Soccer & SocietyAquatic Insects

Vol. 12, No. 6, November 2011, 897–913

The 39th game: fan responses to the Premier League’s proposal to

globalize the English game
Joel Rookwood* and Nathan Chan

Liverpool Hope University, UK

Since the inception of the English Premier League (EPL) in 1992, elite clubs
have experienced considerable financial expansion. Broadcasting contracts and
international markets have reduced the reliance on localized support, and several
clubs have sought to promote their ‘brand’ by staging international pre-season
tours. In February 2008, the EPL introduced the ‘39th Game’ proposal, whereby
clubs would play an extra round of domestic league matches in international cit-
ies. The proposition has incurred responses from governing bodies, football
clubs and media organizations. Football supporters, however, remain largely
unrepresented. This article explores perspectives of ‘domestic’ and ‘global’ fans,
from Liverpool and Hong Kong, respectively. Interview data is examined
pertaining to definitional issues, the level of fan support of teams, players and
leagues, and fan attitudes towards the sociopolitical context and viability of the
proposal. This work also examines the extent to which it might threaten and
shape the identity and culture of English football.

The development, diffusion and dominance of English football

An evolving exposure to professional football has seen the sport adopt global popu-
larity, and its sociocultural and economic significance has been extensively investi-
gated, both in historical,1 and in contemporary contexts.2 The structural uniformity
of football is currently regulated and organized through the world governing body
Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA). Prior to the establishment
of this federation, the (English) Football Association pioneered many of the regula-
tions and competition formats. Football progressed as a codified sport during the
nineteenth century, notably within the English public school and university sys-
tems.3 The FA Challenge Cup, for example, the world’s first ‘national’ knockout
club tournament, is considered to have been based on the interhouse competition
established at Harrow School.4 Numerous British clubs were formed during this
period, often reflecting a variety of connections to institutions, industries and identi-
ties. Despite the popularly held view to the contrary, such clubs were often run by
business-minded entrepreneurs, many of whom were keen to capitalize on the grow-
ing interest British working classes displayed in watching their local football team
compete on a regular basis.5
The infrastructure of competitive club football conceived in England was and
remains a model imitated by other nations, also informing many underlying

*Corresponding author. Email: rookwoj@hope.ac.uk

ISSN 1466-0970 print/ISSN 1743-9590 online

Ó 2011 Taylor & Francis
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2011.609688
http://www.tandfonline.com
898 J. Rookwood and N. Chan

principles of football fandom. The relatively localized support of clubs in Britain

experienced an initially rapid growth rate, impacted by respective progress in the
FA Cup founded in 1871 and the Football League established in 1888. In addition,
international club football expanded in Europe from the mid-1950s. Despite limited
initial success, English clubs won all but one European Cup (now known as the
Champions League) between 1977–84. The expanse of football hooliganism and
the conditions in which supporters watched matches around this period produced
various consequences, however. The experience of and response to three related
tragedies (the Bradford fire which claimed the lives of 56 supporters, the Heysel
disaster, in which 39 fans died, and Hillsborough, where 96 spectators perished)
helped revolutionize English football. The five-year ban of English teams following
the Heysel tragedy had a lasting impact, with English football having only one
European Cup representative between 1986–2004. Additionally, due to the political
and socioeconomic problems experienced in the 1980s, many English clubs aimed
to attract more affluent spectators to increase revenues and alienate or invoke a
change among violent supporters, thus ‘creating an atmosphere where hooligans feel
they have to give up’.6 Barclay also discusses the use of law-abiding fans to have a
‘positive, knock-on effect’.7 This infiltration of a ‘new breed of supporter’ was in
effect a ‘colonization’ of fan culture,8 which would eventually include increasing
numbers of international ‘tourist’ supporters:9

The post-Heysel European ban, the Bradford fire and the Hillsborough tragedy
together conspired to all but kill off football’s traditional, post-war persona. Out of the
ashes a new and more consumer- and customer-orientated, all-seater version of the
game would arise. The repackaged game proved to be more attractive to sponsors,
television companies and private sectors.10

Advancements in football broadcasting, particularly through the pay-per-view

television company BSkyB also altered this subculture dramatically in the 1990s.
The revival of English football was propelled by the formation of the English
Premier League (known internationally as the EPL) in 1992, and BSkyB invested
£305 million, forming the first EPL broadcasting agreement. The EPL, established
as a breakaway from the Football League, helped generate higher revenues from
broadcasters, which were not shared with lower league clubs.11
The current popularity of English football can in part be explained by its histori-
cal pedigree, as well as a connection with fierce competition (for example, England
has had 23 different champions, compared with 10 in Italy, nine in Spain, and five
in Scotland and Portugal). Elements of terrace culture may have been marginalized;
however, contemporary fandom at many clubs remains participatory and passionate
(albeit to differing levels), where most supporters typically engage in various rival-
ries without resorting to disorder or violence. Clearly, rivalries between clubs whose
supporters primarily identify with conflicting characteristics (related to religion,
locality, ethnicity and other constructs) maintain a greater potential for violent fan
conduct. However, these contests are another determinant of the popularity of the
English game (often accompanied by a greater demand for tickets from domestic
and international supporters and a higher priced category of match ticket). The
transformation of English football may have its critics, however without improve-
ments to stadia and developments in fan behaviour, organization and policing, the
EPL would not have become a globally marketable product; the 39th Game
 Soccer & Society 899

