ. The house was opened (to a
courtyard).
A: kān ḥōš… There was…
ḥušēn ġēġ kānǝt wēḥǝd ᵊḅ-ḅaṭn ǝl- there were two houses, one
lāx. inside of the other.
B: (And you used to sleep in the (And you used to sleep in the
sukkah?) sukkah?)
A: kān… ynamōn. They (impersonal) used to sleep.
i. Yes.
D: abu l-bēt yǝnġād-ynām. The owner of the house should
sleep.
A: lā! No!
kān… ǧayyi Albēr ǝbᵊn ˁamm-i, Albēr, my paternal cousin, came
(one time),
l-ǝš-Šamīyi. to Šamīyi.
wēn ynā…? Where (could he sleep)?
206 The verb ǧaṭal is used here in a negative manner, as if he was thrown in the sukkah.
207 A satin adornment put on top of cover of the blanket.
A: b-ǝl-ᵊmǧalla? In Purim?
B: mani kan-yǝtnakkaġ? Nobody used to disguise
(rhetorically: who used to
disguise?)
A: Haṃān wu-Aḥašwerōš. (Nobody used to disguise as)
Haman and Ahasuerus?
B: ma… kanu-ylǝbsōn? They didn’t use to dress up
(rhetorically: did they use to
dress up?)
C: (Wasn't it like in Israel?) (Wasn't it like in Israel?)
B: lāˀ! No!
D: kanu-ylǝˁbōn ᵊqmāġ. They used to play cards.
B: i, Yes,
kanu qamaġčīyi yṣiġōn. they used to gamble (literally:
they used to become gamblers).
ylǝˁbōn ᵊqmāġ, They used to play cards,
yǝtwǝnsōn b-ǝl-qmāġ kanu. they used to have fun with the
cards.
C: (And the kids?) (And the kids?)
B: hayyi wlād? Which kids?
wlād ᵊzġāġ. The little kids.
C: (How did the kids use to (How did the kids use to
celebrate?) celebrate?)
B: aku ḥtifāl? There was no celebration
(rhetorically: is there a
celebration?).
wēn aku? There wasn't any (rhetorically:
where is there?).
madārǝs mal-maˁārǝf. (They had to go to) school.
wēn aku? There wasn't any (rhetorically:
where is there?).
ma kān ˁǝṭla. There was no vacation.
A: bas b-ǝl-ᵊṣlā kān. But in the synagogue there was
(a celebration).
A: ǝš-šǝttāxa210… Passover…
yōm ǝl… the day…
mal-ˁīd lǝ-fṭīġ, of Passover,
mal-ᴴᴱ(pēsaḥ)ᴴᴱ. of Passover.
hāyi… hāyi… hāyi… It…
wāw! Wow!
hāḏa ˁīd ǝl-ᴴᴱ(pēsaḥ)ᴴᴱ kān ˁǝd-na Passover in our house was,
b-ǝl-bēt,
skǝt wu-xǝllī-ha. amazing (literally: shut up and
put it)!
tġūḥ ṃāṃa Rīma l… My mother Rīma used to go to…
l-ǝl-āyi… to this….
aš ǝsm-a? What's its name?
B: Smāwa. Smāwa.
A: lāˀ! No!
B: lí-wēn? To where?
A: ᵊnzūl! Damn (literally: plague)!
nsētu. I forgot.
C: aškun? What?
B: tġūḥ ᵊtǧīb ᵊšˁīġ tǝṭḥán-u. She used to go and bring barley
and grind it.
A: lā, No,
tġūḥ ᵊtǧīb ḥǝnṭa. she used to go and bring wheat.
C: šˁīġ? Barley?
B: hǝnṭa. Wheat.
C: ḥǝnṭa, Wheat,
mnēn yṣīġ ᵊšˁīġ? barley is forbidden (in Passover)
(rhetorically: from where barley
is allowed?).
A: yǧibū-ha l-āyi l… They brought this…
ṃāṃa Rīma tġūḥ fǝd-yumēn ᵊtlāṯi, my mother Rīma used to go for
two or three days,
ˁala-ma yḥǝṣdū-ha l-ḥǝnṭa. until they harvested the wheat.
