1. INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................

1.1. BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY..................................................................................................3

1.2. DILEMMAS TOWARDS REMIGRATION........................................................................................4
1.3. RESEARCH QUESTIONS...........................................................................................................5
1.4. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES...........................................................................................................5
1.5. OVERALL AIM.......................................................................................................................5
1.6. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY...................................................................................................5
1.7. STRUCTURE OF THE REPORT....................................................................................................6

2. LITERATURE REVIEW..............................................................................................................6

2.1. INTRODUCTION.....................................................................................................................6
2.2. GENERAL THOUGHTS ON MIGRATION........................................................................................7
2.3. REALITY OF WORK AND ITS IMPACT ON MIGRANTS......................................................................8
2.4. CURRENT ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN THE UK AND IN POLAND.....................................................9
2.5. CHARACTERISTICS OF POLISH IMMIGRANTS AND THEIR IMPACT ON UK’S ECONOMY.......................11
2.6. SUMMARY.........................................................................................................................13

3. METHODOLOGY....................................................................................................................15

3.1. DEFINITION OF A RESEARCH..................................................................................................15

3.2. THE PURPOSE OF A RESEARCH...............................................................................................15
3.3. RESEARCH STRATEGIES AND METHODS....................................................................................16
3.3.1. Questionnaire.........................................................................................................17
3.3.2. Semi-structured interviews.....................................................................................18
3.4. SAMPLING.........................................................................................................................18
3.5. DATA ANALYSIS TECHNIQUES.................................................................................................18
3.6. RATIONALE FOR CHOOSING SURVEY METHOD...........................................................................19

4. SURVEY AND DATA COLLECTION.........................................................................................20

4.1. TIMEFRAME.......................................................................................................................20
4.2. QUESTIONNAIRE.................................................................................................................20
4.3. INTERVIEW.........................................................................................................................21
4.4. LIMITATIONS......................................................................................................................22

1
5. ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION.......................................................................................23

5.1. STAGE 1: DEMOGRAPHICAL DATA..........................................................................................24

5.1.1. Gender, age, education level, marital status and number of dependants.............24
5.1.2. Length of stay in the UK..........................................................................................26
5.1.3. Level of English language.......................................................................................26
5.1.4. Sector of employment.............................................................................................28
5.2. STAGE 2: HUMAN CAPITAL DEPRECIATION, THE MAIN REASONS FOR MIGRATION AND EXPECTATIONS 29
5.2.1. Sectors of employment and job titles comparisons................................................29
5.2.2. Rates of pay comparison........................................................................................31
5.2.3. Reasons for migration............................................................................................32
5.2.4. Expectations before moving to the UK...................................................................33
5.3. STAGE 3: CURRENT ECONOMIC SITUATION AND PLANS TOWARD THE FUTURE................................34
5.3.1. Current economic situation in the UK and in Poland..............................................34
5.3.2. Plans towards the nearest future...........................................................................35
5.3.3. Additional information...........................................................................................37
5.4. SUMMARY.........................................................................................................................39

6. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS.........................................................................41

6.1. SUMMARY.........................................................................................................................42
6.1.1. Migration in general...............................................................................................42
6.1.2. Influence of current economic crisis.......................................................................43
6.1.3. Migration motivators and experience gained........................................................44
6.1.4. Depreciation of human capital...............................................................................44
6.1.5. Plans for the future.................................................................................................45
6.2. RECOMMENDATIONS...........................................................................................................45
6.3. PERSONAL IMPLICATIONS......................................................................................................46

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. Background to the study

Immigration was always part of Polish history; however, after May 2004 a real exodus took
place. The total number of people, who moved in search of work to Western European

2
countries, has reached two millions. According to statistic, over a quarter of expatriates
came to the UK (GUS, 2008). Migration contributed to the significant drop in the level of
unemployment in Poland, but at the same time, it created unprecedented scale of social
problems, both at individual and national level.

Life in the United Kingdom is very expensive. Accommodation, transport, utility bills and
food prices are on top of the list in many British households. People find it harder to make
both ends meet, especially in large cities such as London. Moreover, demands of 24/7
society, global competition, outsourcing, downsizing and other factors have caused work
intensification, long-hours culture and weakened balance between work and private life.
According to Buenek (2008), the majority of Polish immigrants declare that their stay in the
UK is only temporary. Many of them have two jobs, while the others take overtimes for
financial reasons. People treat long hours work as a solution for loneliness, homesickness or
in order to conceal lack of other aim in life. Dr Jeziorny (quoted in Buenek’s article) argues
that immigration creates additional stress factors, as it does not allow continuing the same
lifestyle as in homeland.

The accession to European Union in 2004 allowed Poles to taste the lifestyle and freedom to
work and live in any EU country on the same conditions as other members. The fact that
visas were no longer necessary and people did not have to wangle in order to find
employment was very encouraging, hence, so many Poles decided to try their luck in the UK.
Four years later, the conditions on the labour market has dramatically changed as financial
crisis has spread globally. The currency exchange is not favourable; hence, a work in the UK
is not that attractive in income terms as it used to be. On the other hand, recession has hit
Poland in 2009, and the unemployment level keeps rising. Therefore, finding a job in a home
country is getting harder.

1.2. Dilemmas towards remigration

The factors mentioned above make Polish migration issue very interesting, hence the idea
for this research. Migrants in the UK consider themselves as second-class citizens due to the
significant disproportion between effort at work and the outcome achieved. Expectations
before coming to the UK appear to have an influence on perception of migration. Although

3
migrants expect a hard work, they also anticipate high income and better conditions than in
Poland. Due to reshape in labour’s markets in both countries, Polish migrants question their
previous reasons for arrival and evaluate their motivators to return to Poland. Rising
unemployment in the UK might lead to social tensions between local community (especially
in a low-paid employment) and migrants, usually employed in low-skilled vacancies. On the
other hand, unemployment is rising in Poland now. Therefore, arrival of a new labour force
into already loose market would cause fierce competition between potential employees.

Economic migration after May 2004 has a different nature than the previous migrations in
Polish history. First of all, Poles are able to travel freely around EU; secondly, air travel
became widely available, hence the travel time from the UK and Poland has significantly
shorten; thirdly, migration’s motives are not political (as it used to be) or economical only;
and finally, there is always an option open to return to Poland. Having more possibilities, it
gets harder to make decision; therefore, people choose not to restrict themselves by time
frames. ‘Let’s see how it goes’ – is the most popular answer in uncertain times, and decision
not to do anything is also a possible strategy.

Professor K. Iglicka (Kowalska, 2009) identifies part of the migrants as a lost generation –
those who were unemployed in Poland or students of popular but unpractical pathways. In
other words: people who failed finding employment in Polish labour market and expected to
succeed in the UK. Moreover, some of those who lived in a social margin in Poland continue
to do so abroad. Iglicka believes that in a long term, migrants themselves would be hit
hardest by migration side effects. They are already disorientated, filled with the misfit
feeling, searching help on the therapist couch. This highly pessimistic approach
predominates in Polish media. The first sit-com about migrants ‘Londoners’ (‘Londynczycy’)
was removed from public TV after being criticized for vilifying a picture of Polish migration.

1.3. Research Questions

Reading the literature concerning economic migration from Poland several issues arose,
therefore this research focus on answering following questions:

4
 1. What was the Polish immigrants’ in the UK the main reasons for migration? (E.g.:
What did they expect before moving to the UK? Did they experience depreciation of
human capital when employed in the UK?)
2. What opinion do Poles have concerning current economic conditions in the UK and in
Poland?
3. What are they plans towards the future? Do they intend to settle down in the UK or
return to Poland?

1.4. Research Objectives

 To review available literature on migration.

 To provide updated information about current economic crisis and its influence on
labour market.
 To identify the motivators of migration and remigration.
 To explore the dilemmas of Polish migrants and the reasons behind them.

1.5. Overall aim

The overall aim of this research is to shed some light into issues and consequences for three
main stakeholders of Polish migration phenomena: the UK’s employers, the Polish
government and individuals. The main goal is to gain some understanding on this problem in
order to construct feasible and practicable recommendations.

1.6. Significance of the study

The scale of Polish migration has reached significant level; hence, it has a substantial effect
on economics of the labour market not only in both countries (the UK and Poland) but also
from the EU perspective. As unlimited access to European labour market is relatively new
experience for Poles, extensive studies are necessary to understand the problem. Migration
involves individuals with different motives, needs and objectives, which add complexity to
this subject. Therefore

1.7. Structure of the report

This research is structured in a following order:

5
Chapter 2 contains revision of the literature from wide scope of sources such as: books,
journals, newspapers, previous researches, and the Internet. There is a general background
for migration, and then changes in the world of work are sketched, followed by outline of
current economic conditions in the UK and Poland. Towards the end, there is a summary of
Polish migrants’ characteristics in the UK, based on statistical information from available
sources.

Chapter 3 details the methodology used in the research, namely the questionnaire and semi-
structured interview. The sampling methods and data analysis techniques are outlined,
followed by the rationale for choosing survey methodology.

Chapter 4 provides detailed information on data collection procedures with time frames for
collecting questionnaire and dates of conducting interviews. It contains also a critical
approach to research limitations.

Chapter 5 presents results on questionnaire findings enriched by information gathered

during the interviews. It provides processed data in forms of tables, charts and graphs
produced with the help of SPSS and Excel software.

