The Countries and Tribes of The Persian Golf

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THE
COUNTRIES AND TRIBES
OF THE
PERSIAN GULF
COLONEL S. B. MILES.
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OF THE
PERSIAN GULF.
BY
VOL. I.
LONDON
Printed and Published by
HARRISON AND SONS, 44. ST. MARTIN'S LANE,
PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY.
I9I9
Price £1 lis. 6d. net the two volumes.

LONDON
PRINTED BY HARRISON AND SONS,
44, ST. martin's lane, W,C. 2.
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from
CONTENTS.
VOL. I.
Chapter I. page
History of Early Colonization I
Chapter II.
The Persian Gulf Under Islam 29

Chapter III.
The Portuguese in Eastern Arabia ... 137

Chapter IV.
The Yaareba Dynasty 201
VOL. II.
Chapter V.
The Al-Bu Saeedi Dynasty 264
Chapter VI.
History of the Commerce of the Persian Gulf 355
ChapteTr VII.
Description of the Country and the Pearl Fisheries 374
Chapter VIII.
The Tribes of the Persian Gulf 418
Chapter IX.
Arabia, Eastern and South-Eastern, and the Kooria Mooria Islands ... 439
Chapter X.
History and Geography of Dhofar. Dhofar and Beraimi described ... 498
Appendix.
A Slight Sketch of Colonel S. B. Miles' Travels in Mesopotamia from
December, 1879, to April, 1880 558
Index 581
.
LIST OF PLATES
Colonel S. B. Miles Frontispiece
An Arab Group facing p. 65
Part of the Fort at Bahila p. 129
The Fort at Yabreen P193

The Old Fort or Castle at Rostak p. 265
Wind Tower and Fort at Bahila . .

P- 329
Seyyid Hamed Bin Azzar's House at Rostak P-393

Wind Tower on Fort at Bahila called Burj al-Reh P-457
Date Palms p. 521

PREFACE.
The present volumes, dealing with the ancient and modern

tribes and peoples of the countries around the Persian Gulf, were
compiled by the late Colonel Samuel Barrett Miles, of the Indian
Army and Political Service, Consul-General of Muscat and Baghdad,
etc. He had looked forward to revising his notes, many of which
were jotted down on odd bits of paper as he rode through the desert
on his camel, but was prevented from doing this by failing eyesight.
His blindness was aggravated by serious internal troubles, and
in spite of the heroic attempts which he made, he found it impossible
to set down in writing even a hundredth part of the vast store of
Oriental learning which he had accumulated during his prolonged
residence in India, Persia, Arabia, and Mesopotamia.
The reader will note that the system of transcription of proper
names used in these volumes is that which was generally employed
by Orientalists and British Indian officials some forty or fifty years
ago. Had Colonel Miles lived he would undoubtedly have abandoned
this system and adopted that now commonly in use in India, England,
and on the Continent and it is very probable that he would have
;
mbdified certain portions of his narrative and supplied full references

to his authorities, both ancient and modern. After much thought
his widow decided to publish the manuscript of his work as she found
it. With it she has included the rough notes which he made on
his travels in Mesopotamia, and added a good, full Index.
She is indebted to Dr. Wallis Budge, Keeper of Egyptian and
Assyrian Antiquities in the British Museum, for much friendly help
in seeing the book through the Press.
F. A. W.
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE.
Samuel Barrett Miles was the son of Major-Gen. Miles, of North

Villa, Regents Park, and Cheshunt, and was born on October 2nd,
1838. He was educated at Harrow and entered the Indian Army

in 1857. He was appointed Resident at Aden in 1867 Political
;
Agent and Consul at Muscat in 1874 ; Consul-General of Baghdad

in 1879 ; Agent and Consul-General of Zanzibar in 1881, etc. He
was the author of several papers in the publications of the " Royal
Geographical Society." In 1877 he married Ellen Marie, eldest
daughter of Sir Brooke Kay, Bart., who survives him. His only
son. Major H. W. Miles, R.M.L.I., was killed on H.M.S. Vanguard,
July 19th, 1917. Colonel Miles died August 28th, 1914, and was
buried at Hint on Charterhouse, Somerset.
CHAPTER I.
HISTORY OF EARLY COLONIZATION.
The history of the ancient colonization of Oman in Eastern Arabia

is naturally connected very closely with that of the rest of the
peninsula, but the subject is so veiled in obscurity, from the absence
of materials, that our knowledge of it is shadowy and fragmentary
in the extreme. The only available authentic sources of informa-
tionand guidance, in addition to the book of Genesis, are the monu-
ments and documents of Mesopotamia and Egypt, which afford a
few scattered rays of light.
The question, however, regarding the origin of the pristine

inhabitants of the land by no means an uninteresting one, in
is
view of the part taken by them in promoting the cause of civilization

by connecting the East and the West in commercial relations, the
most prominent and active of which was probably taken by the
people of Oman.
The earliest race known to have spread over and occupied the
peninsula are the Cushites, of whom we read in the Bible, but of
whom the origin is uncertain, though it is generally believed to be
Egyptian. The epoch and duration of their occupation can only be
conjectured, but of the important consequences resulting therefrom
we can entertain but little doubt. For to these bold, adventurous
Cushites, possibly, are due, not only the beginnings of inland trade
by caravan, but also the navigation of the Arabian Sea and the
infantile efforts of maritime commerce. The reasons for supposing
VOL. I. A
2 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
that these seafaring efforts were more particularly the work of the
Cushites of Oman will appear later on. Though the Hamitic
Cushites spread over Southern and Eastern Arabia and founded
most of the settlements on the coast, they were perhaps not the
only race who dwelt in that region at that remote period. There
were, for instance, the Phoenicians, who, according to Herodotus,
came to Palestine from the Persian Gulf and appear to have sojourned
in Oman during their former migrations.
The port Ras al-Had, has a name identical with
of Soor, near
that of Tyre or Soor in the Mediterranean, and was, beyond doubt,
the prototype of it. The town of Soor, part of which is called
Eijah, is situate on a rocky eminence at the mouth of a serpentine
creek, and has always possessed one of the most useful, safe, and
commodious harbours for native craft on the Oman coast.
The Cushite inhabitants of Arabia, though enriched by com-
mercial enterprises, gradually dwindled in course of ages, and were
overwhelmed eventually by a great wave of Semitic invasion from
Northern Arabia, by which they were partly expelled and partly
absorbed. These early Semitic tribes, as we learn from Caussin de
Percival's great work, are known to the Arab historians as the
" Baida " and " Ariba," and are considered as extinct races.
The tribes that now dispersed and took possession of Arabia
were composed two main
of stocks, derived from the fourth and
fifth generations from Shem. One of these stocks was Kahtan,
who, identified with Joktan, son of Eber, colonized the Yemen,
or the southern half of the peninsula, while the other, Adnan, who
descended from Ishmael, occupied the northern part, where his
posterity are mostly found at the present day. Under the one or
other of these great progenitors, Kahtan and Adnan, the whole
Arabian race is comprised.
In the tenth chapter of Genesis we are informed that Joktan
had thirteen sons, " and that their dwelling was from Mesha as thou
goest towards Sephar, a mount of the East." The identity of
Joktan with the Kahtan of Arab tradition and of Sephar with Dhofar
has been sufficiently recognized, and it is known that it is this stock
History of Early Colonization.
of thirteen branches or tribes whose posterity has continued to occupy

uninterruptedly and almost exclusively the southern half of the
peninsula for 4,000 years.
Regarding the distribution of these tribes much has been
written, but so far only a few of them have been traced with certitude.
The identification ofHazarmaveth, Uzal, and
three of them,
Sheba, are perhaps indisputable. Yerah and Hadoram may be
Yarab and Jorham Havilah is probably Khaulan, a well-known
;
district in the Yemen ; while Hommel has connected Diklah with

Hiddekel or Dijla, the River Tigris.
The name Obal or Wibal, as that of an ancient tribe, appears to
survive in Oman, where a town so called exists in a valley now known
as the Wady Beni Ruwaihah. The descendants of Kahtan, how-
ever, are differently named by the Arab genealogists, who also
vary in some degree from each other. It may suffice here to give
—
the list compiled by Kremer ^numbering sixteen Yarub, Khatar, —
Anmar, Mutenier, Madi, Lawi, Maiz, Gasib, Meina, Gorhum,
Multenies, Katami, Zalim, Gusem, Aufar, and Nafir. We now
have to fall back on the traditional accounts of the Arab historians,
as we search for more light in other quarters in vain. In genealogy
the Arabs have ever taken great pride and much pains, and have
preserved with tolerable accuracy their pedigrees from very ancient
times ; indeed, it is not a little wonderful how far they have
surpassed all other nations in this matter. Considering the many
difficulties of the subject, it is not surprising that these genealogies
abound with gross inconsistencies and contradictions, yet on the
whole they may be accepted as correct and trustworthy,
fairly
though it was not until after the death of Mohammed that the
ancient traditions were elaborated and reduced to writing by the
Arabs.
The earliest inhabitants known to the genealogists are de-
nominated by them as the Al-Ariba, who
are also called the extinct
tribes. Of these tribes, several are enumerated, and we are furnished
with fabulous accounts of their exploits and adventures, as well as
of their extirpation. The most famous of all were the Ad and
VOL. I. A 2
Thamood, who are said to have been of gigantic stature others ;
were Tasm and Jadis, who were sisters of the two brothers Thamood
and Sohar Jasain, Waber, Hadboora, Abel, and Emin, nearly all
;
of whom are known to have been represented in Oman.

The sections of the Tasm and Jadis, who migrated to Oman,
appear to have settled in Al-Jow and Towwam, giving to those
districts the names of the places they had occupied in their old
home, Yemama. According to Wiistenfeld, Sohar is the name of
the sons of Said bin Zaid. Hamza, after Bekra, thinks it identical
with Ghuma Said al-Hodsin. The Sohar tribe occupied the Batineh,
and gave their name to the present town on the coast. The Jasain
were Amalekites and dwelt, it is said, also in Oman, where their
descendants, under other names, still exist. The Thamood were pro-
bably the last of the Ariba, as they survived till the time of Christ,
and are alluded to by Diodorus, Strabo, and other classical writers.
Besides the extinct tribes which existed in Oman in ancient
times, there were, of course, many famous ones that helped to people
the country, and whose descendants, mostly of mingled blood, were
subsequently divided into branches under other names, and it may
be as well to mention a few of these once renowned tribes whose
history is hidden in the mists of tradition.
The Azd, who form such a large proportion of the population
of Oman at the present day, are of rather obscure origin. Some
derive them from the patriarch Kahtan, others from Al-Gauth
bin Nabt bin Malik. There were three divisions of them (i) the :
Azd Shenoo (2) the Azd Sarat and (3) the Azd of Oman. They
; ;
were further divided into nine principal families —Ghassan, Aus,

Al-Khusraj, Ibn Khodjer, Barek, Dows, Ateek, Ghafeh, and Beni
Julanda. From each
of these descended many tribes now known
under other names. The Mazen, after whom East Arabia obtained
the name of Mazoon for some centuries, were a great seafaring race
and were descended from Mazen bin Azd. Sprenger thinks the
Maceta of Nearchus, who sighted Cape Mussendom on his voyage,
obtained its name from this tribe. " The Kamoos " says " the Mazen
are of South Arabia and are Azdites and long afterwards joined the
History of Early Colonization, 5
Ghassanites." The Mazen had, it is said, four divisions. They

appear to have occupied the Shemal or Cape Mussendom, and were
succeeded there by the Shihiyyeen, a small tribe.
The Kamar or " Moon " tribe was a large and important one in
Southern Arabia in remote times, and gave its name to the Kamar
Bay, and also, it is supposed, to the Comoro Island on the east coast
of Africa ; the tribe is now represented in Oman by Ryam,
the Beni
who occupy Jebel Akhdar, and also by the Beni Hadeed and
probably other tribes. The Beni Kodhaa were a great tribe stretch-
ing along the southern coast from the Yemen to the Gulf of Oman,
and many branches sprang from it also some genealogists derive
;
it from Malik bin Hamza, but it is probably of higher antiquity.
The tomb of Khodhaa, the personification of the tribe, is said to

have formerly existed in Shihr. Ptolemy calls the tribe Kattabene.
Its descendants are still in Oman it had a branch called Khaulan
;
or Chavila, which formed a colony and dynasty in Oman, but at

what time is not known.
The names of many other powerful and distinguished tribes
have come down to us by tradition from antiquity, and some of
them have left their mark in the name of the valley, town or district
where they resided for in Oman, as in Arabia generally, they called
;
the land after their own name.

Among these may be included the Akk, a well-known tribe of
doubtful origin and dwellers in the Yemen. The Azdites took
refuge with them after leaving Mareb. The Wady Akk, in which
they resided in remote times, is situated about fifty miles from
Muscat and the gorge in the Wady Akk is very steep and narrow.
;
The Bahila, an ancient tribe of dubious derivation, which

founded the town of that name in Oman Proper.
The Dibba, or Lizard Tribe a Modhar tribe of Nejd, which
:
probably founded the town in Cape Mussendom, where a decisive

battle was fought in the year 11 a.h. [632 a.d.].
The Jaalan, or Water Beetle tribe, derive from the Abdul Kais
or " Slaves of Kais," who was one of the divinities of the ancient
Arabs the Jaalan occupied the district of that name in the Sharkiya.
;
VOL. I. A3
*
Caussin de Perceval, in his essay, informs us that Yarab,

descendant of Kahtan, after having destroyed the power of the
Azdites, estabhshed the exclusive domination of the Kahtanites
over all Southern Arabia and founded the kingdom of the Yemen,
consolidating his ruleby appointing his brother Jorham, to the
government of the Hejaz, and his other brothers, Hadhramaut and
Oman, to rule over the provinces designated by their names. This
noteworthy event is reckoned by him to have occurred in the year
754 which would make it contemporaneous with the founding
B.C.,
of Rome, and if this chronological calculation be accepted, it would

mean that the Oman tribe first migrated to East Arabia in this year.
The date, however, of 794 B.C., ascribed to the birth of Yarab by
de Perceval, who calls him the brother
Hadhramaut, is not easily
of
reconciled with the period usually allotted to Hadhramaut, the
third son of Yoktan, or about 2,000 years before the Christian era.
Moreover, if we accept Oman as the brother of Hadhramaut, the
omission of his name from the list of Yoktan's sons in the tenth
chapter of Genesis is certainly singular. But whatever the period
may have been, it is probable that the migratory movement of the
Omanis was on a large scale, as on their arrival at their destination
they were enabled to take possession of the central and most
productive parts of the country, known to this day as the province
of Oman Proper, a name which was subsequently extended to the
whole land, in the same way that the province of Pars has given
its name to the whole kingdom of Persia.
The successor of Yarab in the Yemen was Yashjob, a feeble
prince, who allowed many of the provinces, including Oman, to
become independent. On the death of Yashjob the succession fell
to his son, Abdul Shams, to whom many remarkable actions are
attributed. He invaded Egypt, completed the construction of the
great dam at Mareb, the metropolis of the Sabeans, and reduced to
obedience the dependencies that had revolted from his father. We
may conjecture that Eastern Arabia, like the others, returned to his
sway, but of this we have no certain record.
Abdul Shams left many sons, the most famous of whom were
History of Early Colonization. 7
Kahlan and Himyar. Kahlan, according to some, succeeded his

father and was followed by his brother Himyar, whose real name was
Azanjaj, but was called Himyar on account of his wearing a red
dress. His power over the whole of South Arabia was complete,
extending from the Yemen to Muscat. He was the founder of the
two dynasties of the Himyarites, which held paramount sway in
the Yemen until the time of Mohammed. Himyar, during his reign,
appears to have made his son, Malik, Governor of Oman, but on
the death of Himyar the kingdom fell in disorder, and, like other
governors, Malik made himself independent. Then two of his brothers,
one of whom was named Wathil or Wail, resolved to try and wrest
the country from him. They were unsuccessful in their efforts, and
Malik not only retained his authority in Oman but left the succession
to his son, whose name has not come down to us. Malik's son,
however, appears to have been attacked and defeated not long
afterwards by Wathil's son Sacsac, who then ruled over Oman.
During the reign of Yasar bin Sacsac disorders broke out against
him and he was constantly at war with the children of Malik. In
the minority of Yasar's posthumous son Norman, the regency was
held by Dhul Raish. This account, it must be observed, conflicts
with other historians, who state that Wathil was himself sovereign
of Oman for many years. The subjugation, however, of Oman to
the Himyar Dynasty could not have been of very long duration,
first
as, like the rest of the Yemen, it seems to have fallen in the middle
of the sixth century B.C. to the armies of the great Cyrus, who was
then engaged in extending the limits of the Persian Empire.
How long and to what degree Persian domination extended is
uncertain, as traditional history of Oman at this period is extremely

vague and hazy, but it is probable that Cyrus was content with
merely nominal submission and the payment of tribute, and the
country continued under the hegemony of its native Arab rulers.
mentioned a king named
In the history of Isidore of Charex is
Dhu Joaisos, who lived at Shihr and ruled over the Omanis. This
king is identified by Blau with Dhu Joaisham bin Akran bin All
Malik, who is spoken of by Hamza Ispahani. Blau further states
VOL. I. A 4
—
that Dhu Joaisham reigned in the time of Dara bin Dara bin Bahman
and for seventy years after. He made war on Tasm and Jadis,
and his successor Uved to the time of Hadhr bin Kinana. Dhu
Joaisham was of royal Himyaritic family, and his presence in Oman
was due to the fact that one of its progenitors was Kahlan bin Arib
bin Zoheer bin Ajam bin Hamoza, who was the first to subdue Oman.
Kahlan was King of Oman and his adviser was Mazen bin Azd, who
was Lord of Oman. His proclamation began
" From Mazen a document in which is a message to all
who inhabit Ajam, Arabia and Shihr."

This fragment is of value, and indicates how much remains to be
unravelled of Oman traditional history. It may be as well here to
notice the legend given by Persian historians, which relates that
Kai Kaoos, King of Persia, having subdued Oman, made peace with
the Arab ruler, Dhul Sogar, on condition that the latter gave him
in marriage his daughter, Sibarba, who was of rare beauty. The
story of Dhul Sogar, who is variously styled Dhul Saris and Dhul
Zind, is narrated by Merkhond in the " Rouzat al-Safa," and the
subsequent adventures of Sibarba and Prince Siawash, son of
Kai Kaoos, are poetically described in the " Shah Namah " of Firdusi.
It was in the time of Alexander the Great that the land of Oman
was first seen by Europeans. His admiral, Nearchus, when passing
up the Persian Gulf, sighted Cape Maceta or Cape Mussendom, and
heard from the pilot of a great Omani emporium. This port, it is
almost certain, was Sohar, which was still an emporium in the
time of Mohammed. Alexander, on hearing his report, determined
on sending an expedition to circumnavigate the Arabian peninsula,
but his early death at Babylon put an end to this and other schemes,
and for nearly a hundred years no fresh light was thrown on the
land.
The king of the Second Dynasty of the Himyarites was
first
Harith, a descendant of Himyar through Wathil bin Gauth Harith :
was a conqueror and supposed to have invaded India, and ruled

is
over all the provinces of Southern Arabia. He took the title of

" Tobba," which apphes to all his more strictly only

successors, but
to those kings who possessed besides the Yemen, Hadhramaut,
Shihr, and Oman. He received the sobriquet of " Al Raish," on
account of the rich spoil he brought from foreign countries.
De Percival, in his work above mentioned, accepts the computa-
tion of Thaalibi as to Harith's having lived about 700 years before
Mohammed or about a hundred years before Christ. For some
time Oman appears to have been under his subjection, but it
subsequently passed under the dominion of the Parthians. It was
probably in the days of Mithridates that East Arabia fell under
Parthian dominion. This king, who founded the empire, ruled from
174 B.C. to 136 B.C., and extended his conquests over an immense
area, including Susiana, Persia, and Babylon and as Oman was
;
at that time a dependency of Persia, it necessarily followed the fate

of that country and remained so until the advent of the Azdites.
We have now come to a period when we might have expected
a flood of light on the general condition of Arabia, from the literary
and commercial activity of the Greeks, who, after its conquest by
Alexander, took possession of Egypt, and at once began to undertake
trading operations with the East. Unfortunately, though we
certainly have some valuable works such as the " Periplus " and
" Ptolemy's Geography," the more important labours of the Greeks
on Arabia have perished. The first Greek writer to mention the

Arabs was Eschylus, but the first to produce a description of Arabia
was the astronomer Eratosthenes, who composed a cosmography
when he was Curator of the Library of Alexandria, where he died
in 196 B.C. As Eratosthenes had abundant opportunities of
collecting information, his work would doubtless have contributed
much to our knowledge of the Yemen, but he appears to have known
nothing of Eastern Arabia, as of the four great tribes mentioned
by him, only one, viz., the Beni Kodhaa, extended as far as Muscat.
From Agarthacides, who at one time resided in Egypt, and who
about the year 120 B.C. wrote a work in five volumes on the Red
Sea and Southern Arabia, we might have gathered a still more
complete and trustworthy account of the Arabs and their country.
but his labours, with the exception of a few fragments, have, Hke
those of Eratosthenes, been lost. We learn, however, from
Agarthacides, of the existence of Arabian colonists in the ports of
India.
As Egyptian trade increased, so the knowledge of Arabia
extended, and Pliny's account of the Oman coast is fairly accurate,
but he knows little of the interior and he gives no historical informa-
tion whatever. The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, which was
written about the year 80 a.d., is very accurate as far east as Cape
Fartak, but the author knows little or nothing of Oman, and does
not mention any port between Muscat and the Persian Gulf. His
notions about the position of Oman are very vague and confused,
and the only political information we glean from him is that Oman
was then subject to the Parthian s.
Even Claudius Ptolemy's extensive work, valuable as it is,
gives little assistance in compiling the early history of Oman. He
furnishes the names of many towns, villages, and tribes in Eastern
Arabia, but most of them, if they ever existed, have long since
disappeared. He gives the name of Cape Mussendom not incorrectly
as " Asabon Promontorium," a name which has survived in Khasab,
a hamlet in a small valley, probably the residence in former times
of a tribe so called. One of the Oman townships, however,
mentioned by him, i.e., Rabana Regia, was doubtless the residence
of the tribe Rabban bin Holwan bin Imran, a branch of the Kodhaa,
which, migrating from Nejd, and wandering through Yemama^
—
where it left a portion of the folk settled in Oman near the Azd,
though the exact locality is not now ascertainable, as the name
Rabban has passed out of memory.
With regard to the early historj^ Ptolemy is
of Eastern Arabia,
distinctly disappointing, as he provides no data on which to form
any idea of the political conditions at that period. Little as we
know, however, of the manner in which in ancient times Oman was
peopled, of the migrations of the tribes, of its wars, invasions, or
of its dynastic successions, we are sufficiently acquainted with its
history to see that any glory and renown it could boast of was gained
History of Early Colonization. ii
not on the land but by sea, and that it was the Cushites of Oman,
who, inhabiting a poor and sterile country, largely dependent on
external resources, and being the pioneers of navigation in the
Indian Ocean, took the initiative in transporting the valuable wares
and products East through the Persian Gulf to the Western
of the
World, thus promoting the cause of civilization in Western Asia ;
and it may be suitable here to subjoin an outline of the maritime

commerce inwhich they were engaged.
Situated as it is midway between Mesopotamia, on the one hand,
and Western India on the other, Oman occupied an unrivalled and
most commanding position for inaugurating maritime commerce
with those countries, and seems reasonable to conjecture that the
it
bold, enterprising Cushites, who possessed the land, soon learned

to take advantage of their opportunities to become a great seafaring
race, and that having stretched across to the shores of India, they
became from the beginning masters of the whole Oriental commerce.
In their control of this commerce, which it seems difficult to
controvert, the only possible competition they could have had to
encounter would have been that of the Cushites of Western India,
but as there is little or no testimony of the existence of the latter,
we need hardly discuss it. But although we may ascribe to the early
Omanis the merit of having been the first to supply in their own
vessels the spices and other productions of the East to Mesopotamia,
they were, of course, powerless to reach the equally important
markets of Egypt and the Mediterranean.
Had Oman been as admirably situated as regards commerce by
land as she was by sea, had she, for instance, been able to attract
foreign merchants to her ports and to despatch caravans directly
across Arabia, she might have grasped the monopoly of trade
throughout the whole route, and have become a most powerful and
wealthy kingdom. But the great sand desert to the westward
isolated her from the rest of Arabia, and proved an insuperable barrier
to land traffic from her ports by caravan, and compelled her to
disembark the wares at Gherra, further up the coast, and entrust
them to merchants of other countries for transport.
We see, therefore, that, taking advantage of their position

the inhabitants of Oman
were the great mediaries and carriers of
Indian goods to the West, successfully monopolising it and excluding
all others from the Indian Sea, navigating their vessels between
India and the Euphrates and enjoying a most lucrative trade.

This commerce was, of course, unknown before the civilization of
Babylon and Egypt had begun, as the articles imported to them were
those of luxury, acceptable to a refined people.
As Babylon, on the banks of the Euphrates, advanced in
civilization, and began to appreciate more and more the products
of India and Africa, she became the chief emporium of goods
between the East and the West, and the greatest consumer of
luxuries while the traffic of the Omanis developed and increased
;
in proportion, their vessels landing merchandise at Erridu, Mugheir

(the Biblical Ur of the Chaldees), and other places. Gherra, which
is probably identical with the Dedan of Genesis and Ezekiel, seems
to have been situated where Lahsa now stands and had a port on
the coast opposite Bahrain (or Al-Bahrain), but it may have had
this appellation when the Gherra tribes arrived there and gave it
their own name. It was, no doubt, originally selected as the most
suitable anchorage and depot to the northward of Oman, where

Oriental goods could be landed for transport to Palestine and Egypt.
For this purpose it was frequented by Phoenicians and other
merchants, who loaded their caravans with the articles brought by
the Omani ships. In this way, maritime commerce poured
prosperity and wealth into the lap of the great cities of Mesopotamia
—
and Syria, Palmyra which was founded by Solomon Opis, Baalbec, —
Damascus, Nineveh, Tyre, and many others, which all owed their
greatness to Oriental commerce.
During the palmy days of the traffic, Syria was intersected by
a network of roads, along which were built " serais," or rest houses,
for the caravans to camp in at night. At this time Egypt confined
herself to agriculture and did not care for trade, indeed, sailors and
foreigners were dreaded and distrusted, and the demand for Eastern
wares must consequently have been small.
Ezekiel, who died about 570 B.C., gives a valuable account of

the trade of Tyre, but it is inaccurate as regards Arabia, as his
knowledge of that country was very vague. He mentions no place
between Dedan and Kane, except Raamah, the site of which is
unknown. He alludes to gold as an article of trade, but it must
have been brought from Africa or India, as little was found in
"
Southern Arabia, though Ibn Haik al-Hamdany in the " Iklil
gives a list of sixty mines in the Yemen, including ten gold and
eleven silver.
Next to the Tyrian and Carthaginian navies in the Mediterranean,
the Omanis, at this time, probably possessed the most numerous and
powerful fleet in the world, trading between India and the Persian
Gulf. At this time, also, or perhaps still earlier, the Arab trade
was doubtless the means of introducing into India the civilization
of Nineveh, Babylon, and Susa. It was from those kingdoms that
the Hindoos learnt their astronomy, philosophy, astrology, and
mathematics, and indeed all that they ever possessed in the way of
civilized and intellectual advancement, for it is beyond doubt that
the civilization of India was not indigenous, and that the Hindoos
originated nothing, but received everything from Mesopotamia
and Persia. One of the relics of this ancient trade is the word
" man " or " maund," which is of Accadian or Babylonian origin,
and was made use of in Persia, Arabia, and India by the Arab traders.
It is in common use to this day, and has remained a unit of weight
and measure for some 5,000 years.

About this period of seven centuries before our era, the Muscat
Arabs, according to Professor de la Couperie, taking advantage of
the experience they gained, determined to essay their strength in
a still more distant and difficult navigation to China. In thus
extending their sphere of operations they increased commercial
relations and spread much useful knowledge while enriching them-
selves by trade. But this early intercourse with China is not
sufficiently well founded to be accepted without confirmation.
It was not until the time of Nebuchadnezzar that the Persian
Gulf trade began steadily to decline and its rival channel by the
Red Sea was rapidly gaining the ascendancy. That great monarch,
however, did his utmost to encourage and revive the old course of
trade he dammed up the Tigris, made two canals near Babylon,
;
and built Teredon (afterwards known as OboUa) as a trade emporium

and as a frontier defence against the Arabs. Having thus done what
he could in his own dominions, he crossed the Syrian Desert to
attack and ruin Tyre, whose merchants had then turned their
attention, almost exclusively, to the Red Sea route. But his efforts
to stem the ebbing tide of Mesopotamian commerce were in vain.
Not long after his death, which occurred in 561 B.C., Nineveh and
Babylon were captured and ruined by the Medes and Persians, and
two of the greatest markets in the world for Indian goods disappeared
for ever ; the Persian Gulf route never wholly recovered, and never
entirely ceased, but rose and fell alternately for centuries with that
of the caravan route by Aden and along the western coast of Arabia
to Egypt, and partly by water up the Red Sea.
Let us now consider, as a matter of no small interest, the
commodities brought from India to the Eastern Archipelago and from
Africa to Arabia by the Omanis, as the great carriers and inter-
mediaries commerce in ancient times, many
of of which are
enumerated by the Bible, Herodotus, the Periplus, etc. The more
important articles were, first, olibanum which
or frankincense,
Sprenger thinks was the foundation of the trade, and which was
brought chiefly from the neighbourhood of Cape Guardafui, and
also in a far less quantity from Dhofar slaves, spices, ivory, gold,
;
precious stones, silks, and embroideries. Other items were ebony,

sandal-wood, lignum, aloes, teak, cassia, metals, and cotton fabrics
of many kinds. Besides the above articles from India and Africa,
others came from the ports of Arabia itself, such as gum, balsam,
myrrh, pearls, etc. In the importation of negro slaves from East
Africa, the Muscat Arabs had a monopoly, in all probability, from
remote times, and poured them into Mesopotamia in immense
numbers. In this trade, which must have required a large number
of boats of all sizes, they were facilitated to an astonishing degree
by the south-west monsoon, which enabled their vessels to run a
distance of over_^ôoo miles from Zanzibar, in a few days. The

•
Arabs, in fact, knew of the north-west and south-west monsoons

thousands of years before the modest Grecian Hippalus took the
credit of their discovery to himself.
The mart of Maceta (mentioned by Arrian in his accoimt of the
voyage of Nearchus), Hereen says, was probably Soor, and he adds
that an emporium like this, at the entrance of the Gulf, strengthens
our idea of an ancient Indian trade with the Oman coast. He then
decides the great question as to whether the Arabs or Indians were
the carriers of trade in the Persian Gulf, in favour of the Southern
Arabs. He considers, further, that this trade' was extensive and
existed long previous to the foundation of the Persian Empire, and
that the Arabs, who were very early a navigating people, brought
the Indian commodities to Babylon.
The anarchy that prevailed in Persia and Mesopotamia after
the Battle of Arbela, or more correctly, perhaps, after the death of
Alexander, in 323 B.C., to the rise of Mithridates, must have tended
still further to depress trade in those regions by diminishing the
demand for luxuries and foreign products, and at the same time to
make that by the Aden route more brisk and active, especially, too,
as Egypt had at the time fallen under the sway of a foreign dynasty,
more enterprising, intelligent and vigorous, than the decrepit one
it had superseded. The wealth and magnificence resulting from this
traffic in Mareb and other cities of the Yemen, which were under
the influence of Greek art, are described in glowing terms by

Agarthacides and other writers of a later period. Oman, however,
though she must have acquired great opulence from her monopoly
of maritime commerce in the palmy days of Babylonia, seems never
to have felt the influence either of Persian or Grecian art, and
certainly no traces of architectural splendour can now be found
throughout the land. From the time of Christ to the rise of Islam,
the legendary history of Oman continues to be very fragmentary
and disconnected, and indeed, with the exception of a few note-
worthy events, there is but little to chronicle, as even the names of
most of the rulers are lost.
i6 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
The ordinary works on Arab history may be ransacked in vain

for information on Eastern Arabia at this period, and the only native
chronicle on which we have to rely gives us but little help. This
Arabic work, which bears the name of " Kashf al-Ghummeh," or
" Dispeller of Grief," was composed at Zikki about the year 1728
A.D., and was discovered at Muscat by Colonel Sir E. C. Ross, whose
translation of it was printed at Calcutta in the Journal of the Bengal
Asiatic Society, in 1874, under the title of " Annals of Oman." It
may be observed here that an almost verbatim transcription of the
" Kashf al-Ghummeh " forms the greater part of the supposititious
work issued by the Hakluyt Society, under the name of Imams and
Seyyids of Oman, but curiously enough the author, Salil bin Rizak,
omits the first chapter of the " Kashf al-Ghummeh," which treats
of the Azdite immigration into Oman in the second century after
Christ. In this chapter, the author of the " Kashf al-Ghummeh,"
Sirhan bin Said, begins by quoting the famous genealogist, Al Kelbi,
who states that the first of the Azd that came to Oman was Malik
bin Fahm bin Ghanim bin Dows bin Adnan bin Abdulla al-Azd,
and the cause was that his nephews, the sons of his
of the migration
brother, Amr bin Fahm, were wont when taking their flocks to
pasture to pass by the house of a neighbour, who had a dog that used
to bark and scatter the flocks, and which was killed by one of the
nephews with a spear. The owner of the dog, being under Malik's
protection, complained to him, and Malik in anger said he would
no longer remain in a country where a person under his control
suffered such treatment. Another story is that a herdsman was
set on by a dog belonging to a bondsman of Dows, and slew it with
his spear, on which the owner of the dog slew the herdsman.
It is certainly true that tribal feads have often arisen frotn
trivial affronts, but in this case it is probable that the word for a
dog has led to a confusion in the tradition, and that it was a war
between the Beni Kelb bin Wabara, who were a branch of the
Kodhaa, and the Azd of Sorat, and that this feud was in some way
connected with the migratory movement of the latter to Oman.
The most singular part, however, of Sirhan's account is the
entire omission 01 any allusion to the bursting of the dam of Mareb,

which according to all other writers was the main cause of the
dispersion of so many tribes.
The " Kashf al-Ghummeh " gives some details of the tribes
accompanying Malik on march through Hadhramaut, and of
their
their expulsion of the Parthians, which are valuable and interesting,
and are not recorded by any other writer. Before proceeding with
the narrative of this migration, however, it would be as well to give
some account of the calamitous event which is usually regarded as
the real cause of the upheaval, cleavage, and departure of the Azdite
group of tribes. The original construction of the great sudd or dam
of Mareb, the rupture of which has been the theme of so many
Arabian historians, is ascribed to Lokman, who lived about 1700
years B.C., and it is said to have been rebuilt by Abdul Shams Saba
about eleven centuries later. The city of Mareb was situated to
the north-east of Sanaa on an eminence not far from a small valley
formed by two converging ranges of hills, one of which was called
Jebel Ablak, the other Mareb. At the lower end of this valley a
wall, about 1,000 feet long and 120 feet high, was thrown across the bed
of the torrent to restrain the waters of the six or seven ravines, which
flowed into it. The wall was built of solid masonry, the huge squared
blocks of stone being bound together with metal clamps, and so wide
that houses were erected on the top of it, and thus was created a
lake over two miles in length.
The dam was supplied with several sluices at various heights,
to supply water when required to a large tank below, from which the
water was drawn to irrigate the cultivation around. Part of the
dam is still standing and some of the sluices are in excellent condition,
according to the French traveller, Arnaud, who describes the bed
of the torrent and the banks on each side being strewn with blocks
of stone.
Mareb, which is called Mariaba by Eratosthenes, Strabo,
Artemidorus and Pliny, was in ancient times of circular form and
about four miles in circumference. The extensive remains and
architectural debris covering the area on which it stood are evidence
VOL. I. B
of splendour and magnificence of the great city in its prosperity,

when, inhabited by the rich merchants engaged in the lucrative
trade between India and Egypt, Mareb rose to be the largest, finest,
and wealthiest town in Arabia.
Before the dam gave way, obvious signs had not been wanting
that it was in a dangerous condition, owing chiefly to the neglect
of repair, and its destruction had been foretold by Dhareefa, the
wife of Amr (" The Tearer "), who attributed its impending fall to
its being gnawed by rats with iron teeth. The Tobba Akran bin
Abdul Malik, however, paid no attention to the warning and no
steps were taken to strengthen the dam. He had succeeded to the
throne when he was very young, and the power had been usurped
by two of the Azd, Amran and Amr (" The Tearer ") who dwelt
at Mareb, and much political dissension and trouble was occasioned
thereby. J
While the Yemen was in this distracted state, the intertribal
complications and wars were interrupted by the occurrence of the
event that had been predicted, and the dam gave way to the pressure
of the water in the lake, inundating the villages and cultivation in
the most populous district of the country, destroying many lives
and carrying away property of all kinds. It is not difficult to imagine
the terrible havoc and devastation that must have swept over the
country, when the restraining wall broke, but as no contemporary
Greek or Arab writer has described the catastrophe, we are in
possession only of the traditional tales told by later writers.
The reigning Tobba of the Himyarites at this time was
Al-Akran, whose real name was Zaid, who ruled from 120 to 140 a.d.
The date of the rupture, therefore, may be put down approximately
at 130 A.D. It is not much wondered at that, as a consequence
to be
of the animosities of the people and the disastrous deluge, a great
dispersion of the tribes took place, but the accounts given by their
historians are as discordant as they are meagre.
After the collapse of the dam, which was never rebuilt, the
city ofMareb began to decline, the trade languished, the Greek and
other foreign merchants forsook its markets, and the population
melted away until about a century later the Sassanians, having

revived the Persian Gulf route, drew the Indian trade from Egypt
to Ctesiphon, and Mareb gradually fell to the condition of a small
Arab village. Of the dispersion of the tribes inhabiting the fertile
valleysand plains near Mareb, we only know that those of the Adnani
race marched northward to Nejd, and Hejaz, the Azdites and their
kin, who formed the most important group, moved partly to the
Hejaz and partly eastward.
Amr bin Ameer Mazeikeya (" or Tearer ") with his followers
wandered first to the territory of the Akk tribe, the leader of which,
Shenhike bin Jubab, received him hospitably. On the death of
Amr Mazeikeya, his son Talib led his people on to Mecca, from
whence they proceeded to Bahrain. The greater portion oi the
Azdites, however, from the districts of Surat and Oman in the
Yemen, took the road to Oman, not at once, but by tw^ or three
successive waves or detachments, and it would seem at intervals of
many years.
Some writers give the command of the first body ot emigrants
to Nasr, son of Al-Azd, but most authorities, including the local
historian, agree that Malik bin Fahm was the pioneer on this
occasion and led the Azdites on their toilsome journey to their future
abode.
On leaving Mareb, Malik bin Fahm and the Azd made their way
across Hadhramaut direct to the sea coast until they reached
Raysoot, at that time a thriving town and trading port about 500
miles from Mareb, where they remained for some time to rest, and
where they were joined by many of the Mahra, Beni Kodhaa, and
other tribes, who had resolved to separate from their own folk and
settle in Oman.
By the time they had reached Raysoot the wanderers were
doubtless worn out with fatigue and privation, after journeying for
many months through a barren and sparsely inhabited country with
their families, flocks, and other impedimenta, and as the road that
lay before them to Oman passed through a still more wild and
desert land than that through which they had already traversed, it
VOL. I. B 2
was deemed expedient by Malik bin Fahm to send the weaker portion
of his tribe by sea to Oman, in order to avoid the dangers of a land
march of 400 miles, and we are informed in the " Annals " that the
families and baggage eventually reached Kilhat, a castle and
seaport on the Oman coast, where they were temporarily placed
under a strong guard.
Having learned at Raysoot that the Parthians were in possession
of Oman, Malik selected 6,000 warriors, horse and foot, to precede
the Azd emigrants, and sent forward a body of horse as an advance
guard, under the command of his youngest son, Honat, or as some
say, Ferahid, to reconnoitre. On reaching Oman, Malik is said to
have proceeded first to Kilhat, to arrange about the families, and
then returned to the Jowf, or the valley between Adam and Bahila,
to look after his people and found a colony there. He then began to
negotiate with the Parthian satrap, and sent an envoy requesting
permission to settle in the country. When the messengers arrived
at Sohar, which was then the capital, the satrap held a council and
finally decided to reject the Azdite claim to colonize, and returned
an answer accordingly. Malik is said to have then sent a second
envoy, deprecating the satrap's refusal to comply with his request,
and insisting on his demand. The satrap, however, not only
remained but began to prepare a force to expel the intruders.
firm,
The Parthian armies, consisting of 30,000 or 40,000 men, with
a few elephants, advanced up the Wady Semail and halted at Saloot,
between Zikki and Nezwa. Malik, as stated in the " Annals," had
only 6,000 men, but after four days' fighting the Parthians were
completely routed and their commander killed. As a result of this
battle, a truce was made between the combatants, by which the
Parthians agreed to evacuate the country after a year, leaving the
Arabs in possession. The truce was made use of by the satrap to
report the affair to his monarch, Vologaces H., and to ask for
reinforcements ; while Malik, on the other hand, spent the time in
distributing his people among the valleys in the vicinity of Jowf.
On what had occurred in Oman, the Parthian
receiving news of
king appointed a new marzaban, and despatched him with reinforce-
—
ments to Sohar, with orders to expel the Azd intruders. Malik,

however, did not wait to be attacked, but on hearing of the arrival
of the new satrap, at once assumed the offensive and moved down
against the Parthians, and in the battle that ensued was again
victorious, compelling the enemy to abandon everything and quit
the country. Honat and his brother Maan are said to have killed
one of the largest elephants used in the fight with their own hands.
Malik bin Fahm, having now made himself master of all Oman,
continued to rule it for many years, well and justly, until at the
age of 120 he was shot with an arrow by his third and favourite son
Solima, who thereupon fled to Kirman in Persia.
After making due allowance for the native chronicler's
exaggeration and partiality, the narrative of the Azdite invasion in
the " Kashf al-Ghummeh," the author of which, Sirhan bin Said,
states explicitly that it is based on ancient lays and legends current
among the Arabs, may be taken as fairly authentic and trustworthy.
With respect to Malik bin Fahm, some historians state that he led
many of the Azdites to Bahrain and thence to Hera on the Euphrates,
where he founded a principality, being succeeded by two of his sons,
and that he was slain there by his son Solima, who fled to Oman for
refuge. Much information relating to Malik and his family is
contained in the interesting notes to Ross's " Annals of Oman."