210 The speaker gives three different names for Passover. Two in JB: šǝttāxa and ˁīd lǝ-
fṭīġ, and one in Hebrew: pēsaḥ.
211 Meaning to screen the wheat seeds and to choose only the appropriate ones.
212 A Hebrew word meaning 'check'.
213 The Hebrew root bdk is conjugated in a JB verbal pattern.
214 A Jewish tradition of making dishes kosher by immersion in boiling water before
Passover.
218 Jews in the exile celebrate Passover's Seder two evenings in a row.
4.10 Conversations
4.10.1 dǝ-ḏu
̣ qí-ya! (Taste it!)
Speakers:
A: Adība Kuǧman
B: Zvi Bar-Moshe
C: Alwīz Ben-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
D: Amal Bar-Moshe
E: Assaf Bar-Moshe
A: ᴴᴱ(aškoliyōt)ᴴᴱ… Grapefruit…
da-aḥkī-l-ak… let me tell you…
ē… em…
ma tǝˁǧə́b-ni. I don't like it.
ana… I…
B: ana tǝˁǧə́b-ni ᴴᴱ(aval)ᴴᴱ ma aqdaġ I like it but I can't eat it.
akə́l-a.
A: ᴴᴱ(aval)ᴴᴱ ǝl-ᴴᴱ(pamēlla)ᴴᴱ halqad But I like pomelo so much.
qa-tǝˁǧə́b-ni.
B: ᴴᴱ(ken)ᴴᴱ,
ṭāybi. Yes,
A: i, it's tasty.
ġǝḥtu kam marra št… Yes,
laqētu219. I went several times (to buy)…
bōḥi… I found.
ˁaǧáb-ni aġūḥ, Yesterday…
qǝltō-l-a: I wanted to go,
da-aġīd aǧīb ᴴᴱ(pamēlla)ᴴᴱ, I told her:
ana tǝˁǧə́b-ni. I want to bring pomelo.
baḷḷa ma lqētu. I like it.
duġṭēn ġǝḥtu l-ǝs-sūq hal-ᵊsbūˁ, I really couldn't find.
I went to the market twice this
week,
B: i, Yes,
ma dayman mūǧūda. it is not always available.
A: ḥǝtti ma qad-aqdaġ, even though I couldn't,
qǝltō-l-a: I told her:
da-aġūḥ. I will go.
ma qad-alqi, I couldn't find,
ma qad-alqi. I couldn't find.
219 The a of the first syllable should fall in JB, and in fact the same speaker pronounces
the verb as lqētu further in the conversation.
ᴴᴱ(aškoliyōt)ᴴᴱ. Grapefruit.
B: ᴴᴱ(ha-emet)ᴴᴱ ana ǝḏa alqi ana Truly, if I will find I will buy it
ašġī-l-ǝk. for you.
ᴴᴱ(aval)ᴴᴱ ma… But it is not…
ma dayman mūǧūda. it is not always available.
C: qad-aġīd pǝrṭqāl mᵊn-hāḏa qǝšġ-u I want orange of the kind whose
lǝ-ṯxīn. peel is thick.
B: hāḏa mūǧūd… This is available…
hāḏa mūǧūd, this is available,
hāḏa kǝll ǝl-waqt mūǧūd. This is always available.
A: lā, No,
lā, no,
ᴴᴱ(klemantīna)ᴴᴱ. tangerine.
ˁāni ašlon… Look how…
ana… I…
ana šġitū-ha l-āyi l- I bought this tangerine,
ᴴᴱ(klemantīna)ᴴᴱ,
ˁāni. look!
ašlon ᵊᴴᴱ(klemantīna)ᴴᴱ! What a tangerine!
ˁāni! look!
B: hāyi ḥāmḏi tṣīġ. This is sour.
hāyi pǝrtqāl. It's orange.
A: lā, No,
qālu mu… they said it is not…
ᴴᴱ(klemantīna, (It is a) tangerine,
klemantīna)ᴴᴱ, tangerine,
ˁāyǝn! look!
qǝšġ-a xfīf. Its peel is thin.