proposal would not have been conceived without cultural and organizational
improvements associated with the existing 38 matches.
In addition, the recent global expansion of the EPL and the success of its clubs
in European Competition (with six Champions League finalists between 2005–9,
featuring triumphs in 2005 and 2008), is considered to owe much to the personnel
recruitment and development policies of elite English clubs.12 Expanded player
migration was facilitated by alterations in European employment law,13 notably fol-
lowing the European Court of Justice’s ‘Bosman’ ruling in December 1995. The
removal of restrictions concerning the international freedom of movement (which
were found to contravene the principles outlined in the Treaty of Rome) lubricated
a transnational European-centred transfer market.14 The resultant internationalization
of the EPL, together with the expansion of domestic (and increasingly transnational)
broadcasting contracts has furthered the global exposure of English football. Other
globalizing developments include the consumption of football from an extending
network of international supporters, particularly in the Asia–Pacific region. Impor-
tant economic developments across this region, resulting in urbanization, commodi-
fication, consumerism and social democratization have shaped its media sports
culture.15 These processes have provided a catalyst for sociocultural developments,
which have increased disposable incomes and purchasing power, stimulating a cul-
ture of brand and media consumption.
Several English clubs have sought to protect, reclaim and reinvent their brand
and identity, and capitalize on their growing international popularity. Elite clubs
have increasingly sought to attract and accommodate international visitors by offer-
ing merchandising and match packages and selling ‘club experiences’ with museum
and ground tours; whilst also arranging overseas preseason exhibition matches in
order to maximize revenue generation and further extend their respective brand.
Overseas preseason activity is not limited to the so-called ‘big four’ clubs (Arsenal,
Chelsea, Liverpool and Manchester United). For example, since the takeover by
Sheikh Mansour in September 2008, Manchester City have visited Asia and Africa
as they aim ‘towards establishing a global brand and gaining ground on Manchester
United’s worldwide popularity’.16 Furthermore, in the summer of 2009, all 20 clubs
who were to compete in the following season’s EPL travelled to at least one inter-
national friendly match. The EPL has also become directly involved in arranging
overseas preseason fixtures through its own Barclay’s Asia Trophy. This biennial
tournament takes place in various Asian cities, enabling less-established EPL clubs
to raise their profiles as well as that of the League.17
Some clubs have sought to establish a more sustained international presence.
This objective has included launching foreign language websites and opening club
shops, such as the Manchester United Experience in Macau and Chelsea’s online
Asia Pacific Megastore.18 In addition, clubs have invested in more tangible inter-
national football experiences by setting up coaching initiatives. Manchester United
have formed an international school in Hong Kong, which at the time of its
inception was ‘the only fixed facility of its kind in Asia’,19 with 20-week coach-
ing programmes. Chelsea have also recently followed suit by partnering and
rebranding a ‘soccer school’ in Hong Kong, whilst Liverpool have launched an
International Football Academy, featuring a host of standardized ‘soccer school
franchises.’ Such pioneering international initiatives aim to promote football
development and talent identification, whilst increasing club profiles, fan support
and income generation.
900 J. Rookwood and N. Chan

The 39th game proposal

The developments of international broadcasting agreements, supplemented by over-
seas engagements, have helped the EPL further cultivate a growing global audience,
notably in North America and the Asia–Pacific region. In February 2008, EPL
Chairman Richard Scudamore announced plans for expansion, involving clubs play-
ing a round of competitive matches in five cities across the world from 2011. This
as yet unimplemented proposal, and fan responses to it, forms the basis of the
remainder of this article. The current League structure (in place since 1995) sees
each of the 20 EPL clubs host and travel to the remaining 19 clubs, competing in
38 games during a season from mid-August to mid-May. The ‘39th Game’ proposal
would see every club play one other club three times, thus altering the traditional
home-and-away format of the League structure. Richard Scudamore claimed the
plan would ‘affect the league’s symmetry, not its integrity’.20 The validity of such
claims will be examined later in this article. Briefly considering the potential impact
of the proposal however, taking the 2009–10 season as an example: if second-
placed Manchester United had have been randomly selected to play already rele-
gated Portsmouth, with champions Chelsea drawn against Manchester City (who
would have been chasing a Champions League place), combined victories for Man-
chester United and Manchester City would have seen the former crowned Champi-
ons (finishing two points clear of Chelsea and moving above Liverpool with a
record total of 19 titles), with the latter potentially replacing Tottenham as Champi-
ons League debutants. Far from being an isolated case, even since the inception of
the Premier League, seasons ending in 1995, 1998, 1999 and 2008 would produce
comparable theoretical dilemmas affecting the EPL summit.
When introducing the proposal, the following statement was offered: ‘We are
proud the Barclays Premier League is viewed as the strongest domestic football
competition in the world by fans at home and abroad . . . We believe that an “inter-
national round” of matches will enhance the strength of the Barclays Premier
League’.21 The projected scheme was condemned by FIFA President Sepp Blatter,
who referred to it as ‘an abuse of association football . . . This idea to play a 39th
round outside the country does not work. They would be playing 12 hours away
west and east and 24 hours difference in the south . . . The Premier League says it
is the best league in the world but then it should act with more responsibility’.22
The FIFA president also hinted that he would instruct national associations to reject
any approach from the EPL to host matches, and that any attempt to press ahead
with the plan would scupper England’s (now failed) bid to host the 2018 World
Cup, a decision made by a ballot of the 24 executive committee members: ‘If you
go against the authority of FIFA and the executive committee, then you cannot
expect them to be in your favour later on’.23
There have been mixed reactions from football authorities in Asia. For example,
Asian Football Confederation (AFC) President Mohammed Bin Hammam initially
opposed the proposal before releasing the following statement: ‘If you want to
come to Asia I will welcome you’.24 Representatives of various national associa-
tions have expressed negative opinions, suggesting that the proposal conflicts with
the priorities of promoting and protecting domestic football;25 (then) FA Chairman
Lord Triesman, for instance, voiced concerns about the symmetry and equality of
the idea, and referred to the already complicated fixture congestion issue (citing
Manchester United’s withdrawal from the 1999–2000 FA Cup in order to play in
 Soccer & Society 901

the World Club Championship in Japan as an example). He also argued that there
was no sustainable plan the FA could agree to.26 Conversely, EPL managers such
as Arsene Wenger and Avram Grant cautiously backed the proposal, arguing it
could benefit fans abroad, and that traditions could be maintained despite having
one international round of competitive matches.27
In a football context, such a proposal is unprecedented; however, the American
sporting model has recently adapted to such global contexts.

