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Arabic ˙ ˙
Introduction
Hadramı̄ Arabic (HA) is an Arabic dialect spoken by the people living in the
˙ ˙
Hadramawt1 Governorate in Yemen. It is also spoken by many Yemeni
˙ ˙
emigrants who migrated from Hadramawt to East Africa (Kenya, Somalia and
˙ ˙
Tanzania), South-east Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei and Singapore) and,
recently, to the Arabian Gulf countries.
The home-and-away journeys of the Hadramı̄s resulted in influence from
˙ ˙
three main cultural and linguistic sources in Hadramawt: Malaysian, East
˙ ˙
African and Indian (Khan, 1983: 17). Obviously the immigration, settlement
and in a number of cases return with foreign wives and children to the
homeland enriched the Hadramı̄ culture and vernacular. The children of the
˙ ˙
immigrant fathers were certainly bilingual: they spoke Arabic with their
fathers and Malay, or one of the Bantu languages generally Swahili or
Urdu with their mothers (Khan, 1983: 17).
Some of these bilinguals are highly motivated to become more proficient in
both Arabic and the native languages of their host countries. This is due to the
fact that they do not want themselves to be stigmatised for speaking Arabic
with a foreign accent, especially when they go to visit their place of origin,
Hadramawt (Al-Saqqaf, 2001: 173).
˙ ˙
Loanwords and borrowing in many European languages have been studied
in many linguistic settings (cf. earlier works such as Fishman & Cooper, 1971;
Haugen, 1950; Weinreich, 1964; Whiteley, 1971). Loanwords in Arabic have
been studied in many works, including Abu-Haidar (1988), which deals with
English words in Iraqi Arabic. Bahumaid (1990) is on English words in Adeni
75
76 The International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism
Arabic, another significant Yemeni Arabic dialect spoken at the port of Aden,
which was a British colony until 1967. Loanwords in the Arabian Gulf Region
are dealt with in Smeaton (1973) on Al-Hasā dialect and Smart (1994), which is
˙
a short review on linguistic borrowing in the dialects of the Gulf states. In the
North African countries there are Dhaouadi (1986) and Heath (1989), which
are on codeswitching and borrowing within a sociolinguistic perspective.
Dhaouadi (1996) is mainly a sociological treatment of the use of ArabicFrench
codeswitching by female speakers as a protest phenomenon against social
discrimination.
The present study is data oriented in the sense that its main aim is to record
and discuss some of the loanwords in HA. It is not a study on the theory of
borrowing or codeswitching as linguistics subdisciplines. It is hoped that it
will be of some interest to researchers in different disciplines of the humanities
(including linguists and dialectologists) who want to observe diachronic and
synchronic changes in this Arabic dialect. For a more elaborate description of
the phonology, morphology and syntax of HA, see al-Saqqaf (1999).2
Map 1 Hadramı̄ emigration in the Indian Ocean region (after Boxberger, 2002: 46)
˙ ˙
Loanwords in Hadramı̄ Arabic 77
˙ ˙
The beginning of Yemeni emigration to South-east Asia can be traced to the
16th century when a religious scholar called Sheikh Abdullah came to Kedah
Sultante (Abushouk, 2003: 55). Yemenis travelled in the Indian Ocean region
for many centuries. The rapid expansion of steam lines and telegraph lines
throughout the region enhanced travel and communication among the
Hadramı̄ emigrant communities, the trading network, and between the
˙ ˙
emigrant communities and the homeland (Boxberger, 2002: 40).
Although it is difficult to determine when and how the Hadramı̄s first came
˙ ˙
to Africa, it seems that their migrations were uninterrupted until the end of
3
WWII (le Guennec-Coppens, 1997: 156). There were at least two significant
periods in which such migrations took place, namely the first from the 13th to
the 16th century and the second from the 16th to the 18th to the 20th century
(p. 156). Most of the emigrants were illiterate workers (cf. p. 157) and did not
engage themselves in trades or big businesses. Some of them got married to
African women and brought up children there but this was on a limited scale.
This was probably due to the fact that, unlike their fellows who migrated to
South-east Asia, it was easy for many men to come back to Hadramawt now
˙ ˙
and then to visit their Hadramı̄ wives.4 The vocabulary reflected, interestingly,
˙ ˙
registers totally differently from loanwords of South-east Asian or Indian
origins.
