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Social Inclusion: Context, Theory and Practice

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Citation:
Gidley, J, Hampson, G, Wheeler, L and Bereded-Samuel, E 2010, 'Social inclusion: Context, theory and practice',
The Australasian Journal of University-Community Engagement, vol. 5, no. 1, pp. 6-36.

Social Inclusion: Context, Theory and Practice

Gidley, J. M., Hampson, G. P., Wheeler, L, Bereded-Samuel, E.

Abstract

This paper reviews the literature on social inclusion in Australia and provides an overview of
the current situation regarding university/community engagement. Social inclusion is a
contested term in both academic and policy literature entailing a range of interpretations.
The paper will argue that there is a spectrum of ideological positions underlying theory,
policy and practice. The broad theoretical construct put forward regards social inclusion in
relation to areas (who is to be included?) and degrees (ideologies) of inclusion. Possible
areas of inclusion are socio-economic status, culture (including indigenous cultures),
linguistic group, religion, geography (rural and remote/isolated), gender, sexual orientation,
age (including youth and old age), physical and mental health/ability, and status with regard
to unemployment, homelessness and incarceration. Degree of inclusion comprises a nested
threefold schema incorporating a spectrum of ideologies involving—from narrowest to most
encompassing—the neoliberal focus on access and economic factors, the social justice focus
on community participation and the human potential focus on personal and collective
empowerment stemming from positive psychology and critical/transformative pedagogies.
Contemporary Australian social inclusion policy is related to UK policy. While policy
rhetoric indicates a broad interpretation of social inclusion, concerns are raised that a
dominant economicist agenda favours corporate and national economic interests over social
and psychological ones. Questions are also raised about the privileging of some areas of
inclusion over others and the possibility that reductive interpretations of social inclusion are
forms of cultural assimilation. Social inclusion in practice is addressed both in relation to
degrees of inclusion and through case studies. The paper provides an overview of examples of
social inclusion interventions, including a review of two initiatives of RMIT University and
Victoria University focussing on industry/community partnerships. The paper concludes with
some challenges and issues for further research on social inclusion including a proposed in-
depth survey and consideration of literature on integrative phenomena such as ecological
sustainability, and contextualisation of social inclusion within broader movements of global
socio-cultural change.

Keywords

Community participation, economicism, human potential, ideologies, social justice

1. Introduction

This paper addresses social inclusion in contemporary higher education, focusing on

Australia, with supplementary regard for the UK. It firstly constructs a broad theoretical
framework regarding social inclusion. This includes the identification of types, areas, and
degrees of inclusion. Secondly, it discusses recent policy. Thirdly, it addresses social
inclusion in practice—both with respect to interventions from the perspective of degrees of
inclusion, and through two case studies. The intention of the paper is to act as an opening to a
broader and deeper conversation, rather than convey a comprehensive account.
2. Theoretical indications

2.1. History

The notion of social inclusion can be dated back at least to the nineteenth century
sociologist Weber and regard for the importance of social cohesion. In terms of more recent
history, the term is more readily identified through its counterpart, social exclusion. This can
be traced to the 1970s French notion of les exclus—those excluded from the social insurance
system (Hayes, Gray, & Edwards, 2008). The concept spread through Europe and the UK
throughout the 1980s and 90s. Its surfacing in Blair’s government, culminating in a Social
Exclusion Unit, catalysed Australian usage, first in South Australia in 2002 and more recently
via the Rudd government’s Social Inclusion Board inaugurated in 2008.

2.2. Areas of inclusion

Social inclusion can pertain to a variety of areas of social groupings. These include
demographic differentiation with respect to
• socio-economic status;
• culture and primary language, including indigenous groups, and those for whom
English is not a first language;
• religion;
• geography, including those in regional, rural and/or remote areas;
• gender and sexual orientation;
• age, including youth and senior groups;
• health, including physical and mental disabilities;
• unemployment;
• homelessness; and
• incarceration.