About sixty or seventy years after the first invasion of the
Azdites, a second immigration into Oman appears to have taken
place, by which the predominance of the Yemenites was still further
strengthened, and the tribes composing this second are probably
indicated in the following passage, which is here transcribed direct
from the " Annals of Oman " :
" Then came to Oman many The

tribes of the Al-Azd.
first of the Al-Azd to join Malik was Imran bin Amru bin Ameer
Mael Sema with his sons Al-Hajr and Al-Aswad. From the two
latter many tribes in Oman derive. Afterwards Rabiah bin
al-Harith bin Abdullah bin Ameer al-Ghitrif went forth with
his brothers, also Muladis bin Amru bin Adi bin Harithah came
VOL. I. B 3
and entered Hudad, also Arman bin Amru bin al-Azd, then
came Al-Yahmad bin Homma, also the sons of Ghamn bin
Ghalib bin Othman and Ziyad or Al-Nadab the junior. Then
;
Mawalah, the sons of Shams, and Al-Nadab the senior went forth,
also Al-Dheyyak, and some of the Benu Yashkar and of the
Benu Amid, and men of Khawaleh. All these tribes went
forth, each tribe with its banners. As they journeyed on, they
consumed the substance of all by whom they passed, until they
reached Oman. They extended themselves throughout Oman,
and settled in its rich and spacious lands. The Al-Azd named
it Oman, because their dwellings had been in a watered valley
(Yemen) which was probably called Amman, and to which they
likened their new home. The Persians called Oman by the name
of Mazun.
" The Al-Azd ceased not to migrate to Oman,
tribes of the
until they became numerous therein, and their power and fame
increased. At length they overran the country and extended
as far as Al-Bahrain and Hajar (Al-Hassa). Then came to Oman,
Samah bin Loweij bin Ghalib and settled at Towwam which is
Al-Jow, in the vicinity of the Al-Azd. There were also in that
place some of the Benu Said, and Benu Abd al-Keis. Some of
the Benu Tamim also settled in Oman the Al-Khazaah bin
;
Hazem settlers, too, arrived from the Benu al-Nabat, whose

abodes were at Obri and Al-Seleyf, and Tenam, and Al-Sirr.
Some of the Benu al-Harith bin Kaab came and settled at
Dank. About one hundred persons of the Khadhaah also settled
at Dank. Some of the family of Benu Ruaheh ben Katiah bin
Abs came to Oman, amongst them Abu al-Hishm."
During the minority of Sapor II., who ruled in Persia from

310 to 330 A.D., the Arabs raided Persian territory, and Sapor, a
few years later, landed an army at Kateef and overran Al-Hajar
and the adjacent region, where he almost exterminated the Arab
tribes.
The terror inspired throughout Central Arabia by the ruthless

ravages of Sapor's troops caused a great dispersion of the Adnani

tribes, many of which came to Oman, and smaller influxes continually
followed to such an extent as almost to threaten Yemenite supremacy.
Some enumerated in Badger's Introduction, such
of these tribes are
as the Safir, Sahban, Batl, Arabah, Said, Rashid, Akhzam, Wahib,
Main, Benu, Samit, Hadiyeh, and Ashraf.
In the beginning of the fifth century further contingents of
Adnani tribes, numbering 30,000, poured down into Oman, but many
of them pushed on to Hadhramaut and settled there. Among the
Nejdean tribes that entered Oman, about two centuries later, were
the Abs, whose descendants, the Benu Ruwaihah, now hold the
valley called after their name.
The forty years' war between the Abs and Dhobyan, resulting
from the race between the horse Dahis and the mare Ghobra, which
took place in 563 a.d., is one of the most famous in Arab history.
The chivalrous Kais bin Zoheir, the Shaikh of the Abs, then retired
to Oman with part of his tribe, turned Christian, and became a monk.
At this epoch the number of Christians in Southern and Eastern
Arabia was very considerable. Subsequent to the well-known
mission of Frumentius, the most vigorous effort at converting the
Yemenite Arabs, as Wright informs us, was made about the latter
part of the fourth century, when Theophilus Indus, a native of
Dabul, near Karrachee in Sind, and a man of superior capacity, who
had been carried to Rome as a hostage, was sent on an embassy with
valuable gifts to the King of the Himyarites, by Constantius II.
Theophilus succeeded in converting the Tobba and many of his
people, and was empowered to erect three churches in the Yemer
—
empire one at Zhafier near Sanaa, one at Aden, and one in the
Persian Gulf, most probably at Sohar in Oman, which was visited
by Theophilus in his travels, and where, as we have seen, Kais bin
Zoheir 200 years later lived in seclusion until his death.
The conquest of the Yemen by the Christian Abyssinians and
the destruction of the Himyarite Empire in 525 a.d., with the
concurrent increase of Roman influence, must have greatl}'' aug-
mented the progress of Christianity, and this religion would soon
VOL. I. B4
have become the dominant one in Arabia had it not been for the
unexpected rise of a new one, i.e., Islam.
From the invasion of the Azd, under Mahk bin Fahm, to the
advent of the Sassanians our knowledge of dynastic succession as
well as of political events is almost a blank.
Malik bin Fahm may have left the power to one of his sons, of
whom he had many and we read in the " Annals of Oman " of one
;
Malik bin Zoheir, whose authority was nearly equivalent to that of

Malik bin Fahm himself, but the only dynasty we know of is that
of the Julanda Princes, regarding whose family Abufeda says that
every one who came to the throne took the name of Julanda. The
Julanda are said to have belonged to the Maawali tribe, which still
exists inone of the valleys of Jebel Akhdar. Another tradition,
however, asserts that they derived from the Amalekite Beni Kerker,
and this view appears to have been adopted by Sale.
The Julanda were ruling in Oman at the time of Mohammed
and are mentioned in the Koran, but how and at what period the
family rose and assumed the reins ot government we are entirely
ignorant. The success of the Abyssinian expedition in 525 a.d.
had led to the founding of a new and powerful dynasty at Sanaa,
the capital of the Yemen. This welcome succour to the cause of
Christianity was naturally hailed with joy by the Emperor of
Constantinople, who despatched an ambassador to Axum to negotiate
a treaty of alliance with the Negoos and to bring about his friendly
attachment to the Roman Empire, but the court at Madain or
Ctesiphon, as may well be supposed, viewed the matter very
differently, and the news of the Abyssinian conquest was received
by the Kesra in a resentful spirit.
The gain to Roman prestige and the stimulus to the world-wide
commerce of Constantinople were too evident to be denied or over-
looked. That sagacious ruler, Anoushirwan, saw plainly how
necessary it was for Persian interests to check Roman progress in
that quarter and to crush the new dynasty in the Yemen before it
became too active a religious centre, or powerful enough to give
Rome effective aid, and he watched for an opportunity to lay his
hand on the African usurper. For many years the Roman and other
campaigns distracted his attention, but the wished-for moment
came at last with the treaty with Justinian of 562 a.d., which
arranged for fifty years' peace, and which was fraught with eventful
results for Southern and Eastern Arabia. In the first place the
relaxation from war gave Anoushirwan the leisure and opportunity
he had so long desired, to an expedition against the
project
Abyssinian power in the Yemen, and he lost no time in directing his
energies towards the furtherance of this enterprise. The under-
taking, however, was one which was calculated to tax his resources
to the utmost.
Aden, the final destination of the force, was distant over 2,000
miles by sea from Obolla, the point of its departure, and notwith-
standing the extent of the commerce that existed at that period, it
must have required no little time to collect transports and lay in the
requisite stores for so remote a voyage. Yet however ardent may
have been Kesroo's desire to attack Roman influence in the Yemen,
it is doubtful whether the design would ever have been put into
execution had it not been for the appearance at his court at

Ctesiphon of the Himyarite King, Dhul Yezen Abul Murra, who
had been driven to seek refuge there by the tyranny of the
Abyssinian King, Mezrook bin Abraha.
According to some, Dhul Yezen went first to solicit the aid of
the Roman Emperor, and having appealed to him in vain, proceeded
to Hera, and thence to Ctesiphon, where he died soon after his
arrival. Most of the writers mention only his son Saif, who in
his interview with the Kesra represented the wealth of the Yemen in
such glowing terms that the expedition was determined on.
The valuable advice and information, political and geographical,
afforded by Saif bin Dhul Yezen, enabled the Kesra to form a wide
and comprehensive plan for attacking not only Yemen but the whole
of the Arab coast. The command of this expedition was entrusted
to a high official who is called by Al-Tabari Wahraz, but according
to Hamza al-Ispahani his name was Kharzad bin Narsis Wahraz —
or Vaphrizes being a family title. He was of royal blood, and
—
belonged to the line of Ardeshir, and his conduct of the expedition

shows him to have been an able general.
The strength of the army, which embarked at OboUa, probably
in the year 570 a.d., on this famous voyage has been very variously
estimated by the Arab and Persian chroniclers, one of whom gives
3,600, while Ibn Koteaba mentions 7,500 as the number of men.
Al-Tabari tells us that the expedition comprised eight ships
carrying one hundred men in each, and that two of them foundered
on the way with all hands, leaving a force of only six hundred to land
at Aden, and we may safely assume that these low figures are due to
Persian vanity.
Probably Tabari knew nothing of the conquest of Oman, and
imagined that the discrepancy between the number of troops
shipped in the Shat al-Arab and the number actually landed at
Aden was due to the loss of one-fourth of the expedition at sea.
It may be fairly assumed that the effective strength of the Persians
was 16,000 men, of whom about 12,000 were engaged in the attack
on the Abyssinians in the Yemen.
vSailing from Obolla, Wahraz first led his fleet to the Bahrain
Islands, which were at that time a dependency of Oman. These

islands were easily seized and occupied, and Vaphrizes then steered
for Sohar, the capital of Oman, where he disembarked his troops
and proceeded to overrun the country and reduce the Arab tribes
to submission. The only account of this conquest that has come
down to us is contained in the " Kashf al-Ghummeh," whose author
gives a meagre notice of the event. This record, scanty as it is,
bears the stamp of truth and may be accepted without reserve.
The passage in this work is as follows :
" The Persians did not return to Oman after their expulsion
by Malik and his children reigned in
until his reign terminated,
his place, and the kingdom of Oman came into the possession of
Al-Julanda bin al-Mustatir al-Maawali, and Persia fell into
the hands of the Benu Sasan. There was peace between them
and Al-Julanda in Oman, and the Persians kept a force of 4,000
warriors in Oman and a deputy with the kings of the Al-Azd.

The Persians abode on the sea coast, and the Al-Azd ruled in
the interior plains and hills and districts of Oman, the direction
of affairs being entirely with them. The Persian monarchs
used to send persons who had incurred their displeasure, or
whom they feared, to their army in Oman. So it continued
until God caused Al-Islam to be manifested."
The author relates further on that the Persians resided at

Jamsetjerd near Sohar, a place built by the Persians as their
headquarters ; this locality is now known as Jebel Gharabeh, also
as Felej al-Sook, the ruins of which are still visible.
The force of 4,000 men left in the country to overawe the

population and retain it in subjection is sufficient evidence that
the conquest of Oman was fully contemplated and provided for by
the Kesra, and further, that was not achieved without a long
it
struggle and a vigorous resistance on the part of the Arabs.

A marzaban or governor, whose name was Dad Firooz
Hashmushfan, and who was known as Al-Mukaabir, was appointed
over the two provinces of Oman and Bahrain, and established his
residence at Jamsetyerd, where he built and founded a town. But
he was probably subordinate to Mundhir bin Naaman of the Beni
Lahm, to whom, according to Al-Tabari, the Kesra had entrusted
the provinces of Oman, Bahrain, Yemama, and part of Hejaz.
With regard to the relative position of this viceroy and the
Julanda Prince, we are informed that the latter was allowed to retain
Nezwa as his capital, and to continue to exercise jurisdiction over
the Arab tribes, on condition of his acknowledgment of the vassality
to Persia and agreeing to pay tribute. The marzaban, on his part,
appears to have limited his troops to the long maritime plain called
Al-Batineh and to have refrained from immediate interference with
the interior.
After leaving Sohar, the Persian fleet continued its course along
the Arab coast, and annexing Dhofar and Hadhramaut on the way,
anchored at length in the port of Aden. Here the troops were
disembarked, and after a long contest, in which the native adherents

of Saif bin Dhul Yezen co-operated with the Persians, the latter
secured a complete triumph. The brilliant success of this venture-
some enterprise, which added to the Persian Empire some 1,500
miles ofnew coast line, and four Arabian provinces Bahrain, —
—
Oman, Hadhramaut and The Yemen caused great exultation in
the Sassanian capital, and during the remainder of the reign of
—
Anoushirwan who died in 579 a.d. —these
conquests were firmly
held. But the grasp of his successor was more feeble, and the first
wave of Islam, 66 years later, swept the Persians from Oman and the
other states.
The subjugation of Eastern and Southern Arabia is remarkable
as being the last notable episode in the history of the peninsula before
the introduction of Al-Islam, and it is unfortunate we have so little
information regarding it at this interesting period. The remem-
brance of the Persian invasion still lives clear and distinct in Arab
tradition, and traces of the occupation are to be found in many places.
29
CHAPTER II.
THE PERSIAN GULF UNDER ISLAM.
Almost simultaneously with the appearance of the Sassanians in

Southern Arabia there was born at Mecca one of the most extra-
ordinary men the world ever produced —a man who was destined
Western Asia, to lay the foundations of a magnificent
to revolutionize
Empire and to be the prophet of one of the most important religious
systems that have influenced mankind.
Much discrepancy exists as to the exact date of Mohammed's
birth,but European writers are now generally agreed to place it
between a.d. 569 and 572. Moslem writers are fond of asserting
that he was bom in the " year of the Elephant," the year in
which
Abraha, after erecting a splendid Christian cathedral at vSanaa,
marched to the destruction of the Kaaba, at Mecca, but was
defeated and routed by the Meccans through the miraculous
assistance of birds sent by heaven to destroy the Abyssinian host.
This event must have preceded the Sassanian invasion of the Yemen
by some years, as it was Abraha's grandson, who was in power
there when Vaphrizes arrived, but it is natural the Moslems should
wish to ascribe his birth to the eventful year in which danger to
their sacred city and shrine had been so providentially averted.
It was not some years after Mohammed's announcement of
for
his prophetic mission that the convulsive throbs of the new move-
ment, partly political, partly religious, that soon shook the peninsula
from end to end, extended to Oman. The news of Mohammed's
first victories did not perhaps reach very far, but as his power and
fame grew, the remotest corners of Arabia must have been gradually
affected by the military events and religious revolution transpiring

in the Hejaz. In tracing the manner in which the earliest waves
of Islam rolled into the south and east of Arabia, we meet with a
few notices in Arab authors that must be quoted. According to
Al-Nawawi, one Abu Bashair bin Aseed or Otba, who had embraced
the new faith, having taken refuge for some reason in Oman,
collected round himself there a few fellow Moslems and endeavoured
to spread their doctrines, but success did not attend him, and his
party was soon reduced to sixty or seventy. The tradition given
by Omani chroniclers is to the effect that a man named Mazin bin
Ghadhubah set out for Medina from Oman and was the first of his
countrymen to visit and swear allegiance to the prophet. These
indications, which need not be rejected, are sufficient to show that
Mohammed's letter to the Shaikhs of Oman, demanding their
submission, and a copy of which (doubtless spurious) is given by
Al-Sohari in his " Ansab al-Arab," was not the first signal of the
coming great change in the moral condition.
That Mohammed did write to the chiefs of Oman, as he wrote
to all other chiefs and princes far and near, is certain, and the letter
is said to have been brought to Oman by Amr bin al-As, who, passing
through Al-Beraimi, brought the missive to the Persian Governor

in the Batineh, from whence he probably proceeded to Nezwa, where
the two Azdite chiefs in Oman resided. These chiefs are variously
styled Jeifar or Habkar and Abd or Ayadh, and were the sons or
grandsons of Julanda bin al-Mustenir.
The reply of the Persian Viceroy, whose name was Moskan,
was a direct and scornful refusal, but the Azdite chiefs, with the
usual wariness and circumspection of their race, took time to
deliberate on their decision.
Hitherto the Omanis had been watching the course of events
taking place in the Hejaz and the progress of the strange crusade
against idolatry led by the son of Abdullah with interest and
wonder. The passage above quoted from Al-Nawawi shows clearly
that they had no desire for a new religion. They would take it if
necessary, but had no intention of spontaneously making submission
The Persian Gulf under Islam. 31
to the new reformer. Conscious of the strength of their isolated and

remote position, with a desert frontier placed as a barrier against
the rest of the peninsula, they deemed themselves secure from
molestation, and calculated they could afford to wait and see
whether the new prophet would be able to hold his ground.
It was in the ninth year of the Hijrah [630 a.d.], " the year of De-
putations," that Amr bin aJ-As, a man of subtle intellect,who had
been converted to Islam the year before, had been sent to Oman, and
it was probably the same year, or the year after, that a general council
of the Shaikhs of Oman, both Nizar and Yemen, was convened at
Nezwa, at which it was resolved to submit and pay the tax demanded
by Mohammed, whose divine mission could no longer be gainsaid.
Several considerations weighed with the shaikhs in coming
to this conclusion and served to support the arguments brought
forward by Amr. Doubtless the tidings of the general deputation
of envoys to Mohammed, after the capture of Mecca, and the
decisive defeat and humiliation of the Howazui and Thakeef tribes,
at the Battle of Honain, had already reached Oman and had had
its effect ;but more than this, the hope of getting rid of the Persian
yoke, and the political advantages to be gained from an alliance with
the new and powerful Arab Government at Medina, must have
chiefly swayed the council of Nezwa in its decision, for, in truth, it
m.ust have begun to dawn on all the inhabitants of Arabia that a
master mind had arisen in the land and that a central power had
been formed, to which all could look for guidance and support.
Religious conviction, manifestly, had little or nothing to do with
the matter. There was no display of bigotry. The Council was
guided in its dehberations by a simple question of policy. The
adoption of the new faith and friendship with the new ruler at
Medina was clearly in their sight of far greaterimportance to Oman
than the retention of idolatry, and, therefore, they were adopted.
The decision come to by the authorities at Nezwa was at once put
into execution.
Some were selected and despatched to
of {he leading shaikhs
Al-Medina to tender allegiance and to accept the new faith on
behalf of the people of Oman. At the same time Abd and Jeifar
sent out messengers to Muheyreh and Dhofar in the south and to
Dibba in the north, admonishing the people in those parts to accept
Islam and abandon idolatry. The people offered no overt resistance
and the change effected in the religion, though purely nominal and
on the surface, was bloodless and peaceful.
We hear of no religious persecutions or tumults in Oman. No
martyrs suffered in the cause of heathenism. The people simply
ceased to adore idols openly and to frequent the temples to worship
the graven images. In truth the people did not understand what
they were doing. They could not yet know the details of
Mohammed's system, nor could they realize or foresee the immensity
of the change which the new religion would make in their moral
and social condition. The Koran proscribes the whole of the
religious observances of paganism the idols and temples, the stones,
;
trees and shrines are to be ruthlessly swept away, and the Moslems
are taught in it to look back with shame, regret, and contempt
on their former idolatry. The phallic stones and carved idols were
ordered to be rigidly suppressed and destroyed, the tutelary deities
of every tribe and family to be obliterated from the memory.
Probably the people long maintained the existing order ot
things and offered an inert resistance to the encroachments, while
nominally accepting the change but their feelings and interests
;
were not much affected, and was

it only as time went on that the
insidious invasion of Islam swept away the old system. It was by
degrees that the people acquired pride and enthusiasm about Islam
and its founder and stamped out paganism as an accursed thing.
The grand central idea of Islam was Monotheism, as a protest
against the Trinity of the Christians and the idols and nature worship
of the heathen. It is this fundamental truth that has formed the
strength, vitality, and moral elevation of the religion. In reforming

the Arabs, the object contemplated by Mohammed was to introduce
among them new habits which would give them manners more
compatible with the wellbeing of society than their old heathenism
— moral influence, not violent interference, was his method. He
wisely left their future progress to time, example, and tuition in

his new dispensation.
Many, however, of the superstitions and usages of paganism
became insensibly and permanently engrafted on to the Prophet's
new faith, as had already happened in the case of Christianity ;
and certain tribes, the wilder and more ignorant Bedouin tribes in
particular, retained their worship of the stars and other points of
the Sabean religion for centuries. A few tribes in Oman, such as
the Awamir and the Al-Waheebeh, are said at the present day to
have but a veneer of Islam over their old paganism, and to carry
on certain reprehensible practices.
The payment of zakat or tithes was simply carried on by
Mohammed as an ancient and very convenient institution. It
was the only national tax ever paid by the Arabs from time
immemorial. In truth it is not easy to say exactlyhow many of
Mohammed's ideas were real innovations, as we know so little of
the details of the inner life and of the ceremonies observed at the
birth, the bridal and the burial of a pagan Arab.
When the Omani shaikhs, deputed to take the reply to
Mohammed, on their journey, Amr bin al-As did not
started
accompany them but stayed behind to watch the new faith and to
instruct the people.
Incensed at the rejection by the Persians of his demand for
submission, and anxious to remove the followers of a rival creed,
Amr encouraged the people of Oman to attack them. The expulsion
of the Persians from the soil of Oman had long been an object of
ambition to the Julanda chiefs as well as to the inhabitants, but
their strength had not been The Persians
equal to the task:
represented an autogenous race, the Aryans, between whom and
the Semites a racial antipathy had existed from remote times. To
this day the distinction between them is unmistakable and unalter-
—
able the hatred of one towards the other is intense, avowed, and
undisguised.
Nothing could have been more in accordance with the wishes
of Abd and Jeifar than to draw the sword on the Persians, therefore
VOL. I. c
the opportunity was eagerly grasped. With the moral support of

the agent of the new government at Al-Medina, the tribes rose and
prepared for the struggle. An ultimatum to the Persians to
embrace Islam and to renounce the claim to suzerainty over the
country was disdainfully refused and a contest ensued in which the
Sassanian Governor Mazkan was killed and his troops worsted.
The remnant retired to their strongholds, where they were besieged
by the Arabs, until at length they capitulated on condition of being
permitted to retire to Persia, and the land was then purged from the
invader.
The deputation of shaikhs sent to Al-Medina from Oman appears
to have been well received by Mohammed who, either from motives
of policy or because was thus stipulated for by the shaikhs,
it
consented to forego the zakat and agreed that the money, annually
collected for the purpose, should be distributed to the poor and
needy in Oman, instead of being remitted to Al-Medina. The
shaikhs, we may be sure, made use of their opportunity to ascertain
the true state of political affairs in Western Arabia, and must have
been impressed with the strong personality of Mohammed and the
enthusiastic veneration of his adherents before they turned their
steps homeward to report the result of their mission to the Julanda
Princes at Nezwa.
Although the representatives of the great majority of the
tribes in Oman, assembled in Council at Nezwa, had decided to submit
to the new prophet and to adopt his faith, this was by no means
universally the case, and some tribes had held severely aloof from
the new movement. Even among the Azdite tribes, which might
have been expected to follow the lead of their own chiefs, some still
clung tightly to the skirts of their idols, and a bold and ambitious
leader was not wanting to them in their opposition to the Julanda
Princes. This was Dhul Taj Lakeet bin Malik, an Azdite shaikh,
but of what tribe is not stated, who defied Amr bin al-As and
strongly opposed the acceptances of the new doctrines by his
compatriots.
In less than two years after the return of the deputation.
the great reformer and monotheist, Mohammed, fell sick and

died in the eleventh year of the Hijrah. At this time all the
Arab provinces and tribes had submitted to him, but the tide
of victory had not yet begun to flow beyond Arabia.
The death of the Prophet was a shock to the believers in divine
inspiration, which nearly caused the collapse of the new faith.
At all the more remote parts of Arabia rebellion broke out instantly,
as well as in the provinces nearer to Al-Medina. Oman proved no
exception, but rose in revolt like the rest, and the delegate, Amr
bin al-As, lost no time in returning to the Hejaz to report what had
occurred.
The Julanda Princes remained staunch and with many of the
tribes steadfastly adhered to Islam. But the bulk of the population
were disaffected. Dhul Taj Lakeet at once assumed the lead in
the insurrection and, taking advantage of Mohammed's death to
proclaim himself the True Prophet, summoned the people to rally
round him and swear allegiance.
His success was immediate and pronounced. Like the rest
of Arabia the inhabitants of Oman had accepted Islam, not from
conviction but from policy, and not doubting that the death of
Mohammed would cause the downfall of the structure, he had raised,
the Omanis now turned eagerly to the new leader and prepared to
follow him as the champion of their national and religious inde-
pendence.
Abu Bekr's reign began under a stormy sky. His election had
caused much heart burning and dissatisfaction, and he had not
adopted the title of Khalif many days when messengers bearing
tidings of insurrection and apostasy began to arrive at Al-Medina
from all directions.
Abu Bekr was a man of strong character without much strength

of intellect, and at first dismayed and paralyzed at the new and
mighty edifice by Mohammed being so suddenly and so
raised
roughly shaken, he was unable to do more than concentrate his
forces upon the more important revolted districts near Al-Medina;
but when these were subdued and the threatening clouds began to
VOL. I. c 2
rise and drift away, he prepared vigorously for the reduction and
chastisement of the more distant rebeUious provinces.
Meanwhile the Omani tribes which remained faithful to Islam
gathered round the Julanda Princes, Abd and Jeifar, at Nezwa and
calmly awaited the arrival of succour from the Khalif.
As all southern and eastern Arabia had revolted, it was
necessary that the Khalifs plan of campaign for the reconquest of
these widely scattered regions should be a comprehensive one.
Three generals were accordingly selected for the purpose and were
instructed to act at first independently on the service entrusted
to each and then to converge on Oman, where they were to unite
their forces. Their names were Ikrima bin Abu Jahl, who had
been censured by Abu Bekr for his defeat by Moseilama and had
been sent to Oman to retrieve his tarnished reputation ; Arfaja
bin Harthema al-Barida, and Hodhaifa bin Mohsan.
The plan of campaign was successfully carried out by these
generals, who after a long and weary desert march from Bahrain
and Yemama reached Towwam (or Al-Riyam, as Tabari has it),
from whence they sent orders to the Julanda Chiefs, Abd and
Jeifar, to meet them at Sohar, under the walls of which fortress the
combined Moslem army was soon assembled.
The warriors of Oman were thus divided into two hostile camps ;
one of them, and the more numerous, being headed by Dhul Taj
Lakeet bin Malik, who presuming that the disintegration of the
new government at Al-Medina had taken place simultaneously with
the death of Mohammed had raised his own standard as a prophet,
and seduced many abandon the profession of Islam.
tribes to In
the other camp were the Omani Moslems under their rulers, Abd and
Jeifar, who with more discernment had appreciated the force of the
arguments used by Amr bin al-As as to the stability and vitaHty
of the new dispensation and had believed that the Khalif Abu Bekr
would not forsake them but would send them aid to confront the
enemies of the Faith. It was but another instance in the world's
history of the rancour and bloodthirstiness created by religious
intolerance when the new Moslems of Oman did not hesitate to
join with Ikrima in a crusade against their countrymen, with whom

a short time before they had been associated in idolatrous and
heathen worship.
Being much inferior in numbers to the Omani force collected
by their opponent, Dhul Taj Lakeet, the Moslem generals did not
deem it prudent to commence the attack until they had tried the
effect of intrigue, and they accordingly employed Amr Mozeikiyeh
to seduce the Azdite tribes from their allegiance to the impostor
and induce them to return to the fold of Islam. In this they
succeeded beyond their expectation a large portion of Dhul Taj's
;
force fell away from him and helped to swell the ranks of the
Moslems, thus placing the two armies more on an equality.
Doubtless the arrival of Ikrima and Hodhaifa with a primitive
expedition from the distant capital, Al-Medina, had been a
sufficient proof to them that the new government had not collapsed
but was prepared to support its authority with vigour, and led the
more timid or more thinking of those who had lapsed from the
Faith to consider their position and to seize the opportunity offered
them to rejoin the ranks of the Faithful.
The Moslems, now reinforced by these seceders, no longer
hesitated to march upon the rebellious tribes who had taken up their
position at Dibba, a town situated in a small bay a few miles to the
north of Sohar. A great and decisive battle was fought here
between Islam and paganism, which raged the whole day with
great fury and slaughter, and the issue of which was for a long
time doubtful. The undaunted followers of Dhul Taj, befriended
by their strong position, not merely sustained but repelled the
attacks of their adversaries, and so wearied and intimidated the
Moslems by their onsets that they would probably have come off
victorious had it not been for timely and unexpected succours
arriving on the scene and giving support to Ikrima's exhausted
troops near the close of the day. This opportune reinforcement
consisted of some of the Beni Abdul Kais and Beni Najia tribes
forming part of the Khalif's army, which had apparentl37 been
delayed on the march across the Dahna and Sabkheh from Bahrain,
VOL. I. c 3
and its sudden appearance so dismayed the Omanis and encouraged

the Moslems that the tide of triumph was soon changed into a defeat,
and Dhul Taj 's army was utterly routed. The victory was dearly
purchased, but it was followed by an unrelenting pursuit and
carnage, and the loss of the vanquished is stated to have been
10,000 men. Dibba, an opulent mart and seaport, was sacked
and burnt and an immense spoil became the prize of the victors.
The town has never emerged from its ashes to this day, and the
site of the battle is now regarded by the people with a kind of
reverence as the place where Providence interposed to smite the
idolatorsand put them to shame before Islam.
Henceforth there was no word to be said in Oman against the
truth of the Mohammedan Faith paganism was killed by the
;
sword and the establishment of Islam in the land dates from the
**
Day of Dibba." The Julanda chiefs and the tribes who had
remained faithful to the cause with them were rewarded with a
share in the booty, and participated in the triumph of the Moslems,
while such of the erring tribes as had escaped massacre hastened to
make contrite submission to the Khalif's generals. What became
of the false prophet, Dhul Taj Lakeet, is not related but he was ;
probably hunted to death by the zealous and haughty Hodhaifa,

who remained, in accordance with Abu Bekr's previously given
instructions, to restore order and obedience, to consolidate the new
regime, and to engraft the new faith firmly in Oman.
Hodhaifa having been installed in the government, the other
two generals prepared to carry out the duties apportioned to each
by the Khalif when he entrusted the three officers with the task
of quelling the insurrection in eastern Arabia, which had been so
successfully accomplished.
Arfaja, charged to convey to the Khalif at Al-Medina the
fifth share of the booty, which was the sovereign's right, and to
conduct thither the fifth part of the captives, started at once on his
journey. Among the captives, it may be here noted, was Abu
Sofriya, then a youth, who became the father of the celebrated
**
Muhalleb, the Conqueror of the Kharejites."
The Persian Gulf under Islam, 39
The written instructions held by Ikrima were to the effect

that, after assisting his two colleagues in pacifying Oman, he was to
take the supreme command of the army and to proceed with it
along the coast to Hadhramaut which, like Oman, had thrown off
the yoke of Al-Medina, on the Prophet's death, and had relapsed into
heathenism. After reducing that province he was to push on to
the Yemen and put himself under the orders of Mohajir.
These orders Ikrima now prepared to carry out, and having
mustered his Hejazi troops, he broke camp and started on his arduous
expedition to the Mahra country and Hadhramaut, accompanied
by two auxiliary bodies furnished by the Abdul Kais and Najia
tribes, as well as by a small reinforcement from the tribe of Saad ibn
Zaid Monat ibn Temeem.

Ikrima found the people of Mahra divided into two factions,
one led by Sikhreet and the other by Musabbih this disunion
;
facilitated the triumph of the Moslems.

Sikhreet was won over by Ikrima and Musabbih was routed
and slain. The Mahras and Hadhramautis then assembled and
solemnly accepted Islam and vowed obedience.
On the departure of Ikrima with his army Hodhaifa was left
to rule the country, now outwardly tranquil, but in what a perplexed

and strange condition of domestic turmoil and transition But, !
of course, Abd and Jeifar could not have contemplated and under-
stood the momentous consequences of their action when they and
their people resolved to accept the teaching of the Apostle of God ;
nor could they have foreseen the changes that would result not only
to themselves but to the world.
Three years before the Arabs were in a rude state of ignorance
and barbarism, split up into numerous principalities and shaikhdoms,
now they were a great and united nation with a higher and purer
faith to bind them together and a chief — —
the Khalif to guide them
and lead them to conquest.
The new religion was not merely a collection of theological
dogmas they were called on to believe, but a code of religious laws
containing the obligation to abandon their old faith, their social
VOL. I. 4
;
and domestic customs, and to adopt others that would affect not
only themselves but their relations with each other and their attitude
towards strangers.
There was change in everything; but the main points insisted
on were the acceptance of Mohammed's Code of Laws, the five
daily prayers, and the payment of the zakat.
Instead of a degraded idolatry, a great reformer had conferred
on them —next to Christianity—incomparably the most exalted and
noble religion the world has seen. It is indeed difficult to realize
and appreciate the extent of the benefits that Mohammed bestowed

on the people, the marvellous amelioration he effected in their
condition.
Mohammed, same extent as any other lawgiver,
to at least the
is entitled to the applause, veneration and gratitude of the world.
It is the business of a lawgiver to demarcate the boundaries of men's
actions, to lay down just ordinances for the protection of the
oppressed and helpless, to screen offenders from partial punish-
ments, etc., and this is just what Mohammed did. His code was
crude and imperfect, short-sighted and inadequate perhaps, but it
represented the spirit of the age and nation, and was intended for
the Arab race. The difficulty is that his laws are not elastic enough
they are so mixed up with religion that they are unchangeable.
But they took the place of chaos, and worked an unexampled
change in the condition and in promoting the social welfare of the
Arab.
To understand this better it is necessary to take here a glance
at the moral condition of the people in pagan times. It is unfortu-
nately impossible to delineate the Arab accurately in his idolatrous
and barbarous state, as the iconoclastic zeal of the Moslem has swept
away nearly all traces of the time of ignorance, but a few notices
and facts concerning them have been gleaned by scholars from the
field of Arabic literature.
By the people of Oman as well as by the Himyarites, Sabeism
or Stellar worship, the most obvious and primitive of all idolatries,
was generally practised and was the prevailing rehgion ; but
Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians were numerous, and a few

sectaries of Brahmanism, or Hindoos, were to be found in the sea-
ports. The divinities were extremely numerous those which were;
worshipped by certain tribes being (as in ancient Egypt) animals,

plants, rocks, stars, etc. But each tribe and almost every family
had a divinity which it looked to for protection. Under the figure
of many of their idols they adored angels, whom they imagined to
be of the female sex. These divinities were, however, only looked
upon as intercessors, though powerful ones, before the supreme
God. Some believed in the resurrection of the soul after death,
but for the most part they expected nothing but annihilation.
Among the many barbarous and cruel usages abolished by
Mohammed were the inhumation of living girls ; the unrestricted
power of marriage and divorce allowed to men the slavery of ;
woman the marriage between stepsons and stepmothers, a cere-

;
mony that was called " Nikah al-Makt," or " the Hateful
Marriage," by the early Moslems trial by ordeal
; indulgence ;
in drink and gambling, in both of which vices they took both

pride and delight. Circumcision and the slavery of captives were
retained, but the last institution was fettered by wholesome laws
and never became the frightful engine of cruelty and wickedness
that subsequently disgraced certain more civilized and Christian
countries.
In the Sabean religion of the times of ignorance there had been
no priesthood, and one of the most important and significant
decisions made by Mohammed was to continue the old system and
to avoid the example set by Moses, Christ, and Zoroaster in creating
a priestly hierarchy and to leave the rulers and the people free to
appoint their own kadhis and imams, by selecting from among the
learned such as were qualified by their piety, character and attain-
ments. That Mohammed was led to this decision by what he had
learned and observed of the state of affairs in other religions, and
among the Christians especially, cannot be doubted. The degrada-
tion of the Christian clergy in Syria and other parts, the immorality,
ignorance, and depravity of the shaven monks were so flagrant and
notorious, that he wisely determined to save his own church from

and pollution, and he took care to prevent, as far as he
similar evil
could,any possibility of such an institution being organized his ;
wisdom in not establishing a hierarchy was inspired by the true

instinct of genius.
had a start of six centuries and would in all proba-
Christianity
have supplanted every other religion in Western Asia had it
bility
not been encumbered and weighed down by the character and
example of some of its churchmen. But when Islam appeared, the
superiority of a free religion, untrammelled by a clerical hierarchy,
was so apparent and incontestable, that Christianity in those regions
sank into a lower condition, and in the thirteen centuries that have
elapsed has never been able to recover its position. Mohammed
unquestionably introduced the rudiments of a new life, intellectual,
social, and political. His reforms impressed the Arab mind as
Christianity had never been able and next to Christ, he must
to do,
be regarded as the greatest reformer the world has ever seen. For
the rest the energetic and effective vitality of the new faith was
as much, or more, in the sentiments and emotions it inspired as in
the doctrines and precepts of the Koran, and the predominance of
these motives clearly distinguish the character of the age —the
early events of Islamitic history are always present to the minds
of the faithful and have, not a little, affected the general character
and attitude of the Moslems.
The radical change in ideas and customs effected by the
introduction of Islam into Oman must, of course, have taken a con-
siderable time to permeate the people,and the reform could not have
been thoroughly effected until the old generation had passed away
and a new race had sprung up, which had not known the old order
of things but the new Faith and law were as palpably and
;
immeasurably an improvement, so admirably calculated to increase

the general happiness and welfare, that the merits of Islam could
not remain unrecognized and unwelcomed.
The new Ameer, Hodhaifa, ruled Oman for three years, appar-
ently with judicious moderation, and no complaints are recorded
by the Omani historians against the character of his administration.

His supported by the iconoclastic zeal of his Hejazi adherents
efforts,
and followers, and calmly acquiesced in by the people, were mainly

directed towards the obliteration of all traces of the " Days of
Ignorance," in tutoring the people in the laws and precepts of the
new Faith, in smoothing the path of this great religious revolution,
and in guiding the mind of the population to a full recognition of
the fact that a new era of light, of moral elevation, and of general
prosperity, as a component part of the new commonwealth, had
dawned for them.
By this time the fabric raised by Mohammed, which had fallen
asunder when the master hand was withdrawn, had been reared
again throughout Arabia. The revolt had been everywhere sup-
pressed and the central government at Medina having reunited
all the provinces of the peninsula into one harmonious, religious,
and political system, with ample revenues, was about to wield the
mighty engine of martial enthusiasm, to propagate the creed by
the sword, and to overwhelm the neighbouring nations like a flood
of lava, until it had ultimately established the most widespreading
empire the world up to that time had ever seen. The rotten
civilization of Sassanian Persia, the repulsive religion of Zoroaster,
the debased form of Christianity and the immoral monkeries of
Syria were to disappear in a great degree, and a comparatively
sturdierand healthier regime was to hold sway from the Atlantic
to Samarcand.
Doubtless the people of Oman generally did not give up all
their old and cherished customs and superstitions without reluctance

and without a struggle, and doubtless also some bitterness of feehng
and some persecution, perhaps, occurred before the transition was
effected. The revolt of Lakeet had shown how deeply the old
pagan institutions had taken root in the Arab mind, and how the
people clung to their ancient and cruel usages and superstitions.
More than a generation must have elapsed before the worst
prejudices had passed away and the beneficial changes and aspira-
tions of Islam were imbibed and assimilated. The Arab writers,
however, tell us nothing about the gradual process of these changes,.

and we must picture to ourselves, as bestwe can, the way in which
the old errors were eliminated and the new ideas filled their place.
Our knowledge of the moral state of the Omanis after Islam must
be taken from what we know of the inhabitants of Damascus and
Baghdad, of which capitals the Omani towns offered a very subdued
reflection.
Of the two Julanda Princes who had been in power when
Mohammed arose, Abd and Jeifar, the latter appears to have resided
quietly at Nezwa during Al-Hodhaifa's reign, but Abd proceeded
to Medina with the caravan of spoil and captives that accompanied
Arfaja. On arrival there, he temporarily took service with the
Khalif Abu Bekr, in whose expedition against the Jifneh he is said
to have taken part.
The year 13 a.h. [634 a.d.] witnessed the death of the austere
and single-minded Abu Bekr, who, after only two years of deep
anxiety and incessant toil in promulgating his master's work and
in holding together the discordant elements of the rapidly growing
empire, had sunk into the grave at the age of 63 years. He was
followed by Omar bin al-Khattab, who was a prince of stern and
unbending character and more fitted for the position than his
predecessor. For some reason, not mentioned, this Khalif soon
withdrew Hodhaifa from his command in Oman and prudently
accorded permission for the local chiefs Abd and Jeifar al- Julanda
to resume their hereditary position as rulers, placing them, however,
in subordination to Ameer of Bahrain, Hajar, and Oman,
the
a famous warrior named Othman bin Abi al-Asi al-Sakeefi.
This Ameership over three minor provinces was afterwards
subordinated to the government of Irak Arabi, and the arrange-
ment continued undisturbed for about six centuries.
The concession made by the Prophet, on the submission of
Oman in theyear 9 a.h. [630 a.d.], to the effect that the zakat
collected by the Julanda Chief should be given to the poor of the
province, seems to have been withdrawn after the revolt of Lakeet
in 12 A.H. [633 A.D.], and the Ameer then received instructions to
forward the collections to the Khalif.
The new Ameer, Othman bin Abi al-Asi, did not tarry long at
Bahrain, but having appointed his brother Hakam to act for him,
he proceeded direct to Oman, where he found much to occupy his
attention, and began to busy himself in the preparation of his great
naval expedition, which in the following year, 16 A.H. [637 A.D.]
sailed from the ports of Sohar and Muscat to pirate and ravage the
rich and prosperous dominions of the idolatrous Hindoos. Of the
strength of this armament we have no details, but we know that it
reached as far as Tanna and, fortunately for Othman, was com-
pletely successful, having met with but faint resistance, and enriched
the Arabs with a splendid booty. This enterprise was quite in
Arab taste, but it had been undertaken without the knowledge of
the Khalif Omar, who, on hearing of it, censured the Ameer, Othman
bin Abi al-Asi, and wrote to him the following singular reproach :
^'
If your expedition had been defeated, be assured that I would
have taken from your own tribe as many men as had been killed
and put them all to death."
Omar, it is well known, had a strong antipathy to maritime
enterprise and adventure, and we may safely conjecture that he did

not fail also to reprimand Othman's brother, Al-Hakam, who had
been left to carry on the administration at Menamah and who about
this time had despatched a similar piratical fleet from Bahrain
against Broach.
Throughout the KhalifateOmar, the government of Oman
of
continued to be administered by the Julanda Chiefs, Abd and
Jeifar, who ruled conjointly ; the conditions of their thus retaining
the sovereignty in practical independence being submission to the
Khalif and the acceptance of the obligatory remission of the annual
tax through the Ameer.
The facility and success with which the Ameer Othman had
organized his expedition and accomplished his descent on the
Tanna coast are sufficient evidence not only of the pacification of
Oman but also of the infusion of a new spirit of martial enthusiasm
and fierce ardour which were leading the people to emulate the
deed of the home tribes and to imitate them in the career of conquest
and plunder.
The Arabians indeed, who had hitherto been content with

their own peninsula and buried themselves in their own affairs,
had now and were gazing with cupidity at
cast their eyes abroad
the rich and populous countries in their vicinity. Becoming
conscious of their own strength, they now saw in their neighbour's
lands a fertile source of wealth which they only required to stretch
out their hands to take possession of. Oman, from its seagirt
position, fenced in by the salt sea on one side and by a sea
of sand on the other, was perhaps by no means the least advanced
province of Arabia at the time of the Prophet's mission, but the
impetus to progress derived from the beneficent change introduced
by Islam must have been enormous. It had its sea commerce with
India and the Persian Gulf, but the interior tribes, isolated as they
were from other provinces by the practical difficulties of the land
—
journey for a desert march meant considerable hardship, though
the Omani is as much at home on his camel as in his swift and handy
—
bateel could have but little inter-communication with Hadhramaut
or Nejd and were but little troubled with the permeation of new
ideas. With Islam, however, Oman awoke like the rest of the
peninsula from its trance a new spirit of religious fervour, of
;
literature, of warlike enterprise wa^ quickly engendered the ;
population began to increase, industrial occupations were eagerly

learnt and followed ; many of the youths took service in the
imperial wars ; every family sent some member to push his fortunes
as a merchant, sailor, or adventurer ; internal feuds and quarrels
passed into at least temporary oblivion wealth began to pour into
;
the country luxury and progress made their appearance

; domestic ;
happiness and social fraternity were augmented property became ;
more secure in the country ; flourishing towns and villages grew up

everywhere ; and in an astonishingly
cultivated land increased,
short time the order and regularity, conveniences and benefits of
civilized life permeated the inhabitants of a country which a short
time before was sunk in the rank and stagnant mire of paganism.
Such was, we may suppose, the hopeful condition of Oman
when, about the thirtieth year of the Hijrah, the venerated King
The Persian Gulf under Islam. A7
Jeifar al-Julanda died at Nezwa.Having no sons living he was

succeeded by his nephew, Abbad bin Abd, in the reign of the Khalif
Othman.
Under the good impulse and influence of Islam, Abbad continued
to rule his state with peace and prosperity until the assassination
of the Khalif Ali bin Abi Talib, when the religious dissensions and
political wars that had arisen in Islam almost caused for the second
time the disintegration of the empire, and produced a general revolt
against Moawiya.
Oman, like the other provinces of Arabia, refused submission
to the first Ommiade Khalif and remained for some time independent.
It is interesting to note that the half century occupied by these
—
events— 620 to 670 of our era ^^was marked in England by the
final struggles of the Celtic Britons to recover their country from
the Angles and Saxons who had invaded it, and the firm establish-
ment of the latter in England as at present.
With the accession of the Khalif Ali may be said to have begun
those dire political troubles that shook the Mohammedan empire,
and especially those burning schisms in the Faith that soon divided
it into sects, and even imperilled the stability of the state itself.
The waves throughout the Moslem world to the
of discord surged
remote provinces, and the grandsons of the " Apostle of God " were
jêt when the Kharejites introduced into Oman the peculiar
living
doctrines that, with some modification, exist there to the present day.
In the first century of Islam the more acute and discerning
minds among those who were engaged in the study of theology and
law began to perceive the crudity of the sacred book and to entertain
vague doubts as to its meaning.
As the examination and criticism of the Koran proceeded,
the numerous dogmatic difficulties, inconsistencies, and contradic-
tions became more manifest, and some of the more profound of
these doctors began openly to discuss its dogmas and publicly to
avow their dissent.
On the important doctrines of predestination and free will,
for instance, the teaching of the Koran is by no means consistent.