There are words related to black magic like wgānga ‘madness’ (from Swahili
uganga ‘native medicine, black magic’), āl bā-namkūba ‘the Africans’ (from
Swahili bwana mkuba ‘the respected people, gentlemen’), bā tayyārı̄ ‘a place
name in Seiyun, after a place name in East Africa known as amba ˙ tayyari ’ (note
the use of HA prefix bā- ‘father of. . .’ in such loans from Swahili), or personal
names such as tangawı̄zı̄ (tāngā for short) (from Swahili tangawizi ‘ginger’).
Sometimes a whole phrase is borrowed, like the following, which is a
phonological and near-semantic translation between HA and Swahili:
mı̄mı̄ kama wēwe w wēwe kama mı̄mı̄
‘Mimi is like Wewe and Wewe is like Mimi’5
a (rather vulgar) proverb which means the same as the other HA inti kama
uxtiš, w uxtiš kamāš ‘you are like your sister, and your sister is like you f.
sing. (i.e. all are the same)’.6 Sometimes loanwords of Swahili origin creep into
certain HA expressions to give more irony or humour as in:
‘As for abroad, it is hard work, not (like) eating dates’ (Swahili tende date
fruit)
English loanwords were introduced to the dialect very recently in
comparison with other foreign languages. The British (who were colonising
Aden) signed with the local rulers of the region Protection Treaties in 1939 and
Hadramawt became known as the Aden Eastern Protectorate. Unlike the
˙ ˙
language situation in Aden Colony, there were no British settlers in
Hadramawt and, therefore, there was no direct linguistic contact between
˙ ˙
78 The International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism
Underdifferentiation
In this process, a number of forms in the SL are not distinguished by the RL
speaker. Thus plural distinction in English ‘foot/feet’ is not recognised by
80 The International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism
Arabic speakers when the word ‘foot’ was loaned as fūt in different Yemeni
Arabic varieties in an example like tūluh talātih fūt ‘it measures three feet’.
¯ ¯
When European languages borrowed˙ Arabic words with the definite article
al- , this article was retained as part of the word in the RL, thus al-
jabr ‘algebra’, al-qubbah ‘alcove’ etc. English p and b are underdifferen-
tiated by the Arabs in loanwords like Adeni Arabic futbāt BEnglish ‘footpath’
and bulbēring/bulbring BEnglish ‘ball-bearing’ and bı̄bı̄ BBP (referring to Aden
Refinery owned previously by BP). The sounds f and z are not found
in Indonesian in words of native origin, but occur in many words
derived from Arabic. In some cases these sounds are actually pronounced as
normal Indonesian [p] and [ž] and thus their foreign origin is obscured
(Padmodisastro, 1962: 43).
Overdifferentiation
In this process, the RL speaker imposes a distinctive feature present in his
language that the SL lacks. Thus English has only one t phoneme in words like
‘watt’ and ‘tyre’, but when they were loaned to HA they were rendered with
two different phonemes, namely t and t in wāt and tāyir (due to the vocalic
emphatic environment in the Arabic˙ rendering˙ of the words).
Overgeneralisation
In this process, RL violates SL grammar by using a general rule as in the use
of the English past marker -ed by Arabic speakers in irregular verbs.
Overcorrection
In this process, an RL native speaker has an overawareness towards a
certain SL grammatical peculiarity. Trying to avoid a mistake in producing a
foreign language form, he overcorrects himself as in the case of Egyptian
Arabic native speakers who confuse t with s in Classical Arabic or English
¯
words like Ar. sanā’ ‘brightness; splendour’ or Eng. ‘Smith’. If the process is
exaggerated it is termed hypercorrection.
Some loans were introduced to HA through a median language. Evidence
of this is from the phonology of words like HA wāl , rēwis and drēwil , which
came from Eng. ‘valve’, ‘reverse’ and ‘driver’ respectively. According to the
type of sound replacement made by Arab students learning English, the
expected sound in Arabic which would substitute Eng. v would be f rather
than w. 13 In Indian English, w and v have both merged into a voiced
labiodental approximant [y] (cf. O’Connor, 1971: 174; Trudgill & Hannah, 1982:
105; Wells, 1983, among others), which is perceived by Arabic native speakers
as w. It is quite obvious that such English loans came to HA through Indian
English or through Arabic native speakers who spoke Indian English.
Due to the fact that many loanwords were introduced to HA through such
medians and because the SLs themselves are many, it is thought that it would
be better if we confine ourselves to one SL when attempting to explore the
major language transfer processes. The languages which are chosen for this
contrastive analysis are MIL (with their different dialects like Javaene), all
known in Hadramawt as malāyū or jāwı̄ . This choice is due to the fact, as has
˙ ˙
Loanwords in Hadramı̄ Arabic 81
˙ ˙
already be stated, that Hadramawt enjoyed very good relations with South-
˙ ˙
east Asian countries like Malaysia and Indonesia and language contact
between HA and MIL is a first-hand contact rather than through a median
language or through a non-native speakers model. The second reason is that in
the data we have, the most common loanwords are MIL.