D: la, No,
hāyi l-āyi l-ǧǝb… it is this one that…
mǝṯᵊl-hāyi l-ǧǝbt-a. like the one that you brought.
hāyi kə́llǝš ṭāybi. It is very tasty.
A: hāyi aš ǝsm-a? What is its name?
B: hāyi ᴴᴱ(klemantīna, It is tangerine,
klemantīna)ᴴᴱ. tangerine.
A: šu bdāl-ak ˁayə́n-a. Look at it my dear.
E: (Jaffa.) (Jaffa.)
A: hā? What?
E: (Jaffa.) (Jaffa.)
B: hāyi mal-taṣdīr. It is for export.
A: hā? What?
B: Ǧaffa, Jaffa,
hāyi l-ᴴᴱ(klemantīna)ᴴᴱ māl-ǝm. it is their tangerine.
A: i… Yes…
aškun…? What…?
Ǧaffa nǝˁġə́f-a l-Yāfa. Jaffa we know (the city), Jaffa.
(laughs) (laughs)
ᴴᴱ(lō)ᴴᴱ, No,
hāyi ᴴᴱ(klemantīna)ᴴᴱ? is this a tangerine?
B: ᴴᴱ(kēn)ᴴᴱ. Yes.
A: ašu ma mˁaynī-ha ᴴᴱ(k- So how come it doesn't look like
klemantīna)ᴴᴱ? a tangerine?
B: bali, It does,
hassa aku… now there are…
aku kbāġ. there are big ones.
A: ana šġētu ᴴᴱ(klemantīna)ᴴᴱ ˁala- I bought a smaller and tastier
azaġġ wu-aṭyab. tangerine.
hāyi kǝnn-i pǝrṭqalāyi. This one is like an orange.
B: i, Yes,
ᴴᴱ(naxōn)ᴴᴱ, right,
ᵊmbayni kǝnnu pǝrṭqalāyi. it looks like an orange.
A: pǝrṭqalāyi ḥǝtti ṭaˁm-a ġēġ šēn. An orange even tastes differently.
B: bas hāyi ḥǝlwa hāyi, But this one is sweet,
ḥǝlu l-ṭaˁm māl-a. its taste is sweet.
A: ḥǝtti l-ṭa… Even the…
tāl da-nqǝššə́ġ-a wu-nḏūq-a, let's peel it and taste it.
ana ma yxǝṣṣ-ni, I don't care,
i. yes.
bdāl-ǝk, My dear,
ǧibē-l-na maˁūn bǝla-zaḥma. bring us a plate please (literally:
without trouble).
(laughs) (laughs)
da-nqǝššǝ… let's pee(l)…
da-aqūl… I say…
da-nqǝššə́ġ-a wu-nḏūq-a. let's peel it and taste it.
D: hāyi… This…
mu b-ǝḏ-ḏaḅṭ ᵊᴴᴱ(klemantīna)ᴴᴱ, is not exactly a tangerine,
ma aˁǝf… I don't know…
A: ma aˁǝf, I don't know,
ġēġ šǝkᵊl, some other kind,
ġēġ šǝkᵊl. some other kind.
B: lā, No,
ᴴᴱ(aval)ᴴᴱ hāyi qǝšġ-a xfīf. but the peel of this one is thin.
A: i, Yes,
hīyi… it…
ma aˁǝf bas… I don't know but…
A: i… Yes…
hāḏa… This (chair)…
l… the one who…
ᵊl-yǝqˁǝd ˁlē-nu, the one sitting on it,
tġūḥ ᵊǧḥāġ-u. his buttocks hurt (literally: go).
B: ma bī-nu… It doesn't have…
ana ham haḏīk ǝs-sāˁa qˁadtu… I also sat down a while ago…
ġǝdtu aqə́l-l-a l-ṃāṃa: I wanted to tell my mother:
yǝnġad-txǝllē-l-u mxadda l-āḏa. You should put a pillow on it.