2.3. Degrees of inclusion

Social inclusion can be understood as pertaining to a nested schema regarding degrees

of inclusion. The narrowest interpretation pertains to the neoliberal notion of social inclusion
as access; a broader interpretation regards the social justice idea of social inclusion as
participation; whilst the widest interpretation involves the human potential lens of social
inclusion as empowerment (see Figure 1).

2.3.1. Neoliberal access

The narrowest interpretation of social inclusion is linked to the ideology of

neoliberalism which began to take hold in the 1980s. From the perspective of neoliberal
ideologies, increasing social inclusion is about investing in human capital and improving the
skills shortages for the primary purpose of economic growth as part of a nationalist agenda to
build the nation’s economy in order to better perform in a competitive global market. Political
scientist Manfred Steger describes neoliberalism’s central tenets as including

The primacy of economic growth, the importance of free trade to stimulate growth, the
unrestricted free market, individual choice, the reduction of government regulation, and the
advocacy of an evolutionary model of social development anchored in the Western experience
and applicable to the entire world (Steger, 2005, p. 8-9).

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Figure 1: Spectrum of Ideologies Underlying Social Inclusion Theory and Policy

Human Potential
Theories
Empowerment
Pedagogies of hope
Postcolonial theories
Key Phrases Key Phrases
“potential” “cultural diversity”
“social “lifelong
transformation” Social Justice learning”
Theories
Critical pedagogy
Partnership theory
Key Phrases Feminist theories
Key Phrases
“social responsibility” “engagement”
“participation” “capability”

Neoliberalism
Theories
Free-market economics
Human capital theory
Social capital theory

Key Phrases
“work first”
“economic growth”
“skills shortage”
“social capital”

Neoliberalism can be differentiated from classic liberalism in its interest in the state
enforcement of liberalism—an illiberal manoeuvre.
Within higher education theory and policy one of the ways that this ideology may
appear is through the notion of social capital. The original concept of social capital, as put
forward by sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, addresses “the reproduction of social class divisions
and inequalities of power” (Bexley, Marginson, & Wheelahan, 2007, p. 11). However, the
currently popular neoliberal appropriation of the concept, as exemplified by Putnam’s usage,
instead forces nonmercantile community resources into “a quasi-market framework, where
assets such as networks of trust, expertise and social support can be subjected to various
forms of social accountancy.” (Bexley, Marginson, & Wheelahan, 2007, p. 10-11)
An associated concept is that of access to higher education. From a neoliberal
perspective, access may be regarded as a sufficient expression of social inclusion due to the
neoclassical economic conceptualisation of human beings as autonomous rational decision
makers free from social power imbalances. Exemplifying this perspective would be the idea
that social exclusion pertains to “restriction of access to opportunities and limitations of the
capabilities required to capitalise on these” (Hayes, Gray, & Edwards, 2008, p. 9).

3
 Somewhat akin to the axiom of mainstream economics pertaining to scarcity of
resources, this perspective on social inclusion works from models of deficiency. It can also be
reductive in the sense of promoting a dominator hierarchy homogenising “that which is
included.” The reduction of social explanation to economic factors is an example of
conceptual reductive integration, whilst lifeworld reductive integration would be exemplified
both by cultural assimilation and stakeholder dominator hierarchies. The latter, for instance,
might involve corporate interests or government attempting to marginalise the interests and
agendas of community voices such as those of indigenous, homeless, disabled, gay, youth or
elderly groups (or their advocates). Critical apprehension of differences between rhetoric and
reality may also be elicited. For example, a discourse that refers to social justice, social
responsibility or fair go may nonetheless mask economistic intent regarding merely skills
shortages and/or economic growth.