Loan-word Phonology
The phonological shape of loanwords in HA, like other situations of
language contacts, differs significantly from its shape in the SL. It is sometimes
very difficult to find an explanation of such sound change. As Haugen (1950):
216) rightly puts it, ‘Since we cannot follow the fate of individual words and
their expressions from their earliest introduction, we can only guess at the
factors that have influenced the form of any given word’ (my emphasis). It is
sometimes very difficult to find an explanation of such sound change. We do
not know sometimes whether such differences are due to the phonological
systems of the SL and the RL or because of some other factors like an
interlanguage phonological phase through which emigrants evolved a con-
stantly changing pronunciation.
Syllabic phonology
Gemination:
HA tends to geminate consonants as in CvCCv(C) patterns. Thus
Initial clustering
Initial consonant clusters are common in HA. They are realisations of
underlying forms like jCuC-j as in glūb Bjquluubj ‘hearts’ or ji /uC-C-j in
jlis Bjij-lisj and g‘ud Bjuq-‘udj ‘Sit down!’ m. sing. For such reasons, the first
two syllables in polysyllabic words in SL are reduced into one with a
consonant cluster. Thus
82 The International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism
Final -h addition
Final -h (hā’ al-sakt ‘the ‘h’ of silence’) is common in HA as it is in many
other Arabic dialects. In Standard Arabic it is realised as -ah when it occurs as
a feminine marker, as in sanah ‘year’, qissah ‘story’ and ša‘rah ‘(single) hair’. In
HA, the first word would be realised˙ ˙ as sanih , which means that we can
generalise that final -h should always be preceded by i except in emphatic
environment (in the case of the last two examples the emphatic environment is
the s and r respectively). In loanword phonology, final -a(h) or -e of SL is
˙
normally treated as a feminine -h and thus realised as -ih , -eh or ah ,
according to the emphatic/nonemphatic environment. Thus
Vowel lengthening
Certain vowel qualities do not exist in HA except as long vowels. Thus the
vowel [e] may occur in the dialect but only as long ē as in bēt ‘house’. For this
reason, any short vowel of an [e] quality in SL may be rendered as long [e:] by
HA native speakers:
Emphasis
Phranyngealization or emphasis in Arabic is not only segmental but it is also
a syllabic feature. Thus in words with emphatic consonants, emphasis extends
to neighbouring vowels, giving them a back and/or low (i.e. open) quality.
This one-to-one relation between emphatic consonants and back and/or low
vowels can be also seen as a phonological process in borrowing. Thus English
proper names like Thompson or Watt are rendered in Arabic with emphatic t
and s as tumsun and wātt. Similarly, when an Indonesian or Malay word has ˙
˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙
an a of a back quality, the tendency is for that quality to affect the
neighbouring consonants when this word is borrowed into HA. Thus:
Segment substitution
p f
SL putlut futlut ‘pencil’
˙ ˙
SL sepatu sfattu ‘shoes’
SL sepeda sfēda ‘bicycle’
SL koper kōfar ‘metal box’
SL piring fı̄rı̄n ‘dish, plate’
p b
SL tempat makan tambat/tambat ‘a layered food container (for take
˙
mākan away)’
SL setrup sitrub ‘a variety of fruit drink’
SL kerupuk krūbu ‘(prawn) crackers’
[č]š
SL kaca kāših ‘glass’
SL kacamata kāšamāta ‘eye-glasses’
SL kacang kāšān ‘peanuts’
[ž]z 17
SL jagung zāgūm ‘corn (maize)’
[E]ng
SL Bangil [baEil] bāngı̄l [ba:Egi:l] ‘a town in East Java’18
SL ungu [uyu] unyu [uygu] ‘violet’
84 The International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism
[E]n
SL sarung [saruE]sārūn ‘sarong’
˙
u w
SL tuan twan ‘a gentleman from South-east Asia’
’ ‘
SL rujak (kglottal stop) rūja‘ ‘salad made of cucumber’
Syllable deletion
Sometimes a whole syllable of a foreign word is elided, as in the case of sulih
˙ ˙
grāmis , the Peace (Treaty) of Ingrams (Rentz, 1951: 372 sulh grams [sic]) named
after the well known British explorer and politician Harold Ingrams, who
played an important role in politics when Hadramawt was a British
˙ ˙
protectorate. Consider also the following verse of poetry when the British
bombarded al-Ghurfah, the territory of the rebel bin-‘Ibdāt (probably,
Standard Arabic, ’ibn-‘Abdāt):
raddōš ya l-ġurfah kama barlı̄n mistar grāmis w šambarlı̄n
‘Oh (town of) al-Ghurfah! Ingrams and Chamberlain made you like
Berlin (devastated, ruins)’
(But) there are (bad) news that came from (home,) the plateau land.