A: wawēli! Oh (literally: and my sorrow)!
tmǝġˁaltu baḷḷa! I suffer, really!
uxx! Ouch!
wawēli wēli! Oh! Oh!
ġǝḥtu tˁǝkkaftu. I became crooked.
baˁᵊd ˁǝnd-i qaˁda b-ǝṭ-ṭiyāra kmāl And I still have to sit for the
ǝl-lēli. entire night on the plane tonight.
B: hāyi ṣedᵊq yǝnġād-l-u mxadda. It really needs a pillow.
ma qa-yǝnqáˁǝd. It cannot be sat on.
A: wī lá-ḥḥad220 šāf-a! Oh! I wish nobody suffers
(literally: sees) it!
221 A hand shaped talisman for luck, which is known by the name xamsa. In Iraq it was
not called xamsa, though, but rather kaff.
4.10.5 ǧibō-la šwayya ḥadd (Bring a Little bit of spice for her)
Speakers:
A: Zvi Bar-Moshe
B: Amal Bar-Moshe
C: Alwīz Ben-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
222 A sandwich in an Iraqi Pita bread, usually with Shawarma, grilled meat.
223 The final l of the preposition māl assimilated into the following word's initial š. Also,
the adjective šahri is pronounced with r, unlike its equivalent JB noun šǝhᵊġ 'month'.
224 Refers to his daughter's apartment.
225 The root of the word ṣbġ means color, and it refers specifically to black color. So as
an implication, things colored in black are trouble.
226 In a metaphoric sense. The uncle didn't have any children, and he wanted someone
to take care of him in his last days.
227 Uses warfare terminology to convey a negative message.
228 This phrase simply means 'a lot of', but its literal meaning is 'amount of I don't know
what'. It should be uttered mqad ma aˁġǝf ēš, but usually some of the sounds are elided.
229 A common vocative phrase used before asking a favor. Literally it means: 'let me love
you'.
231 The t of stem VIII assimilated into the s of the root and then dropped to avoid three
consonants cluster.
A: (Her brother wanted a key for the (Her brother wanted a key for
house and she didn't give him one.) the house and she didn't give
him one.)
B: i? Yes?
la-ybūq-a? She is afraid that he'd rob her?
C: i. Yes.
ḥaqq wiyā-ha. She is right (literally: truth is
with her).
ma ˁǝnd-a aškāl ᵊlwān. (Because) she has a lot of things
(at home).
ḏhubāt, (Things made of) gold,
wu-ˁǝnd-a… and she has…
D: hāyi ašlon ˁāyši? How is she living?
xǝllá-l-a flūs? Did he (her deceased husband)
leave her money?
C: wī aḅēš233! Oh my god!
xǝllá-l-a bēt b-Párdeṣ Kāṣ. He left a house for her in Pardes
Katz.
mˀaǧǧrə́t-u. She is renting it out.
wu-xǝllá-l-a flūs ᵊmqad ġās-a. And he left her a lot of money
(literally: the size of her head).
A: i? Yes?
C: wu-hīyi mēyti qbūġ. But she is wretched (literally:
dead like graves).
A: hēkǝḏ? Really (literally: like this?)?
C: baˁᵊd ḥǝtti l-ǝl-ᴴᴱ(tapetim)ᴴᴱ māl- She even didn't take the
ǝl-ḥāyǝt ma šalə́t-u. wallpapers off the wall.
233 This phrase has another form: wī aḅēl, in which both words mean 'grief', the first in
Arabic (a version of OA wayl), and the second in Hebrew. The form wī aḅēš is probably
an intentional disruption of the original phrase, to lessen its gravity. In this context it
is used sarcastically.
4.10.12 axāf yrǝǧˁō-l-u amlāk (Maybe they will give him back property)
Speakers:
A: Alwīz Ben-Eliyahu (Xḷaṣči)
B: Zvi Bar-Moshe
C: Asˁad mˁallǝm
D: Amal Bar-Moshe
234 Ṣabāḥ is the given name of speaker B in Iraq. He changed it into Zvi when he arrived
to Israel.
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