2.3.2. Social justice participation

A more inclusive interpretation of social inclusion is identified through social justice

ideology. From the perspective of social justice ideologies, increasing social inclusion is
about human rights, egalitarianism of opportunity, human dignity, and fairness for all. It may
or may not be linked to economic interests, but its primary aim is to enable all human beings
to participate fully in society with respect for their human dignity. Here, acts of community
engagement and participation are foregrounded. This can also be linked to notions of
community sustainability (Langworthy, 2008, p. 57) and contextualised within paradigmatic
conceptions of participation (Eisler, 1987, 2001). Exemplifying the participatory perspective
is the idea that social inclusion pertains to the ability to “participate in the key activities in the
society in which they live” (Saunders, Naidoo, & Griffiths, 2007, p. 17).
The university can play a key role in participatory social inclusion via university-
community partnerships. Boyer’s schema comprising four major types of scholarships
valorises such a notion: it includes the scholarship of application or service which is
conceptualised as a two-way process of inquiry and learning between university and
community. Such “partnership synergies” are furthered by Kenworthy-U’Ren and U’Ren’s
research regarding such theoretical constructs as linkage complexity, learning theory, network
embeddedness, and participatory action research (Kenworthy-U'Ren & U'Ren, 2008, p. 89)
under the rubric of shared interests, privileges and responsibilities. Such university
engagement can also be analysed in relation to processes of “collaboration, complexity and
contract” (B. Thompson, 2008, p. 46), involving such features as authentic learning,
academic service learning, experiential education, and constructivist teaching (B. Thompson,
2008, p. 42-43). In contrast to reductionist forms of integration promoted by neoliberalism,
social justice interpretations of social inclusion comprise complex integrations involving
participatory dialogue arising from the full ecology of interests regardless of power. Such
participatory complexity is further enhanced within human potential ideologies.

2.3.3. Human potential empowerment

From the perspective of human potential ideologies, increasing social inclusion goes
beyond merely justice and human rights and seeks to maximise the potential of each human
being. Employing models of possibility instead of models of deficiency, human potential
approaches centre on the interpretation of social inclusion as empowerment. Among other
things, Jayne Clapton from Griffith University claims that empowerment involves “the moral
imperative of working with the complexity of humanity” (added emphasis) (Olsson, 2008, p.
9)—a form of complex integration (as identified above). Such a perspective foregrounds the

4
notion that all human beings (whether mainstream or marginalised) are multi-dimensional
beings, who have needs and interests that go well beyond their role in the political economy
of a nation. Here, social inclusion valorises difference and diversity, pointing to collective
individualism. Through this, education can be understood as transformative, facilitating one’s
potential for “a life of common dignity” (Nicholson, 2008, p. 2 of 4).
Discourses inspiring such perspectives include adult developmental psychology
theories that propose higher stages of human reasoning {Commons, 2002 #1336; Cook-
Greuter, 2000 #901; Sinnott, 1998 #1040}, critical and transformative pedagogies that reverse
the focus on disadvantage and deficit and look towards positive development, lifelong
learning and empowerment (Bassett, 2005; Hart, 2001; Montuori, 1997), postcolonial
development theories that resist the westernisation and homogenisation of diverse cultures
(Jain & Jain, 2003; Jain, Miller, & Jain, 2001) and discourses regarding multicultural
histories, and positive futures visioning (Gidley, 2001, 2005). The general understanding
identifies that:

When a person’s pathways thinking is enhanced, and they become more able to generate
effective pathways to their goals, it is likely that they will then become more motivated to
follow these routes. Conversely, when a person becomes more motivated to pursue their goals,
it is likely that they will thus be more energised to think of workable routes to their goals.”
(Egan, Butcher, & Ralph, 2008, p. 35)