For while it affirms the absolute predestination of human action

it does not fail and punishment, by which
to promise eternal reward
it infers the moral responsibility of man for what he does. This
was a rock on which the ship of the Faith was sure to strike. The
Jabarites accepted the doctrine of Fatalism and taught that man
had no power of control over his own actions and that good and
evil deeds were alike predestined by God.
The sect of the Motazilites or Kadarites, which was founded
by Waseel bin Atha (born 80 a.h.) [699 a.d.], on the other hand,
looked upon this view as impious, rejected the idea of Fate and
taught that man was the complete master of his own actions.
Among the Jabarites may be reckoned the followers of Abdullah
bin Ibadh, the founder of the prevailing sect in Oman.
So long as the disputants confined themselves to wordy
controversiesand polemical argument, the Church alone was affected,
but there were other sects which were more dangerous and whose
attitude threatened the existence of the empire.
As early as the third decade after the Flight, doctrinal divisions
had arisen out of the contestbetween the Khalif Ali and Moawiya
bin Abi Sofyan, the Governor of Damascus.
Ali, having by compulsion assented to the rightfulness of his
claim to the Khalifate being submitted to arbitration, was deserted

by 12,000 of his followers, who had held back in the campaign and
had thereby prevented him from crushing his adversary as he might
have done. These deserters he was now forced to attack in his own
defence.
At the Battle Nahawan, which took place in 37 a.h. [657
of
A.D.], the rebels were completely defeated and put to the sword.
A few only escaped and fled some to southern Persia, some to
:
Mesopotamia, and some to Oman, in which country their doctrines

were eagerly accepted and rapidly disseminated over the land.
The story of what had occurred, as related by these Kharejites,
as they were termed, naturally excited great resentment against
both Ali and Moawiya and, on the murder of the former and the
accession of the latter to power, the Omanis at once refused their
allegiance, withheld payment of zakat and continued to assert their

entire freedom and independence during the reign of Moawiya and
his successors, until Abdul Malik bin Marwan reduced the province
to obedience.
We must look back to the lifetime of Mohammed for the
earliest indication of the Kharejite schism, as the Prophet himself
sowed the seeds of dissension by his partiality for the Koreish and
by his unequal and imprudent distribution of the spoil after victory
over the Howazon at Honain in the year 8 a.h. [629 a.d.], whereby
much discontent and indignation had been caused among the Ansar
who had been allotted no share at all.
With true Arab intrepidity the Shaikh Dhul Khowaisira openly
accused Mohammed in the Wady Joghranah and pointed out to him
the mischief of allowing oligarchical ideas to predominate over the
principles of religious equality and brotherhood.
The Kharejites not only denied the claim of the Koreish tribe
to the Khalifate but also objected to hereditary succession in the
Khalifate and Imamate, holding that any Moslem, who was in all
respects suitable, might be elected. The bold and uncompromising
attack they maintained upon the hereditary right of succession and
their insistence on the privilege of election by the people were
unquestionably the real causes of the bitter persecution and final
destruction of this sect by the Khalifs the other views and heresies
;
held by them would otherwise have been allowed to pass.

Abdul Malik's expedition against Oman was doubtless under-
taken as part of the campaign against the Kharejites, which was
so successful in the north under Mohallib.
The Kharejite schism was indeed a most formidable one and
constituted a real danger to the Khalifate.
After Mohallib's campaign they again revolted under later
Khalifs, and their rebellious movements continued to increase until
shortly before the change of dynasty in 132 a.h. [749 a.d.] they
reached the highest point of their power — in Mesopotamia under the
Sofrite Dhahak ibn Kais al-Sheibani, and in South Arabia under
the Ibadhy Abu Hamza Mokhtor bin Auf.
VOL. I. D
In Oman, after the introduction of Kharejite doctrines, it was

a constant struggle between the elective and the hereditary system.
The Kadhis tried to force their view by causing an Imam to be
elected whenever they could, while the reigning Imam was usually
anxious to leave the succession to his son.
The people were generally indifferent and allowed matters to
take their course. Had the Imam been a purely secular king the
practical wisdom of the hereditary system in averting disputed
succession would soon perhaps have become the established custom,
but as the Imam combined both spiritual and temporal powers,
like the Popes of Rome, the Kadhis could put forward strong
arguments in favour of the elective system.
The Imam Abbad bin Abd kingdom in tranquillity and
left his
independence to his two sons, Suliman and Saeed, who ruled conjointly
and appear not to have been interfered with by Moawiya's successors,
the Khalifs Yezard and Merwan, probably because these sovereigns
found their hands too full at home to pay attention to so small a
state.
It was not until Abdul Malik had consolidated his power, after
the death of Abdullah bin Zoheir and until the famous Hejaj bin
Yusof had been appointed for his services at Mecca,Governor of
Irak in 75 a.h. [694 a.d.], that the conquest of Sind, Oman, and
Mekran were resolved on.
Al-Hejaj bin Yusof at first contented himself with envoys,
charged to demand submission and payment of zakat to the
Khalifate. The Omanis, however, encouraged by the rapid extension
and success of the Kharejites in other parts of the empire, rejected
these demands with disdain, and Al-Hejaj thereupon determined to
reduce the rebellious Julandaites by force, and having equipped an
army placed it under the command of Kasim bin Shiwah al-Maziny.
It was deemed more convenient to despatch this expedition
l)y sea, and it sailed for the Oman coast probably about the year
^7 A.H. [696 A.D.].

Passing by Sohar and Muscat, where his disembarkation might
have been resisted, Kasim appears to have anchored his fleet in the
little cove of Jisseh, thus taking his enemy in the rear and by
surprise.
is cut off from the interior by an amphitheatre of rugged
Jisseh
hills,and Kasim must have landed his troops about a mile to the
east on the sandy beach of Yiti, where the Wady Maih disembogues,
up which he marched as far as the Wady Hatat, a broad and stony
valley remarkable for its curious monolithic pillars. In the mean-
time the Imam Suliman, being assured of the support of all the tribes,
Azdite and Nizar, which had embraced Kharejite doctrines, in
his determination to defy the imperial troops and maintain the
independence of Oman, had prepared his force and only awaited
the news of Kasim's arrival to concentrate the tribes at the point
of contact.
The appearance of Kasim's fleet was speedily communicated
to the Imam, and then the national levy pouring down the Semail
valley, the great natural highway of Oman, and through the various
passes converging on the Wady Hatat, met together on that plain,
which is extremely favourable for defence, to confront the invader.
Though the respective strength is not given us it is probable
that, numerically, the Omani array greatly preponderated, and
that, strong in their numbers and confident in their thorough know-
ledge of the locality, they felt assured of victory. The battle was
toughly contested, and the imperial army fought bravely, but the
Omanis were able to attack from several quarters and their onset
was irresistible.
Kasim al-Maziny was slain on the field, the carnage of the
imperials was terrible, and very few escaped in safety to the boats.
Oman was saved for the time, but the triumph was shortlived.
The first shaft of danger had been shielded off, but it had been
thrown by one who had despised his adversary and who was not
likely to repeat the mistake. The Khalif Abdul Malik, whose power
had been so easily repulsed, was exasperated, and after some
hesitation gave orders for an overwhelming force to be sent to wipe
out the disgrace of the disaster and to chastise the heretical and
refractory Omanis.
VOL. I. D 2
In the new Mujaah bin

expedition, of which Kasim's brother
Shiwah was appointed to the command, Al-Hejaj bin Yusof, who was
now thoroughly in earnest and vindictive, took a great interest and
exercised his undoubted mihtary talents in personally organizing
and superintending the preparations of it, even going as far, it is said,
as to restrain the chiefs of the Al-Azd, at Busra, from taking part
in it or aiding the Omanis in any way.
The strength of this army of revenge is stated to have been
no than 40,000 Nizar troops, cavalry and infantry, and though
less
this number is probably an exaggeration, there can be no doubt

that the force greatly exceeded the previous one. It was divided
into two corps, one of which marched by land to Oman through

Al-Ahsa and the Nefood, while the other was to be transported by
sea down the Persian Gulf.
Owing to want of co-operation, through misunderstanding or
jealousy between the two leaders, the Khalif's troops again suffered
defeat, although the Omani success did not tend to augment the
security of the country.
The Imam Suliman, who had under him only 3,000 horse and
3,500 camel men, appears to have received intelligence first of the
approach of the land force across the desert and marching through
Al-Beraimi attacked his enemy near Abu Thubi. The Imam's
troops rushed on the invaders with an impetuosity which nothing
could withstand, and though the imperials were this time in superior
force, they gave way, then broke, and fled back into the Dahna
desert.
While these events were occurring in the west, Mujaah, with
the main body of his army in the fleet, sailed down the Persian Gulf
and landed on the Batineh coast, probably near Mesnaah, and
moved on to Burka, where he joined battle with Saeed bin Abbad
al-Julanda, whose small force was easily routed.
Saeed fled to the Jebel Akhdar, whither he was pursued by a
part of the Nizar army and besieged there. vSuliman having cleared
his frontier of invaders to the north-west, and being apprised of
Mujaah's arrival, now turned back to the Batineh, and on reaching
Muscat found the Khalif's fleet, numbering 300 ships, riding at anchor
in the harbour.Many of these vessels were surprised and boarded
by Suhman's men, who captured and burnt fifty of them, but the
rest managed and stood out to sea. Pursuing
to get under weigh
his career of success, SuUman now hastened up the Semail Valley,
hoping to effect a junction with his brother, Saeed, and crush his
enemy in the hills, but Mujaah's force was strong and well posted,
and the battle that ensued was indecisive.
Mujaah, however, felt his position so insecure and hazardous
that he resolved on retreat, and, quitting his position, retired along the
Bat inch to Julfar.
Al-Hejaj, on hearing of the repulse of his land force near Abu
Thubi by Suliman bin Abbad, was greatly disappointed, but refusing
to be beaten, lost no time in sending reinforcements, and a body of
5,000 horse, under Abdul Rahman bin Suliman, were already on the
march overland to Oman at the time when the two armies
encountered each other at Semail.
arrival of Abdul Rahman on the scene with this splendid
The
force changed the whole aspect of affairs and enabled Mujaah at
once to resume the offensive. The Omanis had become exhausted
by the contest and were intimidated by these repeated and formid-
able armaments and reinforcements being sent against them.
They saw that the Khalif and Al-Hejaj were implacable and that
the whole power of the empire was arrayed against them. The
Julanda Princes, Suliman and Saeed bin Abbad, felt that they could
expect no mercy or consideration at the hands of Al-Hejaj, and that
their lives would pay the forfeit of their unsuccessful struggle for
independence. Gathering their families, their property and
adherents, therefore, they embarked for East Africa, where they
ended their days, and thus brought to a termination the rule of the
Julanda Dynasty in Oman.
The conquest of Oman by Mujaah and Abdul Rahman was
then completed by the submission of the people, who suffered very
vigorous and oppressive treatment for the brave and determined
resistance they had shown. Al-Hejaj was greatly elated on hearing
VOL. I. D 3
of the subjection of Oman by his troops, after so many reverses, and

he despatched Al-Kheyrai bin Sirah Al-Mujashai, with the title
of Ameer, to govern the province on behalf of the Khalif and to

collect the mukatash or tribute, which appears to have been now,
for the first time, imposed on Oman in addition to the zakat.
Soon after the conquest of Oman by Mujaah, which had caused
the emigration of so many Azdite famihes from that country, the
Khalif Abdul Malik, at the request and instigation of Al-Hejaj,
began to extend his aggressions towards India. Most of Mekran
had been subdued some time before, and Al-Hejaj now sent Saeed
bin Aslam bin Zuraa al-Kelali as Wali to Mekran and the frontier
with orders to carry on the war. In Mekran, Saeed put to death
one Safhni bin Lam al-Hamami, belonging to the powerful Omani
family Alafy, of the Beni Asamat. Mohammed and Moawiyeh,
sons of Al-Haras al-Alafy, rose in revolt, attacked and killed the
Wali Saeed bin Aslam, and seized the government. Al-Hejaj,
on hearing of this insurrection, immediately beheaded one Suliman
al-Alafy at Busra in retaliation, adopting at the same time stringent
measures to recover his authority by despatching Mujaah bin Seer
al-Temeemi with a strong force to Kirman. Abdul Rahman, with
the advance guard of this army, was waylaid and killed by the
Alafies, but the latter, feeling themselves unable to oppose Mujaah,
then fled to Sind and took service with Dahir the Hindoo, King of
Dabul, with a following of 500 Arabs in 85 a.h. [704 a.d.].
Mujaah was succeeded by Muhammed bin Haroon bin Zuraa
al-Mamari, in whose time the pirates of Dabul plundered eight
Moslem ships which had been despatched with presents from Ceylon
for the Khalif. Al-Hejaj, trusting to arrange matters amicably,
at first sent an embassy to Dahir, to demand satisfaction. This
was haughtily refused, and Al-Hejaj, smarting under the insult,
and perhaps glad of an opportunity to begin hostilities with the
Kafir, who had given an asylum to the rebellious Alafies, sent an
expedition against him under Obaid Ullah bin Nebhan, equipped
at enormous expense and to which a reluctant consent had been
wrung from the Khalif. Obaid Ullah, however, was defeated and
The Persian Gulf under. Islam. 55
slain by Dahir with the help of his Omani allies. Notwithstanding

this disaster the expedition was not abandoned, and the officer
appointed by Al-Hejaj to replace Obaid Ullah as its head was Budail
bin Tahfa al-Bujali, who was holding a command in the army of

occupation in Oman at the time he received his orders. Some say
that Budail took his troops with him by sea, but according to others
he proceeded to Mekran alone, where the Wall Muhammed had
instructions to supply him with a force of 3,000 men, a further rein-
forcement being sent from Oman to join him under Abdullah bin
Kahtan Aslam. The were subsequently pardoned by
Alifies
Muhammed Kasim, the famous conqueror of Sind.
This family is conspicuous in the history of Sind at this period,
and is doubtless only one of the many Omani families that sought
their fortunes in Sind, Hind, and Zanzibar.
We have seen that on the subjugation of Oman by his troops,
in 78 A.H. [697 A.D.], Al-Hejaj bin Yusof, with the sanction of the
Khalifeh, appointed Al-Kheyrai bin Sirah al-Mujashai Ameer over
the country.
In 86 A.H. [705 A.D.] Abdul Malik died and was succeeded by
his eldest son Waleed, the " Pharoah of the Ommiades," under
whom the Moslem Empire attained the highest point of its power
and the greatest extent of territorial dominion to which it ever
reached.
government
Al- Waleed, though he confirmed Al-Hejaj in the
of Irak, changed some of the minor governors under him, and
amongst others that of Oman, over which province he now placed
Salih bin Abdul Rahman al-Leithy. These changes and transfers,
so common in the Eastern Khalifate, were no doubt designed to
prevent Governors from becoming too powerful and independent
by maturing and courting popularity with the inhabitants
intrigues
of the province over which they ruled but the changes must also
;
have been attended with the salutary effect upon the governors
themselves of removing prejudices, suggesting comparisons, impart-
ing knowledge and enlarging the general sphere of their observations.
Al-Hejaj was followed in Irak by Yezeed bin Abi Aslam, who
VOL. I. D 4
then caused Yezeed bin Saif bin Hany al-Hamadain to be placed

over Oman. The Kashf al-Ghummeh, it may be noted, gives this
appointment to Saif bin al-Hany himself.

Suliman bin Abdul Malik succeeded his brother Al-Waleed in
the Khalifate in 96 a.h. [a.d. 714], and at once removed all the
nakims of districts in Oman, making Abdul Rahman
Salih bin
responsible for the whole Government, but he subsequently saw fit
to reinstate those officials, leaving, however, Salih as Ameer over
the country.
Salih bin Abdul Rahman did not enjoy power long, for when
the famous Omani Yezeed bin Muhallib became Governor of Irak
in 98 A.H. [a.d. 716], he took the opportunity to replace Salih by
Ziyad, his own younger brother, and as the Muhallibites were
renowned for their magnanimity and generosity, it is not surprising
to learn from the local historians that the people of Oman were
highly contented under his rule.
Soon Omar II. as Khalif, Yezeed bin
after the accession of
Muhallib fell was imprisoned at Damascus, his
into disgrace and
brother Ziyad being replaced as Ameer of Oman by Adi bin Artah
al-Fezari. The latter deputed another officer to act for him, and
this deputy behaved so tyrannically that the people complained to
Damascus and had him removed. Omar II., though a mild and
just prince, was uncompromisingly bitter against the Muhallibites
and would not reinstate Ziyad, whom the Omanis would doubtless
have preferred. The new Ameer, who was now appointed, was
Omar bin Abdullah bin Sabihah al-Ausary, who was respected and
approved of by the inhabitants as a just and good ruler, and who
continued as Ameer during the remainder of the reign of Omar II.
This Khalif was poisoned in loi a.h. [a.d. 719] and was followed
by the voluptuous Yezeed II., whose animosity drove Yezeed bin
Muhallib into revolt.
Supported by many of the Irakis, Yezeed seized Busra and
proclaimed himself Khalif, at the same time recalling Omar bin
Abdullah al-Ausary from Oman, and reappointing his brother
Ziyad as Ameer over that province.
Yezeed bin Miihallib was slain in the following year by Muslama,

but Ziyad appears to have held his own in Oman for a time, as the
chroniclers state that he continued to rule even to the rise of the
Abbasides in 132 a.h. [a.d. 749].
There are difhculties about accepting this statement, but we

may take it that Ziyad, who did not dare to return to Irak after the
proscription of his family in 102 a.h. [a.d. 720], obtained the
adherence of all the Azdite tribes in Oman and remained there
unmolested until the commencement of Oman independence, about
fifteen years later, when the Ommiade Khalifs ceased to interfere
with the province.
In the account of the Battle of Dibba, which took place in
12 A.H. [a.d. 633], have mentioned that one of the young captives
I
carried off after the sack of that town was Abu Sofra al-Azdi.
The appointment of his grandson Ziyad as Ameer of Oman
permits one to offer a slight sketch of this illustrious Omani family,
whose virtues and magnificence were as renowned in Islam during
the Ommiade dynasty as the Barmekides afterwards became under
the Abbasides. The full name of Abu Sofra was Zalim ibn Sarrak
al-Atecki al-Azdi, and he appears to have resided at Busra and to
have had three sons, Muhallib, Sofra, and Mowarak.
Muhallib was a man of commanding talents and became one of the
greatest captains of his time. He was born about twenty years after
the death of the Prophet and brought himself to notice at an early age.
In one of Muhallib's early campaigns against the Kharejites,
their leader, Obaid Ullah bin Beshir, succeeded in capturing Mowarak,
who was slain and crucified by him. Soon after, in 65 a.h. [a.d. 684],
a battle took place at Sulaf where Muhallib was encamped, in which
,
this general was outnumbered and worsted. Subsequently, when

Muhallib tried to invent a saying about the strength of the Moslems
and the weakness of the Kharejites, the Nidab, a subtribe of the Azd,
used to say, " Here comes Muhallib to tell lies." These Nidabiyeen
still form a small tribe in Oman.
The Azdite tribes played a not unimportant part in the

Kharejite wars and took opposite sides, some fighting with and some
against the imperial troops. In the Battle of Sidlabra, which

occurred the following year, 66 a.h. [a.d. 685], the Khowarij had the
best of it at first, but Muhallib gathered a band of 3,000 Omanis,
each of whom took ten stones and pelted the Kharejites, wearied
with victory, and put them to flight.
In 67 A.H. [a.d. Abdullah bin Zoheir made Muhallib

686]
Governor of Mosul after the siege of Koofa, in which Mukhtar had
been In 68 a.h. [a.d. 687] the Kharejites revolted again
killed.
and invaded Irak, and Muhallib was ordered to march against them.
In 71 A.H. [a.d. 690] they defeated the army of the Khalif Abdul
Malik, and once more Muhallib, this time in conjunction with
Khaled, took the field, expelling them from Farsistan and Kirman.
In 75 A.H. [a.d. 694], when Al-Hejaj bin Yusof was made
Governor of Irak, he perceived the absolute necessity of crushing
the seceders, who had now become so numerous and audacious as
to menace the stability of the empire. He accordingly set to work
to organize a great campaign against them, and wisely entrusted
the command to Muhallib. After eighteen months of severe and
incessant fighting, Muhallib completely vanquished and broke up
that sect, and was henceforth called the conqueror of the Kharejites.
Muhallib returned to Busra in 78 a.h. [a.d. 697], and was then
made Governor of Khorasan, where he died in 82 a.h. [a.d. 701],
leaving four sons —Yezeed, and Mufadhal. He was
Mojira, Ziyad,
succeeded by his son Yezeed in the Government of Khorasan, but in
84 A.H. [a.d. 703] Al-Hejaj replaced Yezeed by his brother Mufadhal.
The Khalif Suhman, who detested Al-Hejaj and all his works, then
appointed Yezeed bin Muhallib to the governorship of Irak, but
Yezeed preferred Khorasan, and on his return to that post proceeded
to reduce Georgia and Tabaristan. Before he had been long on the
throne the Khalif Suliman began to grow jealous of Yezeed's great
reputation and success and to cherish resentment against him, but
he was absorbed in his campaign against the Greeks, an<;i died too
soon to execute his vindictive projects. His successor, however,
Omar was equally rancorous against the Muhallibites, and
II.,
summoning Yezeed to Damascus threw him into prison with his son
Mukhallid. Soon after they were sent as exiles to Dhalak in the

Red Sea, but in loi a.h. they escaped and sought refuge
[a.d. 719]
in Irak, where they had numerous supporters.

Omar II. died in Rajab loi a.h. [a.d. 719], and the first care of
—
the new Khahf, Yezeed II. for by this time the envy and hatred
of the whole Ommiade race had been aroused against the Muhalli-
—
bites was to carry on the persecution, and orders were sent to the
Governor of Irak to seize all the members of Yezeed's family, with
the view of destroying them utterly. The Khalif's order was
ruthlessly obeyed, and Yezeed bin Muhallib, now driven to despera-
tion, raised a revolt, took Busra and proclaimed himself Khalif.
He was well supported, and in order to extend his power, as well
as to secure an asylum in the event of defeat, sent expeditions
against Farsistan, Ahwaz, Kirman, Mekran, and Sind, and was
gathering a very formidable party when, early in 102 a.h. [a.d. 720],
Muslama, the Khalif's brother and general, who had been sent to
oppose him, attacked and totally routed his force at Akr near
Kerbela. Yezeed was slain in the fight and the cause was lost,
whereupon Mufadhal and several of his brothers embarked with
the remnant of the Muhallibi family at Busra in a number of vessels
and set sail for Hormuz, from whence they proceeded on to Kanda-
beel, a fortress which had been specially selected by Yezeed as an
—
asylum for himself, but the Kiladar to whom he had entrusted it,
—
Wadda ibn Hameed Al-Azdi proved traitor, and Hilal al-Tameemi,
who had been sent in pursuit, put the male fugitives to the sword
and sold the women and children into slavery.
This famous and powerful Omani race, the Muhallibites, which
possessed the provinces of Laristan and Hormuz in Persia, had
rendered great services to the Moslem Empire and were celebrated
in Arab poetry for their valour, virtues, and generosity, regained
some of their pristine power and position in the time of the Abbasides,
but, by the later Ommiades, were regarded with bitter jealousy and
persecuted to death with a pertinacity almost unparalleled.
About fifteen years after the Ibadhi doctrines had been
generally accepted by the people of Oman, the Ommiade dynasty
6o Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
collapsed, and Abdullah bin Mohammed, generally Abul

called
Abbas al-Saffah, having been proclaimed Khalif at Koofa, became
the founder of the Abbaside dynasty and took up his residence at
Hashimiyeh.
The first measures of Abul Abbas were directed towards the
extermination of the Ommiade was accom-
family, an object which
plished in the most ruthless and cruel manner. Merwan II. was
pursued and murdered in a Coptic church in Egypt, and ninety of
the family were, according to some writers, treacherously massacred
at a banquet to which they had been invited, while others were
slain in the various provinces. These sanguinary persecutions
and atrocities caused deep indignation among the faithful, which
manifested itself in the many serious insurrections that arose in
different parts of the empire, and which were not put down without
difficulty, but when Abul Abbas had quelled these revolts, he turned
his attention to the internal administration of his vast territories
and began the consolidation power by appointing the principal
of his
members of his own family to the provincial governments, from which
the officers installed by the former dynasty were systematically
removed.
In 133 A.H. [a.d. 750], Abul Abbas gave the government of
Busra, with the dependencies of Bahrain and Oman, to his uncle,
SulJman bin who appointed one Jenah bin Abbadeh bin Kais
Ali,
bin Omar al-Hinai as his delegate over Oman. A great number of

the friends and supporters of the Ommiade dynasty having escaped
from Busra, where they had suffered defeat at the hands of an
army from Khorasan, had sought refuge in Oman and had been
sheltered by the people. With these fugitives the new court at
Hashimiyeh did not, for the present, attempt to interfere and
awaited a more favourable opportunity.
Oman had now been free from the imperial yoke for some years
and, glad as the Azdites were to see an end of the Ommiades, at
whose hands they had suffered so much and from whose resentment
they had so much to dread, it cannot be supposed that they were
eager to welcome an Ameer from the new dynasty, but the
The Persian Gulf under Islam. 6i
moment was not propitious for rebellion, and they were not disposed
to wantonly incur the wrath of " The Bloodshedder." For the
time, therefore, the signs of discontent were suppressed and the new
delegate was allowed by the Omanis to assume office quietly and to
collect the tribute.
Jenah bin Abbadeh seems to have been a discreet and sagacious

man and understood the uncertainty and delicacy of his position,
for he ruled mildly and took care not to arouse popular irritation.
He appears, indeed, to have had much in sympathy with the Omanis,
and we are plainly informed that it was not long before he began to
imbibe the Ibadhi doctrines himself. This conduct could not, of
course, be countenanced at Hashimiyeh, and soon led to Jenah bin
Abbadeh's dismissal, his son, Muhammed, being appointed as
Ameer in his stead.
The assumption of power by Muhammed threw the whole country
into a ferment. Jenah bin Abbadeh, alienated from the Khalif by
his disgrace, declared himselfan Ibadhi and immediately began to fan
the flame of disaffection and revolt among the Omanis.
The Sunni portion of the community sided with the new Ameer,
Muhammed bin Jenah, but the Ibadhi tribes, which formed by far
the stronger party of the people, threw off the yoke of submission
and withheld payment of the tribute, on which the Ameer, Muhammed,
finding his position untenable in face of the threatening attitude of
the schismatics, quitted Oman and proceeded to the court of the
Khalif to report the state of affairs.
A period of disorder and internecine strife now commenced,

in which many of the old tribal feuds were strengthened and
embittered by religious animosity. Jenah bin Abbadeh, though he
had thrown in his lot with the Ibadhis, does not appear to have
taken a leading part in the coming struggle, and it became necessary
for the national party to select a new chief. A shaikh named
Julanda bin Mesood became the object of their choice and was
accordingly proclaimed Imam by the Kadhis.
The election was a notable one in tliis history, as Al- Julanda bin
Mesood was the first Imam of the Ibadhis in Oman, and he is called
in consequence " the First of the Rightful Imams." He soon

showed himself to be an able and energetic ruler as well as a just and
popular one, and he was as successful in repressing disorder as in
stimulating the martial zeal and enthusiasm of his adherents.
The Khalif Abul Abbas had now obtained the opportunity he
had been watching for, and resolved on taking measures without
delay to effect the two-fold purpose of re-establishing his power and
of gratifying his resentment.
Towards the Ommiade refugees he was still implacable, and they
were to be taught that, although they had gained a temporary asylum,
they were not beyond the reach of Al-Saffah's avenging hand ;
while as regards the Omani Kharejites, was a maxim of Al-Saffah

it
that when forbearance is mischievous, to pardon is weakness, and

he deemed it necessary to inflict chastisement on them for harbouring
these fugitives as well as for their rebellious and insulting conduct
in expelling the imperial delegate. A military expedition was, in
133 A.H. [a.d. 750], accordingly ordered to be prepared and
despatched forthwith, and was placed under the command of a
shaikh named Shiban, but Al-Saffah repeated the mistake that had
been" committed by Abdul Malik of despising his enemy, and the
force was too weak for the purpose. This force was to be trans-
ported by sea from Busra (and was to be met on arrival by an Omani
contingent of the Sunni and Nizar tribes, under Hilal bin Atiyeh
al-Khorasani and Yahia bin Najih).
The landing of the army from Busra and its junction with the
local contingent were duly effected, and the two hostile armies
encountered each other at Towwam, and Julanda sent Hilal and
Yahia against them.
The result of the battle was indecisive the first that was slain
;
on the part of the Ibadhis being Yahia bin Najih, while the Khalif 's
general, Shiban, was the first to fall on his side.
The death of Shiban prevented any further operations by the
Khalif's troops, who now remained quiet until the matter had been
reported to Abul Abbas.
Enraged at the defeat of his troops and determined to punish
the rebels, the KhaUf equipped another reinforcement, which

was transported to Oman under the command of Khazim bin
Khozaimah.
On arrival in Oman, Khazim was allowed to disembark his
troops without opposition, and being confident that he had now a
sufficient force with him to overcome all resistance, he sent to inform
the Imam Al-Julanda bin Mesood, that he had come to repair the
former disaster and to establish the Khalif's authority, and he
counselled the Imam, in order to avert hostilities, to make immediate
submission and to surrender the members of the Ommiade family
and their adherents, who had sought refuge in Oman.
These demands Al-Julanda, after holding a council of war with
the leading shaikhs, firmly rejected. Further demands made by
Khazim for the sword and seal of Shiban were also refused by the
Imam. A contest between the imperial troops and the Omanis
now became inevitable, and in the fight that ensued at Julfar, Hilal
bin Atiyeh and a great number of others were slain and the Omanis
completely defeated. The Imam Al-Julanda was captured, and to
the great grief of his people was put to death by Khazim bin
Khozaimah, after a notable reign of two years and one month.
The tribes, now leaderless, could offer no further resistance, and
the victor commenced to execute with brutal severity the orders
he had received at Hashimiyeh for the extermination of the Ommiades
who had escaped the fury of " The Bloodshedder " three years before
in Irak. Incredible numbers of these unfortunate political refugees
are said to have been now massacred
or burnt to death.
This was in the year 135 a.h. [a.d. 752], and thus it was already
the fifth time Oman had suffered invasion by the Moslems since
Abd and Jeifar had accepted Islam in the Year of Deputations, a
century and a quarter before.
The Sunni party in Oman had now obtained their turn of power
and did not fail to take advantage of it, under the aegis of Khazim
bin Khozaimah and his troops, to indulge their resentment and pay
off old scores by pillaging and oppressing the Ibadhis. These
oppressors are termed " Al-Jubabareh " or " Tyrants " by the local
and they are spoken of with horror and disgust for the
chroniclers,
way they maltreated and stripped the Kharejite inhabitants.
It is related that Khazim returned to Irak with the imperial
troops soon after the Battle of Julfar, apparently without leaving an
Ameer in Oman and the country
as representative of the Khalif, in
consequence fell a prey to lamentable anarchy and confusion.
Among those who now took the lead were the Julandaites,
Muhammed bin Zaidah and Rashid bin Shathan bin al-Nadhr.
Soon after these princes had seized power, Ghassan al-Hinai,
of the Beni Muharib, in Shaaban 145 a.h. [a.d. 762], plundered
Nezwa and attacked the Beni Nafa and the Beni Hameen tribes
there, expelling them from the town with great slaughter. Ghassan
al-Hinai was then murdered in retaliation by a party of the Beni
Harth tribe, who had proceeded to Al-Ateek, between Sohar and
Dibba, for that purpose, and the latter were attacked at Ibra, in
their turn, by the Julandaites, but the Beni Harth repulsed them with
a loss of forty men. This occurred in the reign of the Khalif Al-
Mansoor, who at this time had destroyed Al-Madain or Selencia,
and transferred the seat of government from Anbar on the Euphrates,
to Baghdad on the Tigris, a site which had been selected and on which
the foundations of a city had been commenced by that sagacious and
energetic monarch Nebuchadnezzar, thirteen centuries before.
During the reigns of the Khalifs, Al-Mehdi and Al-Hadi (158-
170 A.H.) [a.d. 774-786], we have but a meagre record of the events
that transpired in Oman, and it is even uncertain whether the
Imperial Government was able to supervise authoritatively the
administration and to collect the mokataah, i.e., the yearly sum
fixed to be paid by the province in lieu of poll tax and tithes, or
whether the country retained its entire administrative independence.

It seems more probable that the former was the case, and that the
suzerainty was enforced by the annual despatch of an imperial agent
from Baghdad for that purpose.
But we are in no uncertainty as to the internal condition of the
country. The bitter sectarian quarrel that had arisen between the
orthodox party and the Kharejites for the mastery, and was to last
o
o
'A
during a century and a half, was at this time raging hotly and was
destined to produce the usual fruit of religious dissension in an
increasing course of bloody strife and turmoil. The struggle, indeed,
was not confined to Oman but was, at this period, agitating the whole
Muhammedan Empire. The Haroon al-Rasheed, had
great Khalif,
not long been seated on the throne of Baghdad, and had hardly begun
to exhibit those qualities which have made his name imperishable,
before the heretics began to raise their rebellious heads in various
parts of his dominions and almost to threaten its disruption. In
most quarters where they essayed to plant their flag fortune proved
fickle, but in Oman were for a time, at least,
the Ibadhi tribes
successful in asserting their supremacy again, and in once more
establishing their predominance over the Sunnis as we may see by
their being able to elect a new Imam of their own sect at the capital.
This election took place at Nezwa in 175 a.h. [a.d. 791] under
the auspices of the Shaikh Moosa bin Abu Jabir al-Askani, who
appears to have exercised a leading influence in the matter and who,
in spite of much opposition, caused the preferment of his own
nominee, Shaikh Mohammed bin Abu Affan, to be ratified by the
general voice.
For two years the Imam Mohammed ruled the country with
firmness and with the help, no doubt, of his powerful supporter,
Shaikh Moosa. He seems to have held also the military command
of the Ibadhi camp at Nezwa, a position for which he may have
been well fitted. But his arrogant disposition, want of tact, and
imprudent conduct led to a conspiracy being formed against him,
and the feeling manifested was so strong that he was compelled to
withdraw from Nezwa. Another assembly was convened and
Mohammed bin Abu Affan was deposed and the Shaikh al-Warith
bin Kaab al-Kharoosy al-Shari al-Yahmady was elected Imam in
his stead in 177 a.h. [a.d. 793].
At this period the relations between the province and the
supreme government at Baghdad, which had for a long time been
on a by-no-means harmonious or satisfactory footing, became
strained, and the attitude of the Ibadheer in withholding payment
VOL. I.
of the mokataah became so insubordinate and uncompromising, that

the active intervention of the Imperial power to enforce obedience
became necessary. Though the precise circumstances that led to
this rupture have not come downi to us, it is not altogether impossible
perhaps, to guess at the causes underlying the general situation and
dictating the national policy.
It is to be remembered that this was the third or fourth time
that the Kharejites had hurled defiance at their sovereign, the
Khalif, and that had been not unaccompanied by signal
their temerity
success in the field. We may assume, therefore, that these haughty
and refractory heretics deemed the troubled state of the empire a
fitting occasion to assert their independence ; and, indeed, they
reckoned, as the result proved, not unskilfully. Their only weakness
was their disunion —engendered by their sectarian fanaticism.
There can be little doubt that if the warlike tribes of Oman could
only have laid aside their religious animosities and put out of sight
the odium theologicum, and coalesced in one solid and united army
against the invader, they might have retained their independence
and kept at bay the power of Baghdad for ever. The mountain chain
offers such superb natural defensive features that, entrenched in
their strongholds, ravines, and fastnesses, they could have maintained
a most stubborn resistance and have defied any invading army un-
provided with a commissariat.
One of the most trustworthy of the Arab historians Al- —
—
Baladzory has stated that the people of Oman discontinued paying
the mokataah in the reign of the Khalif Haroon al-Rasheed, who
despatched Eesa bin Jaafar with a strong force from Busra to reduce
this recalcitrant province and and
to restore his authority therein ;
that the troops on their arrival began to commit outrages, upon

which the people resisted them, killed Eesa and declared their own
independence. Al-Baladzory's account is supplemented by the
local annalists, who furnish us with further details regarding this
expedition, which ended so disastrously for the prestige of the
Khalif. Eesa bin Jaafar bin Abul Mansoor's army consisted of
1,000 cavalry and 5,000 infantry, and having been embarked in a
Oman, probably about 187 a.h.

large flotilla of transports, arrived in
[a.d. 802], and news of it was at once sent to the Imam by Daood bin
Yezen al-Muhallebi. At first no resistance was encountered the ;
army was disembarked and the coast occupied without hostility

being manifested by the inhabitants, and it is possible that had the
commander, whose full name was Eesa bin Jaafar bin Suliman bin
Ali bin Abdullah bin al-Abbass (and who was a scion of the royal
house ?), conducted the affair with a judicious moderation and
maintained a firm discipline among his own soldiery, he might have
brought the people back to their allegiance and re-established his
master's authority without bloodshed or severe exercise of power.
But Eesa did not attempt to win over the people of Oman by tact
and prudent conciliation, while at the same time he failed to perceive
the military weakness of his own position. Unmindful of the small-
ness of his force, he permitted his soldiers, in a warlike and disaffected
country to indulge in licentious excess and thus to goad the people
to exasperation and frenzy. When the invader landed a deceptive
calm prevailed, but the fires of rebellion were smouldering —not
extinct —they were soon kindled into flame and blazed from one end
of Oman to the other.
Oman rose suddenly in revolt and, with their usual secrecy and
rapidity in war, the tribes flocked to the Imam's standard and then
hurried to the Batineh to place themselves under the leadership of
the Shaikh Faris bin Mohammed, whom the Imam Warith had
appointed as their general.
The Imperial fleet had anchored at the north-west end of the
Batineh coast, between Sohar and Shinas, and Eesa bin Jaafar had
occupied with his troops the Wady Hatta and its vicinity without
apparently pushing on much further into the interior.
Misled by their passive attitude, he had begun to treat the
natives as already terrified into subjection, but in a wild and warlike
land like where the sword and dagger never long rest sheathed,
this,
no desolator's foot stands firm, no foreigner can reign, and he

suffered the usual fate of those who despise their enemies.
We are left to conjecture the details of the invaders' overthrow.
VOL. I. E2
Perhaps the Khahf's troops were dispersed on detachment duty or

were engaged in ravishing and plundering, and thus, taken unawares,
were summoned to the battlefield in haste. The fortune of war soon
declared itself. The invaders, unable to withstand the furious
onslaught of the Omanis, who wielded their long double-edged
swords with great gave way, and a dreadful carnage ensued.
effect,
A few of the fugitives succeeded in reaching the ships and put to sea.
Eesa bin Jaafar was among them, but Paris bin Mohammed im-
mediately despatched three ships in pursuit of him, under Abu
Hameed bin Feleh al-Salooni and Amru bin Omar, who overtook
him and brought him back where he was imprisoned in the
to Sohar
fort. Here he lingered but a short time, as he was murdered in his
dungeon soon after by a party of Ibadhis, headed by Yahia bin
Abdullah Azeez, whose act was probably in retaliation for the
atrocities committed on the natives by the Imperial troops, though
it is to be noted that the local annalists exonerate and absolve the
Imam Warith and the WaH from any participation in the crime,
though they extol Yahia as a man of high character and one who
obtained great credit for his deed.
Haroon al-Rasheed heard with bitter disappointment and chagrin
of the disastrous termination of the expedition, and he was especially
incensed at the death of the Commander, Eesa bin Jaafar. He
resolved at once to exact the severest retribution from the audacious
rebels,and issued orders for a new and more formidable force to be
prepared. But the design was never carried into execution. The
cause for this is ascribed by some to the death of the Khalif, but as
this did not occur till four or five years later, 193 a.h. [a.d. 808], it
is necessary to look for some other cause for Haroon's self-restraint,
and there is reason to believe that Oman owed its immunity to the
Khalif's wrath being disarmed and turned aside by the immediate,
though nominal, submission of the Imam Warith as the fact that—
the mokataah was thereafter annually remitted to Baghdad with
greater or less regularity points to the assumption that the Imam
despatched envoys with presents and promises of allegiance.
Whatever may have been, however, the reasons which induced
The Persian Gulf under Islam. 6g
Haroon to forego the intention of further molesting the independence

of Oman and vindicating the defeat and death of Eesa bin Jaafar,
the decision was one unquestionably for national congratulation,
by the Azdite section, as the Khalif's immediate
especially successors,
Ameen and Mamoon, were too much engrossed with their own
quarrel to entertain warlike projects against this comparatively
insignificant province, which for nearly a hundred years was thus
spared from foreign invasion.
The life of the Imam Al-Warith was advantageous to his
country, which he continued to rule with wisdom and justice until
he was accidentally drowned while trying to rescue some prisoner
in a flood with seventy of his companions in the Wady Kalbuh,
down the bed of which a surging body of water pours from Jebel
Akhdar after heavy rain. He died in 189 a.h. [a.d. 804], after a
reign of twelve and a-half years and was buried at Nezwa.
Political strife now interposed to hinder the election of a
successor, and for three years there was an interregnum in Oman.
It was not until Rabi al-Thani, 192 a.h. [a.d. 807], that an assembly
could be held of the shaikhs of the Ibadhi tribes, and the result of
their deliberation was that Shaikh Ghassan bin Abdullah al-Fajhi
al-Yahmadi was installed in the Imamate at Nezwa. The choice
was a good one. Ghassan bin Abdullah was a man of firm and
enlightened character, and did his best to help his country to ride
on the crest of the wave of moral and material progress that
distinguished the Arab empire in the age of Haroon and his sons.
The historians indeed do not fail to inform us that the spirit
of learning and improvement, which at this time influenced the
Khalif's court and which was spreading its ramifications into the
most distant corners of the empire, had communicated itself in
undiminished radiance and vigour to Oman that a taste for letters
;
was fostered, that religious precepts were honoured, and that many
books were composed in Ghassan's reign.
At this epoch, too, as we shall see further on, maritime trade and
expeditions, which had greatly revived among the Moslems, and
which were enterprises peculiarly adapted to, and promotive of, the
VOL. I, E ^
prosperity of the Omani people, were eagerly participated in by

them, and tended enormously to increase their wealth and strength.
In truth, speaking comparatively, we cannot doubt that Oman
had now become a rich, civilized, cultured, and advancing country,
populous and luxurious beyond any previous period and rejoicing
in its strength, its defensive isolation, and its almost complete
independence ; but the land was distraught and racked by an internal
cancer which went far to negative the blessings of material prosperity.
The antagonism between the Sunni and the Ibadhi,
bitter religious
and the racial feud between the Yemen and Nizar, prevented the
possibility of general tranquillity and repose, and did much to check
the progress that might otherwise have added incalculably to the
wealth, happiness, and importance of the province.
In the reign of this prince we have the mention of the
first
creation of an armed navy for the protection of the coast and the
merchant shipping from piratical attacks. From much earlier
times the Koork or Sanganian pirates in Sind had systematically
ravaged the coasts of Western India, but it is not known that they
had ever appeared in Arab waters. Attracted, however, by the
rich cargoes that now began to traverse the Persian Gulf on their
way to and from India, and allured by the wealth that was stored
in the bazaars of Sohar, Siraf and Muscat, these sanguinary
cutthroats ventured to extend their depredations to Arabia, and
their raids had become so grievous and insulting that the Omanis
fitted out a fleet of small vessels called harga and zareeka, and being
better and bolder sailors than the Indians, retaliated with such
unequivocal success that the pirates meddled with them no more.
After a reign of fifteen years and seven months the Imam fell
sick and died of his illness in Dhu' 1-Kaadeh, 207 a.h. [a.d. 822],
in the reign of the Khalif Mamoon. In the month of Showal in the
following year the Shaikh Abdul Malik bin Hameed, who derived
from the stock of Soodah bin Ali bin Amr bin Ameer, sumamed
Ma al-Sama, was elected Imam of the Ibadhis at Nezwa.
Abdul Malik appears to have been much venerated for his piety,
integrity and justice, but after some years his growing senility,
The Persian Gulf tmder Islam. n
for he was beyond middle age when elected, enabled the crafty,
ambitious Kadhi Moosa bin Ali to usurp the exercise of temporal
power, and eventually (without, however, depriving the Imam of
his spiritual functions) to snatch the entire control of political events
from his hands.
We may fairly conjecture that Moosa intrigued busily for his
own election, but if it were so, his wily schemes were frustrated by
the shaikhs who knew him well.
The Khalif Motassim, who succeeded in the year 218 a.h.
[a.d. 833], removed his residence from Baghdad to Samarra, and
thus, unfortunately, threw the power of the Khalifate
whole
practically into the hands of the Turkish guard, a body which
he had himself created.
The decadence of the empire began from this time and its
fallwas continuous. It was in the reign of this Khalif, that the