Many sports have seen their popularity spread internationally, primarily due to the rise
in new mass media related technologies, but also due to sport organizations and their
corporate investors’ interests in increasing their appeal and popularity internationally.
This has been particularly true of the major North American sports organizations such
as the NBA [National Basketball Association], NFL [National Football League] and
NHL [National Hockey League], who have in recent decades sought to develop new
markets for their leagues and teams outside of North America, and most notably in
Europe and East Asia.28

Organizers and hosts of the pioneering approach adopted by American sporting fed-
erations claim that taking domestic competitions abroad has proven successful.
Major League Baseball (MLB) series have recently been played in Japan, a country
with a notable interest in the sport. Additionally, despite the relative lack of sporting
tradition in UK basketball and American football, NBA and NFL matches have
been ‘well received’ in the UK.29 The NFL staged its first regular season game out-
side of the continent in October 2007, a sell-out (82,000 spectators) contest between
Miami Dolphins and New York Giants at Wembley. This was said to earn London
more than £20 million with 10,000 visitors travelling from the USA.30 The game
was apparently broadcast in 212 nations in 21 languages.31 However, it is unclear
how accurate such revenue figures are, and which nations from or in addition to the
192 United Nations member states televised the game. Nevertheless, such statistics
have been used to justify the NFL’s decision to scale previously uncharted territory,
with respective details pertaining to the global proliferation of the EPL employed
for comparable ends.

Fan definitions and attitudes

The remainder of this article explores UK and international perspectives of fandom
and the 39th Game proposal. As Millward states, ‘fan perspectives have often been
underrepresented in football sociology, yet this demographic has been found to be a
key indicator of the nature of their sub-cultural identities’.32 There has been exten-
sive media interest in the proposal, with other forms of response having included
some anecdotal evidence.33 However, the proposal has received minimal academic
analysis. This exploratory case study therefore examines definitional issues in the
context of fandom and gives voice to fan opinions on the level and extent of their
support of leagues, teams and players. This study also explores the extent to which
the plan can be perceived as an attempt to globalize English football, and considers
the proposal in a wider sporting context to ascertain whether it could threaten the
integrity, identity and culture of English football.
Purposive sampling techniques were employed, which involve selecting units
purposely based on specific qualities or characteristics that relate to the research
question. English participants were selected from Liverpool, with international
902 J. Rookwood and N. Chan

perspectives ascertained from Hong Kong. Extended semi-structured interviews

were conducted ‘on location’ with 10 ‘supporters’ from each demographic. Belchem
claims that Liverpool (the city) is a ‘critical site for investigation of northerness,
Englishness, Britishness and the (pre-devolved) United Kingdom’.34 Liverpool (the
club) has developed an international reputation, attracting a global fanbase. The
extensive interest not only reflects the club’s domestic and European achievements,
but also the attraction to its unique cultural identity. Liverpool is still regarded by
many to be the most successful English football club in national and European
competitions, having won 18 League Championships, six FA Cups, six League
Cups, five European Cups/Champions Leagues and three UEFA Cups. It was also a
member of the now defunct G14, a lobby group of European ‘superclubs’ who clus-
tered together in order to challenge national and international football bodies for a
greater say in the way football is run.35
The remaining element of this case study was focused on an Asian context,
selected for a number of reasons. First, the recent record, three-season, global (non-
UK) television EPL broadcasting rights contract, ‘with a combined value of £625
million, was substantially attributable to demand in Asia’.36 Second, the Asian mar-
ket is one where ‘consumption follows success’,37 which is relevant given the
recent achievements of EPL clubs. Third, Asian markets have a notable tendency to
follow their own national stars, competing in other leagues: ‘In 2002, Everton
struck a $3.2 million deal with Chinese mobile phone maker Keijan and signed
Chinese player Lie Tie. Six months later Everton played Manchester City who had
recently acquired Sun Jihai, shattering the single-country viewership record for a
league game, as 360 million viewers watched from China’.38 Fourth, the mode of
fandom displayed in Asia is decidedly consumerist, with the outward display of
team merchandising common among Asian sports fans;39 and fifth, the EPL has
come to be seen as a culturally accessible form of high cosmopolitanism in many
Asian cities, representing a divergence from traditional British supporter philoso-
phies.40 Hong Kong was selected as a potential host city for the games, and as a
significant political and socio-economic location, and a regular site of English pre-
season tours and football coaching schools, it is considered a key example of what
Rowe and Gilmour term ‘a prime target for the expansionary strategies of some of
the world’s most powerful professional sports leagues, teams, and media conglomer-
ates’.41
Consequently, this study examines fan perspectives representing two very differ-
ent societies, and it is important therefore to consider respective and collective
notions of what a football fan is. Hills suggests that popularized ideas about the nat-
ure of fans have been developed, informing our definitional understanding.42 Poul-
ton contends that the media is a key definer of football fans,43 producing what
Pearson views as a supposedly common-sense appreciation.44 However, in some
cases, there has been a tendency to confuse football fandom with acts of football
hooliganism: ‘The apparent difference between “fan” and “hooligan” can regularly
be denied . . . this leads to terms becoming interchangeable’.45 As these examples
illustrate, the blurring of distinctions between supporter types has led to the emer-
gence of presumptions concerning the types of people going to football matches,
and those being identified as fans more generally. Such confusion led Tapp and
Clowes to pose the following questions: ‘Who are modern football supporters?
What typical profiles do they fit?’46 Crawford states that a fan is ‘generally viewed
as an obsessed individual who has an interest in a certain team, celebrity . . . or
 Soccer & Society 903