The land of al-Ahqāf has gone with the wind, like a mouthful of
˙
meet.
It has gone with the Sahib, worthless, (even) without paying money.
They have established (in it) churches, barracks for (their) soldiers.
Oh, my homeland; what unfairness (was made) to the land of our
forefathers.’
Al-Ahmadı̄ was a poet from the tribe of Yāfi‘, to whom the Qu‘aitı̄ clan belong.
˙ ˙ sultans of
In his poem, he was criticising the Protection Treaty that the
Hadramawt had signed with the British in 1938 (al-Saqqāf, 1995). As a folk
˙ ˙
poet, it was not unusual that a few loanwords infiltrated into his poetry. These
words reflect the influence of the languages (including English) of the Indian
subcontinent such as sirkāl (Hindi: government), barākis (English: barracks)
and, interestingly enough, sāhib , an Arabic word (literally: friend) loaned to
˙ ˙
Hindi and Indian English, which is used in the speech of (Indian) Haderamis
to mean ‘Master, Landlord, Boss etc.’
Codeswitching between Arabic and Swahili can also occur in the speech of
Hadramı̄s who have migrated to East Africa, especially in quarters of towns
˙ ˙
where there were many re-emigrants from East Africa.
Conclusion
The effect of Hadramı̄ migration to South-east Asia, the Indian subcontinent
˙ ˙
and East Africa on HA is diminishing. With the reunification of Yemen and the
return of many Hadramı̄s from neighbouring countries to Hadramawt, HA
˙ ˙ ˙ ˙
vocabulary is witnessing many changes and many of the MIL, Swahili and
English loans are disappearing, especially in the speech of young people. The
spread of literacy and media has contributed to a great extent in the
development of vocabulary, so that it is common now to find neologisms
from MSA and other neighbouring Arabic dialects in the HA present-day
lexicon that replace former loanwords. Future lexicographic and sociolinguis-
tic research on HA vocabulary would be needed to shed more light on topics
like new loans and neologism.
Correspondence
Any correspondence should be directed to Dr A. Al-Saqqaf, Department of
English, Sultan Qaboos University, Muscat, Oman (saqqaf@squ.edu.om).
Notes
1. The name is also spelt Hadhramawt or Hadhramout . The adjective is also spelt
Hadhrami.
2. The transliteration system of Arabic is that of Hans Wehr’s ArabicEnglish
Dictionary. The only departure from Wehr’s system is my use of d̄ instead of z ,
for the voiced interdental emphatic fricative. ˙ ˙
3. For the migration of Hadramı̄s to South-east Asia, especially see Boxberger (2002:
˙ ˙
3963), Freitag and Clarence-Smith (1997) and Al-Saqqaf (2001).
4. This may reveal the fact that there are less African as opposed to South-east Asian
muwalladı̄n ‘half-castes’ in Hadramawt.
5. The Swahili phrase means ‘I˙ am ˙ like you and you are like me’. Mı̄mı̄ and Wēwā are
not personal names but its quite clear that the whole expression was borrowed
phonologically from Swahili to mean something like the HA expression ‘intı̄ kama
uxtiš w uxtiš kamāš ’ ‘you are like your sister and your sister is like you’. The
88 The International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism
original meaning of the Swahili expression is not very much different from the HA
one, which could be described as a ‘multilevelled translation’ i.e. a translation
equivalent that happened to be at both the semantic and the phonological levels
(but, of course, not at the morphological level). By way of analogy, an example
from English and Fushāa is ‘euophoria’ and fawrat (al-hamās) .
6. Other equivalents are˙ HA ˙ subbuh, rudduh and Adeni Ar.˙‘ali bin ‘ali , all meaning the
same thing: ‘if you try to look ˙ at a certain matter from different angles or to solve a
problem by trying different approaches, you will come to the same result’.
7. An electronic valve in an old radio is called glub/lambat ir-rādyū (glub ‘bulb’).
8. The word exists also in San‘ānı̄ as dismı̄s (Watson, 1993: 21) with the same meaning.
9. This word is from Indian Persian. It is formed from ru which means ‘face’ and mal
which means ‘rub, clean’. I am indebted for this clarification to Farook Barbakazi.