Imam of Oman, Abdul Malik, died after ruling his country for
eighteen years. His successor was the Shaikh Muhenna bin Jeifar
al-Fejhy al-Yahmady, who was elected in Rajab, 226 a.h. [a.d.
840].
The Imam al-Muhenna possessed much firmness and decision
of and was a strict Ibadhi.
character, During his time the
Mahrahs revolted and refused to pay the sadakat or poor rate, which
was then levied in kind.
The Imam ordered the Governors of Adam, Senow and Jaalan
to endeavour to arrest the Mahrah chief, Waseem bin Jaafar, if
possible, and this was effected by the Wall of Adam. Waseem was
imprisoned and remained in durance until the Mahrah procured his
liberation, through the intercession of the Yahmadi tribe, by whose
mediation it was arranged that the Mahrahs should bring the camels
allotted for the payment of sadakat to Oman themselves for the
future, instead of the Imam having to send a collector to fetch them.
The narration of this little episode is useful as showing that at this
time the Mahrahs acknowledged the suzerainty of Oman, and it
would not be difficult to show that this dependence of the southern

coast to the court at Nezwa continued for centuries afterwards.
VOL. I. E4
Another event recorded in the reign of Al-Muhenna tends to

throw much light on the poHtical condition of Oman as well as on
the obscure history of the Julanda tribe. This time the rebellion
broke out among the Sunni tribes in Al-Dhahireh, among whom were
the Beni Julanda. Led by Al-Maghaira bin Roosin al-Julandai,
the Sunni confederation marched to Al-Beraimi, which they
attacked and carried the governor there, Abdul Wadhdhah, who
;
was appointed by the Imam, was killed in the fight. The news
soon reached Sohar, which was then in possession of the Imam, and
the governor there, Abu Merwan, immediately set to work to stem
the tide of revolt and he soon started for Towwam with Al-Mattar,
shaikh of the Al-Hindi tribe, and an overwhelming force, the strength
of which, doubtless greatly exaggerated, is stated at 12,000.
Encountering the rebels, Abu Merwan inflicted so severe a defeat
that their power in Al-Dhahireh was broken and the Julanda tribe
itself almost annihilated, their village or settlement was burnt to
the ground, and their families cruelly driven into the desert to starve.
From we hear nothing more of the Julanda family, which
this date
soon became extinct by absorption. We see from this event that the
Julandaites had never accepted the Ibadhi doctrines but had
remained true to the Sunni faith. We also learn that the Imam's
power was paramount in Oman, and that the agent of the Baghdad
Government was not able any aid to the rebels.
to offer
Al-Muhenna's conduct was not approved by all his adherents,
but he was allowed to reign until his death, in Rabi al-Akhir, 237 a.h.
[a.d. 851], in the time of the cruel and debauched Khalif Motawakkil,
after a rule of ten years and some months.
In this year, 237 a.h. [a.d. 851], we are informed by Kodama,
who wrote on the financial condition of the empire at this period,
the mokataah or fixed yearly sum paid by Oman to Baghdad was
reckoned at 300,000 gold deenars, equivalent to 4,500,000 dirhems,
according to Von Kremer's Kultur Geschichte, and the statement is
corroborated by the Roll of Ibn Modabbir. This vast sum is a
proof of the flourishing state to which Oman had arrived by its
industry, arts, and commerce, and eloquently testifies to the wealth.

populousness, and activity of the land, which had now arrived at

the cHmax of its national existence.
On the very day that Al-Muhenna died, the leading shaikhs
of the Ibadhi tribes swore allegiance to Al-Salt bin Malik, who
governed uprightly for many years, until he had outlived his con-
temporaries and chief supporters, and had become bodily incapaci-
tated by the infirmities of age, although his mental powers continued
unimpaired. In 273 a.h. [a.d. 886] he was then driven from Nezwa
by an intriguing and officious kadhi named Moosa bin Moosa, and
took refuge in Fark, where he passed away in Dhu' 1-Hijrah, 275 a.h.
[a.d. 888]. The rule of this Imam extended over a longer period than
that of any of his predecessors, having covered a period of thirty-
seven years and seven months, during which time no less than six
Khalifs had on the throne of Baghdad.
sat The political atmo-
sphere of Oman appears to have remained undisturbed by stormy
currents, at least no internecine troubles are recorded by the
annalists. Subsequent events, however, show clearly that deep and
burning questions were agitating the minds of the people below this
surface, and that during the apparent lull and calm of prosperity
the way was being prepared for a period of strife, anarchy, civil
war, and all the horrors of foreign invasion and subjection. For
though no allusion is made to the fact by the Omani historians, it
was during the reign of Al-Salt or his successor that allegiance to
Baghdad was thrown off, and that the tribute ceased to be remitted.
This information we owe to Ibn Ghordadbeh, who wrote about
270 or 275 A.H. [a.d. 883 or 888], and who, while omitting any return
for Eastern Arabia, states expressly that it was then in possession
of the Kharejites and not in fealty to the Khalif Motamid.
Al-Salt, having been deposed, the Shaikh Rashid bin Al-Nadhr
was, in Dhu' 1-Hijrah, 273 a.h. [a.d. 886], put up by the Kadhi Moosa
bin Moosa as a puppet Imam, but he proved incompetent to wield
power and maintain it at so critical a period the passive timidity
;
of his disposition, in fact, alienating him from an ambitious life, and

he seems to have been throughout the dupe of the Kadhi, who used
him to further his schemes of religious fanaticism and persecution.
The result was that dissensions everywhere broke and the evils,
out,
which are the usual concomitants of priestly rule, so completely
permeated the land and divided the people that they became
plunged into civil war, which lasted for seven years. The Kadhi
Moosa appears to have formed a coalition to oppose the Sunnis or
Nizar party and to have used his influence to incite the Ibadhi
people against them.
The immediate cause of the discord and the particulars of the
quarrel between the parties, which led to such important conse-
quences, are not narrated by the Ibadhi chroniclers, but their eloquent
silence on certain points makes it tolerably certain that Moosa bin
Moosa was the fons et origo mali, and must be regarded as the real
author of the internecine war that brought so much misery and ruin
on his country and led ultimately to a foreign mission, though it is
by no means improbable that the emissaries of the Kharejites in
other provinces had not a little to do in fomenting religious
animosity.
That the Sunni party were not the aggressors in this struggle
may be fairly inferred from the fact that they were at this time
decidedly in the minority and were consequently not likely to have
commenced an unequal contest. At all events, in two of the fights
that took place during the ensuing three years, the Nizar were
worsted, viz., at Al-Raudha Tanoof Valley, inwhich the
in the
latter were led by Fahm bin Warith and Musaab bin Suliman, and
again in the battle that occurred near Rostak, when Shazan bin
al-Maan al-Salt was defeated and driven off by the Ibadhis.
It was soon after these occurrences that the Kadhi Moosa
and the Imam Rashid fell out, the latter probably not proving so
pliant a tool in the Kadhi's hands as he had hoped.
The influence of Moosa was accordingly exerted to depose
Rashid bin al-Nadhr as it had already been to depose the .Imam
al-Salt, and having succeeded in getting rid of Rashid, he nominated
his friend the Shaikh Azzan bin Temeen al-Kharoosi to the Imamate
in the month of Safar, 277 a.h. [a.d. 890].
At first all went smoothly but it was not long before the
relations between the new Imam and the Kadhis began to change.
Azzan observed with increasing jealousy and anger the encroach-
ments of Moosa on his authority and the invidious attempts made
to imdermine his power, and he determined to bring the matter to
an issue. A rupture ensued. Moosa was deprived of the Chief
Kadhiship and fled to Zikki, where he took refuge with the faction
he had so long and so bitterly opposed. Moosa's reception at Zikki
did not fail to inspire the Imam with some alarm, and the apprehen-
sions thus created naturally tended to increase the animosity between
the two factions.
Hostilities now broke out afresh, and in Shaaban, 278 a.h.
[a.d. 891], eighteen months after the accession of the Imam Azzan
— an Ibadhi force was despatched to Zikki and siege laid to the walled
enclosure or fortlet at that town, inhabited by the Nizar, in which
the ex-Kadhi Moosa had obtained sanctuary.
The attacking force was too strong to be resisted, and after a
short struggle the enclosure was carried, sacked and burnt to the
ground. The slaughter was great, the devastation and the triumph
were complete, and the teterrima causa belli, Moosa bin Moosa, was
amongst the slain.
The town of Zikki, where this massacre occurred, is situate at
the south end of the Jebel Akhdar clump, at an elevation of about
2,000 feet above the sea, and on the banks of the Wady Halfain
which rises not far off. On the right bank stand the great fort and
the two walled enclosures occupied respectively, as of yore, by the
Yemen and Nizar, who still remember the terrible Yom of Shaaban
and continue to cherish their ancient feud with undiminished vigour,
diverting themselves occasionally with skirmishes and fights.
The Imam Azzan received those who brought him the intelli-
gence of the success of his expedition with honour, and liberally
rewarded his troops, feeling, doubtless, much relieved at the death
of his quondam and supporter, Moosa bin Moosa. There
associate
are not sufficient materials at hand to enable us to judge with
certainty of Moosa's character. His policy seems to have been
guided by arrogance and ambition, but the inculpating inferences
of history are not actual evidence and do not justify us in pronouncing

positively on him he ; may have had good reasons for deposing
Al-Salt and Rashid and in quarrelling with Azzan, but such schemes
are more probably selfish promptings of an insidious and crafty mind
worked by cupidity and the lust of power.
The acrimony between the parties was aggravated tenfold by
this event and the Nizar tribes thirsted for revenge. It was the
most salient and sanguinary of all the conflicts that had taken place
in the five years during which the civil war had lasted, and yet deep
and wide-spreading as was the misery of the inhabitants they had
only begun, as it were, to taste the cup of affliction.
Hitherto the Nizar, being numerically inferior to the Azdites,
had been almost invariably worsted in the campaign and were unable
to cope with their enemies in the open field, but they resolved,
nevertheless, to continue the struggle and even to undertake
offensive operations against the Imam.
The man who now took the field as their leader was Al-Fadhl
bin al-Howari al-Koreishi, who was supported by Shaikh Abdullah
of the Beni Haddan, by Al-Howari bin Abdullah al-Salooni, by the
Beni Harth of the Batineh, and by others of the Nizar. Al-Fadhl
proceeded first to Al-Beraimi to collect adherents and then returned
to his home in Al-Dhahireh. Having arranged his plans with the
shaikhs, he next moved down with his force upon Sohar, where he
arrived on the 23rd Showal, 278 a.h. [a.d. 891]. In the meantime
the Imam Azzan bin Temeem was not idle.
The month of Ramzan, which comes next before Showal, had
put a truce to hostilities, and he had employed it in gathering his
forces, at the head of which he placed the Shaikh of the Beni Hina,
Al-Aheef bin Hamham. This general being informed of Al-Fadhl's
movements, marched his army along the Batineh to oppose him
and was joined on the way by Fahm bin Warith al-Yahmadi (appar-
ently the same person as the shaikh who was defeated at Eaudheh
three or four years previously).
The two armies met at Al-Majiz, not far from Sohar, on the
26th Showal, and the battle that took place ended in the total rout
The Persian Gulf under Islam. yy
of Al-Fadhl and the Nizar army. This affair brought the war
practically to a conclusion and left the Yemenite faction masters
of the situation. The meagreness of the accounts that have come
down to us leave us much in the dark as to the true, position of
parties, but it is evident that the character of the war had entirely
changed since the rupture between Moosa and the Imam. At that
time the war was a religious one between the Sunnis and Ibadhis ;
it had now become one of race between the Yemen and Nizar, as
Fahm bin Warith and the Sunni Beni Hina and others, who were
formerly in opposition, were now ranged on the Imam's side.
Although Azzan still reigned as Imam, the chroniclers inform

us that the Imamate became to the Omanis a thing to sport with
and an object of ambitious design ; so much so, that in one year,
386 A.H. [a.d. 996], they set up sixteen different Imams, each of whom
failed to retain the allegiance of the people. This was subsequent
to Bin Noor's invasion. This crowd of clerical rulers must have
been of a class not gifted with the qualities requisite for leaders of
men and must have hurled one another, in very rapid succession,
from the movable throne.
It is manifest that the Omanis were now in a state of ruinous
divisionand that they had fallen into constant feud and warfare with
each other to indulge their jealousies and revenges. Though the
shaikhs were at times sufficiently politic and patriotic to combine
their efforts, the Imams were generally obliged to meet the successive
invading armies of the Khalif with a partizan, not with a national
following, and consequently with little cohesion and unity of spirit.
The envious, selfish or vindictive minds of the various shaikhs often

saw and gloated over the misfortunes of each other, and thus
facilitated in a very great degree the encroachments and victories
of the Imperial delegates.
In Rajab, 279 a.h. [a.d. 892], the Khahf of Baghdad, Motadhid,
died and was succeeded by his nephew, Abban, whose father,
Mowaffik Nasir al-Din, had compelled the feeble Motamid to nominate
to the succession, to the exclusion of the latter's son and rightful
heir. Motadhid Billah, as the new Khalif was styled, had been
(like his father) the de facto ruler of the empire ever since his father's
death, and had proved himself a capable and crafty statesman.
He retained his grasp of power with firmness, and the tightening
of the rein was soon felt in every province of his dominion.
Oman did not escape his notice. Indeed it was not likely that
the rebellious attitude of the Kharejites in this province towards
the Khalifate would be suffered by so strong and jealous a sovereign
to pass without an effort to chastise and reduce it.
For ten years no mokataah had been remitted to Baghdad,
neither had any delegate been permitted to enter Oman to collect
it. The new Khalif, doubtless, had long nurtured feelings of resent-
ment against the Omanis on this account, but it is not probable that
the storm of imperial rage would have burst so soon on this luckless
land if it had not been precipitated by the events occurring in the
country itself. The continual bloody and internecine strife that had
so long convulsed the country had so envenomed the attitude of the
Yemen and Nizar, and had rendered the factions so implacable,
that the land was now divided into two hostile camps, and the deep
hate engendered thereby was the true cause of the revolution that
had been silently rising up in their midst. For though the events
we have described as transpiring in Oman must have helped to
attract the attention of the court of Baghdad to the disloyal
province, the oppression of the Sunnis by the Kharejites had, we
may be sure, roused much indignation among their co-religionists,
it does not appear that any project of interference had been enter-
tained until the arrival of the deputation to beseech the protection
of the Imperial power.
It seems to have been after the Battle of Al-Majiz 279 a.h. in
[a.d. 892] that the Nizar chiefs in conclave, despairing of maintaining
their prestige by force of arms, and thirsting to wreak their
vengeance on their persecutors, determined to invoke the intervention
of the Khalif and to solicit his aid to enable them to recover their
position.
Notwithstanding the unquestionable provocation that the Nizar
had received at the hands of the Yemen faction, this invitation to
invade the country, the main object of which was to secure their
own pohtical and rehgious ascendency, sent by one part of the
nation to a superior and aggressive power, was as unpatriotic and
ill-judged as it was ineffective in furthering the objects of perman-
ently uprooting the Ibadhi heresy in Oman and of giving the political
predominance to the Nizar, while the devastation, cruelty, and
bloodshed brought on the land in this the greatest, wickedest, and
most unnatural invasion that ever assailed it are traditioned by
the people to have exceeded all previous and subsequent experience
and have brought undying odium on the faction to which the
responsibility attaches.
We learn from several Arab historians that the envoys selected
and the invitation to invade
to carry the grievances of the party
Oman were the Shaikhs Mohammed bin Abul Kasim al-Sami and
Basheer bin al-Munthir —both belonging to the tribe Beni Sama
bin Lawa bin Ghalib, which was one of the most powerful of the
Nizar clans in Oman. Whether this mission was despatched
secretly, or whether any attempt was made to effect a reconciliation
before resorting to foreign aid, does not appear, but, from no mention
having been made of any general assembly of shaikhs, we may
conclude that the Yemen tribes were not made aware of the Nizar's
intention to invite Imperial succour. However this may be, it
seems clear that the envoys proceeded first to Bahrain, where the
Ameer of Eastern Arabia, which included Oman, then resided.
The name of the Ameer at this time, who was subordinate to
the Wall or Governor-General of Irak Arabi, was Mohammed bin
Noor, of whose career we know nothing but this one notable and
successful episode which, while it has stamped him as a good general,
has branded his name with infamy as a monster of cruelty.
With and indignant ears Mohammed bin Noor listened
attentive
to the story of the civil war in his rebellious district, and of the
sufferings endured by the Sunnis at the hands of the heretical
Yemenites, and he inwardly resolved to seize, without delay, the
opportunity now thrown open to him of reclaiming his lawful
authority over Oman, and of putting his foot on the neck of those
So Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
who had hitherto trampled his dignity under foot

and had oppressed
the orthodox Moslems. Doubtless he had long had in view the
reduction of Oman, and had only been biding his time until the wished
for chance should favour his scheme and fulfil his desire to emulate
the career of the famous Muhallib as a conqueror of the Kharejites.
The promise of the co-operation and support of the Maaddic tribes
strengthened Bin Noor's resolve to embark if possible in the enter-
prise, and the discussion of the details with the envoys enabled him
to prepare the plan of campaign previous to laying his project before

his Imperial master for consideration and decision.
Retaining Basheer with him, the Ameer sent Mohammed bin
Abul Kasim on to Baghdad with a letter addressed to the Khalif,
representing how Oman had been cleft asunder into two great
factions by the hatchet of discord, the wisdom of aggravating these
discussions in the Imperial interest, and urging the immediate
despatch of a punitive expedition to chastise the insolence of the
Kharejites at so favourable a juncture.
Armed with this letter, Mohammed bin Abul Kasim had no
difficulty in procuring admission to the presence of the Khalif
Motadhid Billah, whose strong mind quickly grasped the force of
the arguments used by the Envoy and the Ameer of Bahrain, and
who, knowing that the Kharejite wars of previous reigns had
deepened and intensified the feeling between the schismatics and the
orthodox, and that Oman was now the chief, if not the only strong-
hold of the former party, at once perceived the necessity of seizing
the opportunity to strike at the heart of the mischief, and thus
extinguish the flame of heresy throughout Islam. Recognizing,
therefore, the claims of the Sunni and Nizar tribes to protection
and that the bond of creed could not be ignored, Motadhid Billah
decided not to reject the overtures of the Envoy and the advice of
the Ameer, but to issue speedy orders for the organization of an
expeditionary force, and mindful of th i fate of Haroon al-Rasheed's
small army, he determined that it should be of overwhelming strength.
The news of the war soon spread and the Maaddic tribes poured
forth their quotas to rally under the standard of the army of
The Persian Gulf under Islam. 8i
retaliation against the heterodox Azdites, who had persecuted the

Nizar, and so popular was the expedition against Oman, so eager
were the northern tribes for the spoliation of the land, and so
expeditiously did the Ameer Bin Noor and Shaikh Abul Kasim
employ their time, that within five months from the date of
Al-Motadhid's accession the preparations for the invasion were
complete.
The Sunni and Nizar gathered from every corner of Northern
Arabia, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Irak, and threw themselves into
the struggle with enthusiasm, bound by a common nationality in
the hope of extirpating the heretics and of enriching themselves by
the plunder of a wealthy province.
Hundreds of shaikhs with and fierce Bedouin
their slaves
followers volunteered for the new crusade and swelled the total of
the force one of the most notable contingents being a body of the
;
great Tai tribe, which came from Al-Sham to join in the religious
—
war and altogether an army of about 25,000 men, including
3,500 cavalry in chain armour, raised principally from the warlike
tribes of Maaddic stock, assembled under the white banner of the
imperial general. This large and well equipped expedition appears
to have been divided in two divisions, one of which set sail from
Busra with the impedimenta and stores in a flotilla of transports
and disembarked at Julfar, while the other, comprising the main
body under Mohammed bin Noor, marched by land from Lahsa and
crossing the Sabkheh reached Abu Thubi, from whence, engaging
on the way with the tribes of Al-Sirr in skirmishes and desultory
warfare, after the fashion of Arabia, he moved on to Al-Beraimi
in Al-Jow or Towwam, as it was then called, where he arrived on
the 24th Moharram, 280 a.h. [a.d. 893]. Here a junction was
probably effected with the second division from Julfar, and the
whole force then prepared to cross Al-Dhahireh and attack the
capital, which is situate in the heart of Oman.
The approach of an army of this magnitude, designed expressly
for their subjugation and chastisement by the Khalif, could not
fail to cause the utmost consternation and dismay throughout Oman,
VOL. I. F
and it became evident was menaced by a

to all that their country
calamity of the first order and that little hope of escape, save by a
miracle, from the yoke of Baghdad, remained. Oman, indeed,
had never before this day, nor has she since, been threatened by an
expedition so formidable, so resentful, or so highly organized.
Distracted as the country was by the bitter feuds and sanguinary
contests between the rival factions, all possibility of a united force
and combined resistance to their powerful enemy was out of the
question, as the Nizar tribes, now thoroughly estranged and hostile,
had themselves invited the and had little to fear, while the
evil
national party, though comprising the major portion of the popula-

tion, was hardly strong enough to cope with it. Paralyzed at the
impending weight of an overwhelming force on their frontier, the
chiefs appear to have lost heart and to have retained insufficient
energy to sustain the strain of such a struggle. It is therefore not to
be wondered at that the first feeling was one of hopeless terror and
despair, instead of a vigorous and unanimous effort to coalesce
against the foe. The Ameer, Mohammed bin Noor, had, must it
be admitted, entered with peculiar advantages on his campaign

against the Omani Kharejites and their ruler, the Imam Azzan bin
Temeem, whose resources were small, whose election was recent, and
who was recognized by and held sway over only a section of the
nation which, torn by internecine feuds and at a most critical
juncture, he was now suddenly called on to guide and defend.
The Imam Azzan does not appear to have been gifted with the
talent and character needful to weld his people together and to
inspire them with full confidence, but he was not unworthy of the
trust reposed in him, and he did his duty manfully. Knowing well
that his people had everything to dread from the resentment of the
Nizar, and might expect the most vindictive retaliation at their
hands, he exerted himself to smoothe the troubled waters of .discord
among the Yemenites, to raise their drooping spirits and induce them
to join patriotically in trying to stem the torrent of invasion, but
the response to his efforts was not great, though he certainly
succeeded in inducing some of the Sunni tribes to remain loyally
on the side of the national party. A number of wealthy inhabitants

and some influential shaikhs, who had taken a leading part against the
Nizar faction in the late troubles, fled from Oman without waiting
to strike a blow. We are told of one named Suliman bin Abdul
Malik bin Bilah al-Saleeni who emigrated with his family, slaves
and retainers to Hormuz ; of many who went with their families
and property from Sohar and the Batineh to Shiraz and Busra, and
of others who sailed off to East Africa.
These emigrants were doubtless those who formed the most
wealthy part of the community and intended to remain with their
riches in security until the storm had passed and they could venture
to return in safety.
In the meanwhile Mohammed bin Noor, having marshalled his
forces, struck his camp at Al-Beraimi and began his march across
the district of Al-Dhahireh towards the capital Nezwa, which lay
in the heart of Oman; his army, swollen by the adhesion of the
disaffected Nizar tribes, having now increased probably to more
than 30,000 men.
Ihe Imam's endeavour to arrest the invaders' progress proved
unavailing, for the Omani tribes had in but few instances obeyed
their leaders' summons. Deserted by so many, and in face of so
much treacherous despondency, the Imam deemed his capital
untenable, and undismayed by the heavy odds against him, fell
back with the few thousand troops he had been able to muster round
him to Semed al-Shan, where he resolved to make a stand for liberty.
However hopeless the resistance and inadequate the national means
may have been to cope with the tidal wave of aggression, which they
had to a great extent brought on themselves by their domineering
and oppressive conduct towards their fellow-countrymen, the Nizar,
the Ibadhis were certainly bound by all the ties of humanity and
manliness to strike a blow for the defence of their homes, and are
worthy of just censure for not having loyally supported the Imam
in adopting a vigorous, patriotic and united system of opposition
to the despoiling host. Their pusillanimous and wavering behaviour
on this occasion has ever been felt as a stain by the Omanis, and
VOL. I. F2
it is to be regretted that the names of the tribes that gallantly stood

by the Imam in the forlorn conflict at Semed are not mentioned.
Passing by Senaina, Obre, and Bahila, Mohammed bin Noor
occupied Nezwa without opposition, and having established there
his headquarters, continued his advance on Semed al-Shan. Here
on the 25th of Safar, 280 a.h. [a.d. 893], an obstinate battle was
fought and maintained by the two armies throughout the day ;
but the Imperial troops, superior in numbers, in weapons and in

discipline, were victorious and cut down the Omanis, notwithstanding
their desperate valour, with irremediable slaughter.
The storm had now burst over Oman the blackening cloud
;
that had threatened to deluge the land had fallen, and the people
were soon to learn the full extent of their misfortunes. Mohammed
bin Noor sent the head of the Imam, Azzan bin Temeem, who had
been slain in the battle,* to the Khalif, Motadhid Billah, and returned
with his elated and triumphant army to his camp at Nezwa. He
signalized his victory by a series of brutal and savage massacres,
and, according to tradition, cruelty and lust ran wild throughout
the land. When the pursuit of the fugitives, the ravage of the
country with all its horrors and the collection of booty was over,
each kor or district of Oman was then systematically brought under
subjection and garrisoned and the conquest of Oman was then
complete.
The Nizar tribes, formerly so despondent, were now in the
ascendant, and we may be sure lost no time or opportunity in taking
their revenge and recouping themselves for the losses they had
sustained at the hands of their Yemenite oppressors.
Since the death of Zizad bin Mahallib in Rabi al-Thani, 117
A.H. [a.d. 735] —a period of 163 years—Oman had succeeded in main-
taining its virtual independence, having defeated the attempt made
by Haroon al-Rasheed to subjugate it.
But, as is remarked in the following passage of Ross's Annals
* Ibn al-Atheer only says of this invasion that in 280 a.h. [a.d. 893] Mohd bin
Noor conquered Oman and sent the heads of its chief inhabitants to the Khalif.
Oman " They had fought among themselves for power and
of :
supremacy, each one aiming at having the authority in his own

hands or in the hands of those he favoured, so God deHvered them into
the power of one more unjust than themselves, and since they had
become corrupt in their religion therefore God deprived them of the
kingdom and set an enemy over them to rule them."
Among the causes that led to the almost passive surrender of
their independence and the easy grasp of absolute sway by the
Khalif's lieutenant, were the universal desire to engage in com-
mercial pursuitsby the Omani Arabs, and the spread of effeminacy,
luxury, and indolence, following in the wake of the revival of trade.
This revival, which was so sudden and extensive that it might
almost be called a new birth, had taken place in the Persian Gulf
about two centuries before, and the riches amassed for themselves
by the community through this commerce and industry, had tended
to greatly alter the social aspect of their lives. By this change of
occupation the Hadhr or settled Arabs had become less inured to war
and less capable of, as well as less inclined to undertake, military
hardships, while the Bedouin tribes who had been the chief com-
batants in the incessant strife and turmoil of civil war, were
naturally less fitted to meet the trained and experienced troops of
imperial Baghdad in the field of Mars.
While Bin Noor was ravaging Oman the great Alfred of
England was lying on his deathbed. By a curious coincidence
an almost parallel circumstance occurred about the same time in
the two countries, which then held probably a very similar popula-
tion. The ninth century had seen England invaded and overcome
by the Danes, unchecked by the infructuous attempt of Alfgar,
and their depredations continued until the turn of fortune came
and Alfred's victory at Bratten Hill or Ethandune on May 15th,
878 A.D., changed the position of affairs and drove the northmen
from the land. Oman, like England, had its Alfgar and similarly
failed, through want of skill and prudence, in an attempt against
the aggressor.
This Alfgar, or Hereward, appeared in the person of the Shaikh
VOL. I. F3
of Beni Hina—Al-Aheef bin Hamham, who took the lead in an

insurrection to drive the hated invaders from the country. The
Beni Hina was one of the most powerful tribes in Oman and were,
it is to be observed, Sunnis. Its Temeemeh, or Head Shaikh, Al-
Aheef, is traditioned to have been a man of bold and firm character,
sagacious and wily. On him, therefore, fell naturally the burden
of confronting the storm and of guiding the people after the Imam
Azzan's death, though he does not appear to have been suitable for
the Imamate.
From the disastrous day of Semed he had never ceased to watch
his opportunity and keep alive the spirit of revolt against the tyrant.
It was not long before a favourable moment presented itself, and the
people, now chastened and united by adversity, and still bleeding
from their wound, saw with savage joy their enemy lulled into false
security, and, conscious of superior strength, disdaining precautions,
oblivious of danger and bent only on rapine and pleasure.
Loaded with booty and intoxicated with pride, a large portion
of the Northern tribes, who had flocked to Bin Noor's standard with
the sole object of plunder, had returned to Busra, while from the
main body that remained, many detachments had been sent out to
garrison and overawe the various towns and districts. Scattered,
diminished and negligent as Bin Noor's army thus was, there must
have been nevertheless a strong force of some 12,000 or 15,000 men
still encamped at the capital, where their general had fixed his
residence.
The shaikhs of the Yemen and Ibadhi tribes were called on by
circular letters despatched to all parts of Oman, to rise and crush
their oppressors or expel them from the land, and all the chiefs
who had not fled the country or made submission to the conqueror
answered the appeal with greater enthusiasm and alacrity than
they had shown towards that of the Imam Azzan. Oman soon
became a seething cauldron of conspiracy and insurrection. Bound
by conmaon sympathy the people coalesced rapidly for the great
object in view, and Al-Aheef soon had a numerous and valiant
army at his disposal. With a sudden spring through the mountains
he made a dash at Nezwa, and the Ameer bin Noor, taken by surprise
and unable to repulse the attack, quitted the capital and retired with
his troops towards the sea. Passing by Zikki, the Khalif's general
entered the Wady Tyeen
and retreated through the Thaika pass
to the coast near the town of Kuriyat, whither he was pursued by
the Omani force. Here, Bin Noor, being brought to bay, was
compelled to make a stand and prepare for the inevitable conflict,
as, hemmed in by the mountains and the sea, he could retreat no
further.
After a fierce struggle, in which both sides behaved with
desperate valour and suffered heavy loss in killed and wounded, the
fortune of war began to declare in favour of the Omanis, whose
hearts were brightened and encouraged by the hope that the land
would soon be swept clear of its enemies. But at this critical point
of the battle, while the combat was still raging furiously, and the
imperial troops were being beaten back, a reinforcement of the
Nizar, despatched by Abu Abaideh bin Mohammed, Shaikh of the
Sama — —
Bin Noor's own tribe came hurrying up, on camels, and
having dismounted, charged at once, pell mell, into the thick of the
fray. This unlooked for and welcome addition to the strength of the
enemy made them redouble their efforts, the tide of triumph was
turned and the victory that had seemed within their grasp was
snatched from the hands of the Omanis.
Al-Aheef bin Hamham was slain on the field, fighting valiantly,
together with many of his relations, and but few of the Ibadhi host
escaped the carnage.
Mohammed bin Noor once more, and this time unexpectedly, a
victor, returned in haste to Nezwa, and smarting from the shame of
his ignominious terror and retreat, wasted no time in taking steps
to slake his thirst for vengeance on the inhabitants.
With Al-Aheef's death, the insurrection entirely collapsed and
no national force remained to dispute supremacy in the field, but
this did not suffice to turn the bloody purpose of Bin Noor, who
gave orders for the cruel and inhuman treatment of the people and
the devastation of the land. Such of the shaikhs and leading
VOL. I. F 4
inhabitants as were not sentenced to be killed outright were sentenced

to mutilation. With revolting barbarity he caused their hands,
and ears to be cut off and their eyes put out. Their property
feet,
was seized and transferred to the Nizar, and their women and
children enslaved.
The felejes or water conduits, on which the people depended
for the irrigation of their fields, were destroyed ; the books were
burnt, and destruction and desolation were spread around. The
horrors of this retribution, the most humiliating and complete that
Oman by the words murder,
ever underwent, can only be described —
and beggary. These atrocities swept away
rape, pillage, enslavement,
at one blow the progress and improvement that the civilization of
the new Arab empire had spread over the land and reduced it to a
condition that inflicted untold misery on the wretched survivors.
In fact such a depopulation ensued from the fury of this ruthless
tyrant that many years elapsed before Oman
began to recover from
the calamities he inflicted. The Omanis mention Mohammed bin
Noor's name to this day with the utmost abhorrence and detestation,
and repeat many tales of his iniquities. He is universally spoken
of now in Oman as " Bin Boor " or the " Reprobate."
The Omanis have never thought of attempting to minimise
the magnitude of their disaster and humiliation at this time on the
;
contrary, it is constantly talked of at the present hour, and the name

of Bin Noor has probably not lost anything in the way of hatred and
loathing during the thousand years through which it has been
handed down.
How Ameer continued to rule over Oman and distress
long the
the people with his rod of iron we do not know, but it is not likely
that he remained long away from the superior post he held as
Governor of Bahrain. On his departure he appointed Ahmed bin
Hilal bin Okht al-Kuttah in 304 a.h. [a.d. 916] to succeed him as
Ameer of Oman, and appears to have withdrawn the major portion
of the imperial troops, as Ahmed deemed it prudent to at once quit
Nezwa and fix his residence at Bahila, an ancient town situated in
a valley under Jebel Koor, and at that time, and for long subsequently
the central point and chief town of the Sunni and Nizar faction.
Ahmed, however, did not venture to leave the capital of the Ibadhi
unwatched, but placed as deputy there a shaikh
tribes altogether
named Bahareh Abu Ahmed. The selection was not a good one.
Bahareh was bigoted and tyrannical and soon made himself so
obnoxious to the inhabitants that they rose up and slew him, dragged
his corpse outside the city dung heap.
and buried it in a
During the remainder of the reign of Motadhid Billah, Oman was
firmly held in subjection, and the spoliation of the country that had
been commenced by Bin Noor was systematically continued, a heavy
annual tribute or mokataah being exacted and extorted from the
Kharejites for remission to Baghdad, and this grievous oppression
must have tended to drain the country of its wealth and to ruin
the inhabitants, for it goes without saying that the Imperial
Government gave nothing in return for the taxes it levied in the
provinces.
It was Motadhid that the Carmathians of Bahrain
in the reign of
struck their first blow at the power and faith of the Imperial Govern-
ment and spread the fame of a sect, which was to be a terror to Islam
for nearly a century, and it is to M. de Goeje we are indebted for all
the information we possess about them. The rise of the Carmathians
was due to a man of Persian origin, who, actuated by an intense,
deep-seated animosity against Islam and the Arab race, founded a
sect that shook the throne of the Khalifs to its foundation and for
nearly a century continued to devastate a great part of the Moslem
Empire. This was Abdullah al-Kaddah. Subsequently the Grand
Dai at Koufa, Hassan Carmath, nominated Abu Saeed as Dai in
Southern Persia and afterwards transferred him to Bahrain where,
by the year 286 A.H. [a.d. 899], he had brought a large portion of the
territory under his sway, and had captured Kateef. Bahrain had
been well selected by the Dai for his purpose.
Occupied to a great extent by Bedouin Arabs and people of
Persian descent, the anti-Islamic doctrines preached by these fanatics
spread rapidly, while still more fortunately for them large numbers
of negroes, who had escaped the massacres after the suppression of
go Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
the servile insurrection in Irak, flocked to join them and recruited

their forces with splendid fighting material. In 287 a.h. [a.d. 900],
their insolence and daring rose to such a pitch that they soon began
to march on Busra. Motadhid, with his usual energy, at once des-
patched a force of 2,000 men under Abbass bin Amr to meet them
and the encounter between the armies took place in Rajab, 287 a.h.
[a.d. 900]. In this battle the rout of the Imperialists was complete,
the carnage was frightful, and Abbass with 700 others was taken
prisoner. Abu Saeed returned in triumph to Bahrain and massacred
all his prisoners except Abbass, whom he sent to Baghdad. The
noise of this event resounded and reverberated throughout Islam,
but the Khalif, though mad with anger, did nothing to repair the
disaster. was followed by the siege of Al-Hajar, the capital of
It
Bahrain, which was taken by Abu Saeed in 290 a.h. [a.d. 902] after
a two years' siege by turning off the water supply of the town.
Abu Saeed then took up his residence at Lahsa, and the fall of Al-
Hajar, which consolidated the power of the Carmathians, led
practically to the subjection of the whole province of Bahrain, though
Ibn Bauon, who had succeeded Mohammed bin Noor as Governor,
had some small successes and retook Kateef for a time.
Their attention was now directed to the neighbouring countries
of Yemen and Oman, which they determined to subdue.
Among those who had fled from Oman to escape the persecu-
tions and cruelties of Bin Noor were many Ibadhis, who turned
their steps to Bahrain and imitated the example set them by the
Nizar in imploring the aid of the Dai in driving the hated Imperial
troops from their land. Abu Saeed had given a ready ear to their
appeal and resolved, after disposmg of Yemen, to take advantage of
the opportunity offered by the feuds and dissensions in Oman to
invade, subjugate, and annex that country.
In thus invoking the help of Abu Saeed it is certain that the
Ibadhi refugees were actuated solely by desire of revenge and
freedom, and were not drawn to him by any sympathy for the
Carmathian doctrines, which they, as much as the Sunnis, held in
the utmost horror and detestation. Al -Islam indeed, orthodox and
The Persian Gulf under Islam. .
91
Kharejite alike, accounted the Carmathians as infidels, for the latter

allowed the free use of wine, abrogated the religious precepts of the
Prophet, and gave allegorical interpretations to the Koran ; they
called their Imam Al-Massoom or " the Preserved of God," and with
the greatest inconsistency claimed a prophetic mission for their
founder, while denying, absolutely, the existence of divine revela-
tion.
The Khalif Al-Moktafi Billah, who succeeded Al-Motadhid in
289 A.H. was a strong and able ruler and had striven to
[a.d. 901],
revive the glories and prestige of the Khalifate but his reign was
;
too short to allow him to achieve much in the way of reform. It
was in the last few years of this vigorous sway— perhaps in 293 A.H.
[a.d. 905] that Abu Saeed made his first attempt to conquer Oman.
Several accounts are extant of this Oman expedition, but in none
of them are we informed of the precise year in which it took place.
Al-Mowairy and others state that the invading force consisted of
600 men and was almost completely annihilated.
Al-Balkhy Istakhey, however, indicates that the Carmathians
were so far successful that on reaching Oman they gained possession
of one of the forts in the country, which we may guess to have been
either Towwam (now Beraimi) or Julfar. This repulse of the Car-
mathians was entirely due to the gallantry of the Imperial garrison
and the Nizar tribes under the leadership of the Ameer Ahmed bin
Hilal, who had been able to muster a sufficient force to overawe
the Ibadhis and prevent their rallying while he crushed the
invaders. Abu Saeed made no further attempt on Oman where he
had been so completely foiled by the Ameer, and in 301 a.h. [a.d. 913]
was assassinated in his house at Lahsa.
In 295 A.H. [a.d. 907] the Khalif Al-Moktafi was succeeded by
his brother, Al-Moktader Billah, who assumed the reins at the age of
thirteen and lived for a quarter of a century on the throne. He was
a feeble and dissolute prince, guided entirely by his eunuchs and
women, and under him the decay of the empire sped a rapid course.
In 305 A.H. [a.d. 917] the Carmathians under Saeed, who had
succeeded his father, Abu Saeed, as Dai at Lahsa, made another
92 Country and Tribes of the Persian GulJ.
attempt to subdue Oman. Al-Mesoodi does not mention this event,