similar’.47 However, although typically presented as a derivative of the word ‘fana-

tic’, recent etymological studies place the term ‘fan’ as a possible derivation of
‘fancy’, a collective noun meaning all who ‘fancy’ a certain hobby or pastime,
which is thought to have originally applied to pigeon fanciers and later (from 1807)
to boxing fans.48 This differentiation is important as it can be applied to reject con-
notations of fanaticism and extremism, or to borrow from the work of Crawford,
‘obsession.’
A number of fan typologies have been developed. Importantly, such distinctions
are usually, although not exclusively, limited to an understanding of the behaviours
and attitudes of those who attend football matches, which in this context is an
unhelpful starting point. More useful examples include those offered by Redhead,
who describes two opposing spheres of football fandom as ‘passive’ and ‘participa-
tory’,49 and Giulianotti, who has more recently suggested that contemporary sup-
porters can be classified as ‘traditional’ or ‘consumer’.50 Both cases offer a
distinguishable divide between groups in terms of their behaviours and the ways in
which they relate to the sport or ‘their’ team. Where the ‘traditional’ could be asso-
ciated with attending live matches and being part of supporter organizations, for
example, the ‘consumers’ might be more readily linked with following teams via
television or the Internet. However, according to Abercrombie and Warde,51 con-
sumer culture involves social actors purchasing goods, services and experiences,
which often become central societal pillars, with the consumption of goods poten-
tially developing as a form of self-expression. Parallels can be drawn with this
interpretation to the ways in which some modern football spectators act as ‘consum-
ers’, with fan identity often expressed by acquiring and displaying team merchan-
dise, for example. The commodification of football may have blurred such
distinctions as many ‘traditional’ fans might serve as ‘consumers’ also. Clearly, any
segmentation system or typological basis for analysing such an extensive and
diverse set of people, attitudes and behaviours as those represented by football fans,
will inevitably be subject to blurring, exceptions and complications (the UK
National Criminal Intelligence Service’s ‘A,B,C’ categorization is no less problem-
atic – as Sugden notes).52 However, commentators are in general agreement that
international supporters who rarely if ever attend live matches (i.e. participants from
Hong Kong in this case), can be distinguished from relatively localized fans who
regularly attend games (i.e. participants from Liverpool in this case).
For this study, interviews were conducted in Liverpool and Hong Kong and ana-
lysed in the UK between April 2009 and April 2010. Participants were selected
from Liverpool on the basis that they had attended at least 80% of home and 50%
of away domestic and European Liverpool matches during each of the five most
recent seasons (from 2005/6 to 2009/10). Respondents were selected from Hong
Kong if, during the same period, they had watched at least 20 televised perfor-
mances per season of a specific EPL team that they consider themselves to ‘sup-
port.’ Additionally, given that Hong Kong has a significant expatriate population of
 340,000 out of 7 million,53 they were represented in this study. Consequently,
three of the 10 Hong Kongese respondents were taken from this population.
Reflecting some of the definitional complexities already discussed, the following
opinions were offered from the respective positions:

You can just say you’re a fan. It’s like an identity, maybe wearing the shirt or what-
ever. But then you’ve got match-goers, and then people who go regularly. I think
904 J. Rookwood and N. Chan

you’ll only be considered a proper fan if you actually go. And for us, it’s not really
about colours. It’s about being there to watch the team (interview 7, Liverpool:
12.01.10).

A fan is someone who’s passionate about the team, who identifies themselves as the
team. You know as you call it, the twelfth man. Someone who supports the team,
while a consumer would probably be someone who just buys the apparel . . . People
who invest time into a club are probably more emotionally attached, and consumers
are more economic. Football fans are very emotional; you can see that at the games
whenever a decision goes against their team they express their feelings. And football
merchandise is seen as fashionable here sometimes. A lot of people will just go out
and buy the shirts and shoes because they think it’s good looking (Interview 3, Hong
Kong: 28.07.09).

It was also important to examine the level, origin and motivations for supporting
and identifying with a team, the EPL and football in general. Although this was
particularly pertinent within a Hong Kong context, respondents from Liverpool also
offered related opinions, with the majority attributing club support to family mem-
bers:

I grew up supporting Liverpool really, as my dad did. But this city’s a bit different as
families are split sometimes. Then places like London and Manchester it goes more
on areas, so like east Manchester will support City But in lots of places without suc-
cessful teams people just support whoever’s doing well. Man United and Liverpool
have got fans all over as they’ve won things through the years (Interview 9, Liver-
pool: 12.04.10).