3. Policy indications

The term social inclusion is in increasing usage in Australian policy. Promoted by the
Rudd/Gillard leadership, it appears poised to replace terms such as “access and equity” which
reflected earlier policy iterations regarding disadvantaged groups in higher education. The
new policy also indicates a reference to similar orientation in the UK. It is notable that the
term makes an important linguistic shift from the negative framing of “poverty”,
“disadvantage”, “deprivation” and “exclusion” to the more positive framing of “inclusion.” It
is to be hoped that this marks the beginning of a directional shift in attitude from models of
deficiency to human potential models of possibility. Indeed, policy rhetoric often includes
reference to social and psychological dimensions in addition to economic ones. For instance,
the Bradley Report includes recommendations regarding “awareness of higher education,”
“aspiration to participate,” and “educational attainment to allow participation” (Bradley,
Noonan, Nugent, & Scales, 2008, p. 40). Policy statements by Julia Gillard MP also address
“community resilience” and the issue of minority groups getting “their voice heard” (Gillard,
2008b).
Despite social and psychological inclusion, however, an economicist bias can be
discerned: for instance, in the Bradley Report, five of the eight recommendations regarded
increasing funding (Bradley, Noonan, Nugent, & Scales, 2008, p. 40). A fair proportion of
Gillard’s language also pertains to the economic agenda. For instance, in her launch of the
Bradley Review of Higher Education she spoke of the challenge for Australian universities to
ensure they are “globally oriented, competitive, and socially inclusive”; she noted that these
characteristics were “linked to the needs of the Australian economy and labour market.”
Economic metaphors in her languaging: “social capital” and “investing in children” (added
emphasis) (Gillard, 2008a) tilt towards neoliberal human capital theory. In general, both
purpose of social inclusion and process involved in seeking social inclusion tend to be framed
economistically. Purpose centres around both individual employment opportunities and
national economic growth, whilst process is primarily discussed in terms of monetary cost.
Moreover, even where languaging appears to be more inclusive, practice may not follow suit.
Indeed, the reality may be closer to the reverse—an appropriation of normative social policy

5
by market-driven neoliberal economistic values. Executive Director of the Brotherhood of St
Laurence, Tony Nicholson, for instance, has concerns that social inclusion rhetoric is largely
a rebadging of old values and policies and is not being taken seriously by either the
community sector or government bureaucracy. A case study of “dimensions of social
inclusion” in a post-1992 British university, for instance, cautioned about approaches that
claim to be about economic factors and social justice, but where the dominant mode of
inclusion was economic in nature. This study found that
the structures and attitudes reflected an instrumental view of higher education, in which the
goal of higher education became that of obtaining employment and maintaining economic
viability throughout the university experience (Andreshak-Behrman, 2003, Abstract).

Questions can also be raised in relation to how adequately policy addresses areas of
inclusion. Within the policy literature of the current Australian government, the predominant
emphasis is on the following groups: disadvantaged geographic areas, indigenous Australians,
and those living with homelessness, joblessness, disability, health and/or mental health issues
(Gillard, 2008a); and there has been a subsequent focus on particular localities, even
postcodes, within both urban and rural settings (Vinson, 2007). But this leaves numerous gaps
between practice and the theory identified above which would supplement this policy
orientation with diversity in relation to such groupings as culture, language, religion, age,
incarceration status, gender and sexual orientation. With regard to the last of these, for
instance, it is notable that whilst Australian social inclusion literature remains silent on
inclusion of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender communities, the UK’s policy on
social inclusion specifically identifies this group as a category of concern, noting, for
instance, that there are a number of factors that make young LGBT people vulnerable to
sexual exploitation, mental health problems, alcohol and drug misuse, and undue risk-taking
(NCSS1).
Finally, a critical question can be raised regarding the danger of inclusion as inferring
assimilation. In this regard, a senior manager at Relationships Australia, Mandy Flahavin,
points out that “ethnic and Indigenous minorities are particularly wary of the term social
inclusion because of its implicit connotations of cultural assimilation” (Flahavin, 2008,
Abstract). Wurundjeri woman, Sue Anne Hunter, manager of the Community Outreach Unit
of the Victorian Aboriginal Child Care Agency furthers elucidates that

Social inclusion must be framed from the perspective [of] dealing with the unfinished business
of the reconciliation process and respect for the rights of Aboriginal communities as First
Peoples. …Without such a conversation Aboriginal people will continue to be subject to
covert and overt forms of neo-colonialism (Hunter, 2008, Abstract).