Chapter 6 summarise the whole report and draws conclusions followed by some
recommendations for stakeholders and a further study.

2. LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1. Introduction

This literature review is concerned with migration issue in the UK. First of all general
thoughts about migration and its influence on the economy are outlined, then the reality of
work in modern society and its impact on migrant is discussed, followed by current
economic condition in the UK and Poland. Next, it focuses on recent economic migration
from A81 countries, particularly from Poland. Thus, the characteristic of immigrants are
reviewed, the UK’s economical and social gains and losses after opening the borders in 2004.

1
Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia

6
The purpose of this literature review is to find any gaps in the literature that will give ideas
for an interesting research on recent Pole’s migration to the UK.

2.2. General thoughts on migration

In general, migration is not a new issue in the UK. Every year thousands of people land on
the Britain’s shore driven by economic reasons, by fear of prosecutions in their home
country, or individuals who intend to settle down in the UK. Blanchflower (2007) defines a
migrant as ‘someone who changes his or her country of usual residence for a period of at
least a year’. The receiving country of legal or illegal immigrants has to be able to control the
influx of people into the country. According to Martin (2001) the major economic
instruments that can indirectly reduce unwanted migration are: trade, foreign investment
and aid. However, in the short run, trade and investment can foster migration, especially
when the difference in average income per capita is five times or more. In the long term,
though, economically motivated migration should decrease in a free trade markets as prices
for goods and services and the worker’s wages in both countries should equalize.

The fact that European Union (and thus Britain) has opened labour markets for migrants has
little to do with changing attitudes towards other nationalities, but rather it is a response to
pressure from native employers experiencing skill and labour shortages. Kleinman (2001)
considered globalisation, falling real cost of international travel and the impact of global
mass media on knowledge flows and aspirations as the main drivers for labour migration.
According to the economic theory, migration has several impacts (Kleinman, 2001): on the
employment rate and wages of native workers, on the employment rate and wages of
immigrants, on productivity and the growth rate of the economy, on entrepreneurialism and
innovation (self-employability, own business), and on the fiscal balance of government.

Although there is a range of benefits that the economy gains from migration, there are also
losers – those low-skilled native employees forced to compete for available vacancies with
foreign-born workers. Tabloid press provides collection of stories of ‘stealing our jobs’- type,
which give bad publicity and rise tensions between locals and migrants. Notwithstanding,
Blanchflower (2007) suggested that the influx of A8 migrants have had little or no effect on
unemployment rate or any other labour market aggregate.

7
From the other perspective given by Staubhaar (2000), highly skilled people should be
attracted into and keep in the economy. He distinguished high skilled migration into three
groups: brain gain (countries which reap from proficient migrants), brain exchange
(countries which neither gain nor lose) and brain drain (countries which lose their
intellectuals and professionals as they are leaving in search for better working and living
conditions). Hence, according to Moraes (2004), even if labour mobility can be good for
receiving regions, it must be bad for the source regions.

2.3. Reality of work and its impact on migrants

The labour market in the UK has recently experienced range of alterations, which reshaped
its surface (for more details see Appendix 1 with PESTEL analysis for labour market). Noon
and Blyton (2007, ch.13) distinguished four types of changes: participation in labour market,
patterns of working hours, experience of work and changes in non-work world. First of all,
demographic shifts resulted in declining birth rates, ageing population, and women
participation in the workforce. Secondly, despite reduced average working hours to 42 per
week, there is a long-hours culture in the UK, especially in both extremes of income
spectrum (in relation to other European countries such as France). Thirdly, labour market
deregulation brought increased job insecurity in terms of contracts arrangements, employer
flexibility in working time and hours. Moreover, downsizing and restructuring resulted in
enlarged workload. Finally, social changes such as: family instability (divorce rates and
separation), decline in extended family networks and other community support systems,
consumerism (as a way of creating people’s identity and satisfaction) have also increased
work pressure. On the other hand, many individuals are willing to suffer in the short term
(e.g. by long working hours) in expectation of future happiness – it is called ‘deferred
happiness syndrome’ (Noon, 2007). This may apply to economic migrants, who come to the
UK in search of employment. However, experts claim that happiness is related more to
relative, rather than absolute income and the main sources of happiness are: relationships
with family, friends, and a stable family life.

The ageing Western population is in need of young workers. Employers are calling for
workers, not only for low-paid agricultural and manufactory jobs, but also in high-skilled

8
professions. Governments are demanding foreign workers to pay taxes and contribute into
pension schemes. Some of the economists convince that immigration has positive impact on
economy as a whole. However, experts raise the alarm that migration cannot be a solution
for demographical problems and the skill gaps in the UK workforce (Kleinman, 2001;
Philpott, 2006). Economic migrants who will decide to stay in Britain will age too, and will be
in need for social benefits and pensions. Skilled foreigners, who may choose to return to
their countries, will take knowledge and experience with them. Overall, migration can only
play a role of ‘one-off’ fix and other steps should be simultaneously undertaken in order to
increase workforce participation and reduce skill gaps.

2.4. Current economic conditions in the UK and in Poland

Since credit crunch started to spread from the USA, there was a growing fear of financial
crisis in Europe. Government statisticians confirmed this concern recently on 19 January
2009, that British economy is officially in recession state (Conway, 2009). According to the
Morgan Stanley2 economic dictionary, recession can be defined as ‘a decline in a country’s
economic productivity for at least two successive quarters’. The typical outcomes of it are:
rising unemployment, reduction in customers spending and business investments, and falling
stock prices in financial markets. Overall, there is a slump in living standards in time of
recession.

Along with the economy theory (Beardwell, 2007), demand for labour decreases as demand
for products and services fall. At the moment the unemployment rate in the UK has reached
6%, the highest since 1999 (see table in Appendix 2). There is a fear of job cuts and tougher
economic conditions in following year. The analysis of the percentage change in average
nominal wages show small but stable rise, however the estimation for the same indicator in
real wages is negative (0.4% for 2008). It means that people in the UK have less money in
their pockets in 2008 than they had a year ago. Thus, when people expect that the
conditions will worsen, they will save more. The money that could be spend on consumption
is withdrawn from circular flow of income, thus less products and services are in demand,
and hence the jobs will be inevitably cut. And it has already happened, as most of the quality

2
http://www.morganstanleyindividual.com/customerservice/dictionary/Default.asp?letter=R#IDAQT1GZ

9
newspapers reveal almost every day. Even viable companies such as BT, M&S, Burberry are
forced to cut jobs in order to survive though times. BBC News from 21 January 2009, report
further redundancies, which would affect majority of industries across the whole country.
The UK’s government has attempted to tackle the slumping spending by reducing VAT rate
from 17.5% to 15% in December to encourage Christmas shoppers (BBC News, 2008).
Moreover, the Bank of England has reduced the interest rate to 0.5% the lowest level in its
315-year history (March 2009) in order to support businesses in taking out the loans.

Whereas British government (and other developed countries) has plentiful resources to
tackle the recession, Poland has much more restricted options. At the moment the interest
rates have dropped to 3.75%, the lowest level since 1998 (NBP), but still high in comparison
to the UK. The Central Bank of Poland (NBP) is reluctant to reduce the interest rates because
of fear of mounting inflation and growing nominal wages (Kretowicz, 2008). The VAT rate is
22%, while in other European countries is between 15% (Cyprus and Luxemburg) and 25%
(Denmark and Sweden). On the other hand, there is a reduction in income tax from the rates
of 19%, 30%, 40%, into 18% and 32% in 2009, which should lighten a tax burden for low
income families. On top of that, there are constant clashes between two main political
parties (PO with prime minister, Mr. Tusk and PiS with president Mr. Kczynski). This
continuous conflict, gladly highlighted by national media, has made the political scene
ridiculous and the government unreliable. Since the nation does not have trust in their
leaders, there will be hard to introduce even good and economically wise reforms.

According to Polish leading newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza (Maciejewicz, 2008), the

government has chosen the accession to the Eurozone in 2011 as a primary strategy in battle
against recession. Mr. Zettelmeyer, the Analysis Director of EBRD 3 quoted in Wprost (2009a)
argues that Poland and Slovakia4 might have lower but still positive economic growth. On the
other hand, the economic forecast given by European Commission (Wprost, 2009b) gives
more pessimistic view with growing unemployment rate (8.4% in 2009 and 9.6% in 2010 5),
lower consumption, reduced import and declined wage inflation. However, the report
concludes that Poland is in better situation than the EU on average.
3
European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
4
Slovakia joined euro zone on 1 January 2009.
5
Eurostat uses different statistical methods than GUS, hence the difference in percentages.