though that famous traveller and historian tells us that Ahmed bin
Hilal was still Ameer of Oman when he (Mesoodi) visited Sohar in
this year ; but Al-Jauzi relates that the Ameer Ahmed bin Hilal
sent costly presents to Moktader in 305 a.h. [a.d. 917], accompanied
by a request for a military force to aid in repelling a threatened
invasion by these enemies of Islam who were marching down from
Lahsa. Among the presents sent to the Khalif, says Al-Soyuti, was
a talking Mynah, which repeated Indian and Persian words better
than a parrot. The Khalif despatched the troops asked for without
delay, and the result was that the Carmathian operations, which were
directed by Saeed's younger brother, Abu Tahir Suliman, then only
a youth of twenty-two, were as abortive as those of Abu Saeed had
been, and the conquest of Oman had again to be abandoned. In
this fruitless expedition Abu Tahir appears to have spent two years,
that is, until 307 a.h. [a.d. 919], when he was recalled by Obaidullah,
who sent him to Irak.
Owing to the pressure of political events occurring at Baghdad
at this period, the Khalif Al Moktader now decided to withdraw
his Governor and troops from Oman, and to allow it to regain partial
independence on the conditions that it was to acknowledge allegiance
and to pay a certain annual tribute to the Imperial treasury. To
maintain Oman as a conquered province had evidently proved a
great expense and a heavy drain in soldiers, and it suited the central
authority at Baghdad to substitute an arrangement by which Oman
could be made profitable without being a military incubus.
It was therefore ordered that an official should be sent yearly
to the province, supported by a sufficient escort to enforce the
collection of the stipulated mokataah and bring it back to the capital,
and that this system continued to prevail for many years we learn
from the local annalists.
Relieved for a time from the apprehensions of Carmathian
incursion and held in restraint no longer by the presence of an
Imperial Government, the inhabitants were now left to dwell together
in unity or to resume, if they pleased, the old order of antagonistic
faction as it existed before Bin Noor's invasion. For a time matters

went smoothly. Without a single date being given or a single event
in the concurrent history of Oman being recorded at this period by
the chroniclers, a number of Imams flit before us in rapid succession,
and we may fairly suppose that no important occurrences took place.
—
Of one of these Imams Abdullah bin Mohammed we learn that —
he was nicknamed Abu Saeed al-Karmati, possibly on account of his
personal resemblance to the famous flour merchant, or some such
reason. Of another Imam, the Shaikh Al-Hawari bin Matraf
al-Haddani, who came seventh in succession after the recovery of
independence,we are told that when the agent of the Khalif was
deputed from Baghdad to collect the annual tribute, he used to
vacate the official residence allotted to the Imam and resign the
functions of the Imamate, thus leaving the agent to extort what
sums he pleased from the people without venturmg to expostulate
with the rapacious tax gatherer or shield his subjects in any way,
however grievous the burden may have been. When the agent and
his myrmidons quitted Oman to return to Baghdad with the treasure
he had amassed, the Imam returned to his public quarters and
resumed charge of his office. This proceeding could hardly have
tended to increase the people's respect for their Imam, but Al-
Hawari is spoken of, nevertheless, as being very strict and just, and
as one who repressed the licentious and evil-doers with rigour.
In view of the impoverishment of Oman by the ruthless ravages
and robberies of Mohammed bin Noor and his Nizar followers, we
cannot for a moment suppose that the amount of the tribute now
extorted approached the large sum levied from it in the height of
its prosperity, an amount which
said to have reached, as we have
is
seen, in thedays of the Khalif Motawakkil four and a-half million

dirhems, or about ;fi8o,ooo. The agent on returning to Baghdad
did not leave his master the Khalif wholly unrepresented in Oman,
for we learn that a small detachment of the Beni Assameh, a
Western
Maaddic tribe, was posted at Nezwa to attend upon, and of course
at the same time to be a check on the Imam.
On the death of the Imam Al-Hawari his nephew, Omar bin
Mohammed bin Matraf, was elected to the Imamate, and it is recorded

of him that he followed the same policy as his uncle, that is, he
withdrew from office when the Khalif's agent came for the tribute
and resumed his functions after the agent's departure.
The author of the Kashf al-Ghummeh, according to Ross,
expresses the opinion that none of these Imams after Salt bin Malik
was universally recognized and that their rule did not extend over
the entire country. It would appear that, unable to bury the past
in oblivion, embittered by religious hatred and divided by factious
quarrels, the people could not agree in selecting an Imam to govern
the nation, so consequently the power of the shaikh nominated was
extremely precarious and fluctuating and restricted also to certain
districts only of the country.
In 311 A.H. [a.d. 923] Busra was attacked by the Carmathians
who slew, ravaged and ravished the inhabitants without mercy and
gutted the The courage and ability displayed by Abu Tahir
city.
Suliman, who commanded in this campaign, led to the deposition of

his brother Saeed from the post of Dai, and the appointment in his
place of Abu Tahir by the Ikdaniya and Obaidullah.
The next few years were spent by Abu Tahir in constructing a
massive fortress at Lahsa, which was completed in 315 a.h. [a.d.
927] and was called Mooriniya and also Dar al-Hijrah.
Soon after this came the preparations for the most daring and
notorious enterprise the Carmathians ever undertook this was ;
nothing less than an attack on Mecca al-Shereef itself, and in this

achievement they perpetrated a sacrilege that staggered Islam and
made every true Moslem tremble with consternation, horror, and
indignation.
It is probable that Obaidullah had long contemplated the
design of this hazardous expedition and had warily waited to seize
the most opportune moment for thus inflicting so mortal a blow on
the prestige of the Khalifate and it may be judged that he could
;
not have selected a more fitting hour for executing his plan.
In 316 A.H. [a.d. 928] the Khalif Moktadir appointed Mansoor
the Dailamite as Ameer Al-Kafila, and despatched the pilgrim caravan
in his charge on its overland journey to Mecca.
Abu Tahir Suliman was well apprised of its movements and

permitted it to reach its destination in safety ; but a little later he
was on the march too across Arabia and with the same objective.
On the 8th Dhu '1-Hijrah, 317 a.h. [a.d. 929], he fell with a sudden
swoop on the Holy City and drove the frightened crowds of citizens
and pilgrims into the kaaba or temple. Panic-stricken and un-
resisting the people huddled together like sheep and the pavement of
its spacious precincts was soon reddened with their blood as they
were knived, daggered, and mown down by the sword. Thirty

thousand victims were the hecatomb offered on that day according
to the historians.
The sacrilegious Abu Tahir appropriated and carried off to
Bahrain many precious trinkets and relics, some of which had been
robbed from Christian churches. Among these were the famous pearl
Yateema, the Rod of Moses, the horn of the Ram that saved Isaac
or Ishmael from the sacrificing knife of Abraham, and the gold earrings
of themother of Mohammed's son, but, greatest crime of all, he took
away the Hajar al-Aswad, the venerated black stone to which the
whole Moslem world turns in prayer.
With an incredible amount of booty and a long weary train
of captives, men, women and children, Abu Tahir crossed the desert
and the Nejd and entered Lahsa in triumph.
Elated by the glory of this exploit, enriched and strengthened
by the vast they had acquired in that memorable expedition,
spoils
Obaidullah allowed his troops but little rest to recover their fatigues,
and in the following year, 318 a.h. [a.d. 930], resolved to complete
the conquest of Arabia by sending the Ikdaniya across the Sabkheh
into Oman, that fertile and isolated province whose subjugation the
grim warriors of Bahrain had so many times essayed in vain.
The attempt this time was crowned with success the tribes,
;
both Yemen and Nizar, dismayed and humiliated by the great

disaster which had befallen Islam the year before, offering but little,
if any, opposition. All the rest of the Peninsula for some time sub-
mitted to the arms of the Carmathian and now Oman had fallen.
But as it was the last to yield, so, as we shall see, it was the first to
throw off the yoke.
By this event thebonds which had so long, though so inter-

mittently linked Oman to the Imperial throne were snapped asunder,
and the annual tribute which the Khalif had received was diverted
from Baghdad to Lahsa for a long period, the duration of which,
however, is uncertain. The incidents accompanying this irruption
have not been circumstantially narrated by any historian, and we are
merely informed that the Khalif 's agent fled to Persia, but there can
be little doubt as regards the date.
Ibn Khaldoon refers to the event, but his account is too confused
to be of much service, though he states explicitly that the reduction
of Oman took place after the expedition to Mecca.
That occurred at latest early in 319 a.h. [a.d. 931] is clear from
it
the fact that early in this year Abu Tahir led hi? troops to Koofa.
Abul Mahasin has been thought to refer o this campaign in
Oman when he relates that in 319 a.h. [a.d. 931] the enemies of the
Wazeer al-Hoossani ibn al-Wasim advised the Khalif Moktadir Billah
to send Abu Tahir an exile to Oman.
The native annalists do not
give any date and refrain from furnishing any details of the cam-
paign and confine themselves to the remark that when the Keramitah
invaded Oman the Imam Omar bin Mohammed, in whose reign the
event happened, resigned office, and that when they returned to
Bahrain he did not resume it.
There is much reason to believe that the Carmathian conquest

did not entail undue interference on their part with the institutions
of the country nor molestation of the Ibadhi inhabitants, who,
indeed, probably welcomed them as liberators. Some resistance
may have been offered by the Nizar tribes, who had opposed them so
stoutly and effectively before, but there are no traditionary accounts
in Oman, so far as I can gather, of sanguinary contests, and it seems
to have been, on the whole, a comparatively bloodless victory.
In 320 a.h. [a.d. 932] the Khalif Moktadir Billah was slain out-
side the walls of Baghdad in a contest with the Eunuch Moonis al-
Mudhaffer, his general, whom
he had called to his aid from Mosul
and whom on his approach he insanely moved out to attack.
Moktadir was succeeded by his brother, Kahir Billah, the last but one
of the KhaUfs who ruled as well as reigned, and next to the Khalif
The Persian Gulf under t slant. ^f
al-Motadhid, the most cruel and inhuman wretch of them all. In

his reign much was caused
religious excitement in Baghdad by the
proceedings of Ali bin Beleek, who cursed Moawiya in the pulpits
and attacked Burbahari, the Chief of the Hanbalites. To quell the
disturbance Ali bin Beleek and his companions were imprisoned, put
on board vessels at Busra and shipped off to Oman.
The retirement of the Imam Omar bin Mohammed, consequent
upon the Carmathian conquest, was followed by an interregnum
of short duration during which no Imam was elected, but as the
Carmathians appear to have been satisfied with the payment of
tribute and did not oppose the Imamate, the Ibadhis proceeded to
confer that office on the Shaikh Mohammed bin Yezeed al-Kindi
in whose reign the unhappy country was again desolated by warfare.
The paramount power at Baghdad had seen with undisguised
disquietude another of its provinces torn from its grasp, its rich
tribute, which it could ill afford to lose, annexed, and its Ameer or
Agent put to flight by the accursed Carmat, and it resolved on an
energetic effort to dispossess him. A strong force of Imperial troops
was accordingly sent which, in conjunction probably with the Sunni
tribes, pushed the Carmathians back to the hills forming two corps
of observation —
one at a town on the pirate coast and the other at
Nakhl under Jebel Shaibeh. Further operations resulted in the
flight of the Imam Mohammed bin Yezeed, who, finding his capital
no longer tenable, sailed from Oman and sought refuge probably
at the Yemen or Zanzibar. Nezwa was then occupied in force
and the turn of fortune's wheel again placed the Ibadhis at the mercy
of the Nizar faction. This may possibly be the expedition of Yusof
bin Wajih, about whom we read in Ibn al-Atheer, but it is unlikely that
Yusof was in Oman at so early a date, and we may more safely
conjecture that this force was despatched by Kahir Billah and that
it gained a temporary success, until the Carmathians, being rein-
forced from Bahrain, expelled the invaders and re-possessed them-
selves of the country.
The return of the Carmathians permitted the election of another
Imam by the Ibadhis, and this time the choice fell on the Shaikh
VOL. I. G
9^ Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf,
al-Hakam bin al-Moalla al-Bohri, who is spoken of contemptuously

by some writers as an imbecile. He died soon after his installation
as Imam.
That the Ibadhis preferred the Carmathian suzerainty to the
yoke of the Imperialists cannot be doubted, as they not only re-
covered through the former their old poUtical predominance, but
enjoyed a respite for a time from the business of war, and were thus
able to turn aside to the arts and pursuits of peace, and to look
forward to a fresh tide of prosperity and wealth. But the changed
condition of affairs and the deliverance of the people from oppression
were not alone sufficient to produce this —
happy result it needed a
strong and wise leader to guide them through the perils, confusion,
and troubles by which they were beset, and they appear to have
found one in the Shaikh Abul Kasim Saeed bin AbduUa bin
Mohammed bin Mahbool bin al-Rabaid bin Saif bin Hobairah, the
Horseman of the Prophet, to whom they vowed allegiance, as their
next Imam immediately on the death of Al-Hakam. On this prince,
Saeed bin Abdulla, unstinted praise is lavished by the annalist, who
extols him as a monument of erudition, piety, and uprightness.
It is asserted that his attainments surpassed those of any
previous Imam and that he was superior even to Julanda bin Mesood,
who was the most distinguished of the earlier princes.
Under his sway the fires of faction are said to have burnt feebly,
while the moral improvement and other advantages which invariably
result to a people when their ruler is devoted to and encourages
literature and industry, give prominence to the reign of this Imam,
under whom Oman began to rise in power and civilization, and would
have regained probably much of its former trade and opulence had
his reign been prolonged and peace preserved.
Allowing that the panegyric of the chronicler has been inspired
by a too partial religious bias, it is certain that the Imam Saeed bin
Abdulla must have been a capable and sagacious ruler. We have
no mention of the further advent of Imperial troops in his time, and
we may conclude that the Carmathians remained peacefully masters
of the position. The beneficent and prosperous rule of this prince
The Persian Gulf under Islam, ^5
was brought to a premature close by his accidental death, for he was

slain in trying to quell a tumult at Rostak in the year 328 a.h.
[a.d. 939] in the reign of the Khalif Radhi Billah. The date given
in Ross's Annals of Oman is 323 a.h. [a.d. 934], but this would only
allow five years from the date of the Carmathian conquest, to include
an interregnum, and the reigns of three Imams. I think, therefore,
that the other date, given by Ibn Keisar, may be accepted as more
probable.
The Khalif Radhi Billah had succeeded his uncle Kahir in
322 A.H. [a.d. 933], the latter having made his rule so insupportable,
by reason of his bloodthirsty cruelty during his two years of office,
that he was deposed and blinded. Al-Radhi was mild and well-
meaning and his conduct was in striking contrast to that of his
predecessor Kahir ; but it is not to be forgotten that the Khalifate,
which had been on the downward path of degradation and
for years
decay, fell by a sudden drop on to a still lower stage of disintegration
and servihty by the appointment in 324 a.h. [a.d. 935] of Mohammed
bin Raik as Ameer al-Omra and the surrender to him of unlimited
control over the administration. No good cause has been assigned
for this step, which brought the KhaHfate to a more abject condition
than any other single event. Whether Radhi was of so indolent a
disposition that he was glad to hand over the reins of power to another
or whether he was actuated by a consciousness of incapacity to
rule is not apparent, but whatever the cause, the effect was disastrous,
—not only to the Khalif and his capital but to all the provinces of
the Empire. Having summoned Ibn Raik to Baghdad he gave
him supreme power over the finances of the state and the army,
abolishing the treasury and other offices and even superseding the
Grand Wazeer himself, who was now reduced to the more humble
position of Secretary. From the slough of despond in which Radhi
had thus deUberately cast the Khalifate, no one could extricate it,
nor could the chains by which the Turkish mercenaries had bound it
be burst, and the disintegration of the empire, which had already
begun, proceeded more rapidly than ever.
In Oman it was not long before the iron shoe of the Turk trod
the ground and trampled over the wretched inhabitants.
VOL. I. G 2
The Imam Saeed bin Abdulla had administered affairs with so

much discretion and had exhibited so much tact in conciliating all
parties that his untimely death was universally felt to be a real
misfortune to his country. His had been a reign of peace. But
though the busy occupations of commerce had given a serene and
placid air to the country, they had not so entirely engrossed the
attention of the tribes as to make them forget their mutual feuds and
jealousies it soon became apparent that the slumbering elements
;
of discord existed in full strength and that they only awaited an

opportunity to spring into full activity. This was afforded at the
election of the next Imam, when the animosities engendered by
rival claims brought on a new tide of disunion and decay.
At the meeting held at Nezwa for the purpose the three shaikhs
who took a leading part agreed to nominate Rashid bin Waleed,
but this selection found many dissentients, and in view of the strong
divergence of opinion among the representatives of the various parties
it was deemed expedient to summon a general council. This took
place in the house of Rashid bin Waleed himself, and was probably
attended almost exclusively by his own supporters, by whose votes
the confirmation of his election was easily assured. From the
laboured defence, however, of these proceedings by the Ibadhi
historian we may conjecture that the council was fully alive to the
weakness of its position, and we learn that in order to disarm
opposition it passed a resolution adopting a policy of toleration for
the new Imam's government and of obUvion towards the post in
connection with the dissensions that had resulted in the death of
the Kadhi Moosa bin Moosa in the days of the Imam Azzan bin
Temeen fifty years before, and which had caused such terrible
internecine strife and brought such misery on the country.
At a council so constituted the decision could not long be
doubtful, and when the point was carried the shaikh proceeded to
the open space by the Wady Kalbuh, where a great multitude had
gathered together from all parts to hear the result. The choice was
proclaimed to the people by Abu Mohammed Abdulla bin Saihnah,
who called upon them to ratify it by giving the new prince, Rashid
The Persian Gulf under Islam. loi
bin al-Waleed, their allegiance. The Ibadhi portion of the popula-

tion granted their fealty unhesitatingly and the assembly dispersed
quietly. The Imam Rashid at once despatched his governors and
agents to all the districts and villages in Oman, where his authority
was likely to be respected, directing them to collect the sadakat or
poor rate, the mokataah or tribute, and other taxes. He also
re-garrisoned the forts, assuming all the powers of a patriarchal
government, and acted beyond doubt as an independent prince whose
rule was undisputed and uncontrolled, save and except by the
Carmathian agent at Nezwa, who was there to exact tribute.
Rashid is much belauded by the chroniclers for his virtues,
and he is represented as a just, courteous, and benevolent prince.
It is to their admiration for the high character he bore that we may
perhaps ascribe the tacit acceptance of his rule, in the early days of
it, to the Nizar and Sunni tribes, who if they did not actually swear
allegiance, at least offered no overt opposition to him. His reign
began auspiciously and there was a fair prospect to his country of
continued peace and prosperity.
But a change was at hand. The machinations of his rivals
for the Imamate, who, busy with slander and calumny, had been
watching for opportunities to injure him, had their effect, and it
was not long before sedition, dissension, and evil passion took
the place of harmony and loyal devotion. Many of the more
powerful Ibadhi tribes withdrew from their adherence and loyalty
and the Imam Rashid grew in unpopularity and disfavour.
His good qualities and virtues failed to sustain him in the
eyes of his subjects, and he seems to have lacked the energy and
ability requisite for the task of curbing the unruly and dissipating
the dark clouds of enmity and disaffection that had gathered around
him, and his efforts to throw oil on the troubled waters of discord
were altogether unavailing.
At this juncture of news reached Oman that an
affairs,
expeditionary force of Imperial troops had been prepared at Baghdad

for the re-conquest of the country, and that the Sultan was already
on the march towards Al-Sirr. This intelligence turned the thoughts
VOL. I, G 3
of all in a new direction and and politics were again

local squabbles
set aside in the consternation and dismay produced by it. The
Imam Rashid appears to have resolved at once on his course of action
and endeavoured to rally round him the great tribes of the land in
the defence of their country. He summoned them to his standard
in vain. The Ibadhis, embittered perhaps by their late quarrels,
held aloof and decided to remain neutral while the Sunni and
;
Nizar tribes did not hesitate to declare their intention of welcoming

the invader, and lost no time in gathering round a chief of their own
at Bahila. Rashid bin al-Waleed proceeded to Bahila to induce them
to forego this intention and tried his utmost to dissuade them from
deserting their country's cause. But religious animosity and their
resentment agcdnst the Kharejite hegemony were stronger than their
patriotism and he pleaded in vain.
Meanwhile the Turkish army, under Yusof bin Wajih, had
advanced from Abu Thabee to Beraimi and the Imam fearing to
remain longer among his rebellious Nizar subjects at Bahila retired,
firstto Kadam and then to the Wady al-Nakhr.
Of the previous history of the race and kindred of this Yusof
bin Wajih, who was destined to govern Oman for so many years
and to perish there by the hand of a slave, we know nothing, and
by local or
the precise date of his conquest has not been given either
by general historians, but as Ibn al-Atheer mentions him as already
Lord of Oman in 331 a.h. [a.d. 942], it must have taken place before
that year.
At Mesopotamia was in a sad state of confusion and
this period,
disorder. Khalif was succeeding Khalif and Ameer al-Omra was
succeeding Ameer al-Omra in rapid succession. *l
The all-powerful Ameer ibn Raik had given place in 326 a.h.
A.D. 937] to Bajkam, aTurk, who on the death of Al-Radhi in 329 a.h.
[a.d. 940] practically put the Khalif ate up for sale and was himself
slain soon afterwards. The purchaser, Al-Muttaki, had a short but a
very chequered and eventful career and had more than once to flee
his capital. He gave the post of Ameer al-Omra first to Al-Baridi
and after a few weeks to a Turk named Kuttekin. After a few
months he was replaced by Ibn Raik, who on the reappearance of

Al-Baridi carried the KhaUf off to Mosul in 330 A.H. [a.d. 941].
In the same year Al-Muttaki, supported by the Hamdanis, returned to
Baghdad, and Al-Baridi is driven back first to Wasit and then to Busra.
In the following year Toozoon, the most insolent, cruel and
despotic of all the Ameers al-Omra was appointed and soon made
his own power absolute, reducing the Khalif to the most abject
condition. During these years the city of peace, Baghdad, was a
prey to all the horrors of civil war, Turkish brutality and licence of
every description that anarchy alone can sanction. It does not seem
probable that in all these vicissitudes and revolutions the central
Government can have found time or means to organize an expedi-
tion to Oman, and I am inclined to think that Yusof bin Wajih was
selected and despatched under the orders of Toozoon in Showal,
331 A.H. [a.d. 942]. Toozoon entered Baghdad on the 25th Ramzan,
331 A.H. [a.d. 942], and was then made Ameer al-Omra by Muttaki
BiUah.
While Yusof bin Wajih, the tyrant Sultan, as he is called, was
marching unopposed through Dhahireh to the capital Nezwa, the
Imam Rashid bin al-Waleed was making strenuous exertions to
collect more adherents, and having succeeded in mustering a sufficient
force, moved up in conjunction with his allies, the Carmathians,
and took up a position between Manh and Nezwa. As the object

of the Imperial general was not so much to crush the Kharejites
as to expel the Carmathians and divert the Oman tribute from
Al-Hajar to Baghdad, we may take it that the Carmat warriors
intended to fight bravely, as they invariably had done, and that
the- small guard of Ikdaniya, left behind by Abu Thubi, constituted
the backbone of the defending army.

The Imam perhaps would have acted more wisely had he placed
himself at the head of his troops and led them against the enemy,
but he preferred to station himself at the Akbat al-Feeh, a small
gorge to the eastward of Manh, and send his force on under the
command of Shaikh Abu Mohammed Abdullah bin Abul Madther
to the attack.
vol.. I. 04
No have come down to us, but the

particulars of the action
result was what might have been expected from an encounter between
the mixed army, which, organized in haste and uncheered by the
presence of the Imam, went forth to battle, and the well equipped
and trained Turkish troops of Yusof bin Wajih.
The fight took place at Ghasb, not far from Nezwa, in Dhu'l-
Kaadeh, 331 a.h. [a.d. 942], and though a gallant stand was doubtless
made by the allies, the contest was an unequal one and they were
completely routed. Abu Mohammed was slain and but few either
of the Omanis or Carmats survived the field.
With the Battle of Nezwa all resistance ceased. Every tribe,
every town, and fort submitted without condition or reserve. The
people indeed eagerly yielded their necks to the foreign yoke, while
the conqueror, Yusof bin Wajih, wisely restrained his soldiers and
seems to have done his best to restore order and tranquillity to the
country.
Oman was now once more a province of Baghdad, but our
knowledge of it at this period is too superficial to allow us to under-
stand the cause of this tame and abject submission to the Imperial
arms.
The Imam Rashid had maintained his post at Al-Feeh until
the fugitives of his army, escaping the carnage of the field, apprised
him when, quitting the place, he fled down the Wady
of his disaster,
Semail to take refuge in the mountains and there, friendless and alone,
hunted by his enemies and denied an asylum by all, he wandered
for some time. At length he repaired to Nezwa and was pardoned
by the new Lord of Oman, but was compelled to do personal homage
and service at Court.
He died shortly afterwards, shunned, neglected, and scorned
by his people.
For a time the Carmathians were expelled from Oman, but they
persisted for many years afterwards in their efforts to maintain a
and to impose tribute. That scourge of Islam, Hamdan
footing there
Carmath or ObaiduUah, had not long survived his crowning triumph,
the conquest of Oman, for his death hai taken place in 322 a.h,
The 'Persian Gulf under Islam. "105
[a.d. 933I. He had been succeeded as Grand Dai by Al-Kasaim

who, ten years was besieged in Lahsa by the Khalif's general,
later,
Al-Yezeed, an event which foreshadowed a change of fortune, and

in Ramzan of the same year, 332 a.h. [a.d. 943], died Abu Tahir
Suliman, the most brilliant warrior and leader the Carmathians
produced, and a successor to whom could not easily be found.
Weakened by the fall of the stoutest pillar of the State, the
Grand Dai's began to decline, and to the same cause we
influence
may and gradual paralysis of his power at
ascribe the relaxation
the extremities of his dominion. But the disappearance of Abu
Tahir enabled Yusof bin Wajih to maintain his grasp on Oman for
a long time to come.
Yusof bin Wajih, after conquest, was not
completing his
allowed much power and had not been
leisure to consolidate his
many weeks in Oman before he received orders from the Ameer
al-Omra at Baghdad to undertake an expedition against Al-Baridi.
Yusof had, however, by this time so overawed and conciliated the
inhabitants that all the resources of the country were already at his
disposal and he had little fear of an insurrection. Having collected
a large flotilla of ships and transports at Julfar, which was almost
invariably made use of by the Arabs in those days as a military port
in preference to Sohar or Muscat, owing to the dread they entertained
of rocks and currents at Cape Mussendom, he embarked his troops
and war material in the last days of the year 331 a.h. [a.d. 942].
The Persian adventurer, Abu Abdulla Ali bin Mohammed,
against whom this enterprise was directed, had obtained his
cognomen of Al-Baridi from having formerly held the office of
Postmaster-General at Baghdad. Not satisfied with the independent
rule of Wasit and Busra, which he had torn from the hands of Ibn
Raik, he raised his ambitious hopes, on the death of Bajkam, to the
oflice of Ameer al-Omra, and marching on the capital, entered it
in triumph, but was soon compelled to evacuate it. Undaunted
by reverse, however,and still formidable, he renewed his attack
after a few months and was again successful. The Khalif Muttaki
Billah sought refuge at Mosul with the Haraianis, and with their
;
io6 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
aid Baridi was again expelled and driven back to Wasit. This
happened at the close of330 A.H. [a.d. 941] and in Dhu'l-Kaadeh of
the following year, 331 A.H. [a.d. 942], the Turkish Ameer Toozoon,
moving down from Baghdad, pushed him back to Busra, which city
he had barely occupied when another enemy was at his gates, and
he had to meet the assault of the armament from Oman.
Yusof's operations were marked by great vigour. Ibla fell
to him at once, and he prosecuted the siege so actively that he nearly
got possession of Busra. Baridi would have been lost had he not
had recourse to a stratagem. An expert seaman in his service was
summoned and promised a reward to carry the hazardous plan into
effect. Two boats were filled with dry date leaves and other
combustibles and floated down the river at night as fire-ships.
Yusof's flotilla moored at night, side by side, across the stream and
fastened together to form a bridge of boats and for protection, could
not be disengaged in time to avert a catastrophe. The blazing
boats struck them full and ignited them, and the flames spreading,
the wind soon completed the destruction. The fire attracted crowds
from the city, who added to the confusion and disaster of the armada
by pillage. The spoil they collected is said to have been immense.
Leaving his ships and stores a prey to the flames and spoilers,
Yusof bin Wajih escaped back to Oman with the broken remnant of
his force as best he could.
The stability of Yusof's regime in Oman does not appear to
have been affected by this untoward event, which took place in
Moharram, 332 A.H. [a.d. 943]. He is styled the Lord of Oman by
Ibn al-Atheer, and doubtless returned to find the people in the same
state of subjection as when he had left them two months before
there is at least no record of any revolt having taken place.
In 332 A.H. [a.d. 943] the Khalif al-Muttaki, finding the insults
and tyranny of Toozoon intolerable, quitted Baghdad and repaired
to Tekreet, where he began negotiations with the Hamanis. He
then proceeded to Ricca and wrote to the Ikhshidite Sultan of Egypt,
but these schemes came to nought, and the Khalif deemed it best
to effect a reconciliation with Toozoon, who confirmed his promise
of loyalty by the most solemn oaths. Al-Muttaki returned to the

capital in the beginning of 333 A.H. [a.d. 944] and was met a long
distance offby Toozoon, who treated him with the greatest deference
and homage and preceded him on foot to the palace, where the
treacherous Turk changed his attitude and deposed and degraded
him and destroyed his sight by hot irons.
He was succeeded by Mostakfi, the son of Moktafi, who was then
forty-three years old and who became as helpless and insignificant
a puppet in Toozoon's hands as his predecessor had been.
Toozoon, however, did not long survive his perfidy. Finding
his disease incurable, he nominated his secretary and deputy, Abu
Jaafar bin Sheerzad, as his successor and apprised the Khalif of the
appointment. Toozoon died in Moharram, 334 a.h. [a.d. 945], and
Abu Jaafar's assumption of the office of Ameer was submissive^
confirmed by Mostakfi. But Abu Jaafar's rapacity and insolence
were as insufferable as those of Toozoon and his hateful conduct
paved the way for a new and more powerful djmasty, which, though
hardly less pernicious, was now about to sweep away the detested
rule of the Turkish guard.
Abu Jaafar was not only a tyrant but was incompetent to deal
with the enemies of the state. Anarchy and supreme
distress reigned
in the capital. The legions of Ahmed ibn Buwaih, who had marched
from Kirman to Ahwaz and had thence been secretly invited by some
of the citizens, encompassed the great metropolis, devastated the
country around and cut off supplies.
The Khalif and Abu Jaafar fled from their palaces. The
Turkish Guard would not strike a blow but abandoned the city and
marched off to Mosul. The Khalif then returned and received
an envoy from the Buwaih, with whom a concordat was soon
arranged.
Ahmed Buwaih then entered Baghdad in state and was
ibn
invested with a robe of honour and the office of Ameer al-Omra,
—
with the title of Muiz al-Dowla the KhaHf at the same time
formally abdicating his temporal authority and conferring full
powers as sovereign on Ahmed, whose name was henceforth to be
io8 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
struck on the coinage with the KhaUf's and to be associated in the

pubHc prayers.
As Muiz al-Dowla was soon about to play a part in the drama
of Oman history it may be suitable to add that he was the son of a
Dailamite chief. His two elder brothers, Ali and Hasson, who
received the titles of Imad al-Dowla and Rukn al-Dowla, had spread
their conquest in Persian provinces, and Ahmed had joined them
in their attack on Shiraz in 322 a.h. [a.d. 933]. The military success
of the Bowides had now culminated in the acquisition of the
Imperial capital and the absolute control of the central govern-
ment.
Al-Mostakfi soon under suspicion of intriguing to bring
fell
back the Turkish Guard and was seized in open durbar, dragged on
foot to the Ameer's house and deposed in Jemadi 2nd, 334 a.h.
[a.d. 945]. He was succeeded by Muthi Billah, Mostakfi's rival and
enemy, who took a vindictive pleasure in blinding his wretched cousin.
Al-Muthi was reduced to an even more humiliated position, if possible,
than his predecessors, and for all his Court and household expenses
was given an allowance of 100 deenars a day. The spiritual authority
and influence of the Khalif alone remained intact.
We have no particulars from any source as to what was
happening in Oman during the next few years, but there is reason to
suppose that the Carmathians did not tamely acquiesce in their
expulsion from the country, and that they made more than one
attempt to recover this lost ground and exact some portion of the
tribute.
Ibn Haukal, according to de Goeje, informs us that the Oman
tribute was among the ordinary revenues, and he narrates an
expedition under Abu Ali or Hassan bin Asem, in which the Ikdaniya
marched together in a phalanx but were routed by the valour of
Yusof bin Wajih's Turkish troops. This attempt probably took
place between 332 and 339 a.h. [a.d. 943 and 950]. That the
Carmathians did not relax their efforts to retain Oman we learn
also from Ibn Khaldoon, whose statement is to the effect that the
endeavours of the Grand Dai to keep his hold on Oman were
The Persian' Gulf under Islam. 109
pertinacious and unceasing, and that they did not terminate until
the year 375 a.h. [a.d. 985].
In 339 A.H. [a.d. 950] the Carmathians were in the service of
Muiz al-Dowla and had by this time perhaps recovered part of their
authority in Oman and a share of the tribute from the Turkish
Governor Yusof, who was inimical to the Bowides and entirely
independent. Indeed, he seems to have omitted no opportunity
of striking a blow at the Bowide Dynasty, for about the end of the
year 340 a.h. [a.d. 951] he took occasion, when Busra was undefended
and a rupture had taken place between Muiz al-Dowla and the
Carmathians, to plan and lead an expedition against that city.
Muiz al-Dowla had summoned the Carmathians to join him on
his march to Busra, and their refusal to do so had become known to
Yusof bin Wajih, who immediately opened negotiations with Lahsa
for an alliance. By offering the Grand Dai the temptation of the
sack of Busra he induced him to promise his co-operation on the
land side, while the Oman was
fleet to enter the Shat al-Arab and
lead the attack by sea. The news of Yusof's intentions, however,
had somehow reached the ears of the Wazeer al-Mohallebi who had
been employed in settling the affairs of Ahwaz, and he lost no time
in setting his troops in motion and was able to occupy Busra in force
before Yusof's fleet was in sight. Meantime Yusof had set sail
from Oman early in 341 a.h. [a.d. 952], and in anchoring off Busra
learned not only that the Wazeer had stolen a march on him but
also that Muiz al-Dowla was rapidly moving down to its support.
He was further disappointed to find that the Carmathian contingent,
commanded by a brother of Abu Tahir named Abu Yakoob Yusof
al-Hassan al-Jenabi,* which had been despatched by the Grand
Dai, had been compelled to retire and was unable to co-operate,
as had been agreed upon.
Yusof bin Wajih and his Turks were nevertheless indisposed to
retreat without an effort to dislodge the Wazeer and carry the city,
and for two days the battle raged between them, but it was in vain.
* Abu Yakoob was probably the Grand Dai himself.

no Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
Disaster again attended Yusof's arms, and he was put to flight with
the loss of his ships and all the army and stores that were in them.
It was probably in the following year (342 a.h. [a.d. 953]) that
Nafi, the black slave of Yusof, took revenge on his master for some
injury or affront and assassinated him. Ibn al-Atheer puts this
event in the year 332 a.h. [a.d. 943], but as Yusof bin Wajih was
alive, as we have just seen, in 341 a.h. [a.d. 952], his death could
not have taken place until after his return from Busra. Regarding
the cause of the tragedy we have no information, but it is recorded
that Nafi took possession of the government and remained undis-
turbed ruler of Oman until the invasion of Muiz al-Dowla.
We
have now to pass over ten years, during the lapse of which
the chroniclers maintain an unbroken silence on the history of this
land, and during which no change in the office of Khalif or in that of
Ameer al-Omra took place at Baghdad.
Though we know nothing of the character of their rule, except
that it did not partake of the nature of a titular government, as the
Omanis wished for nothing so much as to be left alone, and
probably groaned heavily under the grinding heel of the Calmuk,
it is certain that Nafi and his Turks were still in possession of Oman
or of the greater part of it.
In 352 A.H. [a.d. 963] the Ameer Muiz al-Dowla, being tolerably
free in Irak, determined to attack his hated enemies, the Turks, in
Oman and, with this object, despatched his Wazeer, Abu Mohammed
al-Hassan bin Mohammed al-Mohallebi, with a powerful army in
Jemadi 2nd. For the transport of this expedition by sea to Julfar
a flotilla had been assembled at Busra and was waiting there to
embark the troops. In the organization and despatch of this force
Al-Mohallebi may have over exerted himself. He started to accom-
pany it from Baghdad but was struck down by illness on the way,
and by the time he had reached the coast his condition had become
so critical that he was compelled to abandon the enterprise and
return to the capital. But the hand of death was upon him, and
in Shaaban, two months after he had received the Ameer's commands
to lead the Oman expedition, he succumbed to the disease he had
The Persian Gulf under Islam. Ill
contracted. His was carried to Baghdad and interred there.

coffin
As a recompense for his long and distinguished career in the pubHc
service, for he had succeeded to the Wazeerate thirteen years before,
his master, Muiz al-Dowla, with true Persian rapacity, immediately
confiscated all his wealth and property and disposed of his women
and slaves.
Two years elapsed before Muiz al-Dowla found himself suffici-
ently at leisure to be able to concentrate his energies afresh upon
the conquest of Oman, and this time he resolved to take the command
in person. We have no data as to the strength of the armament
that was embarked at Busra on this occasion, but Muiz al-Dowla
had no intention of hazarding a reverse, and took care that the
army destined for the invasion should be strong enough to overawe
the Turks and put any attempt at resistance out of the question.
The landing of the troops appears to have been effected without
opposition, and Nafi, perceiving that hostilities would probably
result in the extermination of his party, made a virtue of necessity
and tendered his submission, which was accepted by Muiz al-Dowla.
The names of the Khahf and of Muiz al-Dowla were now ordered to
be read in the prayers in the mosques and to be struck on the Omani
coinage, and the country became once more a province of the
Eastern Khalifate.
What the inhabitants thought of this change in their foreign
tyrants, what treatment they experienced, and what attitude they
assumed towards them does not transpire, but as there is no mention
of the tribes offering any resistance we may conjecture that the
transfer and pacification of the country were effected without much
violence, rapine, or bloodshed.
Muiz al-Dowla did not remain long in Oman. Nafi had so well
ingratiated himself with him and won his confidence to such an
extent that he was appointed Governor and Collector of Tribute by
the Ameer al-Omra, who, leaving him in charge, embarked his army
and sailed for Busra. Nafi had played his game adroitly and had
gained his object. He had obtained sovereignty in 342 a.h. [a.d.
953] by the treacherous murder of his master, Yusof, and he had now
112' Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
(354 A.H. [a.d. 965]) succeeded by cajoling the Ameer in retaining

the supreme power over the land on the departure of the invaders.
Of pure African descent, Nafi is described as being very black and
his character seems to have been of the usual negro type.
Scarcely had the Bowide legions returned to Busra than the
Ibadhi tribes, being apprised of the approach of a strong Carmathian
force, seized the opportunity to throw off their subjection to the
Ameer and proclaim themselves independent. Before Nafi could
take any steps to suppress this revolt, the Carmathians were at the
frontier and entered the districts of Al-Jow and Dhahireh. Here
the Turks, no longer allied with and strengthened by the Sunni
tribes, met and opposed them, and endeavoured to bar their further
progress. Fighting between these rivals for the mastery took
place incessantly, the Carmathians skirmishing during the day and
retiring to their camp at night. The Turks fought desperately to
retain their hold and the Carmathians pressed on with stubborn
and unabated vigour, but the latter, finding at length that they could
not advance, wrote to Al-Hajar, informing the Grand Dai of their
position and asking for reinforcements. Incensed at the conduct
of Nafi and his Turks in so readily accepting the yoke of Muiz al-
Dowla, for the Omanis, both Kharejite and Sunni, held the Shaikhs
in intense and deeply-rooted detestation, the tribes appear to have
held aloof in this contest and not to have assisted either party, as
had the Nizar sided with the Turks at this juncture, it is probable
that the Carmathians might have been easily routed and expelled.
But the nation was united in its hatred to the Shaikh Ameer al-
Omra, and with the arrival of fresh reinforcements to the Carmathians,
all hope of success on the part of the Turks vanished.
The Carmathians soon penetrated as far as Nezwa and occupied

the greater part of the hilly districts. Defeated and broken, Nafi
fled the country and sailed for Mesopotamia, to carry the tale of the
Carmathian incursion and his own disaster to Muiz al-Dowla,
His conquest of the land being now almost complete, the
Commander or the Carmathians or Hajarites, whose army seems
to have numbered from 8,000 to 10,000 men, proceeded to
The Persian Gulf under Islam» I13
make heavy exactions and to oppress the people until the latter
lost their temper and took retribution.
On the Commander leaving Oman he appointed one Ali bin
Ahmed as Katib or Deputy to control the affairs of the country
and collect the tribute. This man appears to have been a tax
gatherer of the worst sort, and he is said to have seized a tenth part
of the produce from the inhabitants for himself in addition to the
usual tribute. His rapacity at length led to an arrangement being
come to Oman, named Ibn Toghan, was to
by which a native of
act as arbitrator or agent for the pubhc. Ibn Toghan was one
of the small Kaids in the country, and his appointment caused so
much jealousy and ill-will against him among the others that he
became fearful of their enmity. He accordingly seized upon eighty
of the Kaids, some of whom he massacred and some he caused to
be drowned. In Arabia such crimes seldom pass unpunished. The
blood feud was taken up by two nephews of one of the murdered
men and they soon found an opportunity for revenge at a reception
held by him and at which they slew him.
He was succeeded by another Omani named Abdul Wahab
ibn Ahmed bin Merwan, who ruled as Katib for a time but was soon
intrigued against by the ex-Katib, Ali bin Ahmed, who devised a
stratagem to gain over the negro portion of the Carmathian army.
These Africans numbered 6,000 and formed the main strength of
the force. When issuing the allowances to the troops Ali bin Ahmed
paid the Arabs and Persians, or white troops as they are described,
the full amount, but gave the blacks only half their due, declaring
that he did so under the orders of Abdul Wahab. The negroes rose
indignantly and steadily refused to receive anything less than the
full allowance. Whereupon Ali bin Ahmed promised to pay them
in full on condition of their serving him and supporting his claim
to replace Abdul Wahab. This innovation, however, was vigorously
protested against by the white portion of the Carmathian army,
who appear to have always received double the pay given to the
negroes. The dispute grew fierce,and as neither party would give
way, the final arbiter, the sword, was called in to decide the point.
VOL. I. n
In the collision that took place the negroes, who were numerically much
superior, proved victorious and drove the whites off the field. Abdul
Wahab was then dismissed and fled the country, to escape the enmity
of Ali bin Ahmed, who now resumed his former position as Katib.
The main result of Ali bin Ahmed's intrigues was the expulsion
of the Carmathians from Oman. The people had had sufficient
experience of AH's character as ruler, and had no desire to be
ground down again by his excessive greed and rapacity. Taking
advantage, therefore, of the disunited and weakened conditions of
the Hajari tes, the Omanis rose against them, and the nation acting
once more in unison, they succeeded in overcoming and expelling
them from the country. The occupation of the Carmathians could
have lasted only a few months as the interval between the first
and second invasions of Muiz al-Dowla occurred between the middle
of 354 and 355 a.h. [a.d. 965].
The year 355 a.h. [a.d. 965] had about half expired when the
Ameer Muiz al-Dowla raised an army which he destined for the
reconquest of Oman. He moved first on Wasit, where he purposed
to attack Amran bin Shakeen, who was waiting to oppose him, and
on arriving near that city was met by Nafi the Black, whom he
received and treated with respect and kindness. By the month of
Ramzan he had terminated the war with Amran bin Shakeen and
was then able to move on to Ibla near Busra, where he busied him-
self for some time in collecting ships, men, and material and in
organizing the expedition against Oman. The Ameer al-Omra

entrusted the command to Abul Faraj Mohammed bin Abbas bin
Fasany, who having embarked his army in 100 ships set sail from
Basra in the middle of the month of Showal. Sailing down the
Persian Gulf he fell in with the army at Siraf, which had been
collected in Fars by Adad al-Dowla to reinforce that of his uncle,
the Ameer at Baghdad, Muiz al-Dowla. Having consulted what was
best to be done, the two commanders determined to join forces and
sailed on in company to Julfar, where they cast anchor on the 9th
day of Dhu'l-Hijrah, the last month of the year 355 A.H. [a.d. 965].
As the result showed, the Omanis had been ill-advised in
The Persian Gulf under Islam. Ii5
quarrelling with and expelling the Carmathians before they were

done with Muiz al-Dowla, as, allied with the valiant Hajarites, the
tribes might perhaps have successfully resisted the combined Bowide
armies and driven them back into the sea. But, unsupported, they
were powerless to offer effective opposition, and soon found themselves
prostrate before a ruthless enemy.
Whether the Omanis did make any effort to defend
in fact
themselves we are not told, butAbul Faraj had no sooner dis-
embarked his troops and made good his position than he began an
indiscriminate massacre of the inhabitants, the slaughter of whom
was terrible —
and blood, lust and rapine again raged through the
fire
land, and Oman was left writhing in indescribable misery by these

savage barbarians. But we learn that eighty-nine Omani ships
were destroyed and that the Khutba was again ordered to be read
in the name of Muiz al-Dowla.
In the following year, 356 a.h. [a.d. 966] the General, Abul
Faraj Mohammed bin Abbas, who was engaged in settling the
affairs of Oman, received news that the Ameer al-Omra Muiz al-
Dowla had died in the month of Rabi 13th and handing over charge
;
of affairs to the Nawab Adad al-Dowla he hastily prepared for

departure and returned to the capital.
Muiz al-Dowla had been Ameer for twenty-two years when
he died in 356 a.h. [a.d. 966]. He was a man of strong character
and abilities and was indeed, next to Saiful Dowla al-Hamadani,
the greatest man of his age in the Moslem Empire he was probably ;
the most exalted personage who ever visited Oman. He was

succeeded as Ameer by his son Bakhtiyar, who took the title of
Izz al-Dowla, but the latter was of inferior calibre to his father, and
itwas not long before jealousies and rivalries tore the Bowide family
to piecesand created such disorder that the effect of them was felt
even in the remote province of Oman.
No sooner had Abul Faraj quitted the scene of his triumph
than the Nawab Adad al-Dowla appears to have also taken his
departure for Kirman, leaving his Wazeer Abul Kasim al-Mathhar
bin Mohammed in charge of the Persian troops, while the supreme
VOL. I. H 2
Ii6 Country and Tribes of the Persian Culf.
command devolved on the Naib of Abul Faraj, named Omar bin