4. Practice indications

4.1. Introduction

The Bradley Review of Higher Education identified and analysed the higher education
participation rates from 1989 to 2007 of six groups perceived to be under-represented (while
noting that the groups were not all mutually exclusive). The data demonstrated that while the

1
The National CAMHS Support Service (NCSS) is sponsored by the Department of Health (DH) and
Department for Education and Skills (DfES) with the aim of offering additional capacity to support the
implementation of a comprehensive Child and Adolescent Mental Health Service (CAMHS). The NCSS is part
of the Care Services Improvement Partnership Children, Young People and Families national programme, which
is delivered in the regions of England. http://www.csip.org.uk/~cypf/camhs/national-camhs-support-
service-ncss.html

6
participation of students with disabilities appears to have doubled from 2% to 4%, all other
groups have either remained static or declined in participation (Bradley, Noonan, Nugent, &
Scales, 2008, p. 28, Figure 2):

During the last 15 years there has been a long term failure to increase the rate of participation
of low socio-economic status, indigenous and regional and remote students. This has
happened at a time where some other nations have begun to see results from their social
inclusion initiatives. (Bradley, Noonan, Nugent, & Scales, 2008, p. 149).

In relation to low socio-economic status, a major Universities Australia-commissioned study

by Centre for the Study of Higher Education concurs:

the share of university places for people from low SES backgrounds – approximately 15 per
cent of places, compared with a population reference point of 25 per cent – has remained
virtually unchanged for 15 years despite the overall expansion of access to higher education
during that period (R. James, 2008, p. 2).

Indeed, even with regard to disability, the participation of students with disabilities in 2007
still only represents half the proportion of their representation in the general population (ibid.
p. 28, Table 4).
Additionally, a case study of “dimensions of social inclusion” in a post-1992 British
university… the dominant university response to diversity reflects a deficiency model, where
non-traditional students have many “needs”; but, there is not much evidence that diversity is
regarded as a resource or a source of social transformation.” (Andreshak-Behrman, 2003,
Abstract)

4.2. Interventions

Social inclusion interventions can be identified with respect to their apparent ideology and
disciplinary focus: interventions which focus on the economic benefits of social inclusion are
generally underpinned by neoliberal economic theory; those which focus on social justice
tend to be grounded in sociology and/or critical social theory; whilst human potential
interventions are often grounded in positive psychology or transformative pedagogies
foregrounding psychological and spiritual values (see Figure 2). The following section
indicates these three directions through brief reference to a few representative examples.

4.2.1. Neoliberal access

The following list exemplifies social inclusion as pertaining to the neoliberal agenda
of access to higher education; these can be regarded as first stepping stones to the more
inclusive understandings of social justice and human potential interventions:
o more equity scholarships for low SES groups;
o better income support for low SES students;
o improved regional infrastructures, including better public transport and technology
access for rural and isolated and particularly indigenous students;
o physical and architectural modifications for students with disabilities;
o additional teaching assistance and translation assistance for students with learning
disabilities or from CALD backgrounds; and
o better counselling and health services for students with mental and physical health
challenges

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Figure 2: Social Inclusion Interventions Nested within Ideological Underpinnings

Human Potential
[empowerment]

Celebrate diversity
Dialogue
Pathways
Futures interventions Hope interventions
Voice “being heard” Cultural festivals
Social Justice
[participation]

Community Engagement
Partnerships
Mentoring School outreach
Social Enterprise Learning networks
Arts Sport

Neoliberalism
[access]

Equity scholarships
Income support
Improved infrastructure
Technology
Public transport
Translators
Physical access
Health services