10
In the light of rapidly changing economic conditions in both countries, Polish migrants in the
UK are facing dilemma concerning remigration. While, there are still more jobs available in
the UK than in Poland, the tension caused by economic downturn and fears for redundancies
are rising. The Federation of Poles in Great Britain called attention to growing number of
racist incidents as Polish migrants are blamed for taking British jobs (Silverman, 2009). The
British police’s statistic does not confirm this information, but it seems that Poles want to be
better safe than sorry. There are more and more articles concerning a return to Poland but
they are rather bleak and pessimistic. Although the economy is considerably better than few
years ago, the old ‘push’ factors such as extended bureaucracy, malaise, ‘devil-may-care’
attitude, and even dead-serious facial expression of Sales Assistant in a corner shop have not
changed (Biszewska, 2008). On top of that, there are misunderstandings within families,
different employers’ expectations and the feeling that they are not welcomed so
wholeheartedly as imagined, which according to psychologist A. Juszczyk, prompt people to
seek help at coach therapy (Zadroga, 2008). Moreover, Ministry of Economy Report (2007)
argues that migrants in back and forward trips are like ‘people on a swing’, who neither
belong to community they are descended neither from nor to the community they are
temporary in. It seems that in both decisions about emigration and remigration Poles tend to
have higher expectations than the reality really is. The clash between those two, causes that
newly returned migrants are packing their suitcases and flying back to the UK, a place they
are already familiar with.

2.5. Characteristics of Polish immigrants and their impact on UK’s economy

Migration was always part of Polish history. As far as the statistic (GUS, 2008) is concerned,
Poles have usually chosen Germany and the United States as a destination countries. Only
after the EU accession, more people have moved towards the Western Europe. The total
number of people relocated in search of work into the EU countries is unknown and
fluctuates between four millions (in media) to 660,000 (Ministry of Labour and Social Policy).
GUS6 assumes that the most probable number is 1.12 millions estimated by ECAS 7.

6
Polish Statistic Authority
7
European Citizen Action Service

11
According to statistic, over a quarter of expatriates came to the UK. Migration caused
dramatic drop in the level of unemployment in Poland (from 19.6% in 2004 to 9.7% in 2008),
but it created unprecedented scale of social problems, both at individual and national level.
Nowadays, Polish economy is accelerating thanks to European Union funds, thus companies
are hunting for employees and working conditions are getting better. Moreover, sterling
exchange rate is loosing value against zloty (from 6.63 in 2003 to 4.40 in 2008) and makes
the work in the UK less profitable. Eventually Poles have to decide: to stay or go back,
because ‘money is not a reason to leave Poland any more’ (Tchorek, 2008).

Before joining the EU in 2004, Poles took advantage of the European Agreement (1991),
which allowed candidate states to set up private business in the UK. As a result, there was a
substantial increase in migrants entering on basis of self-employment (Drinkwater, 2006).
Moreover, Poles were active in grey market, and although illegal, they were tolerated for
doing jobs that others did not want (Wagstyl, 2002). The question arises why so many Poles
have chosen to set up business in the UK. First of all, the unemployment level and lack of job
opportunities forced them to head to the West. Secondly, the remuneration gap was the
incentive to emigrate. Thirdly, horrendous bureaucracy and cost of setting up a firm put off
potential entrepreneurs8. According to Lucas (2006), Poland comes on 54 th position in the
World’s Bank ranking of the business environment, behind such countries as Kuwait, Tonga
and Armenia. On the other hand, Polish businessmen are well-known in circumventing
administrational red tapes. As the former finance minister, Grzegorz Kolodko said: ‘The
Polish emerging market works much better than the Polish emerging democracy’ (Lucas,
2006). Hence, many disappointed entrepreneurs or those who could not cope with new
conditions have left.

According to statistics, most of A8 migrants are relatively young (82% aged 18-34), footloose
and hardly any have dependants on them. Since work is the main reason for being in the UK,
they have higher employment rate than natives or other immigrants (Philpott, 2006). In
terms of occupation, Poles have mainly found employment in semi-routine or routine jobs,
however it does not imply that they are typically low skilled. On top of that, Poles work
8
In his article, Lucas (2006) compares the process of conducting the everyday business project such as building
a warehouse in Poland and in the US. While in the USA, it takes on average 70 days, in Poland the project
involves 25 bureaucratic procedures and takes 322 days.

12
slightly longer hours than native workers to make up for lower hourly earnings (Drinkwater,
2006). The CRONEM (2007) survey has divided Polish migration patterns into three groups:
seasonal migrants (‘storks’ and ‘hamsters’), long-term settlers (‘salmons’) and undecided
(‘catchers’). Apparently, the most numerous group is the latest, the one that follows the
strategy of ‘intentional unpredictability’ 9. Overall, the main features of Polish migration are:
seasonality and circularity, thus it is sometimes called ‘stork migration’ 10.

The biggest impact of increased migration is population growth in the UK (from 59.8 millions
in 2004 to 61.4 millions in 2008) and hence the enlarged workforce. From time to time
populist newspapers blame migration for the rise in unemployment rate (from 4.8% to 6.7%)
and reduced access to social welfare. However, Blanchflower (2007) claims that there is
hardly any direct competition between immigrants and local workers. And although, the
economic gains are small and unevenly distributed, they are positive. Overall, A8 migrants
influenced the workforce in terms of mobility and flexibility.

2.6. Summary

Migration is seen as a quick fix for a skills shortage in the UK. However, economic migrants
usually find an employment in low-skilled, low-paid jobs and often experience depreciation
of human capital as their skills level is undervalued. Moreover, in a search for a vacancy,
migrants face direct competition with local low-skilled labour. This, in time of recession and
rising unemployment could lead to social tensions and protests. On top of that, knowledge
and skills outflow from Poland, as a source country, has damaging consequences for the
economy.

It is claimed that the propensity to migrate to the UK is higher the lower is GDP in source
countries (Blanchflower, 2007). In 2008, Polish GDP has reached for the first time more than
a quarter of the UK’s GDP (32.75%). Moreover, while there was a steady growth in GDP in
the UK, Poland has experienced dramatic rise year on year (see Appendix 2 with statistical
data). In the meantime, economic conditions are tougher in the UK in comparison to
previous years. Is it time for Poles to come back to their homeland or is it only temporal
9
Intentional unpredictability is when people choose to be open to all options that arise so as not to restrict
their life plans by fixing into it a specific time frame.
10
Stork is a popular bird in Poland often colligated with Polish culture and tradition.

13
political propaganda? Many undecided migrants find themselves torn between comfortable
provisionally vegetation in the UK, and the risk of coming back to Poland, where they are still
not welcome by public. Due to circularity and seasonality characteristic of Polish economic
migration, it is often called ‘stork migration’, which in a long run gives a feeling of ‘living on
the swing’ and may destroy sense of belonging.

Economic conditions in both countries will not give the reliable answer for this dilemma. The
world is changing fast nowadays, media are giving ambiguous information, and personal
circumstances of individuals are different. The pursuit of happiness pushes Poles to move to
the West, where they face the reality that ‘grass is not always greener on the other side of
the fence’. However, people are far more cosmopolitan than they used to be and the
argument of ‘helping to build Polish economy’ 11 does not convince them any more. They are
looking for personal achievements and comfortable place for themselves and their families.
What matters more are incentives and opportunities given by governments in order to
increase country’s workforce in terms of quantity and quality.

Although the economic conditions are tougher at the beginning of 2009, the changing
environment is very interesting in terms of research material. Poles, who are considering a
decision of remigration, are weighting also the opportunity cost 12. It is difficult decision, and
seems to be even harder than the decision about arrival to the UK. Therefore, migrants tend
to avoid restricting themselves with fixed timeframes and choose to be open to arising
options (‘intentional unpredictability’). This research attempts to shed some light on Polish
migration phenomena, by asking about opinion towards economic and social environment,
about past and future expectations, and about plans. The next chapter discusses the
methodology used in conducting this study.

11
‘Citizens, will you help?’ ‘Yes, we will’ – one of the favourite quotations of the previous communist
government.
12
Opportunity cost – the best alternative forgone as a result of making a decision.

14
3. METHODOLOGY

3.1. Definition of a research

Saunders (2007, p.5) defines research as ‘something that people undertake in order to find
out things in a systematic way, thereby increasing their knowledge’. The process of ‘finding
out things’ involves describing, explaining, understanding, criticising and analysing data,
whereas ‘systematic way’ implies logical relationship of information. It is further discussed
by Anderson (2004, p. 7) who argues that the outcome of meticulous study of a particular
problem can be more fruitful than decisions based on a common sense, personal instinct or
preferences. On top of that, Ghauri (et al, 1995, pp.6-7) adds that the difference between
research and common sense lays in achieving specific goals by using scientific methods in a
systematic way.

3.2. The purpose of a research

This research is a final project in Business Studies, which means that is made in order to
increase knowledge. According to Ghauri (et al, 1995, p. 7) the general purpose of research
is to improve social life, but the purpose of business research is to understand how and why
things happen without accepting or rejecting assumptions by studying them critically. The
subject of interest in this study is migration phenomenon in the UK, particularly Polish
economic migration after the EU accession. Given that economic conditions that affect
labour markets have changed, and worldwide recession is disturbing both Poland and the
UK, a new trend of possible remigration has appeared. Since both trends are relatively
recent, this research is an insight into opinions and views of Poles. Therefore, the purpose of
it is explanatory, and focuses on finding and explaining the potential relationship between
variables.