10. According to al-Khalidi (1986: 136; 1997: 67), the sūfı̄ s of Hadramawt, particularly
the ā-Al‘aydarūs family, were among the first who˙ migrated ˙ India in the middle
˙ to
ages. They settled in big commercial and political centres such as Gojrat, Ahmed
Abad, Surat etc. They played a great role in the spiritual, cultural, linguistic and
political life in these regions of the Indian subcontinent. In his forthcoming
al-farazdaqiyyāt fi l-ši‘r al-hadramı̄, ‘Alı̄ b. Muhammad Al-Saqqāf makes a detailed
study of three eminent H˙ad˙ rami poets in Haidarabād,˙ namely the ‘ālim Abū-Bakr
˙ ˙
b. Shihāb, the linguist Saif b. Husein Al-Qu‘aitı̄ and the poet Al-Ahmadı̄. Al-Qu‘aitı̄
wrote a number of very important ˙ books on HA ˙
˙ which are still in manuscript ˙
form.
11. See for example an article entitled ‘al-frakı̄r ( the solicitor)’ in Majllat al-Rabitah al-
‘Alawiyyah (Anonymous, 1349 H), which lists 50 Indonesian words in the Arabic ˙ of
Hadramı̄ emigrants in Indoneisa.
12. I˙ am˙ indebted to Mrs Nuning M.K. Masjkuri, MD, MPH, DRPH, of Indonesia, who
kindly checked the spelling of the Indonesian words which were loaned into HA.
Some words are from general Ind(onesian), others are from the Jav(anese) dialect
or Malay. Words with an asterisk are now obsolete.
13. As in tilfizyōn, fidyō, fimtō , all from Eng. ‘television’, ‘video’ and ‘Vimto’ (brand
name of fruit-drink).
14. MIL is transliterated in normal orthography. The following convention should be
noted: c is [č], ng is [E] and postvocalic final k is a glottal stop. In HA, ng are a
sequence of [E] and [g].
15. HA permits CiCiC as in (the Fusha loan) gidir (qidr ) ‘sauspan’, but not CuCiC . As
elswhere mentioned, the CuCiC ˙pattern ˙ of apophonic passive is rendered as CCiC ,
thus qutil gtil ‘he was killed’.
16. This word is from Hokkien Chinese. It means literally ‘new guest’. It has the
connotation of ‘fresh off the boat’ or ‘wet back’. It means ‘someone who doesn’t
know the ropes, needs help, is raw, gets things a little wrong’. (I am indebted for
this explanation to Enseng Ho of Harvard University.) See also the section: HA
words in Southeast Asian languages.
17. The reverse is also possible. I have heard the Hadramı̄ name bājray (Fushā bājuray
B j’abā jurayj) Bā-Juray, being pronounced by ˙
˙ Indonesians as bazri . ˙ ˙
18. Also a name of a Hadramı̄ family (āl-bāngı̄l ) who got the name after their migration
to Bangil, East Java. ˙ ˙
19. For life in Hadramawt in the 1930s, Hadramı̄ architecture and the distinguished
˙ ˙
personage Abū-Bakr bin Shaikh ak-Kāf, ˙ Boxberger (2002).
˙ see
20. cf. Heath (1989: 178) for a similar situation to some extent in Moroccan Arabic.
21. For lateral d in Yemeni Arabic, see Watson (2002: 2).
22. In Standard˙ Arabic, ġarām means ‘love, passion, fondness’.
23. stempel is the origin of šabbih according to Majallat Al-Raabitah al‘Alawiyyah
(Anonymous: 1346 H [1930 AD]: 243), but it is clear that there ˙ is very little
phonological resemblance and, therefore, it is possible that it came from a totally
different source. Dr Farook Barbakazai suggests that this word is from the Urdu
šabih (Ar. šabı̄h ‘double, duplicate, image’), which means ‘face, picture on a stamp’.
It is also possible that the word is from the Hindi word čop , which means ‘to print’.
Loanwords in Hadramı̄ Arabic 89
˙ ˙
24. The form tablat makalān (Ar. roots {tbl} ‘container; drum’ and {’kl} ‘food’) also
exists. This˙ can be seen as an example˙ of ‘multi-levelled’ translation in which both
the phonological and semantic levels are nearly equivalent.
25. This word is pronounced with a d̄ rather than d on the assumption that it was
borrowed through Adeni Arabic in which d , unlike HA alveolar d , is dental. This
may explain why Adeni d is sometimes perceived by HA native speakers as d̄,
especially when it is intervocalic.
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Machinery
Other words