Whilst supporters in Hong Kong also noted that ‘people follow success, Man
United, Arsenal, Liverpool, Chelsea’ (Interview 4, Hong Kong: 01.08.09), others
discussed some less traditional origins of their attraction to football and their reason
for developing an interest in the game and for supporting given teams. Computer
games were a notable example: ‘I was given the game FIFA 2002 and that really
got me into football. It was the sport itself that captured me but the game did such
a good job in recreating it’ (Interview 3, Hong Kong: 28.07.09). Club kit or colours
were also identified as reasons for fans in Hong Kong supporting a particular team,
‘I joined a team and we had Celtic’s kits and Man United’s kits so I started support-
ing those teams’ (Interview 4, Hong Kong: 01.08.09). Hong Kong fan culture has
also developed the notion of ‘supporting’ a team in several of the more prestigious
European leagues: ‘Most people I know will have three or four teams that they like
and I reckon usually in different countries’ (Interview 4, Hong Kong: 01.08.09).
The simultaneous ‘support’ of clubs in other leagues was also noted in a UK con-
text, albeit to a limited degree: ‘Some fans of English clubs will pick a team in
another league. Celtic or Rangers, Barca or [Real] Madrid, maybe AC or Inter
Milan. But it’s not really support, it’s usually just an interest for the odd game’
(Interview 6, Liverpool: 10.10.09). However, in Hong Kong, it is quite common for
a fan to watch teams from different leagues, and even qualify as a ‘supporter’, rela-
tive to the criteria adopted in this study (which rationalizes the decision not to
include only those with exclusive club connections).
In addition, participants in both regions noted the significance of players in rela-
tion to fan motivations, behaviour and identity, particularly in the context of loyalty.
For example, ‘We usually identify most with the local lads. Lads like Carragher help
 Soccer & Society 905

us feel more connected with the club, especially when you look at modern football.
We’ve even got the banner on the Kop: Against Modern Football’ (Interview 4, Liv-
erpool: 15.09.09). Despite the historical influence and connection with locally born
players, evolving European migration patterns and continental football philosophies
have limited the progression of local ‘Scouse’ players at Liverpool. Jamie Carragher
is a contemporary exception, who has become a focal point for the supporters’ affec-
tions. His status has been propelled by his interpretation and implementation of the
core working class values of the city and the club, displayed through his conduct off
the pitch and his performances on it.54 However, as another respondent noted, ‘Play-
ers like Robbie Fowler and Carragher make a difference, but you support the team,
not the player. We called Fowler “God”, but we’re not following him around Austra-
lia now he plays there’ (Interview 8, Liverpool: 15.02.10).
In Hong Kong, however, the connection with individual players was certainly
more noticeable, which shaped the tendency to support multiple teams simulta-
neously: ‘There’s a lot of support for players here and the fans will happily pay just
to watch those guys play. I’m sure Man United have lost some Hong Kong support-
ers since [Cristiano] Ronaldo left’ (Interview 4, Hong Kong: 01.08.09). Other inter-
viewees offered similar statements in relation to David Beckham, claiming some
supporters in Hong Kong who watched televised matches when he played for Man-
chester United, would have switched allegiances to Real Madrid and then AC
Milan, in line with the player’s career progression. Several interviewees suggested
that another way to gauge a fan’s level of support is to examine their viewing hab-
its of football matches. In the UK, respondents expressed a desire to attend as many
live matches as possible to support their team, relative to issues such as practicality,
availability and affordability: ‘I don’t go as often as I’d like. If I had the money I
would. I’ve only been to one match this season so far and that’s because of money’
(Interview 6, Liverpool: 10.10.09). However, for fans in Hong Kong, attending
matches in the UK is considered ‘almost impossible’, with very few able to, ‘travel
for one off games. Of course though we watch teams when they come to Hong
Kong, and sometimes Singapore’ (Interview 5, Hong Kong: 02.08.09).
As some interviewees noted, Hong Kong’s time zone (GMT+8 hours) is not
considered conducive to EPL match consumption. Subsequently, ‘you see a lot of
replay games . . . There’s no point watching it live otherwise you get no sleep at
night so I try to watch the delayed games’ (Interview 1, Hong Kong: 15.04.09).
There is also an issue of accessibility to the necessary channels as, ‘football is
broadcasted on the pay channels. It’s like an annual subscription’ (Interview 3,
Hong Kong: 28.07.09). Also, ‘when we used to have Cable I’d watch every game
that I thought was big or worth watching, or if there was a player I wanted to
watch’ (Interview 4, Hong Kong: 01.08.09). The expatriate population also faces
related challenges, and when their national league is not shown they have to find
alternatives: ‘I try to watch the Champions League games, French teams in the
Champions League. Or Big Four games from England’ (Interview 2, Hong Kong:
19.04.09). However, fans in Hong Kong agreed that although the Champions Lea-
gue and Spain’s Primera División (known internationally as La Liga) are ‘extremely
popular in Hong Kong’ (Interview 9, Hong Kong: 03.04.10), ‘clearly, the Premier
League is the big one. The way they sell the Big Four, the players and everything,
the product is more attractive than other leagues’ (Interview 2, Hong Kong:
19.04.09). Finally, however, an interviewee from the UK offered the following criti-
cal perspective in relation to the times of matches:
906 J. Rookwood and N. Chan

Everyone in Europe noticed the problems with time zones in the World Cup in Japan
in 2002. But the games were played there, so it was right that times suited them, with
people at home watching football at ridiculous times. But the Premier League’s ours.
We used to have nearly all Saturday three o’clock kick offs, now it’s virtually any
time, any day. If Liverpool are playing Newcastle away on a Saturday morning to suit
China, we’re up at three am, that’s out of order . . . It’s about priorities, and it seems
like money wins over match-going fans. (Interview 7, Liverpool: 12.01.10)