3.3. Research strategies and methods

The most common of the research strategies in business and management is a survey. There
are two main methods of obtaining data in this strategy: an interview and written
questionnaire (paper or electronic version). The popularity of the second method comes
from ability to collect large amount of data in a relatively cost-effective and straightforward
way. In addition, it is uncomplicated to explain and understand, and it gives more control

15
over the research process. (Saunders, 2007, pp. 138-139). Survey is useful in contacting large
number of individuals in order to obtain information on the same issue, often by giving the
same questions to all. Therefore, it allows to analyse the data in a relatively short time by
using simple software and present the data in form of tables or figures. However, survey
depends on human respondents’ commitment and their ability and willingness to reply the
questions. Hence, the researcher needs to ask himself a question whether the answers
sound authentic and check the other methods to confirm the conclusions (Jankowicz, 1994,
pp. 166-167).

Methods used in the research can be grouped in two broad classes: quantitative and
qualitative. According to Bryman (2007, pp. 28-29, ch. 6) the main difference between these
two is the use of statistical measurements in quantitative method, whereas qualitative
method relates to humans attitudes, feelings and perceptions, and is not concerned to find
the objective truth but rather how the individual perceives it. Neither of these methods is
better or worse than other. Both of them can be used in the same research to conduct deep
study in order to achieve better understanding of a particular problem. Undertaking mixed
methods in the research diminish the obvious weaknesses of quantitative or qualitative
method and enhance their strengths. For purpose of this research, a mixed-method strategy
was chosen: a questionnaire as bases for quantitative method and a semi-structured
interview for qualitative method. The reason for this choice are: limited financial resources
and restricted time period for conducting the research. Moreover, the problems found in a
questionnaire can be discussed in more depth and understood better by carrying out
interviews.

3.3.1. Questionnaire

The questionnaire (see Appendix 3) consists of two parts. The first one gathers general
information about respondents such as: gender, age, education level, marital status and
number of dependants. The rationale for these queries is to examine if sample chosen for
this research is adequate to data gathered by Home Office statistics (mentioned in Philptt,
2006, see Chapter 2.5). The next two questions are about the length of stay in the UK and
the ability to communicate in English. The idea for these comes from an interview with
Agnieszka Major, a founder of Polish Psychologists’ Club in London, who believes that in

16
order to cope well with migration; an individual has to integrate with local community, be
able to communicate in a local language, and has a clear goal in mind. Otherwise, migrants
gather together and withdraw into Polish enclaves, which in long-term generates higher
stress level when forced to deal with locals (Gignal, 2008). The final six questions in first part
of the questionnaire is a comparison of jobs performed in Poland to those carried out in the
UK. Job title and sector of employment are compared in order to examine if there was
reduction in ability and skills usage and therefore depreciation of human capital. Finally, the
rates of pay in both countries are questioned in order to find rationale for economic
migration.

The second part of questionnaire analyses views and opinions about migration and
remigration. Thus, there is a query for giving the reason for migration, with six possible
answers to choose, and a box for additional reply is given. The next question about the
length of planned stay in the UK, examines whether the respondents have a general plan
concerning they future or they adopt ‘intentional unpredictability’ strategy. The third
question in this part is concerned about the differences between expectations and the
reality, whether the anticipations were higher and thus led to disappointment or perhaps
actual conditions in the UK were better than expected. The next two questions are an insight
into opinion about current economic situation. However, these queries are hard to examine,
because the state of the economy in both countries keeps changing almost every day, and
public opinion is given often contradictory information. Finally, the last question deals with
plans and views on possible remigration to Poland and the main motives.

3.3.2. Semi-structured interviews

In order to expand the understanding and deepen the research, a semi-structured interview
is planned. It is based on the open-ended questions from the second part of the
questionnaire (question 14 – 19), however it also gives freedom to add new ones, omit
existing ones or change the order of questions to engage the interviewee in exploring the
subject. It is very flexible tool in researching strategy, as it could be conducted in one-to-one
or group approach. However, the success of the interview depends on many independent
factors such as: skills possessed by interviewer, the willingness to answer and engage in
discussion, the subject itself, knowledge about the subject, types of questions, etc. Above

17
and beyond, it is worth to attempt to interview respondents as it gives better insight into
their opinions, views and beliefs.

3.4. Sampling

Since this research is an insight into views and opinions, it would be worthwhile to carry out
sample statistics. However, limited time scale and resources restrict the capacity; hence,
there is no attempt to obtain a representative sample from the whole population. As for the
sampling technique, a non-probability sampling has been chosen which is based on
subjective judgement. According to Saunders (2007, p.207) non-probability sampling are
used, when there is no need to make statistical inferences about the characteristic of the
population. In other worlds, the results from this research cannot be used to generalise the
whole population of Polish migrants in the UK. In order to obtain non-representative sample
as quickly as possible, Saunders recommends using self-selection sampling, in which each
individual is allowed to choose whether he or she wants to participate or not. Respondents
often decide to take a part in the research because of their feelings or opinions toward the
research questions and objectives (Saunders 2007, p. 234).

3.5. Data analysis techniques

SPSS software has been chosen to input raw data from questionnaire and to conduct basic
statistical techniques such as: frequency distributions, mean, standard deviation, and simple
correlation between variables. Other statistical data have been compared with the aid of
charts and graphs available in Excel software. The reasons for such simplification are: limited
time scale, epigrammatic research project and restricted financial resources.

3.6. Rationale for choosing survey method

For purpose of this research the survey strategy has been chosen, as this method is
appropriate for short-time study and is relatively uncomplicated to analyse. A questionnaire
was given amongst the researcher’s friends, co-workers and acquaintances and the
respondents had a choice to participate or withdraw. Moreover, semi-structured interviews,
based on open-ended queries from questionnaire, were conducted in order to explore the
problem of remigration. The main benefits of questionnaire and interview are: time-
sufficiency and cost-effectiveness, as the data analysis were conducted through commonly

18
available software. Furthermore, some other statistical data from secondary sources were
provided as a background for the phenomenon and as a proof of an active literature review.
It is necessary to note that this research is an insight into views and opinion of Polish
migrants, and although carefully conducted it cannot represent the views of the whole
population. The next chapter discusses actual fieldwork and data collection, which took
place during conducting this research.

4. SURVEY AND DATA COLLECTION

4.1. Timeframe

The preparation for conducting a survey took place on the beginning of February 2009. After
extensive literature review concerning the topic, nineteen questions have been formulated.
The final draft of the questionnaire has been submitted for approval on 16 February. The
proper distribution and collection took place between 20 February and 10 March 2009. In
the meantime, three semi-structured interviews had been conducted, which were based

19
mainly on open-ended questions from the second part of the questionnaire (14 to 19). The
interviews took place on: 20 February, 1 March and 13 March 2009.

4.2. Questionnaire

It has been mentioned before, that due to limited time and financial restrictions there was
no attempt to carry out sample statistics. Therefore, the data gathered in this survey do not
reflect the whole population. Nevertheless, it gives some insight into views and opinions of
Polish migrants.

Following positive feedback from project Supervisor, the questionnaire has been translated
into Polish language in order to facilitate the understanding and speed up the filling-out
process. After that, piloting of three questionnaires took place. It has been shown that some
petty adjustments concerning mainly the layout of few questions were necessary, in order to
avoid misunderstanding whilst filling out the questionnaire. At the beginning, 30 copies were
printed out and distributed amongst friends, co-workers, fellow students and acquaintance.
Since the response was very positive (ca. 90%), additional copies were given out to some
volunteers, who then pass the questionnaires to their colleagues and flat mates. The
majority of respondents were based in London (87%) and in West Midlands (Evesham,
Birmingham and Bridgewater). In total 55 questionnaires have been collected.

Some of the respondents were asked for feedback shortly after filling out the questionnaire.
The opinion was very positive and in most cases encouraging. The reason may be that the
research’s topic is actual and concerns current affairs. Some of the respondents admitted
that they had had many thoughts recently about possible remigration and they had carefully
tracked the news in Polish and British media. For others, the questionnaire gave the
opportunity for reflection on the subject, since they had not paid any attention to migration
problems due to lack of time or willingness. As for the type of questions, most of them said
that they were simple but straightforward. However, those with higher-level of English
language were slightly disappointed that the questionnaire was in Polish. In general, the
survey and discussion that followed after were the perfect opportunity for some of the
respondents to reflect on the situation and to whinge a bit on economy and politics in both
countries.

20
4.3. Interview

Due to the lack of experience in conducting the interview, careful thoughts went into pre-
interview preparation. Therefore, selection of potential respondents based on availability,
was taken amongst the acquaintances. Each conversation was recorded, however just before
the interview participants were assured that the replies were confidential and their personal
details would not be shared with a third party.

The first interview took place on 20 February 2009 with a fellow student at LSBU canteen.
She is a full-time student in a full-time employment with two dependants in her household: a
child and an unemployed mother. The interview started from a question ‘Why did you
decide to migrate?’ and then gave the opportunity to give some general thoughts about
migration, her private situation and reflect on the real-life examples of friends who decided
to return to Poland. The topic of the conversation was interesting for both parties, therefore
an interview turned into discussion. However, several important points were mentioned
from a different perspective so they can be used later on in analysing the data.

The second interview took place on 1 March 2009 with two acquaintances in Evesham.
Again, the conversation has started from the same question as above. However, that time,
the interviewer tried to keep a structure of the interview. Both participants answered the
same question, which gave two points of view from two completely different angles: one is
married with three school-age children; the other one is a single, temporary worker. The
main themes in this interview was economic situation in Poland an in the UK, the motives for
possible remigration and opinion about potential social tensions and hostility towards
immigrants. At the end, the interviewees were asked to consider how citizens and workers
in Poland would see their potential return.