4.2.2. Social justice participation

In recent years there seems to have been a gradual increase in the number and range of
social justice oriented social inclusion interventions in Australian universities. These include
the following.
Partnerships—The notion of partnerships has become almost ubiquitous in social
inclusion literature. Indeed, in October 2008 an entire conference was devoted to Partnerships
for Social Inclusion at the University of Melbourne’s Centre for Public Policy. Many of the
examples below were presented as papers at this conference.
Social Enterprise—The notion of social enterprise and social entrepreneurship is
emerging as a way “to tackle deep-rooted issues in the areas of regeneration, community
empowerment, long-term unemployment … and improving public service delivery” (Robbie,
2008, Abstract).
Mentoring—The value of mentoring for building a sense of community among young
people in regional areas has been reported in a study where a Network Partnership Model was
used (Broadbent & Whitehead, 2008). A student peer mentoring program has also been
reported to assist new university students from under-represented schools by matching them

8
with continuing university students who attended the same school; the mentor would organise
activities for their mentees in their first month of university (R. James, 2008, p. 66).
Sport—The role of sport in increasing the social inclusion of newly arrived and
refugee young people in Melbourne has been highlighted in a project that created a
partnership between the Department of Planning and Community Development and the
Australian Football League (AFL). It was found that “participants of the Program are
increasing their social and civic participation within their local communities” (McGill, 2008,
Abstract).
School Outreach—School outreach programs include partnership with the Smith
Family’s Learning for Life Program; academic assistance in schools; and academic
enrichment and university orientation {Universities Australia, 2008 #1835, pp. 60-61}.
School outreach can also assist with negotiation of special entry programs. These may
include: teacher recommendation systems; portfolio entry; bridging courses; and TAFE/VET
pathways. RMIT has a school outreach program called Schools Network Access Program
(SNAP), which aims to increase “the access and participation of low SES students in the
geographical regions to which RMIT has a commitment… Participation ratios of Indigenous
and disability students through SNAP are comparable to the total student population” (Fels,
2008, p. 6). Griffith University Pathways to Prevention focuses on prevention by intervening
in the early years transition from home to school (Olsson, 2008).
Arts—Two recent studies report the value of engagement in the arts to facilitate social
inclusion. The first was a project whereby people with disabilities, their families and carers
could access and participate in arts and cultural programs over four stages: “reflect, connect,
create and celebrate” (A. Thompson, 2008, Abstract). Another project took the idea of arts for
social inclusion even further reviewing two major research and evaluation reports on the
significance of arts in strengthening communities, concluding that this occurred in several
ways:
o “Engaging socially excluded population;
o providing new career pathways and work opportunities;
o providing a creative focus for communities to explore issues and aspirations;
o developing confidence, pride and a sense of belonging in participants; and
creating new and diverse artistic work and cultural experiences.” (Grinblat & Kershaw, 2008,
Abstract)

4.2.3. Human potential empowerment

The following interventions deepen social justice interests through emphasising

empowerment and the encouragement of individual potential. The potential of the “pathways”
may paradoxically correspond to their apparent indirectness.
Voice “being heard”—The importance of having “voices heard” is one of Gillard’s
criteria for social inclusion, yet how is this actually enabled? Irish researcher, Chris
McInerney, focuses on the underlying politics of governance in partnering institutions such as
universities and how the processes in so-called democratic institutions can be quite exclusive
and in need of reconstruction with respect to decision-making processes and the redistribution
of power (McInerney, 2008, Abstract). The notion of voice has also been the focus of social
inclusion interventions with Indigenous people. A recent Victorian government initiative to
give voice and representation to Indigenous Australians involves community networks and
integrative frameworks “designed to address the multi-dimensional nature of Indigenous
disadvantage” (Callaghan & Moser, 2008).
Dialogue—Addressing voice enables dialogue to emerge. Anglican Archdeacon,
Philip Newman, for instance, has taken up the issue of interreligious dialogue as a pathway to
increasing social inclusion (Newman, 2008), whilst Professor Ashok Gangadean (co-founder