Views on the 39th game

Fan responses in the UK were almost unanimously negative about the proposal. For
example, ‘it goes against every tradition of the game . . . and it’s not purely about
footballing reasons, it’s about money’ (Interview 4, Liverpool: 15.09.09). Another
respondent stated: ‘Money’s become too important in football. It never used to be
like this. Football used to be for the fans’ (Interview 9, Liverpool: 12.04.10). Whilst
such fan perspectives could be perceived as representative of the traditional subcul-
tural mindset, such attitudes might also be considered reflective of a partly ‘real’
and partly ‘imagined’ past: ‘Fans are highly critical of their clubs for being
over-commercial. They tend to hark back to a time when it was football first and
business a distant second. When, in their imaginations at least, the club and the
community were one and the same thing’.55
Before England’s elite football clubs attracted global appeal, these institutions
were primarily dependant on local markets for personnel and revenue. During this
period, English football for many signified an alignment between the values emanat-
ing from working class experiences and the successful properties of a football
team.56 However, the breakdown of what Taylor referred to as the ‘participatory
democracy’ (where fans sensed an ownership or belonging to the club), saw football
become increasingly de-masculinized, commercial and detached from supporter par-
ticipation.57 Taylor’s point is that the masculine, working class subcultural rump nos-
talgically wishes for the return of a participatory democracy. The professionalization
of football, with rising player salaries and club directors’ pursuit of more affluent
fans, resulted in clubs unhinging themselves to an extent from local working class
communities. These communities felt as though they had ‘lost’ football, a feeling
further compounded by the ‘internationalization’ of the sport (seen notably through
the increasing prevalence of continental competitions). Also, many elite players
began moving into the bourgeois class by acquiring prolonged affluence, with such
mobility facilitating a further detachment from the supporters’ subculture.58 Taylor
regards the post-war era (and particularly post-1961, when the football players’ max-
imum wage rule was abolished) as the point at which the perceived ‘participatory
democracy’ began to break down, when the barriers between football players and
supporters grew.59 It could be argued therefore, that many of the related criticisms
posed by today’s ‘traditional’ fans are not recently established concerns, but are at
least partly informed by previous eras. It is important to consider the historical con-
text in order to appreciate the longevity of fan disillusionment and perceived margin-
alization, and the relational friction between supporters and those operating across
organizational spheres, which can help us understand the responses of English fans
to developments such as the 39th Game proposal.
However, this contextualization should not lead to a denial of the impact of the
‘recent’ developments. Modern football contexts, which some consider to be partly
characterized by the global proliferation of elite clubs (and increasingly celebrity
 Soccer & Society 907

players) as ‘brands’;60 can be contrasted against the pre-BSkyB, EPL, Champions

League and Bosman era. One could even pose the argument that the collective
advances in the football industry that transpired between 1961–92 are less signifi-
cant than the alterations between 1992–2011. Importantly, perspectives have been
presented pertaining to the dangers of the post-1992 globalization, with supporters
arguing that such changes represent an alarming shift away from traditional pat-
terns, interests and priorities.61 In addition, UK supporters in this research conveyed
concerns about the potential resultant impact of the 39th Game proposal on the
integrity of English football: ‘It’s taking it [football] away from the fans who were
here in the first place . . . that would kill English football’ (Interview 1: Liverpool:
01.05.09). Also: ‘The league shouldn’t be taken out of England. It’s about playing
the matches at home so the home fans can go and support the team’ (Interview 3,
Liverpool: 11.09.09). Other respondents commented on practical dilemmas associ-
ated with the proposal: ‘I don’t think too many [fans] will be travelling ‘cause it’ll
be too expensive’ (Interview 2: Liverpool: 11.05.09). In addition, ‘teams have to be
rotated when there’s a load of travelling. Imagine the impact on the players, with
body clocks, time zones, jet lag, food, the media and everything else. It’d be a
nightmare’ (Interview 8, Liverpool: 15.02.10).
Alistair Kirkwood, the NFL’s UK managing director, offered a number of argu-
ments as to why the proposal should be put in place. For example, ‘In ten years
time you need to ask yourself whether you want a fanbase of 200 to 300 million or
three to four billion’.62 He also suggested that the resultant increases in income gen-
eration could be reinvested to attract better players, improve stadiums and facilities,
and ultimately make the league and the teams more exciting. However, as one fan
stated: ‘Does football need more fans? And who wants to watch Blackburn v. Bol-
ton in China or wherever? They can’t even sell out their own grounds. Play that
game in a massive ground in America and the league will look ridiculous. And if
it’s a one-off game at the end of the season, half the time there will be nothing rid-
ing on it It might mean more money, but it means more problems’ (Interview 2:
Liverpool: 11.05.09). Another respondent offered the following examples: ‘The last
league games are supposed to be played at the same time, but how can you with
time zones and that? And if two teams thousands of miles apart are playing for the
title, are they supposed to wait hours to see the trophy? Have they even thought
about it?’ (Interview 4, Liverpool: 15.09.09).
Some of the respondents from Hong Kong also questioned the logic of the pro-
posal: ‘Hong Kong would welcome it, but I don’t. It doesn’t make sense; it’s not
the English Premier League plus Asia. Plus you wouldn’t hear and see the English
fans. They’re part of the attraction to English matches’ (Interview 3, Hong Kong:
28.07.09). As Melvin et al. have found, similar opinions have been echoed by sup-
porters in other potential host cities, such as Singapore: ‘It robs the Premier League
of everything I imagine it stood for’.63 Conversely, however, the majority of
respondents in Hong Kong illustrated some more positive reactions to the prospect
of seeing live relocated EPL matches and ‘star players . . . the support is there
because people will get closer to the stars’ (Interview 2, Hong Kong: 19.04.09).
The same respondent also referred to the existing popularity of preseason games:
‘Every time there’s an exhibition game the stadium is packed.’ Also, ‘the biggest
attendances at Hong Kong Stadium are from those big teams, but any English team
in Hong Kong would be seen as a big team’ (Interview 4, Hong Kong: 01.08.09).
Furthermore: ‘The aim is money. They want to sell more TV rights, make them
908 J. Rookwood and N. Chan

more expensive. As a marketing plan, it’s fantastic’ (Interview 2, Hong Kong:

19.04.09). Hong Kong-based fans also expressed a desire for it to be more than just
one match: ‘You can’t just bring a game and expect it to be big. You need to bring
many games and players. Make a big event around it’ (Interview 2, Hong Kong:
19.04.09).
Furthermore, another interviewee referred to Hong Kong’s existing sporting tra-
ditions in this context: ‘I don’t think it would last. It wouldn’t become like the
[IRB Rugby] sevens, which is more of a carnival and it’s unique to Hong Kong.
The 39th Game won’t be’ (Interview 1, Hong Kong: 15.04.09). Some supporters
claimed that ‘seeing these games will inspire kids to play themselves’ (Interview 5,
Hong Kong: 02.08.09). Conversely, Clare Tipton, AFC’s director of media and
communications has stated, ‘A generation of latent fans has been created. They’ve
never been to a live football game. They don’t play football. They don’t have a
passion for the game. They watch it on TV’.64 Other participants in this study felt
that local football would be hindered by the implementation of the 39th Game pro-
posal, ‘Who wants to watch Hong Kong football, when you’ve seen the best from
England?’ (Interview 4, Hong Kong: 01.08.09). The latter view ties in with the
findings of Rowe and Gilmour, who argue that ‘the influence of transnational broad-
casters in Asia and the intensive marketing efforts of Western sports interests are
combining to privilege European- and American-based sports leagues’;65 and as
Gold notes:

The massive popularity of both the EPL across the Asia–Pacific and the NBA in
China is therefore a sign of a highly dependent form of consumption that ‘crowds out’
local teams, which seem much less glamorous by comparison. For example, in many
Southeast Asian countries, the numbers of people attending soccer matches and of
children playing have stabilized or fallen, and the commercial revenue has decreased
and the television coverage has virtually disappeared – so rather than inspiring local
football, the foreign broadcasting presses it down.66

Finally, many supporters felt that the proposal ‘is unlikely to get off the ground, as
there’s so much opposition . . . And if there’s a World Cup after it, or an FA Cup
final, then there’s repercussions for the players. If this international thing happens
it’s more likely to be an early round of League Cup in August, as a kind of compet-
itive match, to test the water’ (Interview 4, Liverpool: 15.09.09). Respondents in
Hong Kong also commented on this potential development: ‘A cup game would be
exciting because if you lose, you’re out. It would make sure whoever plays would
remain competitive’ (Interview 5, Hong Kong: 02.08.09). Also, ‘That’s probably
the best way forward because the Carling Cup isn’t crucial but it can showcase the
teams, and that’s what’s needed in Hong Kong’ (Interview 1, Hong Kong:
15.04.09).

Conclusion
The combined processes of the professionalization, internationalization and global-
ization of English football have extensively impacted the way fans engage and iden-
tify with elite clubs. Due to the expanding connections with mass media agents,
foreign ownership, player migration and international supporter bases, many EPL
clubs are increasingly gaining autonomy from and reducing reliance on their com-
munities in terms of finances and fan support. This, in turn, has reshaped English
 Soccer & Society 909

fandom to a degree. As with many cultures, the predominantly ‘localized’ (Liver-

pool) supporter culture examined here represents a constantly altering compilation
of attitudes and practices, which develop according to contemporary conditions.
The relationship and attitude towards globalizing developments amongst the subcul-
tural rump of fans, the wider body of spectators and the growing peripheral network
of transnational supporters therefore are not static but liable to change. The 39th
Game proposal (in either its suggested or alternative format) may never be imple-
mented. Alternatively, however, it may prove the first step in what could come to
represent a lucrative, successful and staple aspect of elite English football, with
other globally popular competitions such as the Primera División following suit. At
this stage, however, the official, media, supporter and academic communities can
only reflect on the proposed notion.
The projection could be considered the latest pioneering development of English
football, representing a continuation rather than an instigation of the friction
between the traditional (and often local) fans and the institutions they identify with
and support. In some cases, the existing perceived fan marginalization and erosion
of relations with club hierarchies has led to the formation of splinter groups, rang-
ing from alternative clubs, such as FC United of Manchester (FCUM – a democrati-
cally run community club founded in May 2005 due in part to fan disillusionment
with the ownership and operational strategies of Manchester United), and Spirit of
Shankly (established by Liverpool fans in January 2008 as part of a movement to
promote an accountability of the club’s ownership, give voice to collective con-
cerns, and unify attempts to retain and reclaim various cultural forms). The develop-
ment of these relatively novel football-based social movements highlights the
importance of understanding supporter perspectives and considering collective fan
identities, and the dangers of failing to do so, particularly in the context of football
governance.67
This case study has examined the perspectives of a limited number of supporters
from two of the cities likely to be involved in any subsequent implementation or
reinterpretation of the 39th Game proposal. Clearly, an understanding of fan opin-
ions would be further enhanced by exploring the perspectives of those from other
potentially affected local and global cities. It would also be useful to undertake
extended critical academic analysis of fan responses (across various typologies) to
this form of globalization, relative to other sporting models such as the NBA and
NFL. Given the lack of existing work and the exploratory nature of this research,
this investigation is certainly not without limitations. However, despite its shortcom-
ings, this study has provided a form of fan consultation, a process requested by
media commentators as well as football organization representatives, such as the
Football Supporters Federation, following the announcement of the 39th Game pro-
posal.68
Finally, this work has highlighted some important issues and raised some further
pertinent questions, many of which cannot be answered here, including: the threat
to the integrity of the EPL and the practical dilemmas associated with dislocating
matches; how the existing concerns with ticketing policies raised by supporter
movements would be alleviated or compounded in non-European locations; how
police forces without regular exposure to and experience of the influx of English
fans would manage supporters, particularly if rival teams are drawn against one in
another; how future generations of English supporters will identify with the elite
clubs, and whether cases comparable with FCUM will emerge elsewhere; whether
910 J. Rookwood and N. Chan