The final interview took place on 13 th March 2009 with five co-workers at ‘One Life’ 13 event
in Kensington Olympia, London. The main theme at the event was a change considered from
different perspective: life, career, job etc. The interviewees took part in several different
seminars during that day and they were influenced by reflective mood, which enriched
greatly the quality of conversation. Four of them are age around 30 with length of stay in the
13
www.onelifelive.co.uk

21
UK ranged from 3 to 8 years, in full-time employment, without any dependants. One
interviewee is a 25-year old student in part-time employment. The beginning of the
interview followed the same pattern as previous two. It started from questions about the
reason for migration, then there was a discussion about economic situation in both countries
and finished on a debate about expectations before coming to the UK and the reality.
Because of the age of interviewees and the stage of life they are in (according to ‘Ages and
stages’ psychological theorists: E. Erickson14, D. Levinson15), the conversation focused around
relationships with others and reflection on possible forthcoming changes in their life.

4.4. Limitations

In general, conducting process of questionnaire and interviews has received very positive
feedback. The fact that the questionnaire had such a good respond was unexpected but very
encouraging. Moreover, several respondents claim that they are looking forward to see the
outcome. All this means, that the idea for the study on Polish migration has hit the point.
However, the findings from the research would not reflect the views of the whole Polish
population in the UK, as this sample is not a statistical one. Besides, the environment
surrounding labour market keeps changing constantly and new measures might be applied
to keep the research up-to-date. In any case, it is necessary to remind that this study is an
insight into opinions; hence, it contains a number of subjective views. As for the weakness of
questionnaire, some of the multiple-choice answers in questions 14 to 19 should have been
reformulated. There was also not enough space for giving a personalised answers, therefore
hardly anyone bothered to write them down.

Thanks to the interviewees’ involvement and willingness to participate in a discussion, the

interview was rich and allowed to study more deeply some of the research questions. The
fact that those conversations were conducted in a native language allows to have their say
on migration matter. The lack of interviewing skills was diminished by extended pre-
interview preparation; however, further practice would be necessary. Nevertheless, the

14
Erik Erikson divided human life into 8 stages. He believed that between 19-40 years old an individual is in a
stage when intimate relationships with others are forming. Failure to achieve intimacy leads to isolation and
distance from others. (Arnold, 1997, p.124)
15
Daniel Levinson believed that an individual between 28-33 years old comes through so called ‘Age 30
transition’, when reappraisal of current life circumstances occurs, spurred on by knowledge that if any long-
term changes are to be made, it will need to be made soon. (Arnold, 1997, p. 132)

22
interviews went surprisingly smoothly and they enriched the whole study. The next chapter
contains analysis of questionnaire’s findings together with examples from interview and
some secondary sources illustrations.

5. ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

This chapter contains analysis of questionnaire and interpretation of the findings. The
detailed report from questionnaire is enclosed in Appendix 6. The analyses were conducted
in three stages based on research questions. Therefore, the first stage focuses on
demographical information in order to find links with statistical information in previous
researchers; the second stage concentrates on reasons for migration, comparison of rates of
pay and analyse the possible human capital devaluation in measuring sectors of employment
and job titles. Finally, the third stage is an insight into respondent’s opinion about current
economic conditions in the UK and in Poland, and their attitude towards future plans. In
addition, there are some points that were discussed during interviews, but were not
included in research’s questionnaire such as: social tensions and examples from remigration.

5.1. Stage 1: Demographical data

The purpose of this stage was to identify whether sample used in this research has anything
in common with statistical data provided by previous researches (CRONEM, 2007; Philpott,
2006; Drinkwater, 2006). In essence, to state who took part in the research in terms of

23
gender, age, education level, marital status, number of dependants, level of English language
and sector of employment. According to psychologists (Biszewska, 2008) there are four
necessary factors to cope well when on immigration: ability to communicate in local
language, integration with local community, goal and long-term plan. Therefore,
demographical factors together with the English language level would help to analyse and
interpret further research findings.

5.1.1. Gender, age, education level, marital status and number of dependants

The total number of questionnaire’s participants reached 55 with 29 male (52.7%) and 26
female respondents (47.3%) – see Table 1. Amongst the questionnaire respondents, 4 males
and 4 females were approached in order to conduct three interviews. According to Table 2,
the vast majority (90.9%) was relatively young – 49.1% in an age group 21-30 and 41.8% in
an age group 31-40. Only one respondent was younger than 21 years old and 4 partakers
were over 40 years old.

Gender

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid Male 29 52.7 52.7 52.7
Female 26 47.3 47.3 100.0
Total 55 100.0 100.0

Table 1: Gender of the participants.

Age

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid 21 - 30 27 49.1 49.1 49.1
31 - 40 23 41.8 41.8 90.9
More than 40 4 7.3 7.3 98.2
Less than 21 1 1.8 1.8 100.0
Total 55 100.0 100.0

Table 2: Age of the participants.

The education level16 represented by participants was mainly above elementary level with
43.6% respondents who finished secondary school, followed by 34.5% with university

16
There is a significant difference between vocational and secondary school in Poland. Vocational school is a
three-year full-time course with the aim of providing skills for a particular trade. Secondary school gives general
knowledge and usually prepares for further education; it finishes with national examination ‘Matura’ – an
equivalent for British A-level.

24
degree, then 20% of respondents with vocational qualification and only 1 respondent
completed elementary level of education (the one from the age group ‘less than 21’) - see
Table 3. The majority of respondents were married (45.5%), followed by singles (32.7%). The
rest (21.8%) claimed to be in partnership, which is understood as living with a partner ( Table
4). As for number of people on the same income, 34.5% declared having a child or children
as dependants, while 65.5% did not have any dependants (see Table 5).

Education level

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid Secondary 24 43.6 43.6 43.6
Higher education 19 34.5 34.5 78.2
Vocational 11 20.0 20.0 98.2
Elementary 1 1.8 1.8 100.0
Total 55 100.0 100.0

Table 3: Education level of the participants.

Marital status

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid Married 25 45.5 45.5 45.5
Single 18 32.7 32.7 78.2
In partnership 12 21.8 21.8 100.0
Total 55 100.0 100.0

Table 4: Marital status of the participants.

Dependants

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid No dependants 36 65.5 65.5 65.5
Child/childre 19 34.5 34.5 100.0
Total 55 100.0 100.0

25
 Table 5: Income dependants.

5.1.2. Length of stay in the UK

Since none of the respondents lived in the UK more than 10 years, it could be stated that all
of them belong to the recent migration wave, with 70.9% living in the UK for up to 5 years
and 25.5% more than 5 years (Table 6).

Length of stay

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid 1 - 5 years 39 70.9 70.9 70.9
5 - 10 years 14 25.5 25.5 96.4
Less than one year 2 3.6 3.6 100.0
Total 55 100.0 100.0

Table 6: Length of stay in the UK.

5.1.3. Level of English language

As for the level of English language 17, 56.4% declared intermediate language skills, 20%
considered themselves as advanced users, while 18.2% admitted elementary knowledge.
Only 3 respondents regarded their English skills as proficient (see Chart 1).

17
The divisions of groups are based on Cambridge ESOL (http://www.cambridgeesol.org/exams/index.html)
exams; however, the respondents’ answers are mainly subjective (except those who passed the exam).

26
 English language level

Elementary
5.45% Intermediate
18.18% Advanced
Proficiency
20.0%

56.36%

Chart 1: English language level represented by participants.

Level of language is positively correlated with length of stay in the UK and the education
level, i.e. the longer stay and the higher education the better ability to communicate in
English (written and spoken) – see Table 7.

27
 Correlations

English
language Education
level Length of stay level
English language level Pearson Correlation 1 .361** .466**
Sig. (2-tailed) .007 .000
N 55 55 55
Length of stay Pearson Correlation .361** 1 .033
Sig. (2-tailed) .007 .813
N 55 55 55
Education level Pearson Correlation .466** .033 1
Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .813
N 55 55 55
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

Table 7: Positive correlation between Length of stay, Education level and English level.

5.1.4. Sector of employment

Before coming to the UK, 25.5% of respondents were students, 18.2% worked in retail,
14.5% were employed in unspecified sector labelled as ‘other’, and 10.9% found
employment in transport or building industry. Adequately 5.5% were unemployed, self-
employed or worked in an office or clerical vacancies (see Table 8). The sectors of current
employment in the UK were ticked as follow: 23.6% in ‘other’ category, 18.2% in transport
and building, 14.5% in finance sector, 12.7% both in manufacturing and retail sector (see
Table 9). None of the respondents claimed to be unemployed or just in education. Further
analysis and comparisons of employment’s sectors in both countries are conducted in part
5.2.

Sector of current occupation in the UK

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid Other 13 23.6 23.6 23.6
Transport/building 10 18.2 18.2 41.8
Finance 8 14.5 14.5 56.4
Manufacturing 7 12.7 12.7 69.1
Retail 7 12.7 12.7 81.8
Hospitality 5 9.1 9.1 90.9
Housekeeping 4 7.3 7.3 98.2
Office/clerical 1 1.8 1.8 100.0
Total 55 100.0 100.0

Table 8: Sector of current occupation in the UK.