Nahban al-Tai, who ruled the country for six years in the names of
the Khalif and the Ameer al-Omra. This position of affairs, how-
ever, at length drew the attention of Adad al-Dowla, who seeing his
cousin Izz al-Dowla losing his power, considered that Oman should
belong to himself, and claimed it as part of his own territories.
At this juncture an event occurred which brought the whole

question to an issue and precipitated the action of Adad al-Dowla
in forcibly annexing the country.
The Dailamite army of occupation in Oman under the Naib
Omar bin Nahban al-Tai was composed, as the Imperial armies
always were at that time, to a very large extent of negroes,
originally imported as slaves from the East Coast of Africa, and
spoken of by the Arab historians as Zenj. In 362 a.h. [a.d. 972]
this body, probably numbering some thousands, mutinied and were
joined by White or Dailamite troops. They
several divisions of the
chose as their leader a man named Al-Hellaj and under his guidance
began their revolt by the murder of their Governor, the Naib Omar,
whose death placed the entire country at their disposal and mercy.
The news of this revolt soon reached Irak, but Izz al-Dowla,
the Ameer, was, as the mutineers had doubtless well calculated, too
much engaged in securing his own position to be able to pay any
attention to this province.
The Prince of Fars, Adad al-Dowla Abu Sharja Khusra, how-
ever, viewed matters differently. He had long been watching his
opportunity to invade and conquer Oman, and he had no sooner
received intelligence of the outbreak among the Ameer's troops and
the anarchy that had followed than he commenced at once to
organize an expedition to be despatched thither.
Over he placed Abul Harab Tughon in command,
this force
and having provided transports for their embarkation at Siraf,
directed Abul Harab to cross the Persian Gulf and land the army at
Julfar. Having disembarked his troops on the pirate coast, Abul
Harab sent the flotilla round Cape Mussendom to Sohar to attack
the Imperial fleet there, which was in the hands of the mutineers.
The Persian Gulf under Islam. TVj
The Zenj and the Dailamites, on hearing of the advent of the

Persians, moved down meet the enemy,
at once from the interior to
and a great battle ensued in which the Zenj were routed and dispersed
with great slaughter. About the same time the two fleets engaged
off Sohar, the victory in this case also remaining with the Persians.
After the fight with the Zenj, which had probably taken place near
Sohar, Abul Harab put the people of that city to the sword and gave
it over to his soldiers to sack, an event which is also alluded to by
Ibn al-Mojawir.
After their defeat the mutineers retired up the Wady Jezza,
along which they were pursued for two days as far as Beraimi by
Abul Harab. Here the dispirited but still formidable Zenj made a
stand, and another desperate conflict occurred, the result, as before,
being a victory for the Persians over the mutineers, who were now
finally broken and cut to pieces. A large number of prisoners
was taken by Abul Harab, who by this campaign had annexed
Oman to the dominions of his master, Adad al-Dowla, Sovereign of
Fars.
The destruction and dispersion of this formidable band of
lawless banditti, the Dailamite mutineers, who had been a curse
and terror to the land, were hailed with joy by the inhabitants, who
had suffered much from their brutal violence and depredation.
But the invading host under Abul Harab, which had rid them of
the pest, brought still greater evils in its train, for its coming was
dictated by the lust of conquest and subjugation, not inspired by
the desire for the deliverance of the people from oppression. It is
therefore not surprising to learn that a national movement now
commenced against their new oppressors, whose Shihr doctrines
were condemned and abhorred by all parties, ranks, and sects alike
in Oman.
Among the Ibadhis especially great enthusiasm appears to have
prevailed. They assembled at Nezwa and elected as their Imam
and General the Shaikh Ward bin Ziyad, appointing as second in
command the Shaikh Hafs bin Rashid. Such numbers flocked to
the Imam's standard that the national force was soon able to take
VOL. I. H 3
Ii8 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
the field successfully and to hurl the invaders back to the coast
or even to expel them from the land altogether.
We have no particulars of this campaign as the orthodox
historians are not fond of chronicling Kharejite victories, and the
local annalists, as said before, are silent on this period of Oman
history.
The tribes had made a gallant struggle for freedom and had for
a time recovered their independence. But they had not yet attained
their final deliverance ; indeed, their success, as we shall see, only
resulted in bringing about a fresh inroad of their barbarian tyrants
and a renewal of the horrors and humiliations of conquest.
Itseems to have been early in the year 363 a.h. [a.d. 973] when
tidings reached Adad al-Dowla, Malik of Fars, of the rising against
his authority in Oman and the disasters to his troops at the hands
of the Kharejite inhabitants. He lost no time in organizing a
strong body of troops to reinforce his discomfited army in Oman
and embarked them in transports under the chief command of his
Wazeer, Abul Kasim al-Mathar bin Mohammed bin Abdulla. The
fleet sailed first to Khor Fakan, a town in the Shemal of Oman,
which was attacked and carried with a loss to its inhabitants of

many killed and many prisoners.
At Sohar, the Wazeer re-embarked his army and sailed on to
Dhamar below Kuriyat, which is about 200 miles from Sohar, and
is described as four days' journey. At this part of the coast there is
a small maritime plain at the exit of the Devil's Gap or Wady Thaika,
and here the national force of Oman was concentrated under the two
Imams Ward and Hafs. The Wazeer Abul Kasim again disembarked
his troops and a great battle was fought between the contending
armies, in which the Omanis were completely worsted and put to
flight. The carnage is described as terrible and many of the Omani
shaikhs were taken prisoners. This affair practically decided the
below the hills and gave the Persians an immense
fate of the country
advantage and a base of operations for prosecuting the campaign.
The Imams Ward and Hafs, with the remainder of their following,
retired up the Wady Tyeen to Nezwa, whither they were pursued by
the Wazeer in the month of Rabi

363 a.h. [a.d. 973]. Quitting
ist,
his capital on the approach of his enemies, the Imam Ward made
another stand and gave battle in the plain beyond. But the same
disastrous result happened as before—the Wazeer Abul Kasim
al-Mathar was again victorious and routed the Omanis after a
sanguinary contest. The Imam Ward bin Ziyad was killed, while
Hafs bin Rashid succeeded in effecting his escape to the coast, from
whence he sailed for the Yemen, where he became a schoolmaster.
Undaunted by their successive defeats at Kuriyat and Nezwa,
the Omanis, probably on this occasion mostly Beni Riyam, again
mustered in strength near Bahila at a wide plain known as Shoraf*
near the Jebel Akhdar and prepared to receive the onslaught of the
Persians.
Ibn al-Atheer mentions the national army at about 10,000,
but this is perhaps an over estimate.
The Persians were certainly less numerous, but elated with the
tide of victory, and besides being better armed, offered a more
solid formation to their antagonists, and made a resistless attack
on the Beni Ryam and completely routed them.
This ended the campaign. The Wazeer al-Mathhar met with
no further obstacle to his progress and soon brought the whole land
under subjection to the Prince of Fars, not a single district, it is
said, remaining unsubdued.

The pacification and settlement appointment
of the country, the
of prefects and the disposition composing the garrison,
of the troops
occupied the attention of the Wazeer al-Mathhar bin Abdulla until
he was recalled to Kirman by Adad al-Dowla in the following year
364 A.H. [A.D. 974].
While these events were transpiring in Oman, changes were
taking place in the Central Government at Baghdad, where the
Khalif al-Mutti, having been struck with paralysis, abdicated the
throne in favour of his son, Al-Tai Billah, in Dhu'l-Kaadeh, 363 a.h,
[a.d. 973], after a reign of twenty-nine years.
* Shoraf is ten hours north of Nezwa near the Akaba Shash above the Wady
Beni Khaross and on the plateau of the mountain.
VOL. I. H 4
The post of Ameer al-Omra was also about to change hands,

owing to the inabiUty of Izz al-Dowla to control events. Being at
variance with his Chamberlain, Sabuktegin, who had sought the
aid of the Turks, he was compelled to quit the capital and retire to
Wasit. Hither Sabuktegin, taking the Khalif al-Tai Billah in his
train, followed him, and having the superiority drove the Ameer to
Ahwaz But here the tide of fortune changed, for
in Persian Irak.
Izz al-Dowla was soon joined by his cousin, Adad al-Dowla, Malik
of Fars, to whom he had applied for help, and the united forces,
now too formidable to be opposed, marched to Baghdad, where
Izz al-Dowla was reinstated by the pliant Khalif in his former
post.
The campaign, however, had served to teach Adad al-Dowla
his own power, and he began to covet the proud position of his
cousin as absolute ruler in the City of Peace, a position which so far
outshone his own humble Court at Shiraz. Reft asunder by mutual
distrust and jealousy war soon followed. The Malik of Fars was
the aggressor and in 366 a.h. [a.d. 976] defeated Izz al-Dowla,
who fled to Syria, the following year witnessing the usurpation by
Adad al-Dowla of the post of Ameer al-Omra of the Khalif 's empire.
This prince was the greatest of the Bowides and perhaps the most
powerful and splendid king of his time in Asia. He is extolled for
his wise administrationand munificence, and had he reigned longer
might have done something to prop up the crumbling empire.
Doubtless Oman participated in the benefits of his sway, but
the Persian Governor, Ustad Hormuz, he set over the land appears
to have been chiefly intent on enriching himself at the expense of
the people.
When Adad al-Dowla died in 372 a.h. [a.d. 982] at the age of
forty-seven his dominions were partitioned among his sons, Oman
falling to the lot of the Malik of Fars, Sharaf al-Dowla Abul Fowaris
who confirmed his father's governor, the Ustad Hormuz,
Sheerzaid,
The bitter animosities and rivalries, however, that now
in his post.
raged among the brothers and distracted all the territories of the
Bowides, were soon felt in this distant province. In 374 a.h. [a.d.
984] the second brother, Samsam al-Dowla Abu K alee jar Marzban,
intrigued for the possession of Oman and succeeded in gaining over
the Governor, Ustad Hormuz, and the garrison, who appear to have
perfidiously deserted their master, Sharaf al-Dowla, without striking
a blow. The usurper's triumph, however, was short lived, for Sharaf
al-Dowla, directly the news reached him, despatched a strong force
to Oman, which routed Ustad Hormuz and speedily restored Oman
to its former master, Sharaf al-Dowla. Ustad Hormuz was taken
prisoner and thrown into one of the fortresses, where he probably
met his death, after being relieved of the great stores of ill-gotten
wealth he had acquired during his long tenure of office in Oman.
Whether Samsam al-Dowla obtained possession of Oman on
the death of Sharaf al-Dowla in 379 a.h. [a.d. 989] we do not know.
Although we have had no mention of them for a long time,
the Carmathians, according to Ibn Khaldoon, held a precarious
position in Oman until the year 375 a.h. [a.d. 985], after which
year they came no more, and indeed soon disappeared from the
stage of history. Their last stronghold in Oman was, we may
safely conjecture, at Al-Beraimi.
The history of the Bowide Dynasty is so confused, intricate,
and conflicting that it is difficult to say to which prince Oman
belonged from 379-388 a.h. [a.d. 989-998]. In the former year
Sharaf al-Dowla had been succeeded as Ameer al-Omra at Baghdad
by his younger brother, Boha al-Dowla Abu Nasr Firooz, and the
latter was at war with his brother, Samsam al-Dowla of Fars, and had
just sustained a severe defeat at the hands of Ustad Hormuz's son,
Abu Ali, when Samsam al-Dowla was assassinated at Shiraz at
the hands of his nephew in 388 a.h. [a.d. 998].
Boha al-Dowla then added Fars to his former possessions,
and in 390 a.h. [a.d. 999] appointed Abu Mohammed bin Mukrim
to rule over Oman. Of this person's antecedents we may glean
something from Ibn al-Atheer, but of the character of his rule in
Oman we have no information, except that it appears to have been
of a very tolerant nature, as we read in Ross's Annals of Oman of
an Imam named Khalil bin Shathan, elected by the Ibadhis (in his
reign) in the beginning of the fifth century. That Imam

this
exercised merely spiritual and not temporal powers we may take
for granted, but considering the religious antagonism between the
Shihrs and Ibadhis at that period, the circumstance is a noteworthy
one.
In 401 A.H. [a.d. ioio] we learn that the Khalif Kadir Billah,
who had succeeded Al-Tai Billah in 381 A.H. [a.d. 991] sent the
Kadhi Abu Bekr al-Bakalain to the Ameer al-Omra Boha al-Dowla
to warn him that the Alyites and Abbasides were fighting with each
other from Koofa to Baghdad. The services rendered by the Kadhi
at this period were rewarded by his being appointed chief Kadhi
for Oman and the East Coast of Africa.
Boha al-Dowla, Ameer al-Omra, died in the year 403 A.H.
[1012 A.D.] and was succeeded by his eldest son. Sultan al-Dowla
Abu-Shu jra, in whose reign the Governorship of Oman passed from
Abu Mohammed bin Mukrim to his son, Abul Kasim, who retained
for many years the control of this province.
Sultan al-Dowla died at Shiraz in the year 415 A.H. [a.d. 1024]
and the succession to his throne was disputed by his brother and
his son.
The latter, Imad al-Din Abul Kaleejar Morzaban, then quite
a youth, was residing at Ahwaz and had been summoned at once by
the late ruler of Oman, Abu Mohammed, to come and take his
father's place.But he was not ready. His uncle, on the contrary,
Kawam al-Dowla Abul Fowaris, Malik of Kirman, was prepared
for the event and determined to profit by it. He immediately
marched to Shiraz, occupied it and took up the reins of Government
unopposed. Abu Mohammed endeavoured to escape to Oman
but was seized and put to death by Kawam al-Dowla. Abul Kasim,
on hearing of his father's death, at once declared against Kawam
al-Dowla and offered the resources of Oman to Abul Kaleejar, who
accepted them. About a year later, Abul Kaleejar, having gathered
his supporters and organized his army, took the field against his
uncle, Abul Fowaris, whom he utterly routed and drove back to
Kirman he then took possession of the Government of Fars.
;
The liberaland praiseworthy Abul Kasim Ali bin Hoosain bin

Makrim, Lord of Oman, died in the year 428 A.H. [a.d. 1036] and
was succeeded by his eldest son, Abul Jaish bin Mukrin.
Where the Bowide Governors fixed their residence and held
their Court is not mentioned, but I have reason to think it was at
Rostak. Abul Kasim's commandant of troops was a man named
Ali bin Hattal, and he had a Naib or deputy stationed at Nezwa,
named Al-Murtadha.
Abul Jaish appears to have been of feeble constitution and
his reign was short, but it was not uneventful. He had three
brothers, viz., Al-Mohathib, Abu Mohammed, and another who at
this time was an infant.
The second, Al-Mohathib, took offence at the unbecoming marks
of consideration and favour heaped on the General, Ali bin Hattal,
by Abul Jaish, who used to rise from his seat on his approach and
show other signs of respect, and he (Al-Mohathib) made known his
displeasure by openly reviling and disparaging Ali bin Hattal. The
wily general soon heard of this and conceived a scheme to bring about
Al-Mohathib's ruin. He invited him to a feast, treated him with
mock servility and courtesy and plied him with wine until he had
lost the power of judgment. Ali then proposed that they should
join in a revolt against Abul Jaish, whom Ali represented as being
feeble and unfit to rule, and that after he had been deposed,
Al-Mohathib should reign in his place. Al-Mohathib, too dizzy
from drink to perceive the snare, agreed to the plan and gave Ali a
letter authorizing him to act, and conferring dignities and honours
on him in the event of success. The next morning Ali bin Hattal
went straight to Abul Jaish, informed him that his brother was
hatching a conspiracy against him, revealed the sham plot and
exhibited Al-Mohathib's letter. Abul Jaish was furious ; he at
once had Al-Mohathib arrested and bound, and, with the usual
precipitation and recklessness of Oriental despots, ordered him to be
strangled. Ali bin Hattal obtained his revenge.
This event happened in 431 a.h. [a.d. 1039], and a few months
later in the same year Abul Jaish died.
AH bin Hattal found himself at this moment master of the

position, and conceived a project for further aggrandizing himself.
He resolved'to put up Abul Kasim's third son, Abu Mohammed, as
ruler, to keep him in tutelage as long as suited him, and then having
disposed of him in some way, to assume the lordship of Oman himself.
The scheme, however, was thwarted by the boy's mother, who
refused to entrust her son in Ali bin Hattal's hands, intimating to
him that he might govern the country if he chose to take the res-
ponsibility, and that her son, Abu Mohammed, would not attempt to
interfere in the affairs of State, but that he was too young to leave
her.
If Ali bin Hattal had been a sagacious and prudent man it is
probable that he might have retained power in his hands for a

considerable time, but he had no sooner tasted the sweets of rule than
he began to abuse it, oppressing the people, and seizing the property
of the traders.
It was not long before the news of what was going on in Oman,
and the attitude of Ali bin Hattal towards the sons of Abul
Kasim, reached the Court at Shiraz and astounded Abul Kaleejar
and his Wazeer. Prompt chastisement of All's insolence and pre-
sumption was decided on. The Naib Al-Mustadha was written to
by Al-Adil Abu Mansoor bin Mafanneh to undertake operations against
Ali bin Hattal, and was promised that an army would be organised
and despatched from Busra to his assistance. The people of Oman
responded with alacrity to Al-Mustadha's summons to them to join
him, as they had had enough of Ali bin Hattal's tyranny, and, with the
aid of the Dailamite troops sent him, the Naib soon recovered posses-
sion of the greater part of the country, but for the rest Ali bin Hattal
appears to have retained his hold over his soldiers, and having occupied
a strong defensive position to have held the Naib in check.
Al-Mustadha then had recourse to assassination, which was accom-
plished with the aid of a slave who had formerly belonged to Ibn
Makrim, but had been appropriated by Ali bin Hattal, and with the
death of this usurper tranquillity was restored.
As soon as Al-Adil Abu Mansoor heard that Ali was dead and that
the danger had passed, he set out for Oman, and having obtamed
the young chief, Abu Mohammed bin Abul Kasim bin Mukrim, from
his mother, confirmed him as Governor of Oman in the year 431 a.h,
[A.D, 1039].
The rule of Abu Mohammed did not please the Omanis ; being
inexperienced, he no doubt entrusted all affairs to his Naibs and
officials, who, like all Persians of that class, were rapacious, unjust,
and extortionate.
Two years had not elapsed before the country was in revolt, and
so seriouswas the complexion of affairs that the King of Fars, Abul
Kaleejar, was forced to proceed thither himself.
He embarked with an army at some port in Fars and sailed to
Sohar, where he landed his troops and took possession of it. How
far he advanced or how long it took him to reduce his rebellious
province we are not told. We only know that he succeeded in sub-
duing it, and then, having appointed his own son Governor, re-
embarked his soldiers and returned to Shiraz.*

But the end of the Persian occupation of Oman was now approach-
ing, and the Bowide Dynasty was about to give place to one far
—
mighty and more durable that of the Turkish Seljooks. The in-
creasing feebleness and degeneracy of the Dailamites in Oman
encouraged insurrection. The last attempt had had only a temporary
success the next effort to rid the land of the hated Shihr was equally
;
futile.
The Ameer Imad al-Din Abu Kaleejar Marzaban, Malik of Fars,

had died at Shiraz, and had been succeeded by Abu Nasr Khusra
Firooz Raheem, the last of his line, in 440 a.h. [a.d. 1048]. The
son of Abu Kaleejar, the Ameer Abu Modhaffar, was reigning at
Nezwa, where, in 442 a.h. [a.d. 1050], six years before the extinction
of the dynasty, the storm of rebellion drove him from his throne and
put an end to the Persian sovereignty. The proximate cause of the
revolution appears to have been the harsh and oppressive conduct
It is probable that Abu Mohammed was killed during this rising as we hear no
more of him.
of a negro slave, to whom his master, Abu Modhaffar, had entrusted

the affairs of state, and who practically controlled and ruled the whole
country. His exactions and cruelty created discontent, and dis-
content grew into disaffection. man—Shaikh
The hour produced the
Rashid bin Saeed was the prototype of the Seyyid Ahmed bin Saeed
— the founder of the Al-bu Saeedi dynasty. A man of strong and
turbulent disposition, he had been foremost since the time of Abul
Kasim bin Mukrim combating the Persian oppressor, in trying
in
to redress wrongs and shield the weak. Having succeeded in raising
the tribes and collecting a numerous following, Shaikh Rashid made
a hostile movement on Nezwa, and Abu Modhaffar, having advanced
with his troops to meet him, they joined battle, in which the Khare-
jites were defeated and dispersed.*
Undaunted by this reverse, the tribes again assembled in force,

and this time determined to strike a final blow for freedom. Despite
the ill success of his first attack, the Arabs retained confidence in
Rashid as a leader, and, united in a national cause, mustered again
at his call from all quarters. In the second battle Shaikh Rashid
was victorious and completely routed the Dailamites. He slew the
slave of the Ameer who had roused the people's vengeance, and
carried Abu Modhaffar himself a captive to the mountains. Such
of the Dailamites who escaped the carnage of the field were soon
made prisoners and shared the fate of their Ameer. Rashid bin
Saeed now took possession of the country and rooted out the Daila-
mite and tax-gatherers in all directions. He razed the
officials
palace of the Bowide Ameers to the ground, saying it had been a

house for the ruination of the people and for the degradation of justice
rather than a palace. It is averred by Ibn al-Atheer that Rashid bin
Saeed became so arrogant after his success that he styled himself

Rashid BiUah, that he caused the prayers to be read in his own name,
that he took to wearing wool, and that he built a house for himself
in the form of a mosque. But the great historian of the middle ages,
Ibn al-Atheer, who has rescued Rashid's deeds from oblivion, was
This rebellion was Rashid bin Saeed's first failure.

The Persian Gulf under Islam, I27
an orthodox Sunni, holding schismatics and heretics in abhorrence,

and exhibits throughout a strong bias against the Omanis.
We learn from Ross's Annals of Oman that Rashid bin Saeed was
elected Imam by the people, and that he died in Moharram, 445 a.h.
[a.d. 1053]. His election to the Imamate probably succeeded the
expulsion of the tyrants, and was the expression of the people's grati-
tude for his services in having liberated the land from a foreign yoke.
The annalist, without recording his exploits, quotes a verse which
testifies to and appreciates the high character of Rashid bin Saeed as
a ruler.
From the Persian work of Mohammed Ibrahim we are led to
and expulsion
infer that the Dailamites did not accept their defeat
by Rashid bin Saeed as terminating their grasp on Oman, as a
fresh army was despatched by the Malik of Fars to reconquer Oman
and avenge the death of Abu Modhaffar. This expedition was
commanded by Shahriyar bin Tafeel, and must have been successful
in reducing the country in whole, or in part, as Shahriyar was in
power at the time of the Seljookian Conquest. It is quite possible
that the Imam Rashid may have met his death in battle during
Shahriyar's invasion or at his hands after victory.
Although seventy-five years had elapsed since their final
evacuation of Oman, the amicable relations which continued to
subsist between the Carmathians and the Ibadhis were illustrated
by an event which occurred about the year 450 a.h. [a.d. 1058].
A serious revolt having occurred in the Island of Awal against
the impost of an extraordinary tax by the Government at Lahsa,
the Carmathian Wazeer, then Abu Abdulla Sinbar, despatched one
of his sons to Oman arms and money from the
to entreat assistance in
Ibadhi tribes. The appeal was generously responded to, and the
Wazeer's son quitted Oman with 5,000 deenars and 3,000 spears as
a contribution to the military resources at Lahsa. The gift, however,
did not reach its destination for the party was intercepted on the
way by the insurgents, who killed the Wazeer's son and forty of his
comrades, and plundered their baggage.
The horizon of Baghdad had been for a long time darkening.
Under the intolerable and impotent rule of the Bowides, the Khalif 's
provinces had passed into other hands, anarchy reigned supreme,
and the once world-wide Arab Empire had so dwindled and sunk
into so low a condition of impoverishment, degradation, and
decrepitude that it was when, in 447 a.h. [a.d. 1055]
at death's door
the son of the conquering Seljook, Toghrul Bey, whose aid had been
implored by the Khalif Kasin Bi-Amr-Allah, entered the capital,
and having removed the Ameer al-Omra Abu Nasir, took the
Government into his firm grasp and inspired the empire with renewed
life, vigour, and influence. The dismembered provinces were once
more brought together, order and prosperity took the place of
tumult and decay, and though Toghrul Bey's Turkomans were
savage and bloodthirsty in war, the benefits of his rule far outweighed
the drawbacks.
Oman was one of the last provinces to be trodden by the iron
heel of the Turk, and it is only recently that the particulars of this
invasion have been brought to light by Professor Houtsma.
Ibn al-Mojawir had indeed already informed us in his " Tareekh
al-Mustabsir " that, as he learnt from Abu Bekr al-Basrawi, Oman
belonged first to the Kings of Kirman of the Seljook Dynasty, that
it was then ruled by the Ghuz, and that subsequently Sohar became
deserted and was destroyed by the Arabs. And this is still, I believe,
the only indication we possess of the Ghuz occupation.
We find that the Seljooks of Kirman held sway there from
433 or 448 to 583 A.H. [a.d. 1041 or 1056 to 1187], that Malik Deenar
succeeded to them in power, and that from 621-766 a.h. [a.d.
1 224-1364] the Ghuz family of Kara Katayans held possession of
Kirman.
These Turkish princes undoubtedly held Oman in subjection
during a considerable part of the period left blank by the native

annalist, and we may fairly ascribe to the ruthless excesses com-
mitted by the savage Turkomans, and the humiUation endured by
the people, the cause of his silence, as with Arab pride he disdained
to soil the page of history with a recital of their misfortunes.
The first of the Seljook race established in the Government of
Sh
The Persian Gulf under Islam. I29
Kirman was Kadir Bey or Kaward (the Wolf), the son of Chagar
Bey, and grandson of Seljook. He was appointed Governor of
Kirman by the authority of his uncle, Toghrul Bey, and ruled it in
conjunction with the Bo wide prince, Abu Mansoor Foolad, Sultan
from 433-448 A.H. [a.d. 1041-1056], when Ab-Mansoor died and
Kaward assumed the control of the State. In 455 a.h. [a.d. 1063]
he acquired possession of the province of Fars, and in 456 a.h.
[a.d. 1063] the further province of Oman.
In 456 A.H. [a.d. 1063], and subsequent to the conquest and
spoHation of Garmseer in Pars, Kaward turned his attention, as
mentioned above, to Oman, which he understood to be wealthy,
filled with treasures of every kind and, withal, defenceless.
He anticipated no difficulty in conquering it and apprehended

no danger except from the sea, to which he was a stranger.
He accordingly ordered the Ameer of Hormuz (the city so
named being then on the mainland and not on the island) to collect
ships and boats and to make all needful arrangements for the
embarkation of the troops and their transportation to Oman. The
Persian Ameer did as he was bid the flotilla was prepared, and
;
Kaward boldly trusting himself to the sea, which he probably saw

for the first time in his life, set sail for the Oman coast.
The invasion appears have been entirely unforeseen, either
to
by the Dailamite Governor and garrison or by the inhabitants, and
the appearance of the flotilla, followed by the disembarkation of
the expeditionary force, consequently took the Omanis completely
by surprise. There was no time to muster forces or to organize
resistance, and the Ameer Shahriyar bin Tafeel, or as he is also called
Tazeek, is said to have had no resource but to conceal himself. The
Seljooks spread rapidly over the land, meeting with no opposition,
and indiscriminate massacre, enslavement of women and children,
fire and rapine everywhere marked the trail of the conquerors.
Kaward took undisputed possession of and occupied the country ;
he then proclaimed himself the righteous and just king, ordered

the Khutba to be read, and coins to be struck in his own name,
and then set to work to carry out the main object of his enterprise^
the plunder of the people.
VOL. I. 1
130 Country and Tribes of the Persian Culf.
Meanwhile search was being made for the missing Ameer, and
it was made known that his Ufe would be spared if he surrendered.
A long hunt took place and Shahriyar was at length found hidden
in an oven. On Shahriyar being brought into his presence, Kaward
received him with reproaches and treated him with indignity, but
subsequently changed his attitude and, according to the Persian
chronicler, promised to reinstate him in the governorship of the
country imder the proviso that a Seljook official should reside at
his court in the capacity of political agent. The submission and
vassalage of the DaUamites and Omanis having thus been accepted
by the victor, Shahriyar (or Tazeek) begged that the life of his young
children, who had apparently been seized as hostages on the first
advance of the invaders, might be spared, and this seems to have
been conceded. But Tazeek was compelled to disgorge the whole
of the wealth and treasure he had accumulated during his vice-
royalty. During their occupation of the country the main energies
of the Seljooks had been employed in sacking and ransacking the
towns and villages, and when the plunder of the inhabitants had
been focussed at the port of embarkation, Kaward and his Turko-
mans quitted Oman and sailed for Garmseer.
We have seen that within a period of about 200 years there had
been no less than ten successive waves of invasion and incursion by
land and sea, with as many changes of alien dominion over this un-
happy land. From the time of the conquest by the Imperial legions
under Bin Noor, with his relentless persecution of the schismatics,
Oman had been swept by an unbroken series of invaders —Arabs,
Turks, Persians, Carmathians, DaUamites and Turkomans — ^who, one
and all, by lust of power and pillage, and unprovoked by any
incited
act of aggression, had wantonly slain the inhabitants, enslaved their
women, and robbed their property. Few countries have been so
vilely treated, by their neighbours fewer still have shown such
;
indomitable pride under oppression, such valour, and such an elastic

power of recuperation. History can hardly exhibit anything more
sad than the spectacle of this proud and noble race overcome and
trampled upon by the brutal hordes of barbarians of Central Asia.
The Persian Gulf under t slam, 13!
Kaward, Prince of Kirman, the Sultan Adhdad al-Din Alp Arslan,

who had succeeded Toghrul Bey in 455 a.h. [a.d. 1063], and the
Khalif Bi-amr-allah, were contemporaries of Harold and William
the Conqueror of England, and the Seljook invasion of Oman only,
antedated by a couple of years one of the most momentous events in
English history, the Norman Conquest.
Alp Arslan, the Sultan of Baghdad, was killed in 465 a.h. [a.d.
1072] . He had, previously to his death, set aside his eldest son from
the succession and had appointed his second son, Jelal al-Din Abul
Path, who him on the throne under the title of Mahk Shah.
followed
This prince had no sooner assumed the purple than troubles broke
out in many parts of his vast dominions, and among others in Kirman,
where Kaward had at once revolted and proclaimed himself inde-
pendent. Malik Shah took the field against him without delay, and
in one of the bloodiest battles ever fought in Persia, defeated him and
took him prisoner. Kaward was put to death by poison or the bow-
string immediately afterwards, and for two years the provinces of
Fars and Kirman were administered by Malik Shah's lieutenants.
In 467 A.H. [a.d. 1074], however, Malik Shah pardoned Kaward's
son, Sultan Shah, and conferred on him the Government of Kirman
with its dependency Oman, which he governed probably in the same
way as his father had done, with a resident Seljook Ameer at the
capital to control events and receive the revenue.
In the same year (467 a.h. [a.d. 1074]) the Khalif Kamin Bi-amr-
allah died at Baghdad after a long reign of forty-five years, and was
followed by his grandson, Moktadi Bi-amr-allah, who, with the tacit
permission of Malik Shah, began to exert some of the prerogatives
of the throne, and attempted to reform the corrupt administration of
justice at Baghdad.
Oman, or part of it, appears to have continued under the peaceable
subjection of the Seljooks of Kirman during the subsequent reigns of
Toorun Shah (477-489 a.h. [a.d. 1084-1095]), and Iran Shah
(489-494 A.H. [a.d. 1095-1100]). But we begin to hear of troubles
in the time of his successor, Arslan Shah bin Kirman Shah, who
enjoyed a long reign of forty-two years, as we read in the Kamil
VOL. I. 1 2
that in the year 495 a.h. [a.d. iioi], the Ameer Abu Saeed Moham-
med bin Madhar bin Mahwood had taken possession of that half of
Oman which had become a dependency of Busra. Indeed, at this
time Islam was in peril from without and within. The great Seljooks
had passed away, and the Empire had now again become one vast
arena of internecine strife. While already in 488 a.h. [a.d. 1095],
Pope Urban, instigated by Peter Gautier, had started the first crusade
and Godfrey de Bouillon had entered the Holy Land.
That the Seljook hold on Oman had by this time become precarious,
and that the tribes had to some extent regained their independence,
is to be inferred from the mention by the local annalist at this period
of several Imams, of whose reigns, however, no details are given. The

first Imam named in Ross's Annals is Mohammed bin Habees, who
was elected in 510 a.h. [a.d. 1116]. The next may have been
Rashid bin Ali, who was appointed in 513 a.h. [a.d. 1119], but as
we also find the dates 446and 476 a.h. [a.d. 1054 and 1083] given
to him, his position in the list becomes uncertain and confused.
Another Imam was Moosa bin Jabir al-Muali bin Moosa bin Nejad,
who died in 549 a.h. [a.d. 1154]. After whom probably came the
Imam Mohammed bin Khanbash, who died in 557 a.h. [a.d. 1161].
The death of this Prince is said to have occasioned greater sufferings
to the people of Oman than that of any previous Imam, but we have
no clue to the troubles in Oman at that period.
We must now go back a little to the real sovereigns of Oman, the
Seljooks of Kirman. Arslan Shah had died in 536 a.h. [a.d. 1141],
and had been succeeded by Malik Mogheth al-Din Mohammed, who,
being a Turk and too fond to rule alone, could not endure a brother
near the throne, and began his reign after the amicable fashion of his
race, by blinding or murdering his brethren, one of whom, however,
Seljook Shah, was fortunate enough to escape and to find a refuge
in Oman.
Here he appears to have been well received by the garrison, and
perhaps also by the people, who were not sorry to give him their
allegiance, and thus to break away from the grinding tyranny of
the Kirman Government. It is certain, at all events, that the
—
Kirman Agent thenceforward ceased to reside at Nezwa and control

the Government.
Malik Mogheth al-Din died in 551 a.h. [a.d. 1156], after a reign
of fourteen years. There is no record any attempt on his part to
of
recover Oman from his brother, Seljook Shah, and we may conjecture
that his sway over Oman terminated about the year 538 a.h. [a.d.
1 1 43], which gives a period of eighty-two years to the predominance
of the Kawardian Dynasty of Kirman over Oman.
What took place on the death of Seljook Shah, and in what year
this event took place, are matters that have passed into oblivion,
but we may assume that it preceded that of Shaikh Mohammed bin
Khanbash, who then took up the control of affairs.
—
The last of the Kawardian Princes Sultan Mohammed Shah
was expelled from Kirman in 583 a.h. [a.d. 1187] by Malik Deenar.
This chieftain made himself absolute master of that country and
ruled it he was succeeded by Abul Kasim al-Zuzeny.
;
In Oman, Mohammed bin Khanbash was succeeded by his son,

Hafs bin Mohammed, and we then come to the rule of the Nebhani,
of which we are afforded very little information. Of the origin and
rise of this family the annalists relate nothing, and the names and
dates of the Maliks or Chiefs are almost entirely wanting. It
appears, however, that the authority of the Nebhanis was strongest

in Al-Dhahireh, and did not extend over all Oman, and that their
chiefs were called Maliks, who possessed temporal power only.
Oman, however, was not independent at this time, but had passed
from the subjugation of the Seljooks, after a short interval, to that
of the Ghuz of Kirman. These Ghuz were a predatory horde of
Turkomans, who, under their leader, Boraik Hajab, had, in 619 a.h.
[a.d. 1222], invaded Kirman and taken it from Abul Kasim
al-Zuzeny, and soon after subdued Oman, which probably remained

under their sway till about 766 a.h. [a.d. 1364].
In 656 A.H. [a.d. 1258] the Mohammedan world was paralyzed by
the destruction of the Eastern Khalifate the metropolis of the Empire,
;
Baghdad, having been captured by Hulagu Khan (the grandson of

Jenghis Khan), who massacred Al-Mustassim, the last of the Khalifs,
VOL. I. 13
with all his family. The

Baghdad, while causing the disruption
fall of
of the Empire, had a very important effect on commerce, as it diverted
the course of trade, flowing from East to West, into a new channel, and
thus, while Sohar and Busra fell, Aden and Egypt rose.
The next occurrence we hear of in Oman history is the encroach-
ment of Hormuz on the Arab littoral, an event which took place in
660 A.H. [a.d. 1261].
This Hormuz Dynasty was founded, according to Texeira, on the

coast of Kirman by one Shah Mohammed of Mogestan, and became,
probably, tributary to the Ghuz of Kirman. In 660 a.h. [a.d. 1261],
as already observed, Rukn al-Deen Mahmood, the twelfth King of
Hormuz, an enterprising and warlike priace who began to reign 641
A.H. [a.d. 1243], took an expedition of combined Hormuz and Ghuz
troops to Kilhat and demanded tribute from the Nebhani Chiefs,
Abul Maali Kahlan bin Nebhan and his brother, Omar bin Nebhan,
who refused compliance and began to procrastinate. Rukn al-Deen,
not being able, apparently, to attempt the conquest of the interior,
proceeded by sea to Dhofar, leaving a garrison of the Ghuz at Kilhat.
Part of this garrison moved down
Taiwee with the intention of
to
plundering it, but were attacked and driven off with heavy loss by
the Beni Jabir, and the graves of these Turks are still shown at
Taiwee by the Arabs. Probably very few of the Ghuz returned to
Kilhat.
In connection with the date of this occupation of Kilhat by the
ruler of Hormuz, must be remarked that Yakoot, who died
it in
626 A.H. [a.d. 1228] states that in his time Oman was subject to
Hormuz.
In 675 A.H. [a.d. 1276] we learn that Oman was the scene of an
incursion of the Moghuls of Shiraz, when the sons of the Governor
or Reis, whose names were Fakhr al-Deen and Shahab al-Deen,
with a force of 4,500 horse landed at Sohar and marched to Nezwa,
which they plundered and burned. The bazaars, mosques, and books
were destroyed and the women carried off. This happened in the
reign of Hilal bin Omar bin Nebhan, who attacked the Persians and
their allies, the Beni Haddan, but were defeated with a loss of 300
men. Fakhr al-Deen Ahmed bin al-Daya then besieged Bahila

but was repulsed. The death of Fakhr al-Deen put an end to the
campaign, and the Persians quitted Oman after a stay of four
months.
We are told by Yakoot that in his time Sohar was the capital
of Oman ; but Abulfeda, writing nearly a century later, tells us that
Sohar was in ruins.
was about the year 700 a.h. [a.d. 1300] that the capital of
It
the Hormuz Dynasty was removed from the Kirman Coast to the
Island of Jeroon at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, which island
thenceforth became known as Hormuz.
In 731 A.H. [a.d. 1330] Oman was visited by the Oriental traveller,
Ibn Batuta, who found that Kilhat was in the hands of Kotub al-
Deen, King of Hormuz. Ibn Batuta tells us that the Sultan of
Oman was Abu Mahommed bin Nebhani, and that Abu Mohammed
was the name among them of all the Sultans who rule over
Oman.
In 749 A.H. A.D. 1348] occurred the universal plague or Black
Death, which is said to have originated in China in 742 A.H.
[a.d. 1341] and spread to Europe. Though not mentioned by the
annalists, it doubtless devastated Oman.
As it was somewhere about the year 766 A.H. [a.d. 1364] that
the Ghuz dynasty of Kirman came to an end, we may suppose that
Oman recovered her independence at that time, and that on the
departure of the Ghuz the Nebhanis resumed their undisputed supre-
macy and sway.
For about forty years we hear of no rivalry between the
Nebhanis and Ibadhi Moollas, but in the year 809 a.h. [a.d. 1406]
we find that an Imam was appointed in the person of Malik bin
Ali al-Howari, who resided at Nezwa and exercised power over
the greater part of Oman.
Malik bin Ali al-Howari died in 833 A.H. [a.d. 1429] and seven
years later was succeeded by Abdul Hassan bin Khamis bin Amr,
who was elected in 834 a.h. [a.d. 1430]. This Imam died in 846 a.h.
[a.d. 1442] and was followed by the Imam Omar bin Katab bin
VOL. I. 14
Mohammed bin Ahmed bin Shidan bin Salt in 855 a.h. [a.d. 1451],
or, according to Ross, 885 a.h. [a.d. 1480].
In the year 845 a.h. a.d. Abdul Rizak bin Ishak,
1441]
ambassador from Shah Rookh to India, set out on his journey and
reached Muscat, from whence he proceeded to Kuriyat and Soor.
He was too engrossed in his own health to give any information
about the politics or state of the country. This Imam Omar was
not destined to remain in peace, for about a year after his election
he was defeated and deposed by Suliman bin Suliman bin Muzhaffer
al-Nebhani at Himat in the Wady Semail. Omar, however, appears
to have been re-elected Imam, and in the year
887 a.h. [a.d. 1482]
he seized in retaliation, apparently for his own defeat, the property
of the Beni Nebhan and confiscated it.
Omar was succeeded by the Kadhi Mohammed bin Suliman

bin Ahmed bin Mofarrij in 894 A.H. [a.d. 1488]. This Imam,
however, was soon deposed and the Imam Omar bin Sherrif was
elected and remained in office for one year, after which he retired to
Bahila. Mohammed bin Suliman was then re-elected at Nezwa.
The next Imam appears to have been Mohammed al-Ismaili,
who began to reign in 906 a.h. [a.d. 1500] and in whose reign, seven
years later, the great Conquistador, Affonsod' Albuquerque, appeared
on the scene and laid waste the whole coast from Ras al-Had to
Mussendom.
137
CHAPTER III.
THE PORTUGUESE IN EASTERN ARABIA.
The transference of the possession of the great Indian trade from the
hands of the Venetians to the Portuguese, from the Portuguese to
the Dutch, and from the Dutch to the Enghsh during the sixteenth,
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, is a matter of much interest
and importance, and it may be as well to give a slight sketch of the
earlier events before proceeding to the transactions of the Portuguese

in Arabia.
At the middle of the fifteenth century Venice was at the zenith
of her power — enriched by the monopoly of the commerce between
the East and West. She had by her wealth and maritime strength
become one of the chief powers of Europe, and her ships were the mer-
chant navy of the Christian nations. But here her progress was stayed,
and having crested the eminence of her glory, she began to feel her
influence decline and to suffer the humiliation of her increasing weak-
ness and decay. The first severe blow was the conquest by the Turks
of Constantinople in 1452, from which city the Venetians had pre-
viously been driven by the Genoese. This gave the victors the com-
mand of the Levantine trade, and put an end for a time to the Persian
Gulf and Syrian trade. The wars of the Venetian Republic with
Genoa and the ambitious extension of territory on the Italian
mainland occupied her attention fully and tried her strength, but she
could, no doubt, for a lengthened period have withstood all rivals
and maintained her supremacy in commerce almost unimpaired had
it not been for the enterprise and courage of a smaller and far weaker
state in the West of Europe, viz., Portugal.

was in August of the year 1498 that the great discoverer, Vasco
It
da Gama, first cast anchor in the waters of an Indian port, viz.,
Calicut, after doubling the Cape of Good Hope, effecting by this
notable voyage a revolution in Oriental commerce which not only
brought wealth and fame to its promoter, but brought ruin to three
rival and powerful states, viz., Egypt, Venice and Turkey. Egypt
fell within twenty years, Venice may be said to have closed her marts
in 1573, after the capture of Cyprus by the Turks, though the

Republic was only finally extinguished by the hand of the great
Napoleon in 1796. The fall of Turkey has been more gradual, but
has been none the less sure, and for many years he has been the
Sick Man of Europe.
At the period we are speaking of the sea-borne trade from India
up the Persian Gulf to Busra and along the Red Sea to Suez was in
the hands chiefly of the Muscat and Yemen Arabs, who had main-
tained the profitable intercourse uninterruptedly in their own hands
from remote ages, and these Arab merchants at Calicut, therefore,
not unnaturally offered a most strenuous opposition to Vasco da
Gama's dealings with the Zamorin, as they instinctively felt the
deadly nature of the blow that had been struck at their trade, and
saw at once that the cumbrous and complicated system in Egypt and
Syria, in which the profits were divided by so many, was doomed to
speedy ruin.
On the arrival of da Gama at Calicut, therefore, they lost no
time in transmitting news of the event to Egypt, and informing the
Sultan at Cairo of the unexpected interference of the Portuguese, so
that in all became acquainted with the momentous
probability he
tidings of the change before the King of Portugal, as there was ample
time during the twelve months that had elapsed between August,
1498, and September, 1499, when da Gama returned to Lisbon and
imparted to the King the joyful news of his successful voyage. The
significance of the news was fully understood by the Venetian mer-
chants on receiving it from Egypt, and caused the utmost dismay.
The Republic, however, did not immediately succumb to the blow
struck by her rival, and made more than one vigorous though in-
The Portuguese in Eastern Arabia, 139
effectual effort to ward off the danger and recover her commercial
supremacy. She pointed out the peril to Egypt and Turkey, and urged
them to aid her in her attempts to avert it. The appeal she made
was not only fully appreciated, but was at once responded to. By
their united action a powerful fleet was equipped at Suez and
despatched to the Arabian Sea to overwhelm the Portuguese.
In 1501 the Doge of Venice sent an ambassador, Signor Pietro
Payualigo, to Lisbon to see how matters were progressing, and on
his arrival, the King, Dom Manoel, though receiving him courteously,
told him that if it pleased him to send ships to Lisbon to trade in
spices they would be made welcome, and that the merchants would
be given every facility and protection. The ambassador, Signor
Payualigo, seeing that the Venetian monopoly of the Indian trade was
obviously now at an end, and that the dangerous Red Sea route could
no longer compete with that round the Cape, causing the inevitable
ruin of his own State, resolved at once to return home.
Dom Manoel's invitation to open the harbour to the Venetian
community to trade was not, of course, accepted by the Doge, as
he had already engaged with the Sultan of Egypt, who was at that
time independent of the Porte, to attack the Portuguese in the
Arabian Sea, and did not dare to play a double part lest the depots of
merchandise at Cairo and Alexandria might be pillaged and destroyed,
in which case and allies, the Egyptians, would be turned
his friends
into bitter foes,and he would be entirely isolated. The Doge was,
moreover, doubtless influenced by considerations of pride and dignity,
as well as those of policy, in refusing to purchase spices from his
former customers. Besides these considerations it was natural that
the Venetians, who had never attempted to join in the explorations
of the West African Coast, should be averse from participation in
the newly-discovered sea-borne trade to India after da Gama's first
voyage. In their arrogance and disdain they contented themselves
with trying to frustrate the Portuguese in their'efforts to create a new
commerce for their own country, but in these endeavours the Vene-
.tians had as little success as the Arab merchants at Calicut had in
opposing Vasco da Gama.