9
of the Global Dialogue Institute, Philadelphia) has identified the significance of the role of
intercultural dialogue (Gangadean, 2006).
Futures—If social inclusion interventions are to be effective as ways to create long-
term improvements then it is advantageous to undertake some form of long-term future
planning and/or envisioning of preferred futures scenarios with respect to particular under-
represented groups. In a New Zealand initiative—the Long Term Council Community Plans
project—local councils have been mandated to undertake community strategic planning, to
“articulate economic, social, environmental and cultural well-beings which then influence the
level and mix of services delivered by councils and contribute to the achievements of
community outcomes” (Reid, 2008, Abstract). The significance of taking a long-term view in
planning and social interventions has been stressed for decades by futures researchers.
Furthermore, the psychological and hence pedagogical value of interventions that assist
young people to envisage positive futures has been highlighted in various Australian studies
(Eckersley, Cahill, Wierenga, & Wyn, 2007; Eckersley, Wierenga, & Wyn, 2006; Gidley,
2001; Gidley & Inayatullah, 2002; Stewart, 2002).
Hope—Interventions addressing young people’s views and visions of their futures are
closely connected with interventions aimed at facilitating hope and empowerment (Gidley,
2004, 2005). In this regard, a range of theoretical perspectives can be drawn on. For instance,
educational philosopher Henry Giroux states that we need to “educate students to work
collectively to make ‘despair unconvincing and hope practical’ by refusing the role of the
disconnected expert, technician, or careerist and adopting the practice of the engaged and
transformative intellectual” (Giroux, 1992, p. 105). Additionally, Paulo Freire’s pedagogical
theories and practices of working with oppressed people in Latin America can be aptly
utilised to facilitate social inclusion through creating pedagogies of hope rather than
hopelessness (Freire, 1970, 1995). An intervention that gives hope to incarcerated women is
operated by internationally acclaimed Brisbane advocacy and human rights organisation,
Sisters Inside, which provides pathways to higher education as a means of rehabilitation
(Olsson, 2008, p. 6).
Cultural festivals—One of the best ways to facilitate the deeper feelings of social
inclusion that align to engagement and empowerment (in contrast to having access but still
feeling disempowered) is for people to be able to express their own cultural values in ways
whereby they are fully honoured. Indian researcher Ashis Nandy has written extensively on
the significance of the categories of knowledge that we live by, and the need to make
transparent the power that lives in these dominant categories of knowledge (Nandy, 2000).
Professor Denise Bradley makes a similar point in reference to the issue of deepening the
social inclusion of Indigenous people:

Indigenous involvement in higher education is not only about student participation and the
employment of Indigenous staff. It is also about what is valued as knowledge in the academy.
Indigenous students and staff have unique knowledge and understandings which must be
brought into the curriculum for all students and must inform research and scholarship
(Bradley, Noonan, Nugent, & Scales, 2008, p. 32).

A similar point could be argued for any group that experiences social exclusion,
whether they be Indigenous, non-English speaking, gay, physically/mentally unwell or
elderly. The inclusion of culturally diverse voices in the broadest possible interpretation in
educational curricula and processes is surely a way forward to increase not just access, but
participation, engagement and human potential.

10
 4.3. Case studies

4.3.1. RMIT Learning Community Partnerships Group

The Learning Community Partnerships Group, located within the College of Design
and Social Context, brokers learning and research opportunities at the Hamilton Centre and
through learning partnerships in northern metropolitan Melbourne. The group has over 10
years experience of community engagement work that involves collaboration and
management of cross-sectoral partnerships with industry, schools, other education and
training providers and government.
Currently, the group runs significant partnership projects which focus on raising the
aspirations of youth and increasing awareness of young people to higher education and other
training opportunities. For example, Career Connections RMIT, a federally funded program,
facilitates school and industry partnerships including structured workplace learning
opportunities and a range of activities, including “Hands on Health” and “Try a Trade,” which
introduce 13-19 year olds to the world of work. In addition, programs such as Linking Young
People to Employment and Training provide mentoring to youth at risk of leaving school.
Program Director, Dr Leone Wheeler {Wheeler, 2004 #327} addressed the university
management of such community engagement projects as part of her doctorate, using an action
research approach to investigate the operational framework of a sustainable learning network
(RMIT LearnLinks) over three funding cycles from mid 1998 until 2002. A framework of
operations was developed based on principles of action research, involving a cycle of
planning, action, observation and reflection as well as an understanding of the lifecycle of the
project—is it time to establish, expand or exit? The learning from each cycle is pooled into
the knowledge base and used to plan the next cycle; it is also used to select other projects.
Over the 10 years of the life of the Learning Network program, it touched the lives of over
7000 learners in community settings. As our partners taught us, it is about local people
meeting local needs with local solutions. This action reflection approach still forms the basis
of an operational framework for managing partnership programs.