28
 Sector of occupation in Poland before leaving to the UK

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid Student 14 25.5 25.5 25.5
Retail 10 18.2 18.2 43.6
Other 8 14.5 14.5 58.2
Transport/building 6 10.9 10.9 69.1
Self-employed 3 5.5 5.5 74.5
Unemployed 3 5.5 5.5 80.0
Office/clerical 3 5.5 5.5 85.5
Housekeeping 2 3.6 3.6 89.1
Medical/care 2 3.6 3.6 92.7
Finance 2 3.6 3.6 96.4
Hospitality 1 1.8 1.8 98.2
Manufacturing 1 1.8 1.8 100.0
Total 55 100.0 100.0
.
Table 9: Sector of occupation in Poland before moving to the UK.

5.2. Stage 2: Human capital depreciation, the main reasons for migration and
expectations

The purpose of this stage is to find an answer for the second research question: What was
the Polish immigrants’ in the UK the main reasons for migration? What did they expect
before moving to the UK? Did they experience depreciation of human capital when employed
in the UK? Therefore, there is a comparison of sectors of employment and job titles held in
both countries and average rates of pay (as a possible main ‘push factor’ for economic
migration). There is also an attempt to investigate whether there is ‘brain drain’ or ‘brain
gain’ effect (Staubhaar, 2002). Finally, there is an analysis of expectations – whether they
were higher than reality met, and whether respondents could be categorize as ‘people on a
swing’ (Ministry of Economy Report, 2007).

5.2.1. Sectors of employment and job titles comparisons

Table 10 compares sectors of respondents’ employment in previous occupations in Poland

and in current vacancies in the UK. Since 14 (25.5%) respondents claimed being in full time
education in Poland, it could be assumed that they have not had previous job experience
before coming to the UK. However, investigation whether students are employed in the
same field they were studying was beyond the research subject. Since only one box was

29
available to tick in question 12 (see Appendix 3), it is not clear if some of migrants are also
studying in the UK. Assuming that manufacturing, transport/building, housekeeping and
hospitality are semi-skilled sectors, more respondents admitted to be employed in those
sectors in the UK than in Poland. On the other hand, there was an increase in employment in
financial sector, which would rather suggest proper use of skills of employed migrants.

Sectors of employment

Other
Finance
Retail
Manufacturing
Transport/building
Office/clerical
UK
Medical/care
Poland
Housekeeping
Hospitality
Unemployed
Student
Self-employed

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16

Table 10: Comparison of sectors of employment where participants were employment and
are currently working.

Single comparison of the sectors of employment in both countries does not tell the whole
story, therefore, respondents were asked to write down their job title (Table 14 in Appendix
4). On the other hand, job titles are highly sophisticated in today’s workplaces, thus, it is not
possible to conduct reasonable comparison and state whether migrants’ skills and
experience gained in Poland are used in the UK. Since students left Poland after receiving
education, it can be stated that Poland experience ‘brain drain’. However, it is not clear if the
UK’s employers come across ‘brain gain’ effect and whether they make use of it. Overall, the
sample used in this research was too small and is not representative enough to state
whether Poles face depreciation of human capital.

30
5.2.2. Rates of pay comparison

As for the rate of pay, 33 respondents answered the question about average monthly 18
salary rate in Poland. The rate was given in a local currency, however for the purpose of this
report it was converted into pound sterling at the rate of £1 = PLN4.8726 (on 13.03.09).
Conversely, the rate of pay in the UK is given on hourly basis, which complicates
comparisons. In current employment, 80% of respondents earn between £5.73 and £10,
16.4% take more than £10, and only 2 respondents receive a rate below national minimum
rate (£5.73). The findings are summarised below:
Poland £ p/m UK £ p/h
Maximum 1, 231.00 Maximum 12.00
Minimum 154.00 Minimum 5.00
Mean 393.52 Mean 6.73
Median 308.00 Median 7.85

In order to compare data from both countries, following calculation are necessary: average
pay in the UK (£6.73) * average monthly hours (ca 21 working days in a month, 8 hours per
day) / tax and insurance contribution (ca 20%):
Average pay Hours Before tax After tax
£6.73 168 £1,130.73 £942.28

Having all the calculations done, it is clearly seen that mean wages in Poland (£394) are more
than twice as less as the average one in the UK (£942). Moreover, there is a large gap
between maximum and minimum wage received in Poland and, what is more striking,
median wage (£308) is smaller than mean (£394) i.e. more than 50% of respondents earned
less than average. In the UK, respondents’ wages are rather evenly distributed. However, it
should be remembered that this is comparison of historical data (before arriving to the UK)
and the current one. Therefore, time, wage inflation, and cost of living are not taken into
consideration.

5.2.3. Reasons for migration

According to Chart 2 below, the most popular reason for migration with respondents was an
adventure in a different country (40%). The outcome is not surprising, since the majority of

18
In Poland, the wage is always given on a monthly rate basis.

31
participants were below 30 years old when coming to the UK. EU enlargement has opened
the possibility to travel and work in Western Europe without employment permission.
Therefore, young people have used this opportunity to taste Western lifestyle on the same
conditions as the other EU members. The second and third reasons given were: ‘being fed up
with economic and political situation in Poland’ (27%) and being forced to migrate by
financial circumstances (20%). Those two answers are quite similar and go hand in hand with
overall trends in Poland19.

Why did you decide to migrate?

I wanted to try
something new.
7.27%
I felt limited in
Poland.
I was fed up with
economic and
20.0% political situation in
Poland.
I wanted to get away
40.0% from Poland.
I had no other choice
because of my
economic situation.
Other
1.82%

27.27% 3.64%

Chart 2: Reasons for migration.

In general, Poles criticize an extensive bureaucracy in the native country, the

administrational red tapes in setting up a business (Lucas, 2006), and a troubled political
scene. The best summary was given by one interviewee ‘I will think about remigration… if

19
According to CBOS (2009), the attitude towards economic situation in Poland is as follows: bad – 45%, neither
good nor bad – 40%, good – 10%; whereas the attitude towards political situation in Poland is as follows: bad –
almost 50%, neither good nor bad – less than 40%, good – ca 10%.

32
the situation in Poland changes 180 degrees.’ Poles believe that neighbouring countries,
especially in the West, are better managed. Overall, Poles share European values and are
happy with its policies, with around 85% EU supporters and only around 10% EU opponents
(CBOS, 2009). As for the financial situation, it is necessary to remind that unemployment rate
in 2003 reached nearly 20% (see Appendix 2), and wages were much below European
average. Just to quote one of the respondents ‘I decided to migrate because we didn’t have
enough money even for basic needs. I heard that a situation is better in the UK, so I decided
to give it a try.’ The answers in ‘Other’ category concerned joining family, personal problems
and improving English language.

5.2.4. Expectations before moving to the UK

Respondents participating in this research were rather realistic with (54.5%) admitting that
conditions in migration are tough, but expected. There is also a high percentage of ‘positively
disappointed’ [sic] participants (30.9%). Seven respondents were disappointed or very
disappointed, however, without giving a reason (see Table 11). During the interview, one
conclusion was as follows: ‘I was prepared that if I wanted to try something new, I would
have to start from scratch. I left quite a good job in Poland and the first job I could find in the
UK was cleaning, just because I could not speak English. (…) The first year was the worst one,
but later on, it was better and better. I don’t regret that I came here. I think that if I stayed in
Poland, I would have been stuck in the same job and I wouldn’t have learned what I know
now – another way of living.’

What do you think about your expectations before coming to the UK and the reality you met
here?

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid It's tough, but I expected it. 30 54,5 54,5 54,5
It's better than I thought. 17 30,9 30,9 85,5
It's worse than I thought. 5 9,1 9,1 94,5
I'm very disappointed. 2 3,6 3,6 98,2
Other 1 1,8 1,8 100,0
Total 55 100,0 100,0

Table 11: Expectations before moving to the UK.

33
5.3. Stage 3: Current economic situation and plans toward the future

It was already mentioned in Chapter 2 that the UK’s economy is confirmed to be in a

recession state, while Poland is undoubtedly heading in the same direction. Although, Polish
economic growth is predicted to be higher than the British one, and recession in general
terms should not hit such forcefully like in the West, the United Kingdom has more resources
to tackle turbulences, and as a developed country has more experience in a free market than
Poland’s young market economy. It is interesting time now, as migrants start to question
themselves whether they should stay in the UK or perhaps return to Poland. Therefore, this
research studies also respondents’ plans towards future – whether they have precise future
vision, or perhaps they leave their options open and they plan to adapt to the new
environment.

5.3.1. Current economic situation in the UK and in Poland.

As economic downturn is relatively new experience, most of the research’s respondents

were not faced with its effects yet, and their opinion is built mostly on media’s news. ‘The
economic crisis has not directly touched me or my family. I know about the crisis from media,
but I feel its breath on my back.’ There were two questions in a survey concerning this topic
with exactly the same answers to make comparison straightforward. Chart 3 below shows
the outcome:

70%

60%

50%

40% UK
30% Poland

20%

10%

0%
It gets better. Nothing will It gets worse. I don't know.
change.

Chart 3: Opinion about economic situation in the UK and in Poland.