The Sultan of Egypt, instigated by Venice, sent an imperious

message to the Pope and to King Dom Manoel, requiring them to
command all Christians to abstain from navigation or trading in the
Arabian Sea, threatening otherwise to kill all the Christians in Egypt
and to destroy the Holy Sepulchre. As, however, this hrutum fulmen
was treated with contempt, the Levantine confederacy despatched a
fleet to the Indian Sea, which, after a long cruise, encountered a
Portuguese armada in 1508, and was completely annihilated. As
fleet after fleet left Lisbon for the East, the new-born trade rose rapidly
and soon eclipsed the old-fashioned system. The diminution in the

cost of freight alonewas so marked, being about 60 per cent., that
the Arabs could not attempt to compete, and thus the old routes
through the Persian Gulf and Red Sea fell by degrees into
desuetude.
In one of the earliest fleets that was despatched to India in the
sixteenth century by the King was to be found the most commanding
genius that Portugal ever sent to the East, Affonso d' Albuquerque,
who sailedfrom Lisbon on February 6th, 1503, in charge of a
squadron of three ships for Cochin to help to build a fort. During
his stay in India he made good use of his time in collecting notes and
in maturing plans for the future consideration of his King and the
guidance of his country. On his return in 1504 he laid before Dom
Manoel gigantic schemes of conquest, annexation, commerce, and
maritime supremacy, which he considered feasible in view of the
comparative feebleness of the Asiatics.
Albuquerque's ambitious plan, after much heated disputation
in council, where it was opposed by the Marquis of Saldanha and
other influential noblemen, was at length adopted, and the King
resolved to entrust its execution to the master mind which had
conceived it. The Duke Almeida had been appointed Viceroy of
of
India in 1505, and was doing good service there therefore it was not
;
desirable to supersede him, and the policy of Lisbon was a cautious one.
It was not until 1506 that Albuquerque again left his native country,
but when he did it was with full orders to inaugurate a policy of
conquest and territorial aggrandisement in the East that had been
The Portumese in Eastern Arabia, 141
determined on in pursuance of his advice. He carried, in fact, a

secret commission from the King as Viceroy and Governor-General,
which appointment he was to assume three years after saihng from
Lisbon in succession to the Duke of Almeida, who was then to
return to Europe. A complete account of the Portuguese conquests
and subjugation of the coast of Africa and India would, perhaps,
form one of the most instructive and entertaining chapters in the
history of the world, but it has yet to be written, though we are not
without many tentative works on the subject, and there must be
rich materials still waiting rescue from oblivion in the archives of
Lisbon, Goa, and the Simancas. The native annalists of Oman, as
might be expected, maintain a discreet silence respecting the arrival
and conquests of the Infidels in their country, but some of the con-
tests that took place at a late period, when the increasing feebleness
of the Portuguese garrisons encouraged insurrection, are frequently
and exultingly recorded, particularly their final expulsion, as we may
read in the pages of Ross's Annals of Oman.
In 1506 three fleets were despatched from Lisbon by the King,
one of which, consisting of sixteen ships, left the quays of the Tagus
on March 6th, and carried with it the illustrious Conquistador,
Affonso d' Albuquerque.
The chief captain of this fleet was Tristan da Cunha, who

received orders to sail to Socotra and there construct a fort, which,
while protecting the Christians supposed to inhabit that island,
would also serve as a depot for the use of the fleet destined to oppose
the Egypto- Venetian confederacy and to blockade the Red Sea.
On the completion of the fort, da Cunha was to proceed to India
with his share of the fleet, leaving Albuquerque with a small squadron
to attack Jedda and Aden, and to obstruct the Moorish trade.
After many adventures and some losses, Tristan da Cunha
arrived safely at Soko, the port of Socotra, in the middle of the
year 1507, having on the way been joined by the Flor de la Mar,
commanded by Captain Joao da. Nova, who had proceeded to India
with a former fleet and afterwards proved such a thorn in the side of
Albuquerque at Hormuz. At Soko, da Cunha found a different
—
reception awaiting him from what he had expected. The island

was in possession of Sultan Ibrahim, son of the Sultan of Kisheen,
who resolutely rejected the Admiral's demand for surrender. The
fort was accordingly bombarded by the Portuguese, and in spite
of a vaHant resistance, assaulted and carried, the Mahra garrison
being put to the sword. The fort was then repaired and named
St. Thomas, and Affonso da Noronha was appointed to the command.
It was the end of July, 1507, before affairs were finally arranged at
Socotra, and the time then arrived for da Cunha and Albuquerque
to part company and to pursue the course of action prescribed for
each respectively by the King.
The squadron allotted to d' Albuquerque by the chief captain
—
da Cunha consisted of the Cirne, the flagship of Albuquerque ;
the Ruy Grande, Captain Francisco da Tavora the Flor de la ;
Mar, Captain Joao da Nova the Ruy Peyneno, Captain Manoel

;
Jules Barretto ; the Sam Jorge, transport. Captain A. Lopes da

Costa ; the Espirito Santo, Captain A. da Campo.
Having completed his arrangements, Tristan da Cunha sailed
away to India on August 7th, leaving Albuquerque free to decide
on and carry out his plan of operations against Moorish commerce.
There is much discrepancy among the various Portuguese authors
as to the instructions given to Albuquerque for his guidance, or it
may be that the King's orders were in fact rather vague and
indefinite, leaving him to act very much at his own discretion and
as circumstances might dictate. According to the text of his own
Commentaries he was to destroy Hormuz and to do what he
could to intercept the tide of Arab trade to the Levant through
the alternative routes of Alexandria and Busra, before proceeding
to undertake on land.
aggressive wars Couto in his Decadas,
however, asserts that Albuquerque was ordered merely to obstruct
the Red Sea and to capture the port of Aden.
Albuquerque had, no doubt, apprehended at once that the
flotilla bequeathed to him by da Cunha was too small to attempt
the capture of the almost impregnable fortress of Aden, and thought

it better, soon after the departure of da Cunha, to deviate somewhat
The Portuguese in Eastern Arabia. I43
from his instructions and to steer straight for Eastern Arabia, where,
after making himself master of Kilhat and Muscat, which, together
with Hormuz, were at that time the chief marts in the Persian Gulf
and the entrepots, where the Eastern commerce concentrated itself
before re-shipment to the Shat al-Arab, he intended to annex Hormuz
and form that island into a depot for Portuguese trade exclusively.
Before, however, taking any decided action Albuquerque
deemed it prudent to call a council of war and to discuss the matter
with his captains. At this council it was resolved that as provisions
were running short and the south-west monsoon still prevailing, the
expedition against Jedda should be abandoned in favour of a short
cruise to pick up Moorish vessels coming from the Red Sea, after
which the fleet should proceed to Muscat, where the Admiral could
decide what to do next. On August loth, accordingly, the little
fleet set sail from Soko for the Arabian coast, intending to commence
the cruise at the Kooria Mooria Islands. These islands, however,

were passed without being sighted by any of the ships, and Albu-
querque then decided to give up the cruise altogether, as he feared
to run out of supplies, and he had only agreed to the plan in deference
to the opinion of his captains.
Sailing on to the north-east, the fleet appears to have anchored
for the first time in Oman waters, near the Island of Maseera, from
whence, on the following day, they proceeded on until they had
weathered Ras al-Had, under shelter of which Albuquerque anchored
in smooth water and began by firing all the Arab vessels
hostilities
he found lying in Khor Hejareh, some thirty or forty in number.
The next place, Khor Jeramah, was explored in the boats by the
master of the transports, who sounded seven fathoms in the lagoon ;
here four more vessels were doomed to the flames. Passing Soor,
which is described as a small fishing village, the fleet — sailing close,
and followed by a large concourse of people along the shore —next
arrived at the city of Kilhat, where Albuquerque ordered his ships
to come to an anchor with as much noise and display as could be
made. This was the first appearance of European warships in the
Gulf of Oman since the dctys of Alexander, eighteen centuries before,
and from the ready submission of the people in Kilhat the arrival
seems to have created no little terror and dismay, the
of the fleet
Persians having doubtless heard of the proceedings of the Portuguese
on the Indian coast and of their warlike character and superiority.
At the time of these events the Arab in power in Oman was the
Imam Mohammed bin Ismail al-Ismaili, who had been elected in
906 A.H. [a.d. 1500] and who died in 942 a.h. [a.d. 1535]. He held
sway over the interior portion of the country, and he usually resided
at Al-Rostak, the coast line being still, as it had been since a.d. 1270,
subject to the Persian King of Hormuz, whose chief governor on the
Arab coast was at Kilhat. No communication was held the first
day with the city, but on the following morning a boat was sent on
shore with two officers and an interpreter, who were civilly received
and were informed that the town belonged to the King of Hormuz
and that anything required for the fleet would be willingly supplied.
On the next day further communication took place between the
Governor and Albuquerque, to whom a present of fruit, etc., was
sent on board by the former. The present, however, was not
accepted by Albuquerque, who required the unconditional submission
of the town and the transfer of allegiance to the King of Portugal.
The Governor being unprepared for resistance, resolved to
temporize, and humbly deprecating the opening of hostilities and
the destruction of the town, besought Albuquerque to proceed to
Hormuz and make terms with the King, promising that whether
peace or war might result there, Kilhat would nevertheless yield
subjection to the King of Portugal. This evasive reply was fully
understood by Albuquerque, but as he was in urgent need of
provisions he took the advice of his officers and accepted the position
until a more convenient opportunity. Before leaving, Albuquerque
gave a written guarantee of safety from attack by other Portuguese
ships in the name of the King Dom Manoel to the Governor, but he
did not scruple to make prize of an Aden dhow of 200 tons lying in
the harbour, which was held to ransom.
On Sunday, August 22nd, Albuquerque weighed from Kilhat
and sailed for Taiwee, which he had supposed to be a large port,
The Portuguese in Eastern Arabia. 145
but on finding it merely a watering-place, he passed on to Kuriyat,

where he anchored for the night. The next day no boat came off
from the shore, and it was seen that the inhabitants had prepared
for resistance Albuquerque accordingly reconnoitred the place in
;
his boat and arranged his plan of attack for the following morning.
It was ascertained that the Arabs had two batteries, on one of which
they had mounted four mortars, and the attack was consequently
concentrated on these points. The struggle was long and severe,
but the natives were ultimately driven out of their defences and
pursued half a league by the Portuguese, who slaughtered indis-
criminately all the men, women, and children they could reach.
Some prisoners taken in thetown had their ears and noses lopped
off to signalize the victory, and Kuriyat was plundered and set on
fire; twenty-five firelocks, besides spears, bows and arrows, etc.,

were captured, and thirty-eight vessels, large and small, lying in
the port were burnt.
Muscat, the next scene of destruction, was reached in four days
after leaving Kuriyat, and was found and well
to be a very formidable
fortified place. It is also described as being the principal port on
that coast. The inhabitants had heard of the fate of Kuriyat, and
were disinclined to expose their city to a similar catastrophe they ;
therefore did not wait for a summons to surrender but immediately

on the arrival of the fleet two of their chief men to Albu-
sent off
querque, offering submission to the King of Portugal and promising
to agree to any terms that might be demanded.
Albuquerque, finding that they were unprovided with written
power to treat from the Governor, sent them on shore again, desiring
them to return on board the following day. In the meantime he
sounded the harbour and reconnoitred the fortifications. It was
found that the Arabs had constructed a rampart of wood and earth
from hill to hill above the beach in front of the town, and had
mounted thereon a number of mortars. On the two shaikhs visiting
Albuquerque next day they were informed that they were required
to pay an annual tribute and furnish his fleet with supplies and water
during the operations against Hormuz. Compliance with the requisi-
VOL. I. K
tion for provisions was made at once but during the night the
;
inhabitants were reinforced by a powerful shaikh from the interior

and felt strong enough to withdraw their submission and defy the
Portuguese. Albuquerque, therefore, resolved on reducing the town
without delay, and having ordered his ships to take up positions
commenced to bombard the stockade and batteries. The fire of
the guns, however, had little effect, owing probably to the distance
of the ships, and Albuquerque thought it best to call a council of
war to decide on what was to be done. The captains, who had
already begun to get restive under the iron rule of their commander,
seeing that Albuquerque had made up his mind as to the course he
would pursue and dreading, perhaps, the strength of the place,
declined to discuss the plan of operations or express an opinion,
and informed him simply that they were ready to obey his orders.
Being now free to act, Albuquerque no longer hesitated and gave
directions for an assault on the morrow. He divided his force into
two, giving command of the right division against the stockade to
Captains da Tavora and da Costa, while he himself took charge of
the left. The landing was under the fortifications, and
effected
although an obstinate defence was made, the walls were stormed
and carried at both points. A junction was then effected in the
streetsbetween the two attacking parties, according to previous
arrangement, and the enemy was then gradually driven through
and out of the town.
The shaikh, whose arrival had caused such rejoicing and had
inspired the people to oppose their invaders, escaped after a long
pursuit, but the slaughter of the Arabs was veryand included great,
the Persian Governor of the town and a number of women and
children. In the slaughter of the women the two captains, who
subsequently mutinied and deserted their leader, viz., Antao da
Campo and Joao da Nova, seem to have particularly distinguished
themselves, but Albuquerque's conduct is equally deserving of
reprobation, for after the rout of the Arabs was complete and the
scattered Portuguese soldiers were collected in the town, he pro-
ceeded to massacre most of the remaining inhabitants —men, women,
—
The Portuguese in Eastern Arabia. i^y
arid children —without distinction. After guarding against surprise,

the town was occupied and pillaged, and the men were allowed to
retain their loot and remove it on board as some compensation for
the hardships they had undergone. Among the spoil were thirty
guns, bows and arrows, lances and other weapons used by the Arabs.
Albuquerque spent eight days here and took the opportunity to refit
his fleet and victual it with provisions and water. Having done
this he was preparing to evacuate the town and set it on fire when
the inhabitants who had taken refuge on the heights above, guessing
his intention, despatched an Arab with a flag of truce to beseech
him to be content with having slain the women and children and
to spare the town and ships from the flames. Albuquerque replied
to the envoy that he regretted the destruction of the city, but that
the inhabitants had broken faith with him and he could not
consequently admit their claim to forbearance. He consented,
however, to hold the city to ransom, which he fixed at 10,000
ashrafies in gold, to be paid the next day at noon. This amount
the Arabs were unable or unwilling to pay by the time appointed,
and tlie town was therefore destroyed by fire, together with thirty-
four dhows and many fishing boats. The mosque, described as a
very large and beautiful edifice constructed of wood elaborately
carved, also fell a prey to the flames, and it is related that the three
Portuguese engaged in hacking at the carved wooden pillars were
crushed and buried by the sudden collapse of the building all ;
believed they had perished, but as they emerged unhurt, the

Commander at once returned thanks to the Holy Virgin for her
miraculous interposition on their behalf during their pious labour.
Albuquerque gives the following curious description of Muscat at
that time :
" Muscat is a large and very populous town, flanked on

both sides with high mountains and the front is close to the
water's edge behind, towards the interior, there is a plain as
;
large as the square of Lisbon, all covered with salt pans. Not
that the tide reaches there but the springs are salt and salt
VOL. I. K 2
148 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gutf.
forms there. Hard by are many pools of fresh water, of which

the inhabitants make use, and there are orchards, gardens, and
palm groves with wells for watering them by means of swipes
and other engines. The harbour is small, shaped like a horse-
shoe and sheltered from every wind. It is the principal
entrepot of the Kingdom Hormuz, into which all the ships
of
that navigate these parts must of necessity enter to avoid the
opposite coast, which contains many shallows. It is an ancient
mart for the shipment of horses and dates. It is a very fine

town with many good houses and supplied from the interior
with much wheat, millet, barley, and dates, for lading as many
vessels as come for them. This city of Muscat forms part of
the Kingdom of Hormuz, and the interior belongs to a king
called the Ben Jaber who had two brothers between these
;
brothers was divided the country which extends as far as Aden ;
on the north it is washed by the Persian Sea, and from thence

it stretches as far as the vicinity of Mecca. The Arabs call this
country the Island of Arabia, because the Persian Sea turns
inwards opposite to the Red Sea in such a manner that the
country is circular and is almost surrounded by water, that
is by the Red and Persian Seas. It is a very small country
and is called on that account the Island of Arabia. It had
formerly been all reigned over by a king. called the Ben Jaber,
and this man had three sons, to whom at his death he left the
land to be divided among them, and the eldest afterwards
retained the name of Ben Jaber, as the father had done. The
other two acknowledged him as their lord. This Ben Jaber
I
has dominions over Fartak, Dhofar, Kilhat, and Muscat, and
'
his boundary reaches to the land of the Shaikh of Aden the ;
other two dwell on the coast of the Persian Sea, and one of
them had taken from the King of Hormuz the Island of Bahrain,
where there is a pearl fishery about five days' voyage from the
Island of Hormuz, and had also taken Kateef, an island held
originally by the King of Hormuz on the Arabian coast.
" In this country of Ben Jaber there are many horses.
which the farmers breed for sale ; there is also great abundance
of wheat, millet, and barley, and great flocks and herds, and
there are many who hunt with falcons about the size of our
goshawks and take by their aid gazelles smaller than ours,
training very swift hounds to assist the falcons in catching the
prey."
Previous to the departure of the fleet from Muscat, the first
open rupture took place between the Chief Captain and Captain
Joao da Nova of the Flor de la Mar. Albuquerque had informa-
tion that da Nova intended to desert him here and slip away to
India, and he therefore summoned him to his ship and convened a
council da Nova did not deny the charge, and the officers having
;
supported Albuquerque, da Nova submitted and was ordered to

continue with the fleet under severe penalty.
Passing the Deymanieh Islands the fleet anchored in due course
off Sohar. A message was immediately despatched by the Governor
to Albuquerque, informing him that the city belonged to the King
of Hormuz and intimating that if he landed he would meet with a
different reception from what the other towns on the coast had
given him ; at the same time the messenger pointed to the troops
on shore where as much display and parade were being made as
possible. Albuquerque replied shortly that the Governor had better
reconsider his determination and own allegiance to Portugal, other-
wise the fortress would assuredly be taken from him in the morning.
The and cavalry on shore had
sight of the imposing force of infantry
a pacific effect on the other captains in the fleet, but Albuquerque
knew his strength better, and as soon as the messenger had gone,
commenced his preparations for the attack. All was ready by noon
the next day and the boats were about to shove off when a deputa-
tion from the town arrived and stated that the Governor had just
dismissed a force of 7,000 men, which had been sent by the Ben Jaber
to his aid, and that as the King of Hormuz had not sent the succour
he had promised, the Governor was ready to submit to the King of
Portugal and to deliver up the fort. Albuquerque said he was glad
VOL. I. K 3
that the Governor had changed his mind, and intimated that he
would accept the submission of the town on condition of its paying
a yearly tribute. The envoys, alarmed at the preparations they
had seen on board, agreed to this, and having concluded a conven-
tion, returned to the Governor. Due arrangements having been
made, the Portuguese standard was carried to the fort in state and
hoisted on the highest tower under a salute.
On seeing the strength of the place Albuquerque was inclined
at first to retain possession of it, as he would thereby gain complete
command of the Oman coast, but on second thoughts he decided
to entrust the fort to the Governor for the present, and accordingly
placed him in charge, appointing the yearly tribute fixed for the town
for the payment of the Arab garrison. A written acknowledgment
of allegiance to the King of Portugal was then executed by the
Governor, and a guarantee of protection was given by Albuquerque in
return, and matters having thus been adjusted, Albuquerque weighed
anchor the next morning, and steered his course for Khor Fakan.
The inhabitants of this place had received news of the fleet's approach
by a boat from Sohar, and made a great display of horse and foot on
the beach, hoping to deter the Portuguese from attack by mere
bravado. This continued the whole of the first day, and as Albu-
querque received no message or offer of submission from the Governor
he determined to attack early the following morning, and made his
signal two hours after midnight. After clearing the beach by his
guns in the boats, the troops landed and marched up, pursuing the
Arabs, who hastily retired to the gates of the fort. As they entered
pell-mell, some of the Portuguese, headed by Albuquerque's nephew,
Noronha, managed to press in with them, and being soon supported
by Albuquerque himself, found themselves after a long and stubborn
fight in possession of the town and fortress, which were occupied and
guarded. One of the elders of the town, who was too old and infirm
to escape, and had concealed himself in a cellar, was captured and
brought before Albuquerque, to whom he gave important information
respecting the kingdom of Hormuz ; he also gave Albuquerque a
Persian history of Alexander, and in consideration of this, was
honourably treated and released. Some days were spent in getting

provisions and water on board (the prisoners being used as slaves in
this work), and meanwhile the Arabs made repeated attempts to
regain possession of the town, but without success.
As the had approached Khor Fakan, the Portuguese had
fleet
observed several vessels sailing away in the direction of Cape Mussen-

dom, and they now learned that these dhows contained the Hindoo
traders from Cutch, escaping with their property ; very little booty,
consequently, was found in the town, much to the disappointment of
the victors. Numerous captives, however, were taken, who appear to
have been released with the customary mutilation of ears and noses.
Khor Fakan is described by Albuquerque as being situate at the
foot of a very high mountain, and almost impregnable on the land
side. It was a large town with many Banian merchants, and was a
dependency of Hormuz. The climate was temperate and healthy,

and there was extensive cultivation of wheat and millet, with oranges,
limes, dates, plantains, and iigs. The harbour was good, being pro-
tected by two small islets. Horses were extensively exported hence
to India, and the interior belonged to Ben Jaber, like the other parts.
Khor Fakan was the last scene of Albuquerque's exploits on the
Oman coast, and he had as little compassion on this as on former
places ; the town was set on fire and destroyed, and the Conquis-
tador, elated by his victories and confident in his strength, signalled
to the fleet, and made his way direct to Hormuz.
The capture of Hormuz was the principal object of Albuquerque's
expedition, as before remarked, and his operations and exploits here
were characterized by the same distinguished ability, valour, and
success that had marked his previous career. Owing, however, to
the disaffection of his officers and the desertion of two of his ships,
he was compelled to retire before the finish had been put to his
conquest, by the completion of the fort which was to overawe the
town. He sailed away to Socotra, where his arrival was most oppor-
tune, for he found the garrison in great distress from famine and the
enmity of the natives. He soon put affairs in order there, and his
fleet having been increased by two ships that had arrived from
VOL. I. K 4
Portugal to join him, he weighed from Soko on August 15th, 1508, to

return to Hormuz, intending on the way to reduce the city of Kilhat
in retaliation for the assistance rendered by it to the King of Hormuz
in violation of agreement during the war. On anchoring off Kilhat,
Albuquerque sent his nephew, Noronha, in a boat to reconnoitre.
Near the shore Noronha met an Arab bringing presents from the
Governor, on which he turned back and accompanied the man to
the flagship, where Albuquerque questioned the Arab as to the
Governor's name and Having elicited the
the force at his disposal.
required information, Albuquerque despatched Noronha to the shore
again to see the Governor, Sherif al-Deen, and if possible to entice
him on board, which Noronha endeavoured to do by representing
Albuquerque as an officer who had just arrived from Portugal with
reinforcements to support Albuquerque at Hormuz. Sherif al-Deen
was polite, and offered the new commander a hospitable reception
on shore if it pleased him to land, but he was too wary to trust himself
on board a Portuguese ship.
On his nephew's return from his ineffective mission, Albuquerque
made preparations to attack the town, which is situated on a declivity
under a high and steep cliff. The struggle for the possession of the
place did not last long, for the Persians, terror-stricken by the vigorous
onslaught of the Portuguese, were driven in confusion out of the town,
and vSherif al-Deen was obliged to retire to the heights behind the city,
from whence he watched the proceedings of the invaders. Albu-

querque, having posted guards on the gates and ramparts against
surprise, gave the place over to plunder, whereon the vigilant Sherif
al-Deen, after three days, seeing that the Portuguese dispersed intent
on pillage, deemed it a fitting opportunity to attempt to regain the
town. Followed by five hundred men he accordingly made a descent
from the and tried
hills to force one of the gates at first the guard
;
posted there was driven back, but having speedily rallied, the men
closed with the Persians, and, after a valiant fight, routed them
before Albuquerque could come to their assistance.
After sacking the town and transporting on board all the pro-
visions and valuables he could collect, Albuquerque gave it to the
ilames, making a point of destroying the famous Jami Masjid, to

the great grief of the inhabitants. Albuquerque's description of this
mosque accords with that of Ibn Batuta, who had visited the place
about 200 years before, and from these accounts the edifice appears
to have been a very fine specimen of Persian architecture. It may
be remarked here that no cut or squared stones are to be found at
the present day among the ruins of Kilhat the houses there, and ;
doubtless this mosque also, were built of limestone and coral ; the
destruction of it, however, has been so complete that no vestige of it
now remains to point out the spot where it stood.

Albuquerque here obtained important information from the
Persians who had brought off the presents from the Governor, Sherif
al-Deen, and who had, until now, been detained on board the flagship,
respecting the condition of affairs at Hormuz, and the men were
dismissed with gifts. He then gave orders to burn the Arab shipping
in the creek, and after consultation with his officers, resolved to proceed
at once with the expedition. The fleet accordingly sailed the fol-
lowing day, and having watered at Taiwee, where Albuquerque
anchored two days, and which he represents as a port with a river
for
near, running between lofty hills and forming on the shore a lake
surrounded by palm trees, continued his voyage up the gulf towards
Hormuz.
The first act in the drama thus terminated in the destruction of
Kilhat, and a lull succeeded the stormful visits of the Conquistador,
whose track along the Arab coast had been marked by a trail of blood
and flame. For five years the Arabs appear to have been left un-
molested by their new foes, and in the meantime they had leisure
—
to rebuild their towns and to watch as they doubtless did with
interest —
the proceedings of their ruthless invaders at Hormuz and
in India.
In 15 1 2 Diego Fernandes de Bega, who had been sent to demolish
the fort at Socotra, which had been found useless for the purpose
it was intended to serve, came to Hormuz and Muscat to receive
the tribute agreed upon with the King.
It was in the year 15 14 that the Portuguese first visited and
explored the island of Bahrain, on the north-east coast of Arabia.

In May, Pedro d' Albuquerque, having finished his cruise in the
Arabian Sea, under instruction from his uncle arrived at Hormuz,
and from thence proceeded to Menamah, the capital of the Bahrain
Islands, which were then subject to the King of Hormuz. The main
object of the Portuguese in visiting these islands was probably to
gain control over the valuable pearl fishery which then, as now,
furnished the bulk of the pearls required for the markets of Europe
and Asia. Pedro d' Albuquerque, however, did nothing more than
confirm existing arrangements between the Shaikh and the King of
Hormuz, and then returned with his squadron to Hormuz. Seven
years later, viz., 1521, during the vice-royalty of Diego da Sequeira,
a strong force was despatched from Hormuz under the command of
Antonio Correa, who successfully stormed and carried the town of
Menamah, which .was then garrisoned, and with varying fortune,
remained in possession of the Portuguese for many years.
It had been the intention of Albuquerque, who had in the mean-
time become the second Viceroy of India, to return to the Persian

Gulf in the year 15 12 with de Bega, but circumstances prevented
his doing so until two years later, when he sailed from Goa with a
fleet of fourteen sail of the line and thirteen smaller vessels. On
March 21st, 1515, he sighted land near Ras al-Had, and four days
later arrived at Kuriyat. Here he found an armada from Hormuz
on the look-out for pirates, and deciding not to molest it he moved
on to Muscat, where he anchored for two days to take in provisions
and water. The Persian Governor or Agent here at the time was
Rais Hamed, a nephew of Rais Noor al-Deen, one of the officers of
the King of Hormuz, and Albuquerque was much exercised at ob-
serving his tyrannical behaviour over the people. He appears,
however, to have behaved civilly enough to the Portuguese, having,
doubtless, a lively recollection of what had occurred seven years
before.
Having completed the conquest of Hormuz, the Viceroy prepared
to turn his face southward, and appointed his relative, Pedro d' Albu-
querque, commandant of the fort, with a strong garrison to overawe
the city. was the last important act of his life, for he was very ill
It
when he set sail, and as it turned out on his deathbed. The

" terrible Albuquerque," as he was called, died the day of his arrival
off the bar of Goa, his end being hastened by the news he had received
of his supersession and recall by the King.

De Barros gives a curious and detailed account of the revenue
and expenditure of Plormuz at this time. He says that on the coast
of Arabia the chief town was Kilhat, the governor and customs
master at which overruled those in the other towns in the princi-
pality. The revenue and remitted by Kilhat to Hormuz
collected
was 19,200 sharafins, equal to 5,760 dollars, which was contributed
in the following proportion Kilhat, paid 1,100 ashrafies, Muscat
:
4,000, Sohar 1,500, Khor Fakan 1,500, Dibba 500, and Lima 700.
The Julfar district or pirate coast also paid 7,500, and in addition
to the above, the boats engaged in the pearl fishery, which were
compelled to go "to Hormuz to take out passes, contributed 1,500
ashrafies. The Oman revenue thus came to 28,200 ashrafies. The
total revenue of Hormuz is said to have been 198,078 ashrafies, or
59,423 dollars.
The same writer also gives us a glimpse at the political state of
Oman from which we learn that the Imam Mohammed
at this time,
possessed undisputed spiritual and temporal power in all parts, and
that the chief cities in Oman Proper, which was the most populous
district, were Manh, Nezwa, and Behla, each of which was fortified
and had its own quasi-independent king who ruled in a sort of

republic. These chieftains had formed a league to protect themselves
against the Ben Jaber, a predatory tribe and the most powerful in
Arabia, who used to raid Oman every year at the date season, and
the Imam had to buy them off from plundering his territories by
an annual tribute.
Intermediate between the above towns and the seaboard were
other shaikhdoms, who were continually at feud with the Persian
governors, a state of distraction which, of course, operated greatly
in favour of the Portuguese. Who these Ben Jaber were that
appeared so formidable is an enigma that remains unsolved.
After the subjection of Hormuz, three places on the Arab

coast, viz., Kilhat, Muscat, and Sohar, became stations for the
Portuguese factors and merchants, who were appointed and
controlled from Hormuz. They were sufficiently protected by the
visits of the King's ships from India which touched at these places
on their way to Hormuz and Bahrain ; and as no vessel under a
native flag was suffered to cross the ocean without a pass, they had
practically the control of all seaborne commerce, and thus com-
manded the markets ; but it does not appear that any garrisons
were yet stationed on the Oman coast.
In the year 15 19 the first check to the prestige gained by the
Portuguese in the Persian Gulf was experienced by them, and the
effect of this disasteron the native mind found expression two
years later in a general revolt at all their Arab and Persian stations.
In the original quarrel from which this affair resulted, the Portuguese
had been in no wise concerned. The King of Horrnuz having found
reason to be displeased with the Persian governor of Kilhat, Rais
Shahab al-Deen, and being unable to displace or arrest him, besought
the aid of the Port Commandant in Hormuz, Dom Garcia de
Coutinho, in asserting his authority. In compliance with the
request, Dom Garcia directed the Captain-Major or naval chief of
the Gulf Squadron, Duarte Mendes da Vasconcello, to arrest Rais
Shahab al-Deen and bring him to Hormuz. This order, however,
Duarte Mendes found difficult of execution, as the Rais was too
wary to be entrapped and too strongly guarded to be taken, and it
remained in abeyance until the opportune arrival in the port of
Dom Jorge d' Albuquerque, with ten ships, offered him the means
of effecting the desired object. Dom Jorge had been despatched
from Lisbon this year in command of a fleet, and on reaching
Mozambique had received instructions from the Governor-General
and Viceroy, Dom Diego Lopes da Sequeira, to rendezvous at
Muscat early in 15 19, and his appearance at Kilhat at this juncture
seemed to put Duarte Mendes in an advantageous position. A plan
of operations having been concocted between the Captain-Major
and the Admiral, a small force was landed in the town from the
ships after dark and marched to the house of the Governor, Shahab
al-Deen, with the object of capturing the latter by a night surprise.
The attack, however, failed. The Persians were on the alert and in
strength, and repulsed the Portuguese at all points. Outnumbered
and overpowered, the latter took refuge in a house, but this was set
fire to by the Persian soldiers, and after a severe struggle and heavy
loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, the remnant was rescued by

a fresh party from the fleet. The fiasco was complete and Rais
Shahab al-Deen remained uncaptured and triumphant.
Shortly after this disastrous event and early in the following
year, 1520,* the Viceroy, Dom Diego Lopes da Sequeira, whose
arrival had been long expected, anchored with twenty-three ships
in Muscat harbour. He had been cruising in the Red Sea and was
now on the way to Hormuz. On hearing of the affair at Kilhat
he summoned the Admiral, Dom Jorge d' Albuquerque, and the
Captain-Major, Duarte de Vasconcello, and after a full enquiry
condemned and censured the whole proceedings. He even went so
far as to put Duarte Mendes in irons. Having disposed of this matter
the Viceroy continued his voyage to Hormuz with a few galleys,
leaving Dom Jorge d' Albuquerque in charge of the major portion
of the fleet at Muscat. Fifteen Portuguese, who had been taken
prisoners and carried inland from Kilhat, were recovered by Dom
Jorge d' Albuquerque during his stay, in wretched plight. No
attempt, however, seems to have been made to retrieve the disaster.
In the next year, 1521, only seven years after the fall of Hormuz
and the death of the great Conquistador, a concerted insurrection
took place at Hormuz, and along the Arabian shore from Bahrain
to Kilhat, and the garrisons were taken so completely by surprise
that' it was only by chance and their own marvellous valour that
their entire annihilation was not accomplished. The cause of this
revolt, according to the Portuguese officers on the spot, was the dis-
satisfaction felt by the King at their general supervision of the
revenue, and especially at their interference in the arrangements of
the Customs House, a measure equally distasteful perhaps to both
parties, but lately introduced under orders from Lisbon. Under
this system of control a number of court favourites and parasites

lost lucrative sinecures and a good deal of wasteful expenditure was
thus, no doubt, prevented. But there were counter-balancing

disadvantages, and we may without fear ascribe the approximate
and predominating cause to the rapacity, insolence and oppression
of the Portuguese officials, who made no scruple of taking advantage
of their strength in carrying out their duties.
The scheme of revolt appears to have been elaborately planned
out and decided upon by the King and his ministers, and when all
was ready, letters were despatched to the Persian governors of

dependencies on the Arab coast with orders to rise against the
Portuguese in their towns on the appointed day and spare none.
The scheme was artfully contrived to comprehend all stations for
the rising, which would be so simultaneous that the Portuguese
would be precluded from finding safety by fleeing from one point to
another. The presence Armada constantly stationed
of the Port
at Hormuz to support the Commandant was an obstacle to success,
and a stratagem was therefore devised to get rid of it. The King,
pretending that the dependencies on the Oman coast were being
ravaged by pirates, requested the Commandant, Dom Garcia de
Coutinho, to despatch the armada to protect them. With this
request made on the eve of the rising the Commandant unsuspect-
ingly complied, and issued the necessary orders to the Captain-
Major, Manoel de Souza Tavares. Judging half his force to be
sufficient, Tavares set sail, with two only out of the four ships at his
disposal, for Muscat.