4.3.2. Victoria University Community Engagement Activities

The Community Engagement Coordinator (CEC) is housed in the Victoria University

Office for Industry and Community Engagement and is directed by Elleni Bereded-Samuel.
The CEC is accountable for planning, developing and implementing strategies to increase the
scope of the university's community engagement, especially with culturally and linguistically
diverse communities, through the development of existing and new community engagement
relationships. This is achieved through the following key processes.
Identifying Community Needs—developing relationships with communities from
migrant/refugee background and relevant service providers. A particular model has been
developed by Bereded-Samuel at Victoria University to build the trust of the communities
from migrant/refugee background that students belong to. The process includes: making
initial contact with community leaders; attending the community's celebrations and functions,
to assist with understanding the cultural context; identifying community needs through
dialogue with the community at grass root level; and facilitating meetings with community
leaders and Victoria university staff to assist with designing and implementing education and
training to suit that particular student/community. The value of such an approach was
recognised in the 2007 Business/Higher Education Roundtable Award for outstanding
University-Community Engagement activities.

11
 Clear Contact Point for communities from Migrant and Refugee background—
providing both a clear first contact point and also ongoing personal support for students.
Having a dedicated, culturally sensitive person to facilitate the course decisions and
enrolments of students from migrant and refugee backgrounds—and to provide ongoing
support and advocacy when necessary—improves student access to the institution and
supports their ongoing participation in learning.
Advocacy and Information Dissemination—providing information and advocacy about
the needs of particular communities from migrant and refugee backgrounds to local, state, and
federal governments, and other service providers. Through the above-mentioned processes the
CEC is able to act as a resource for cross-cultural information so that many organisations can
be better informed about the needs and status of communities from migrant and refugee
background. The development of engagement is a mutually beneficial exchange of knowledge
between the university and the community. It also builds the capacity of the community
members to navigate their way in the system.

5. Toward further research

This paper acts as an indication of theory, policy and practice regarding social
inclusion. Further research could take more account of international research. Also further
research could comprehensively survey Australian universities to ascertain what initiatives
they are undertaking to ensure that social inclusion of under-represented groups becomes a
reality in the not too distant future. Indeed, it would be valuable if a longer-term futures
approach could be taken to the next phase of research in this area.
With regard to time, for example, a multifaceted challenge arises. Firstly, social
inclusion interventions take time to design, implement and evaluate. The kinds of individual
and social change that we are proposing here might take years, decades or even generations to
unfold. Secondly, regarding community partnership, there may be “tension between partners’
time commitments and the need to commit time to achieving partnership goals” (S. James &
Mallett, 2008, Abstract). Thirdly, different people, groups and cultures have different senses
of time. Whilst university staff and government bureaucrats may embrace the industrial clock-
time of modernity, other cultures may have a sense of time that is more linked to seasonal
cycles or cultural ceremonies. Sensitivity towards such diverse time-senses is currently under-
researched yet may well impact on the success of social inclusion programs.
Finally, much of the social inclusion and university-community engagement literature
points to the need for more integrated and holistic approaches, yet little of the research on
social inclusion appears familiar with the extensive literature on integrative-integral-holistic
perspectives, such as postformal and ecological (sustainability, planetary) approaches. Going
beyond “either/or” thinking to “both/and” possibilities, such perspectives have the
opportunity of linking social inclusion to bigger picture concepts of inclusion. As such, social
inclusion can form part of 21st century paradigmatic change rather comprising merely a
bureaucratic add-on.

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