34
It is interesting to note that 62% of respondents believed that situation in the UK will get
better in comparison to 24% who argue that situation in Poland will improve. This finding
goes is in line with CBOS trends mentioned before (see footnote in 5.2.3.) that Poles has in
general negative opinion about economic situation in their own country. It seems that this
view is very strong, so even migrants who do not live in Poland any more, have still
pessimistic attitude. If beliefs towards improvement in troubled economies play a role in
decision about remigration, most of the respondents will choose to stay in the UK expecting
faster and better recovery. As one of the interviewees said: ‘I feel safer in the UK because of
social benefits. Here, the thought of loosing a job is not a cause for a sleepless night.’
Moreover, migrants are ‘emotionally prepared that [their] financial situation could get
worse’ and are aware of cyclical pattern in the economy. The general view within migrants
was rationally staited during the interview: ‘Average job, average costs therefore recession
has an average impact on us. The more you have the more you can loose.’

5.3.2. Plans towards the nearest future

As environment keeps changing at ever-faster pace, people tend to pursue a strategy of

‘intentional unpredictability’, when they choose not to restrict themselves by specific time
frames. The majority of respondents answered ‘I don’t know, I’ll see how it goes’ in both
questions concerning the future 42% and 36% respectively (see Table 12 and 13). Although
the answers given to those questions are different which complicates slightly comparison,
the pattern is very similar. The majority is undecided and they choose to wait and see how
the situation clarifies. The second group is formed by typical seasonal migrants, those who
came to the UK in order to earn money and then invest in home country (27% and 16%). The
third group concern is to settle down in the UK (24% and 16%). The rest either think that
Polish’s government persuasion to remigration is only a political propaganda (13%), either
they want to move to other countries (7%) or they are giving other reasons (see Table 13). It
is worth to note that very similar migration’s patterns were described in CRONEM (2007)
research (see Chapter 2.5.) together with the findings that the biggest group is created by
those undecided. One of the interviewees described ‘intentional unpredictability’ when he
said: ‘Every year I promise myself that this is my last year in the UK, but nothing comes out

35
from my plans. So I stay here, waiting for something, not knowing what exactly, and
watching the events.’

How long do you intend to stay in the UK?

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid I don't know, I'll see how
23 41,8 41,8 41,8
it goes.
I'm plannning to stay a
couple of years or so
15 27,3 27,3 69,1
and then return for good
and invest in Poland.
I'm planning to settle
13 23,6 23,6 92,7
down in the UK.
I'm planning to stay a
couple of years or so
4 7,3 7,3 100,0
and then move to
another country.
Total 55 100,0 100,0

Table 12: Intended length of stay in the UK.

What do you think about return to Poland?

Cumulative
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent
Valid I don't know, I'll see. 20 36,4 36,4 36,4
I don't want to return,
because I want to settle 9 16,4 16,4 52,7
down in the UK.
I want to return,
because I can't see my 9 16,4 16,4 69,1
future in the UK.
I think that all that fuss
is just a political 7 12,7 12,7 81,8
propaganda.
I want to return, but I'm
frightended that I won't 5 9,1 9,1 90,9
handle it.
Other 3 5,5 5,5 96,4
I want to return because
my family and friends 2 3,6 3,6 100,0
are persuading me.
Total 55 100,0 100,0

Table 13: Opinions towards remigration.

According to psychologist A. Major (Gingal, 2008), pursuing ‘intentional unpredictability’

strategy allows to avoid disappointments, however it provides additional migration stress as
an individual cannot follow own lifestyle and live according to values.

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5.3.3. Additional information

The purpose of conducting interviews was to provide further study into the subject by asking
in depth questions. During the interview, some extra topics were discussed in addition to
questionnaire. The first one was concerned about possible social tensions between local
community and migrants due to the fear of redundancy. Since it is closely related to
economic downturn and it is a recent threat, it is hard to judge whether migrants are in
danger of social hostility. ‘If British were to loose their jobs and Poles were to work, then
there might be some dust-ups. You can already here in media: “British jobs for British
people”.’ However, none of the interviewees had first-hand experience in this matter.

The second additional topic during the interview was about examples of people who decided
to remigrate. All of the interviewees knew at least one person who returned to Poland. The
examples given were on both sides of spectrum: encouraging and dispiriting. Some of
migrants moved back because of the family’s pressures or redundancy in the UK. Others
moved from England to other countries (in word-of-mouth two popular migration
destinations are Norway and Australia). Others are planning to return and keep postponing
the decision. One of the respondents recalled couple of families who ‘intend to return to
Poland, even though their financial situation will be reduced. For them, the atmosphere,
family, return to hometown is what really matters. They are tired of being worse than locals.’
The last point is very interesting, as it is often heard that migrants feel like second-class
citizens. Despite having real-life models of successful return to Poland, interviewees believed
that those examples would not influence their decision. As income was the most important
factor for one of the respondents, he said: ‘If someone guaranteed me the same income in
Poland as I receive over here, I wouldn’t hesitate to return’.

In a special edition of Polish magazine ‘Styles and Characters’ (Style i Charaktery, 2009, p.
71), there is a letter from a male migrant talking about his experience after returning from
one-year working practice in the UK. He believes that the difference between the Western
Europe and Poland was that people were able to earn a livelihood and paid off debt from an
average income in the West, whereas in Poland it was not possible. Apart from that,
everything else was the same. He also argues, that many people considered well-paid job in
the UK as a solution for all of their problems. However, when migration involves separation

37
from the loved ones, it could be the worst decision in their life. The other side of a story is
given by a female migrant interviewed by Biszewska (2008) after few months of working
experience in Poland, who said: ‘Now, I think that in London or Dublin I felt happier. Even
though the scheme “work-home-work” is exactly the same here and there, I felt free over
there. There was no pressure to be clever, capable, well educated, and good-looking. There
was no pressure to earn well and have a family with plenty happy offspring. I have an
impression that there is no place for individualism in Poland. (…) So if you don’t fit, you fall
through the cracks.’ These women admitted to consider return again to the UK. Overall,
there is an impression that migrants are putting life on hold, both: here in the UK, and when
they return to Poland.

5.4. Summary

Since, statistics mentioned in Chapter 2.5 described A8 migrants (including Poland) as

relatively young (82% aged 18-34), footloose and with little or no dependant responsibility,
therefore findings in this research confirm previous study. However, age group 18 – 34
contains people of so called ‘reproductive age’, when individuals tend to settle down and
have children. Therefore, number of dependants may grow and tendency to remigrate to
Poland may decrease as children start attending to school in the UK. Moreover, living in such
a multi-cultural society as Britain (especially London) allows to find a partner from different
cultural background, which also reduces the tendency to return to Poland. As one of the
interviewees summarized: ‘It will be hard for us to get used to live in Poland, because we
have found out the other lifestyle, we have met people from different cultures and we have
learned other point of view. Our horizons are much wider now.’

Majority of respondents (74.5%) came to the UK after Poland’s accession to the EU

community (May 2004). All of them are in permanent or temporary (through the agency)
employment in the UK, therefore ‘stork migration’ (seasonal) feature, cannot be verified by
this research. It could be assumed that the longer a migrant stays in the UK the harder the
decision about remigration becomes, as one of the interviewees concluded: ‘You loose the
willingness to return after 5 years. One day, just out of the blue, you really want to go back,
the very next day you find that you’ve got your favourite places here, your friends. Sooner or
later you start to adopt here and treat it as your own place.’

38
Level of language is seen as one of the main factors that help to cope well with migration.
Since most of the respondents claim to communicate on intermediate level, hence,
integration with local community increases and sense of belonging starts shifting towards
host country. However, this process is rather long-term and does not concern each
individual. Those, who were able to buy a property in the UK or at least rent the whole flat
are those who feel the most settled: ‘The only thing I miss to settle down here [UK] is my
own house. Your own property gives you sense of belonging – a harbour to return. At the
moment, I can’t afford to buy a flat. I worry that when I reach 40, I will still have to share a
flat with strangers.’

There was an attempt to measure whether Polish migrants experience depreciation of

human capital. Therefore, the comparison of sectors of employment and job titles were
conducted. Since the sample was too small, the conclusions are hard to state. A large
proportion of respondents did not have any previous working experience in Poland, as 25.5
% of participants were in full-time education before arriving to the UK. However, it was
beyond this research to verify whether those students pursue a career in the field of their
study. Further research on this subject would be required.

The main reason for migration was a curiosity to try a lifestyle in a different country. Since
the majority of respondents were very young, this is a reasonable and expected answer. The
other reason was economic situation. In order to show the difference in wages, the mean
rate of pay in Poland (£394) was compared to the mean rate in the UK (£942). Overall,
migrants were either forced to move by financial circumstances, or were annoyed by
political and economical situation in the country. However, before moving to the UK,
repatriates had rather realistic expectations, anticipating hard work, especially during the
first few years. In general, Kleinman (2001) argues that factors affecting labour market
outcomes for migrants are: the level of education (especially qualifications gained in the UK),
English-language fluency, and the length of stay in the host country. He believes that
employment’s participation differential are gradually reduced with the number of years in
the host country, which was confirmed by interviewee: ‘The first year was the worst one, but
later on it was better and better.’

39
Since the subject of migration and remigration is very complex and involves emotional
nature of individuals, it is not possible to find one common answer. Decision of migration in
both directions is personal and is influenced by many factors. According to an interview with
B. Wasilewski, a Polish psychotherapist (Style i Charaktery, 2009, p. 61) differentiated four
types of ‘magnets’ that pull migrants back home. The first one is irrational and unexplainable
urge to return; the second one is a devotion to home land, its language, tradition and
culture; the third magnet contains all the ‘push factors’ and the feeling of being a foreigner;
and finally, the fourth one involves emotional relationships with love ones.