legislative developments and the reprioritization and focus on international coaching

franchises will effect the opportunity for localized community provision and the
identification and development of home grown players; whether any future financial
instability of the EPL will shape migration patterns, with the League’s most expen-
sive and talented footballers moving to Spain, Italy or Germany, for instance, and
whether global interest in the EPL would be sustained despite the relocation of its
celebrities; whether matches in the global host cities would be well attended by
local supporters, particularly the less significant encounters; and whether subsequent
developments to the increasingly Asia-centric EPL broadcasting, sponsorship and
ownership practices will further shape the organization, identity, consumption and
economic plight of English football:

In the case of the leading EPL club Manchester United, for example, the size of its
following in Asia is a major aspect of its appeal to sponsors seeking to sell into the
Asian market: The premiership’s global reach sets it apart from other sports leagues.
Three-quarters of South Korea’s football fans say they support Manchester United,
and another 650,000 of them own [the team’s] branded credit cards. United’s [then]
sponsor, American International Group (AIG), who pay US$28 million a year for the
right, say ‘they are not buying the UK – they are buying Asia.69

Notes
1. Holt, Sport and the British, 84.
2. Foer, How Soccer Explains the World, 2.
3. Lupson, Thank God for Football, 10.
4. Ibid., 3.
5. Sugden, Scum Airways, 52.
6. Perryman, ‘From the Land of the Rising Sun’, 236.
7. Barclay, ‘England’, 204.
8. Sugden, Scum Airways, 42.
9. Rookwood, Fan Perspectives of Football Hooliganism, 257.
10. Sugden, Scum Airways, 42.
11. Conn, The Beautiful Game? 152.
12. Millward. Getting into Europe, 43.
13. McArdle, From Boot Money to Bosman, 47.
14. Greenfield and Osborn. Regulating Football, 84.
15. Clammer, ‘Globalization’, 404.
16. The Guardian, ‘Manchester City Seek US Tour’.
17. Premier League, ‘Barclays Asia Trophy’.
18. Rowe and Gilmour, ‘Sport, Media and Consumption in Asia’, 1532; Chelsea Megastore
Asia, ‘About Us’.
19. Manchester United, ‘Solskjaer Visits Hong Kong’.
20. Hammond, ‘Morning Report’.
21. Premier League, ‘Premier League Clubs Back International Round.
22. The Guardian, ‘Blatter’.
23. Ibid.
24. The Telegraph, ‘Premier League’.
25. BBC News, ‘What They Say on Overseas Games’.
26. Daily Mail, ‘FA Dismisses 39th Game’.
27. The Guardian, ‘Wenger Backs Unpopular Plan’.
28. Crawford, Consuming Sport, 9-10.
29. Love, ‘49ers to Play Broncos’.
30. Ibid.
31. Ornstein and Soneji, ‘Pros and Cons of Global Premier Plan’.
32. Millward, ‘We’ve All Got the Bug’, 377.
 Soccer & Society 911

33. Melvin et al. The 39th Game, 83.

34. Belchem, Merseypride.
35. Millward, The Global Football League.
36. Rowe and Gilmour, ‘Sport, Media and Consumption in Asia’, 1536.
37. Dimeo, ‘The Local, National and Global in Indian Football’, 77.
38. Gage, ‘Cracking Soccer’s Great Wall’.
39. Manzenreiter,. ‘Japanese Football’, 289.
40. Lozada, ‘Cosmipolitanism and Nationalism’, 210.
41. Rowe and Gilmour, ‘Sport, Media and Consumption in Asia’, 1530.
42. Hills, Fan Cultures, 22.
43. Poulton, ‘New Fans’, 123.
44. Pearson, ‘The English Disease?’, 1.
45. Pearson, ‘Legitimate Targets?’, 29-30.
46. Tapp and Clowes, ‘From Carefree Casuals’, 1250.
47. Crawford, Consuming Sport, 18.
48. Chambers Dictionary of Etymology, 368.
49. Redhead. ‘Always Look on the Bright Side of Life’, 5.
50. Giulianotti, ‘Supporters’, 27.
51. Abercrombie and Warde, Contemporary British Society, 89.
52. Sugden, Scum Airways, 49.
53. Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department, ‘Hong Kong 2006 Population’.
54. Rookwood and Millward, ‘We All Dream of a Team of Carraghers’.
55. Sugden, Scum Airways, 52.
56. Rookwood, ‘We’re not English we are Scouse!’
57. Taylor, ‘Soccer Consciousness and Soccer Hooliganism’, 41.
58. Rookwood and Millward, ‘We All Dream of a Team of Carraghers’.
59. Taylor, ‘Soccer Consciousness and Soccer Hooliganism’, 363.
60. Cashmore, Beckham, 12.
61. Barrett, ‘Athens, 2007’, 256.
62. Ornstein and Soneji, ‘Pros and Cons of Global Premier Plan’.
63. Melvin et al. The 39th Game, 83.
64. Gold, ‘English Premier League Broadcasting’.
65. Rowe and Gilmour, ‘Sport, Media and Consumption in Asia’, 1530.
66. Gold, ‘English Premier League Broadcasting’.
67. Millward, The Global Football League.
68. Colchester United, ‘No To Game 39’.
69. Smith, ‘Goal Rush’, 42-43.

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