This research is an insight into views of small sample of Polish migrants, therefore findings
cannot relate to the population as a whole. However, the literature shows that migration
dilemmas are very common amongst wider group of migrants. Nevertheless, the subject
needs to be studied in depth to understand the patterns and circumstances that motivate
people to migrate or remigrate. The next and final chapter contains conclusions from the
whole research, and recommendations for further study.

40
41
6. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This research is an attempt to comprehend the views and opinions of Polish migrants
regarding the migration to the UK, and to identify the motivators of possible remigration to
Poland. During pre-research preparation, several questions were stated regarding the
migration, and then based on those questions, a literature review was conducted in order to
find gaps for an interesting research. Although economic crisis is not welcome in any
circumstances, it has changed labour market situation and reshaped the environment. The
most striking disparity was between the British media mourning hard-working Poles on the
way back home, and Polish newspapers publishing discouraging stories of repatriates
seeking help on psychologist coach and preparing to go back to the UK. This chapter contains
a summary of research findings, followed by recommendations for stakeholders and further
research and ends with the personal implications from the experience of conducting this
study.

6.1. Summary

Prior to data gathering, the following objectives were set up:

 To review available literature on migration.
 To keep updated information about current economic crisis and its influence on
labour market.
 To identify the motivators of migration and remigration.
 To explore the dilemmas of Polish migrants and the reasons behind them.
Therefore, the purpose of this study was to meet the objective and answer the research
questions stated in Chapter 1.3.

6.1.1. Migration in general

The purpose of this research was to shed some light into remigration dilemma amongst
Polish migrants in the UK in a reshaped labour market environment. It contains extensive
literature review on the migration subject. Thus, the macroeconomic processes that direct
the migration’s influx or outflow were outlined, followed by political influence such as EU
accession and opening of the labour market in the UK. Although, there are several benefits
from migration both for receiving and sending countries, there are also many negative

42
aspects on national and individual levels. Since the UK opened its labour market in order to
tackle demographical issues (e.g. ageing population) and skills shortage, it did not fix the
problem in global terms but rather shifted it towards Poland. Just five years after massive
economic migration, Polish sociologists are already sounding the alarm for the unavoidable
future demographic problems with rapidly ageing population and reduced birth rates
(Kowalska, 2009).

Another main issue is Staubhaar’s (2000) perspective on ‘brain gain’, ‘brain exchange’ and
‘brain drain’. On national level, Poland has definitely experienced ‘brain drain’, since many
students left the country in search of employment. However, the main issue in the UK was to
answer the employers’ needs for labour usually in low-skilled vacancies. Therefore, well-
educated Poles often found first employment far beyond their skills level. In such a scenario,
the UK gains additional ‘hands for work’, but it does not make use of skills. Looking at the
same situation from EU perspective, there is undoubtedly loss. The fact that Poland had
almost 20% unemployment rate in 2003, and thanks to migration, the level dropped to 9.7%
(see Appendix 2), provides lofty arguments in government elections. However, without EU
accession and European funds, the statistics would be much worse.

6.1.2. Influence of current economic crisis

From the time perspective, it could be said that the prospering economic growth’s period
has finished at the end of the year 2008. The UK is confirmed to be in recession state, and
Poland is undeniably heading in the same direction. Still, in migrants’ eyes, the UK, as a more
developed country with experienced leaders, is better equipped to tackle the economic
downturn (see Chapter 5.3.1.). In general, Poles have not put trust in their own government
as CBOS (2009) trends shows.

In any case, both countries experience a ‘loosening’ of the labour market, i.e. there are more
potential employees than available vacancies. Taking into consideration economic factors
only, Poles would choose to wait for the economy to improve in the UK. This is probably the
reason for majority of respondents to choose ‘I don’t know, I will see how it goes’ answer for
questions concerning the nearest future. This ‘wait-and-see’ strategy is called ‘intentional
unpredictability’ and it appears to be the common one in uncertain times. However,

43
psychologists advice against following it, because it does not protect from disappointments,
but provides additional stress factor (Gingal, 2008). It seems that the best strategy is to have
a long-term plan with specific goals to achieve, but flexible enough to make necessary
adjustments if the situation changes20.

6.1.3. Migration motivators and experience gained

According to this research, the main reason to move to the UK was ‘to try something new’.
Two factors count for this motivator: Poland’s accession to the EU, and the stage of life of
the majority of respondents (below 30 years old, higher education’s graduates, and/or with
little experience in labour market). Another main issue was disappointment with overall
political and economical situation in Poland. The political scene discourage people to
participate, and widens the gap between the government and common citizens. Following
the trends of the attitude towards political and economical situation in Poland from 1989 up
to 2009 (CBOS, 2009) it is clear that negative opinion predominates in that period. It is hard
to judge whether such a critical approach is a national trait or perhaps the situation is really
poor indeed, because it is rather subjective feeling. However, 27% of research’s respondents
admitted being fed up with political and economical scene. Another 20% declared being
forced to move because of the financial circumstances.

The comparison of rates of pay received by respondents in both countries was an attempt to
justify the migration’s financial motive. Without taking into consideration wage inflation, the
difference in average monthly pay within this small sample was significant. On top of that,
income was more evenly distributed in the UK than in Poland. Probably because
respondents started employment participation from the same level, and success in this
matter depends on the individual.

6.1.4. Depreciation of human capital

In order to estimate whether migrants experienced depreciation of human capital, the

comparisons of job titles and sectors of employment were conducted. Again, taking into
account the age of respondents, and the fact that many of them had not had any job
experience in Poland, it is impossible to state whether this phenomenon occurred.
20
Advice given for corporations, however it is worth to implement in personal life. (Johnson, et al, 2006)

44
Migration’s literature indicates that the number of years in the host country reduces the gap
in employment participation. On top of that, education gained in the UK accelerates this
process (Kleinman, 2001). Therefore, a person willing to migrate for the purpose of
employment in a different country should expect demanding outsets during the first few
years. The employment participation should improve with time spent due to the experience
gained, better knowledge of the local labour market, improved language, and possibly higher
education level. This reflects a common sense and it was confirmed by the majority of the
respondents claiming that overall conditions were tough but were expected. The other
answers (better/worse than expected, disappointing) were probably influenced by personal
circumstances. It is necessary to note, that this experience does not usually concern
professionals or highly skilled experts.

6.1.5. Plans for the future

As it was stated before, the majority of respondents chose to follow ‘intentional

unpredictability’ strategy. Therefore, the highest percentage was not sure about how long
they were going to stay in the UK, nor whether they intended to return to Poland. The
uncertain recession period forces people to take cautious steps regarding the future.
Unsuccessful stories from the media or word-of-mouth are putting hesitated migrants off;
hence, they try to stick to already familiar situation in the UK.

Moreover, there is an apprehension towards possible wave of social hostility towards

migrants if the unemployment level keeps rising. At the moment, this is not confirmed and in
multi-cultural Britain with long culture of diversification, migrants could feel much safer than
in for example homogenous Poland. Nevertheless, in the event of rising social tensions,
Poles would rather return to their home country than allow victimisation.

6.2. Recommendations

After analysing the data, several recommendations for the stakeholders were clarified in
order to assist migrants in their decision. Those suggestions are based on practicability and
feasibility and their main concern is the ability to co-operate with others:
For the UK government/employers:
 To encourage language skills improvement.

45
  To involve actively in education in order to improve employability.
 To promote access to higher education in the UK and provide information on
financial help available.
 To encourage Polish communities, cultural centres, etc. in taking part in integration
process.

For Polish government:

 To provide easy-accessible aid for repatriates.
 To implement well-thought-out policies regarding migration and remigration.
 To maintain close cooperation with EU countries that host Polish migrants.
 To set up government founded centres for migrants.

For the individuals:

 To take responsibility for one’s career abroad.
 To improve language level and preferably gain national recognised qualification while
abroad.
 To integrate with both Polish and local community in order not to isolate themselves.
 To set up clear goals and to be flexible enough to adjust one’s strategy.
 To seek professional help as soon as depression, anxiety or other mental illness
signals appear.

As for the further research conduction, the following points could be studied in-depth in
order to gain more knowledge of Polish migration in the UK phenomena:
 human resource depreciation
 migration motivators
 factors influencing remigration
 outcomes from ‘intentional unpredictability’ strategy.

6.3. Personal implications

The process of conducting this study was a challenging experience; however, lessons learned
through this course were exceptional. As a member of Polish migrants’ community, I have

46
widen my knowledge about migration and I have had the opportunity to study this
phenomenon from a different perspective, limiting my emotional involvement.

The most demanding task was to manage the dissertation together with six other units
during the final year. Thanks to frequent meetings with a project Supervisor, I have been
able to divide the whole research into manageable parts. Appendix 6 contains a project
timetable, which served as a guide during this academic year. Moreover, peers support, both
at formal and informal meetings, were an extraordinary aid.

Overall, the experience gained during the project, will either give me the basis for further
study on higher education course, or will provide me with transferable skills that could be
used in a new workplace.

47