The on November 30th, 1521, and commenced
revolt occurred
with an attack by the Shah Bandar at midnight on the two vessels
left in the harbour. The crews, taken by surprise, were easily
overpowered, and a fire lighted on board one of the captured vessels
gave the signal to those on shore for the massacre of the Portuguese
residentsin the city, who, unsuspicious of evil, were wrapt in
slumber in their houses. About sixty Portuguese were slain or
captured by the Persian troops and the populace, but the rest
succeeded in escaping to the fort, which was bravely defended against
lieavy odds by the garrison for some months, until succour arrived
from India.
In the outlying dependencies of Hormuz the King's plan was
faithfully carried out by his governors. At Bahrain the Christians
were attacked and massacred, the factor, Ruy Bale, being tortured
-and crucified. At Sohar very few, if any, escaped the sudden
onslaught that was made. In Muscat alone the Portuguese found
friends and protection. The firm attitude and tactics of the Arab
Governor, Shaikh Rashid, who was favourably disposed to them
and doubtless foresaw their ultimate triumph, kept the Persians in
•check and prevented a rising, and when the chief [factor of Kilhat
and of the Oman coast, Vas de Veiga, arrived shortly after. Shaikh
Rashid threw off his allegiance to Hormuz and declared for the
Portuguese, a step in which he was joined by the principal Arab
inhabitants. At Kilhat the Portuguese appear to have received
warning in time, from the Commandant at Hormuz, of the revolt,
owing to some delay on the part of the Persians, and having
collected their valuables made a start for their boats in the harbour,
but were interrupted by the Persian Governor and garrison, who
killed several of them and captured others. The factor, T. Vas de
Veiga, then set out for Muscat, where, as we have said, he made
terms with Shaikh Rashid, and where he found at anchor Captain-
Major Manoel de Souza Tavares, with whom he sailed at once for
the relief of Hormuz. At Hormuz, immediately on the occurrence
of the revolt, the Commandant had hired a vessel, which he entrusted
to Joao de Meira, directing him to sail at once for India with dispatches
for the Viceroy, and ordering him to touch at Muscat and Kilhat
•on the way.
Setting out with aU speed Jaoa de Meira was thus instrumental
in warninghis countrymen at these two places of the intended
massacre. Though this insurrectionary movement had failed in its
main object, the number of Portuguese killed at the various stations
is said to have been not less than 120. The Viceroy at Goa, at
Dom Duarte de Menezes, on hearing the news of the revolt
that time,
from de Meira, at once despatched Dom Gon9alo in advance to
i6o Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
encourage the garrison at Hormuz and to intimate the speedy

setting out of a fleet under Dom Luiz de Menezes to their assistance.
The arrival of Dom Gonyalo seems to have turned the tables entirely
in favour of the Portuguese and to have restored their predominant
position in the Persian Gulf, through the dread of their retaliation
for the atrocities that had been perpetrated. In the meantime
Manoel de Souza, the Captain-Major, had been sent back by the
Commandant at Hormuz to try and recover the prisoners in Oman.
On anchoring at Muscat he found the place deserted, owing, as he
learned, to the fear entertained by the Shaikh that the new Persian
Governor of Kilhat, Rais Delamir Shah, was about to attack the town.
On hearing of de Souza Tavares' arrival, however, the Shaikh pres-
ently returned to the town and solicited Portuguese protection.
Having confirmed friendly relations with the Shaikh, Manoel de
Souza Tavares proceeded to Kilhat, where his demand for the
surrender of the captives met with a decided refusal from the Acting-
Governor, Khoja Zein al-Deen, who said he had a letter from the
King, Toorun Shah, for delivery to Dom Luiz de Menezes, and that
he would wait for the latter's arrival.
It was in February, 1522, when Dom Luiz de Menezes, the
brother of the Viceroy, set out from Chaul with a flotilla of three
galleys, four fustas and one caravella to punish the authors of the
massacres and to re-establish Portuguese supremacy in the Persian
Gulf, having already despatched in advance the new Commandant
of Hormuz, Joao Rodrigues da Noronha, to relieve Coutinho, whose
three years tenure of office had expired. Dom Luiz anchored first
at Kilhat, where he made an immediate demand for the surrender
of the captives, the number of whom by this time was reduced to

twenty. The Governor replied by sending off the King's letter
addressed to the Admiral, and which merely contained a series of
complairtts against the present and former Commandants of Hormuz,
but on a further demand for the delivery of the prisoners, the
Governor evaded it by saying that he had no authority to act and
must await the new Governor. The Admiral, being in want of water
for his ships, proceeded to Taiwee, where a collision occurred with
The Portuguese in Eastern Arabia.
"to
i6i
the Arabs, in which the latter suffered a defeat and in their fury
vindictively murdered seven unfortunate Portuguese captives that
were in their hands. While at this place Dom Luiz received a
message from Shaikh Rashid, reporting the approach to Muscat by
land of Rais Delamir Shah with a large force and beseeching armed
support. The caravella was accordingly detached for this service
with orders to support the Shaikh at Muscat from the sea as far as
the guns of the vessel would reach, but not to undertake operations
on shore. The Shaikh, nevertheless, obtained the aid of five
Portuguese volunteers and emboldened by their presence, attacked
the Persians in the great wady behind the town with such vigour,
that he completely defeated them, their leader, Delamir Shah, being
killed in the fight.
Dom Luiz arrived at Muscat two days after this affair, and having
congratulated the Shaikh, rewarded him handsomely for his loyalty
and for his protection of the Portuguese during the revolt. Having
then for the first time apparently established a garrison of twenty
men for the defence of the town and stationed a fusta here to guard
the port, Dom Luiz de Menezes weighed anchor and stood for Sohar,
after a stay of four days, during which time he had been joined by
two more vessels from Goa.
Sohar appears at this time to have fallen again under the rule
of Hormuz and to have had a large Persian garrison. It was now
menaced by two Arab armies, one of which, under Sultan bin Mesood,
was in the neighbouring hills and was composed of 250 horse and
3,000 foot. The other and more formidable adversary was Shaikh
Hoosain bin Saeed, chief of the great tribe Ben Jaber, who had with
him 500 horse and 4,000 foot. These Ben Jaber, we are informed by
Barros, were Bedouins and possessed more than 500 leagues of
country. Shaikh Hoosain was therefore the lord of all the interior
as well as the island of Bahrain and the entire coast as far south as
Dhofar.
Dom Luiz, having been informed that these two Arab chiefs
were always at war with the Persians of Hormuz, determined to seek
their alliance, and accordingly wrote to them, offering to put them
VOL. I. L
1 62 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
in possession of they would aid him in ousting the Persians.

Sohar if
To two Shaikhs readily agreed, but Dom Luiz

this proposal the
was detained on his way to Sohar by contrary winds, and in the
meantime, by an untoward incident which occurred off the Batineh
coast. Sultan bin Mesood became estranged from the Portuguese and
withdrew his tribesmen.
The Admiral's plan was that the Arabs should surround Sohar by
land while he attacked it from the sea, and on his arrival there on
March nth found Shaikh Hoosain with his force already in position
in front of the town. Previous to the fleet casting anchor the
Persian Governor, Rais Shahab al-Deen, had with much discretion
managed to effect his Hormuz, leaving the garrison of
escape to
eighty men without a leader to confront their enemies and defend
the fort as best they might. Under the circumstances and in view
of the warlike preparations of the fleet, it is not surprising that they
abandoned the idea of offering a stern resistance. Imitating, there-
fore, the example of the Rais, the garrison, dreading the resentment
of their enemies, did not wait for an assault on the fort, but bribing
the Arabs on the watch outside, passed through their lines at night
and decamped in the darkness. The Portuguese troops, who had
been landed on the beach during the day to make preparations for
an attack on the morrow, warned in some way of what had
happened, immediately scaled the walls of the fort, massacred or
captured the inhabitants and sacked the town, which was set on
fire,much to the surprise and indignation of the Admiral, Dom
Luiz, who having remained on board his vessel to superintend the
preconcerted attack, had not been kept informed of what had occurred
on shore.
Shaikh Hoosain bin Saeed also and his following, who had been
totally unaware of the flight of the garrison and the escalade of the
Portuguese detachment, were furious at what they considered the
perfidy and faithlessness of Dom Luiz, and exclaimed loudly at not
having been suffered to participate in the plunder of the town,
which had been their main objective, but the Admiral made what
reparation he could by giving up to them the captives and some of
,
the booty. Furthermore, having declared Sohar independent of

Hormuz, he appointed Shaikh Hoosain bin Saeed Governor on behalf
of Portugal under a convention. As an agent to support and advise
the new Governor, the Admiral nominated a Portuguese scrivener
to reside there, and with orders to take note of the revenues and
expenses of the place, and then the fleet, after being victualled,
weighed and set sail for Hormuz.
In 1526 another revolt occurred on the Oman coast, which
appears to have been regarded at this time as being still in sub-
ordination to Hormuz. Irritated at the wrongs they considered
themselves to be suffering under at the hands of Diego de Mello,
the Commandant of Hormuz, the King and his Wazeer, Rais Sherif
threw off allegiance to Portugal and sent orders to the Governors of
Muscat and Kilhat to do likewise.
News of these disturbances soon reached Goa, where the pro-
visional Viceroy, Lopo Henrique de Menzes, had died on February
2ist, 1526. De Sampayo set out accordingly in May, 1527, with
five ships to restore order. In crossing the Gulf of Oman he was
delayed by continued calms, in which he lost many men. He
anchored first at Kilhat, where he adopted a conciliatory course,
and by promising to redress grievances and to punish Captain de

Mello, restored confidence without recourse to coercion. Watering
at Taiwee, Dom Lopo sailed on to Muscat, where he strove by similar
means to pacify the Shaikh, and succeeded.
During his stay here, the Viceroy took advantage of the oppor-
tunity to increase the strength of the Portuguese garrison and to
order the erection of the new pile of buildings known among the
Arabs as the Gareza. This block was intended not only to serve
the purpose of a factory, but was also to comprise the residence of
the Portuguese commandant, the soldiers' barracks, the warehouse,
and the chapel. It appears to have been completed about four years
later, 1531, but I never could find a date on it. In modern days it
has served as a residence for the Seyyids or Lords of Oman, and

though now much dilapidated is still a fine building and one of the
chief monuments of Portuguese dominion on this coast. The name
VOL. I. L 2
—
it retains —Gareza— is a corruption of the Portuguese " Egreja "

a church.
Before Lopo Vaz left the Gulf of Oman he was joined by Hector
da Silveira, who in April or May, 1526, had assaulted and destroyed
Dhofar, and after a cruise in the Red Sea had proceeded to Muscat
and Hormuz.
In January, 1528, Admiral Dom Antonio
da Miranda da Azevedo
set sail from Goa with twenty vessels for the Arabian Sea, with orders
to make a demonstration against the Turks, who, under Mustapha
Pasha, a nephew of Sultan Suliman, had established themselves at
the Island of Kamaran to dominate the Red Sea.
Suliman T., Al-Kanooni (the Law Giver), from 1520-1566,
made strenuous efforts during his reign to destroy the Portuguese
power. The Turks probably occupied Kamaran soon after the
conquest of Egypt by Suliman in 1517, as they then sent and con-
quered the Yemen.
Dom Antonio with his armada visited Kisheen and Aden, but
did not venture to attack Shihr, which had been taken and occupied
by Mustapha Pasha, nor did he enter the Straits of Bab el-Mandeb,
but after destroying Zaili and making a short cruise in the Gulf of
Aden, proceeded to Muscat, where he left his great ships under the
Captain-Major, Antonio da Silva, and then took his galleys on to
Hormuz for the winter. In the following August Antonio da Miranda
Silva returned to Muscat, refitted his ships, and sailed again for
another cruise in the Arabian Sea to intercept the Mecca ships. In
April, 1528, Dom Nunoda Cunha, son of the famous Tristan da
Cunha, who had been appointed Viceroy of Îndia by King John, set
out from Lisbon with a fleet to take up his post.
After a prolonged stay on the East Coast of Africa, where his
disastrous attempt on Mombasa cost him dear, he set sail with the
south-west monsoon, and anchored at Kilhat on May loth, 1529,
where he found Chief Captain Aires de S. da Magalhaes, who had
been stationed there to guard the coast against the pirates, who in-
fested the sea and robbed the ships trading with India. Da Cunha
here received complaints against the factor of Kilhat, Gomez Ferreira,
servant to the Duke of Braganza, who had lent money at usurious

rate to the native merchants who shipped horses to Goa. Having
issued a manifesto on the subject, the Viceroy made enquiry into all
cases brought before him, with the result that he suspended several
officers, whom he carried with him to Hormuz, much to the surprise
of the Arabs, who had never before seen Portuguese officials punished
for extortionate conduct.
Nine days da Cunha was at Muscat, where he arrived on
later
May 19th, and where he was at once visited by the Wazeer of the
town, Shaikh Rashid, who had so well befriended the Portuguese in
the last revolt. Here da Cunha left most of his ships and all of his
men, who were still sick and suffering from the effects of the climate
of Mombasa.
Shaikh Rashid had been the object of the Wazeer of Hormuz's
(Rais Sherif) vindictive and malevolent hatred ever since the late
disturbance, and the Rais had left no means untried to get him into
his power. He had been frequently summoned to Hormuz in the
King's name by Rais Sherif on the pretext that he had not rendered
proper accounts and owed the King more than 20,000 ashrafies,
but Shaikh Rashid had been too wary to obey, knowing that his life
would not be worth an hour's purchase there.
The Shaikh now represented all this to da Cunha and offered
to go to Hormuz under Portuguese protection and meet Rais Sherif 's
accusations by producing his accounts. The Viceroy, who was aware
of Shaikh Rashid's loyalty, approved of this course, and having em-
barked on board the vessel of his brother, Simon da Cunha, proceeded
to Hormuz, where he was received by the King, the Wazeer Rais
Sherif, and the Commandant, Christevan Mendoza.
On the Shaikh's accounts being scrutinized and examined by a
mixed commission it was found that they were in order and that no
revenue was due by him to the King. His accounts were therefore
signed in acquittance by the King by the Viceroy's orders. In
recognition of the kindness and protection shown by Shaikh Rashid
to the Portuguese at Muscat, whom he had been ordered to massacre
by the King of Hormuz, but whom he had loyally shielded from injury
VOL. I. L 3
during the revolt, da Cunha gave him a document in the name of the
King of Portugal acknowledging his faithful services and also appoint-
ing him Wazeer of Hormuz in place of Rais Sherif, who was shipped
off to Lisbon in the vessel of Manoel da Macedo.
Da Cunha's stay at Hormuz was eventful, and was signalized

by the disastrous expedition to Bahrain, which proved very injurious
to Portuguese prestige and in which his brother Simon lost his life.
Leaving Hormuz on September 15th, 1529, da Cunha returned to
Muscat, where he picked up the ships and the sick crews he had left
there and proceeded on his voyage to India.
The system adopted by the Portuguese in their stations on the
Arab coast was to maintain their political and commercial supremacy
by retaining the citadel or fort which overawed and commanded the
town, and by controlling the custom house and port. This gave them
all the protection and trade advantages they required, but they did
not interfere with the internal administration or with native habits,

religion, and prejudices in so far as they did not affect themselves,
and the people were thus left to their own laws and customs in all
respects.
In February, 1532, Manoel da Vasconcello set out from Goa with
a squadron of two galleys and eight brigantines to cruise after Turkish
and Moorish Arabian Sea. After sighting Socotra he
prizes in the
steered for Shihr, where he expected to find many trading vessels,
and where he picked up, among others, a large native craft richly
laden, and which, after a struggle, was taken possession of and sent
in charge of a prize crew to Muscat.
This expedition was followed shortly after by another of ten
ships, under the command of Captain-Major Antonio da Saldanha,
who had been delayed at Goa. This fleet, passing by Socotra, also
stood for Shihr, where he was visited by the Sultan, who complained
to him Manoel da Vasconcello in seizing ships
of the proceedings of
in his port. Steering for Aden, Saldanha was unable to face the
monsoon, and on reaching Ras Fartak changed his course on April
26th and sailed to Muscat, where he arrived on May 6th, 1532. In
this port, Antonio da Saldanha found Manoel da Vasconcello with his
The Portuguese in Eastern Arabia. 16/
from Goa, commanded

prize, also several vessels just arrived direct
by John Rodrigues Pars, Vasco Perez Sampayo, and Antonio Fer-
nandez, who all had the intention of cruising after Moorish craft and
enriching themselves by taking prizes, and who, after waiting here
till the force of the monsoon had been spent, sailed forth in quest of
plunder.
In the following year, 1533, Diego da Silveira left India on his
second voyage to Cape Guardafui, where he intended to intercept the
craft trading between Sumatra and the Red Sea. On the completion
of this cruise he sailed eastward to winter in the Persian Gulf, and
on the way captured a large Turkish vessel and several other prizes.
On anchoring at Muscat, Silveira found there John Fernandez, the
"Taful or Gamester," who had taken a vessel which had produced a
false pass, and had brought it in a prize for adjudication. It was
condemned by the Captain- Major, and was sold at Muscat for 6,000
cruzados. Silveira left his galleys at Muscat and went on with his
rowing vessels to Hormuz to pass the monsoon.
When the season opened the Captain-Major again set out for
the Gulf of Aden, where he made many prizes. The smaller ones
he burnt and the rest he brought back to Muscat, where they were
sold for 80,000 pardaos.
For some forty years the all-powerful Turks, by the despatch
of several naval expeditions, by reducing the Yemen and occupying
various stations on the Arab littoral, had striven to destroy the
growing power and commerce in the East, but they do not appear to
have extended their hostile operations to the Persian Gulf until the
year 1546, when four Turkish galliots, cruising from the Red Sea,
sailed along the South Arabian Coast, and after destroying Kisheen
and Dhofar, anchored at Muscat and bombarded the town. The
Turkish guns were of very large calibre and threw cast-iron shot of
a prodigious size into the place, causing terrible consternation and
dismay but not much damage. The Turkish commander, however,
did not venture to land his men, and sailed away again as enipty-
handed as he came. Some days later a vessel arrived from Dhofar
bringing the son of the ruler of that province as envoy from his
VOL. I, L 4
father, to complain of the Turkish proceedings in having battered

their town, and built a castle there for their own garrison. The
envoy having besought the protection of the Portuguese against the
Turks, the Governor of Muscat decided it politic to comply, and issued
orders for the Portuguese vessels cruising in the Gulf of Aden against
Moorish traders to touch occasionally at Dhofar.
The second appearance of the Turks was in 1552, six years later,
when a more formidable fleet, under Piri Pasha, Admiral of Egypt,
who had been appointed to the command of this second expedition
to the Arabian Sea after his return from his successful attempt to
recover Aden. The proximate cause of this hostile demonstration
against the Portuguese was the assistance rendered by their fleet,
under Dom Antonio da Noronha, to the rebel Arabs at Busra the
year before, when anchored in the Port of Muscat. This action had
moved the Sublime Porte in retaliation to order Daood Pasha, the
Wali of Egypt, to equip a and despatch it with instructions to
fleet
proceed to Busra direct, and from thence, in conjunction with the

force awaiting him there, to sail to Hormuz and reduce it to sub-
mission. The Admiral Piri Pasha, to whom this important enterprise
had been entrusted, spent many months in collecting ships, men and
materials, and having completed his preparations set out from Suez
in July, 1552 A.D. [a.h. 960], with a fleet of thirty sail, galleys,
bashderdes, galletas and galleons, and 16,000 men. Meanwhile, the

Portuguese were not uninformed respecting the armament that
left
was being prepared against them, and the Commandant at Hormuz,

Alvaro da Noronha, having some inkling of the Turkish designs, sent
one of his men in disguise to Shihr to collect particulars of the intended
expedition. The spy confirmed the report, whereupon Noronha
ordered two vessels to watch Ras al-Had, and on sighting the Turkish
fleet, to set sail with the ne^ys, one for Goa and the other for Hormuz.
The Turkish fleet, passing safely down the Red Sea, reached as far
as Shihr, where it encountered a violent storm in which several vessels
were lost, and then rounding Ras al-Had entered the Gulf of Oman.
Here Piri Pasha sent forward five ships under his son to reconnoitre,
and this advance guard nearly captured Noronha's two scouts, but
T^y good fortune they eluded the enemy's grasp and succeeded in
carrying the news of the Turkish Admiral's arrival to Goa and Hormuz.
In the pursuit of one of these vessels Piri's son had been led as far as
Ras Mussendom, and on turning back found that his father had already
.arrived with the rest of the fleet at Muscat.
The Commandant of Muscat at this time was Dom Joao da
Lisboa, who had been sent out specially by the King of Portugal to
construct a fortress that might command the town and protect the
harbour. This fort had only been commenced about three months
previously, and was still unfinished. The Commandant, da Lisboa,
however, well knowing that the Turks would attack him, hastily
provisioned it and threw himself into it with his little garrison of
sixty men, after sending off his wife and other ladies in a boat to
Hormuz.
The first action of the Turkish Admiral was to sack the town,
which was undefended and yielded him a rich booty. He then turned
his attention to the fort, which, as it was too strong for assault, he
laid siege to and succeeded in battering down part of its unfinished
walls by hauling one of his guns up to a height which commanded it.
For eighteen days the Portuguese defended the position with vigour
and kept the Turks at bay, but provisions and water falling short
and the fort becoming untenable, the Commandant, da Lisboa, was
induced by a renegade named John da Barrea, in the service of Piri
Pasha, to open negotiations for the surrender of the fort. An inter-
view was accordingly arranged between the Admiral and the Comman-
dant, at which the former solemnly guaranteed life and liberty to the
whole garrison on condition of immediate capitulation, declaring
that the honour of capturing a Portuguese fort was sufficient for him.
The faithless Turk, however, did not abide by his promises, for
instead of releasing the garrison he massacred part, probably the
wounded and and chained the remainder, including Joao da
sickly,
Lisboa, to the galleys. Piri Pasha then dismantled the fort, and
having shipped his booty and the Portuguese guns, weighed and set
sail for Hormuz, where he landed his troops and plundered the town,
without resistance. The fort, however, held out, and the Pasha,
after bombarding it for twenty days and finding he could make no

impression, was obliged to raise the siege. An offer made by the
Pasha to hold his Muscat prisoners to ransom was unaccountably
declined by the Governor, Alvaro da Noronha, and da Lisboa and
his comrades were left to their fate as galley slaves. The Turk, never-
theless, released da Lisboa's wife, who had been captured off Khor
Fakan, while endeavouring to effect her escape.
The delay caused by the protracted operations at Muscat had
afforded an opportunity to the merchants at Hormuz to remove their
families and property to the Island of Kishm, of which full advantage
had been taken. Thither, accordingly, Piri Pasha, who had been
apprised of this manoeuvre, and whose grand object in this expedition
appears to have been not military glory, but the means of enriching
himself, now steered his fleet, and was rewarded by the discovery of
immense spoil. He took many captives, including a Spanish Jew
named Solomon, who was reported to be the richest merchant in
Hormuz.
Meanwhile the Portuguese fleet despatched from Goa had arrived
in the Persian Gulf and soon chased the Turkish fleet up to Busra,
but Piri Pasha, fearful of losing the treasure he had acquired, aban-
doned his command, and loading three galleys, which were his private
property, with his booty, fled back to Egypt. One of the galleys
was lost near Bahrain, but with the other two he arrived at Suez,
where he was immediately seized by the Governor and soon after
decapitated by orders from Constantinople, all his property being
confiscated to the State. The destruction of Muscat was perhaps
the most signal success the Turks ever achieved at sea in the Persian
Gulf, and might have been attended with more decisive results had
Piri Pasha been as eager to injure his enemy as he was to amass wealth
for himself. But it had the effect of encouraging Sultan Suliman,
the Lord of his Age (Sahib Keran, as the Turks love to call him), to
renew his efforts to expel the Portuguese from the Persian Gulf. He
ordered Moorad Pasha, formerly Wali of the Sanjak of Kateef, to
assume the command of the vessels remaining at Busra (five galleys
and one galetta), and to prepare a new fleet, with which he was
instructed to proceed to the Red Sea to oppose a Portuguese fleet

then cruising off Jedda.
Moorad Pasha sailed in August, 1553, from Busra with a fleet
of sixteen galleys, but one sank and was lost, and two barges but ;
his movements had been closely watched by the Captain-Major,

Diego da Noronha, who intercepted him between Mussendom and
Henjam, and after a desperate engagement almost exterminated it.
Two of the Turkish captains, Suliman Reis and Rajab Reis, with a
great number of men, were killed, but the remnant of the fleet escaped
in the night and hurried back to Busra.
The Turks could now no longer conceal from themselves the
evident superiority of the Portuguese at sea ; their efforts against
them from breaking up the Portuguese power in the
hitherto, so far
East, had, on the contrary, only served to extend the prestige of
Portugal. Had the Turks been able to foresee more clearly the dire
results in the future to their Empire from the change in the course
of trade effected by the Portuguese, they would doubtless have put
forth the utmost of their strength in the East, and combined with the
Asiatics to expel their commercial rivals from India. Being then in
the plenitude of their strength, and still invincible at sea in Europe,
the Turks might have floated in the Arabian Sea a far more formidable
armada than they ever attempted to get together, and by taking
advantage of the religious zeal which then undoubtedly burnt through-
out Islam, they might have enlisted in their cause, and secured the
alliance of, both the Shah Tahmasp Suffar, Ruler of Persia, and
Baber, First Mogul Emperor of India, and thus possibly have kept
Europeans out of the Indian Ocean for many years to come. But
even the genius of the great Suliman seems to have failed to grasp
the vital importance of concentrating his energies in this direction,
and instead of cultivating friendly relations with Persia was actually
at this time (1553) engaged in preparing for his second war with that
Power, and, worse still, in foully murdering the very man who could
best have seconded his efforts to crush the Infidel — his brilliant son,
Prince Mustafa. This was, indeed, one of the most critical periods
of the world —the balance of power had begun to shift from the hands
of the Moslem to those of the Christian, and with the death of SuUman
in 1566, succeeded as he was by a feeble youth, the opportunity for
destroying Portuguese supremacy in the East passed away for ever.
The old Sultan Suliman was not dismayed by Moorad Pasha's
discomfiture, but struck one final blow at the Infidels who had dared
to undermine his Empire by their energy and enterprise, before
relinquishing the contest and leaving them to enjoy the fruits of
their discoveriesand monopoly. It so happened that this final
struggle between the Turks and Portuguese, which took place in the
Arabian Sea, was also the most hardly contested and decisive sea
fight in which the former had ever been engaged. The Battle of
Muscat is described by the Turkish historian, Hajji Khalfa, as being
a greater affair than the Battle of Lepanto, which was fought between
Kheir-al-Deen (Barbarossa) and the Spanish Admiral, Andria Doria^
at Lepanto in 1538.
The remainder of Moorad Pasha's ill-fated squadron formed
the nucleus of the new fleet, for the organization and command of
which Sultan Suliman took care this time to select a man whom he
thought he could trust. This person was a distinguished sailor
named Sidi Ali bin Hoosain, who had served under the famous
Barbarossa or Kheir al-Deen at Rhodes, and had been governor of
the arsenal at Stamboul. He had been appointed Capudan or
Admiral of Egypt by the Sultan as a reward for his services and
'*
was also well known as an author of scientific works, his " takhallus
(nom de plume) being Katibi. Having received the Sultan's com-
mand to attack the Portuguese and bring his fleet round to Suez,
he started from Constantinople and travelled by Aleppo, Mosul,
and Baghdad to Busra in December, 1553. Having arrived at Busra,
Sidi Ali at once set to work with earnest diligence to collect materials
to repair and refit the fleet. In view of the recent defeat of Noorah
Pasha, it is much to be wondered at that the Admiral did not strain
his energies to increase and strengthen his armada, seeing that it
was manifestly inadequate to the task of coping with the Portuguese,
but this does not appear to have been attempted. The Wall or
Governor of Busra, Shereef Mustafa Pasha, who had in the mean-
The Portuguese in Eastern irabia. 173
been despatched from that city by the Porte with a frigate

4:11116
to reconnoitre Hormuz, sent to inform the Capudan Sidi Ali that

the Infidels had only four ships on the station, and shortly after
proceeded to join the Turkish armada, which had set sail from
Busra in July, Expecting an easy conquest over what he
1554.
supposed the feeble force of his enemy, the Admiral pressed on in
-eager haste to Bahrain, where he anchored and had an interview with
the Governor, Moorad Reis. Thence the fleet sailed on past the
Straits of Mussendom and first sighted the Portuguese fleet off the
little port of Khor Fakan on the loth Ramzan, 961 a.h. (loth August,
1553 A.D.). It was much larger than he had been led to anticipate,
as it consisted of three galleons, four barges, six guardships and
twelve galettas. The Captain-Major at Hormuz at this time, Dom
Fernandez de Menezes, had been duly notified of the preparations
being made at Busra, and kept himself well informed as to the
Turkish Admiral's proceedings. He had, therefore, gathered a
considerable force of galleys, fustas, and caravellos to repel the
threatened attack, but in order to conceal his real strength he had
with much sagacity stationed the superior vessels of his armada at
Muscat, and had thus deceived the Turkish scouts, who had not
ventured to reconnoitre beyond the Straits of Hormuz. In July,
1554, he sent out three vessels to cruise in the Gulf, and there
learned from native boats that the Turks had already started.
Spies disguised as fishermen were then sent to sell fish to the enemy
and in this way precise intelligence of the Turkish Admiral's where-
abouts was obtained. On receiving this warning the Captain-
Major, Fernandez de Menezes, embarked the same day with Antonio
da Noronha, and proceeded to Muscat with his light vessels to join
his armada. Taking command the Captain-Major weighed and began
his cruise in search of the Turks and soon learned from a captain
in command named de Souza, that the Turks had
of a galley,
weathered Ras Mussendom and were approaching in single line.
He accordingly gave orders to clear for action, and prepared to open
the ball with a cannonade.
The Turkish galleys, however, which were off the cove of Lima,
—
made for the land, and as the wind freshened began to drive on
shore. De
Menezes, not caring to attack under the circumstances^
took counsel with his officers, and after some skirmishing decided
to retire to Muscat with his fleet, leaving his light vessels to watch
the enemy. He accordingly, returned to Muscat and watered his
ships, sending out more boats to observe the Turkish galleys. The
Portuguese were in their first encounter decidedly worsted by the
Turks, who compelled their foe to retire to Muscat and followed
them up thither. The Turkish account of this action is thus given
by Mitchell :
" On sighting the Portuguese fleet," he says, " the

Moslems immediately hoisted their colours, weighed anchor,
and got in readiness all their warlike machines. With flags
hoisted and sail spread, and looking in confidence to the
Supreme Being, they set up Muhammadan shouts and com-
menced an attack, the fierceness of which baffles description.
By the favour of God their fire struck one of the Portuguese
galleons, which was wrecked on the Island of Fakk al-Asad.
They fought bravely till nightfall, when the Capudan hoisted
the lights. The Infidels, however, fired a gun as the signal of
retreat and fled to Hormuz. Thus by the favour of God the
victory was left to the Moslems, who, favoured by the winds,
departed next day for the city of Khor Fakan, where the troops
took in a supply of fresh water, and after seventeen days'
sailing arrived in the neighbourhood of Muscat and Aden."
The Captain-Major did not venture out to attack the Turks

until they had arrived so menacingly near Muscat that he could no
longer refuse battle.
On day two remarkable events are said to have occurred at
this
Muscat, and were doubtless looked on as omens by the superstitious
Portuguese. There came into the cove a marine monster larger
than a whale and of a shape so strange that no one had ever seen the
like before. It swam several times round the ship of the Captain-
Major de Menezes and scared the sailors probably out of their wits.
13ut this marvellous creature did not frighten the Arabs, who, looking
on it as a godsend, soon captured it and towed it on shore at Moculla
Chini. The other event was the appearance of a large and fiery
<:.omet,which eventually fell over the locality of the coming battle.
Whether these were taken by the Portuguese as favourable or
unfavourable signs we are not told. While the fleet was at anchor,
the fustas sent out on scout returned with the news that the Turks
had arrived off the Deymanieh Islands, about twelve leagues from
Muscat, and the Captain-Major immediately ordered ensigns to be
hoisted, anchors weighed, and sails set to meet the enemy. When
the hostile fleets sighted each other, which was at 9 a.m. on August
25th, the Turkish galleys were rowing along the Batineh shore, the
wind being contrary, opposite Ghobia or Khaleed and about two
leagues from Muscat, while the Portuguese fleet kept to seaward,
encircling the coast to prevent the galleys escaping.
The Capudan, Sidi Ali, now tried to obtain an offing and nine of
his galleys appear to have cut the Portuguese lines, but the other six
were hemmed in as they had remained astern. Jeronymo Castello
Branco, who was inadvance of all, was the first to engage one of the
galleys, and other vessels remaining in shore began to close with the
Turks. The fight as regards the six galleys became general, some
were burnt and others boarded and carried after severe hand-to-
hand combats with the Turks. All the latter, who had thrown
themselves into the sea during the fight, were put to death by the
Portuguese. and the nine galleys, being in the
All this while Sidi Ali
offing, took no part in the fight, but watched it from a distance, and
on seeing his six galleys surrender waited no longer to try and stem
the current of victory, but stood out to sea and steered to the north-
east towards the opposite coast, intending to make for Cambay,
-as he dared not go to Constantinople, where the Sultan would
assuredly decapitate him. The carrevellos, seeing the Turks fly,

set sail and chased them to the coast of India. The victorious de
Menezes then returned to Muscat to look after his wounded. He
ordered the six galleys captured from the Turks to be repaired and
ransomed from those who had taken them prizes. The spoils
—
included forty-six brass cannon, such as basilisks, esperas (40-pounder

guns) and other small pieces known as camels, eagles, etc. It may
be interesting to give the story of the fight as told by the vanquished,
and I here quote again from Mitchell's translation :
" On the morning of the 26th Ramzan, 961 a.h. [25th

August, 1553 A.D.] the Captain of Goa, the son of the Governor,,
left the harbour of Muscat and with his barges, guardships, and
galleons, with their mainsails spread and colours flying, sailed

against the Moslems, who still God remained near
trusting in
the shore prepared for battle. The enemy's barges first came
up and attacked the galleys, when a sharp fire was opened on
both sides and a furious engagement ensued. The Infidels
then began to shower down their hand-grenades from the main-
tops upon the galleys, one of which and a barge, which was near
it, they burnt by throwing a bomb into the galley. Five barges
and as many galleys were driven ashore and lost. Another
barge was driven ashore by the violence with which the wind
beat against it and was lost. At length the sailors and the
troops on both sides were exhausted, the former being unable
to pull at the oars and the latter to work the guns any longer ;
they were, therefore, obliged to cast anchor ; but even in this

position they fought forsome time with springs to their cables.
They were finally obliged to abandon their boats. Elmshah
Reis, Kara Mustapha, and Kalfah Mumi, the commanders of
the lost galleys, and Duzzi Mustaffa Bey, the commander of
the volunteers, with about 200 Egyptian soldiers reached the
shore in safety and afterwards returned to the fleet, bringing
with them many Arabs to the assistance of the Moslems. The
Infidels also recovered the men who were in their barges which
had been driven ashore. This battle was even greater than that
between Kheir al-Deen and Andeia Doria. Few soldiers are
known to have ever been engaged in such a fight. At last
when night approached, a strong gale began to blow and each
of the barees threw out two stream anchors, but the men on
The Portuguese in Eastern Arabia. I77
board were so overcome with fatigue that they were obliged to

stand out from the shore and sail before the wind. In this way
they came to the coast of Bar Jask, where, finding plenty of
sea, they succeeded in reaching Bundar Charbar in Mekran.
Here they took in water, and by the direction of a pilot reached
Bundar Gwadur, the Governor of which, Malik Dinar Oghli
Jeladdin, came to examine the state of their fleet and represented
to the Sultan the necessity of sending supplies, in consequence
of which fifty or sixty vessels with provisions were sent out and
joined them before they reached Ormuz. From Bundar Gwadur
the Capudan again sailed with nine vessels for the Indian Ocean,
and directed his course toward the Yemen. For a few days the
weather was favourable and they had arrived in the neigh-
bourhood of Zaffar and Shedjer when the westerly winds began
to blow and they were overtaken by the storm called The *
Elephant,' before which they scudded, being unable even to

carry the foresail."
The complete defeat of the Turks with the loss of six galleys was
thus manifest beyond all dispute, and their disaster was twofold.
They not only suffered a severe defeat at the hands of the enemy
against whom they had undertaken offensive operations, but being
prevented by the monsoon from reaching Suez, were driven back to
the Indian coast, where the remainder of the fleet with all their
guns, ammunition, stores, and slaves, had to be abandoned or

surrendered to the Governor of Surat, with whom also the Turkish
soldiers and sailors took service.
The Admiral, Sidi Ali, however, did not remain at Surat but
show himself in Turkey,
visited other cities in India, not daring to
but at last he left Surat in November, 1554, and returned home
through Persia overland to Constantinople in May, 1557, with fifty
attendants, and his misfortunes having been by that time forgotten
and forgiven, he was given a small pension, as were also the fifty
men who accompanied him.
This notable sea fight took place between Khaleel on the coast
VOL. I. M
and Fahil, a rocky islet about six miles from Muscat, which was
henceforth called by the Portuguese " The Island of Victory." It
lasted the whole of the day and must have been a sanguinary and
obstinate contest, but we are not told the exact loss of the
Portuguese by de Couto, who leads one to believe that Sidi Ali did not
take part in it but left the six galleys to their fate. The Turkish
account seems to be more candid and trustworthy. The decisive
effect of the victory, shown by the fact that they never
however, is
more confronted the Portuguese navy in the Indian Ocean.

From this time maritime affairs appear to have gone on pretty
smoothly in the Persian Gulf ; the Portuguese remained undisputed
masters of the situation and the utter rout of the fleet of the Grand
Turk contributed greatly and had,
to enhance their military prestige
doubtless, a sobering effect on the logical minds of the Persians and
Arabs, for we hear but little of them or of any stirring events on the
Arabian coast for nearly thirty years.
In the year 1580 news reached the Gulf that an expedition
(or 81)
was being prepared at Aden for the purpose of attacking and pillag-
ing Muscat. The rumour was not credited by the Governor of
Hormuz, Dom Gon9ales de Menzes, who neglected to send any
reinforcements, and contented himself with warning the Muscat
garrison to be watchful and ready for resistance.
The Governor of Muscat, on the other hand, being better
acquainted with the unfriendly feeling of the Oman tribes towards
the Portuguese, and having good reason to believe that the scheme
had originated in his own neighbourhood among the chiefs who had
conveyed intimation to the Governor of Al-Yemen, a renegade

Italian named Mirat al-Zeman, that Muscat was in a very defenceless
condition and that a rich booty would reward a sudden raid, was
fully convinced of the truth of the report, and resolved on making
preparations to meet the attack. In order to guard against surprise
he despatched a scout named Alvaro Murato in a swift vessel to cruise
off Ras al-Had, and bring back instant intelligence of the approach
of the corsairs.
As the south-west monsoon then prevailed, fresh rumours of
the expedition were, no doubt, continually being brought to Muscat

by from the Gulf of Aden, and every effort should
vessels arriving
have been made to resist the threatened blow, but as Murato, the
scout, did not return with tidings of it, the garrison appears to have
been lulled into a false security and to have relaxed their watchful-
ness.
Mirat al-Zemam, the Pasha, had entrusted the command of the
expedition to a Turkish adventurer named Meer Ali Beg, who with
four galleys left Aden at the end of August, 1580. In passing along
the Arabian coast one of the galleys foundered and was lost, the
galley-slaves, who tugged at the oars and were chained to their seats,
perishing probably to a man. The filibusters, now reduced to three
galleys, continued their voyage, and giving Ras al-Had a wide berth,
by which they eluded the vigilance of Alvaro Murato, arrived off
Muscat on the evening of September 22nd. Meer Ali Beg, however,
suspecting that the garrison would be on their guard and that he
might have to encounter superior odds with his little force, had
astutely determined not to attack the town boldly in front but to
adopt a plan of tactics by which he hoped to confound and surprise
the defenders. Instead of entering the harbour, therefore, Ali
Beg proceeded bay and village of Sedab, where he quietly
to the little
landed with 150 men and sent the galleys round to Muscat with
instructions to appear before the city at dawn and commence an
immediate bombardment, making at the same time a feint of leaving,
the boats and pretending to land soldiers, in order to concentrate
the attention of the garrison in that direction. During the night
Ali Beg with his band made his way from the little bay where he had
landed to the walls of Muscat, from which it is distant about a mile.
Here he divided his men and posted one at each
into three parties
of the three gates, ordering them to lie concealed until the morning
broke and the guns of the galleys opening fire on the town should
give the signal for attack.
The Portuguese civil residents in the city at this time, exclusive
probably of the garrison, numbered about 500 souls, of whom only
about seventy were capable of bearing arms. They had received no
VOL. I. M 2
l8o Country and Tribes of the Persian Cut/.
warning, as we have seen, from the scout Murato of the approach

of the enemy, and having already from the length of time that had
elapsed begun to discredit the truth of the rumours, were embowered
in a fool's paradise, and were at this moment slumbering in their
houses unconscious of danger. They had omitted the precaution of
sending their families and valuables to a place of safety, and not-
withstanding the corroboration of the impending invasion given by
the Arabs to the Governor, they were still unprepared for resistance.
An accident first revealed the presence of the Turks, but it was
then too late to repair the consequences of negligence. It is related
that a merchant named Diego Machad, desiring to bury his treasure

outside the town, came to one of the gates with the intention of
passing through to the suburbs in the night. He reached one of
Ali Beg's posts, and the robbers, fearing discovery, or perceiving
the bag of money, stabbed him in the road and relieved him of it.
His servant, who was following, fled back to the gate and raised an
alarm, while almost simultaneously the three Turkish galleys entered
the harbour and began their cannonade.
The sudden appearance of the toe in front and in rear caused the
utmost confusion and excitement among both the garrison and the
citizens, and led to a feeble and distracted resistance on their part.
The gates were soon forced by Ali Beg, who after some fighting
appears to have driven the garrison into the citadel or gareza. While
most of the citizens took refuge at Muttrah with their women, and
some, it is said, even fled terror-stricken as far as Bosher, a village
about eighteen miles distant, where they were well received by the
Arabs. Ali Beg's main purpose was not, it seems, to expel the
Portuguese but to pillage the town, and this he did in the most
thorough and effective manner, with the hearty assistance of the rif-raf
of the town and negro slaves, who, no doubt, cordially detested their
Portuguese masters. He did not remain long in the place, knowing
that the Governor would soon obtain reinforcements. One day
sufficed to sack the town and collect the booty, which was shipped on
board the galleys and on three vessels that had been captured in the
harbour, and Ali Beg, triumphant in his enterprise, set sail for Aden.
The Portuguese in Eastern Arabia, i8i
The Governor of Hormuz, Dom Gongales de Menzes, immediately on

hearing of the arrival of the Turkish galleys at Muscat, despatched
Luiz d' Almeida with a squadron, consisting of a galleon, a galley,
and six smaller vessels, to interceptand destroy Ali Beg's flotilla.
Had this squadron been stationed at Muscat when the rumours of the
eîpedition first arrived it might have annihilated the filibusters and
saved the town, but it was a case of shutting the stable door after
the horse had been stolen. Luiz d' Almeida, not caring to face the
enemy or finding that they had got too long a start, gave up the
pursuit, and instead of steering west after the galleys, steered east for
Mekran with the object of doing a little plunder on his own account, and
looted in succession the seaport towns of Pussnee, Gwader and Teez.
Ali Beg's subsequent career was an eventful one. Elated with
his success at Muscat he began to undertake piratical expeditions
against the Portuguese settlements on the East Coast of Africa, and
nine years later (1589) was taken prisoner during a raid of his on
Mombasa, by Thome da Souza Coutinho, who sent him to Lisbon,
where, under the gentle persuasions and supplices of the Inquisition,
he turned Christian and died, probably from the effects of torture.
It was in this same year (1580) that Portugal was brought by
Philip 11. under the domination of Spain after a bloodless invasion.
The Portuguese, however, obtained more and concessions
privileges
than they could have expected after the passive resistance they had
offered, and were allowed, among other things, to retain their mono-
poly of the trade to India and Persia. The decadence of Lusitanian
power in the East is usually dated from this event, and is ascribed
by Portuguese historians to the indifference of the Spanish Court
during the sixty years that Portugal remained under Spanish sub-
jection. During this period certainly Hormuz and other places were
lost, and Portuguese influence declined, but there were other influ-
ences at work, such as the Dutch and English rivalry, and other
factors combined to produce this result. The Viceroys at Goa were
all Portuguese noblemen and displayed no want of vigour, and in
the Persian Gulf the loss of Hormuz was partly compensated by the
building of forts at Muscat and Sohar.
VOL. I.
•
M 3 -
The exploit of Ali Beg had shown unmistakably enough to the

Portuguese authorities that Muscat was unprepared for an attack by
sea, and it was obvious that they might again be exposed to a similar
blow unless further and more efficient means of defence were afforded.
In this way the stroke aimed at it by Ali Beg, though severely felt,
was not without good results. It was, moreover, suspected by the
Portuguese, that the Turkish Government had an eye on this port,
and would at no distant date make an effort to gain possession of it,
as in the hands of a naval power it commands the Straits of Mussen-
dom as Aden commands the Red Sea, and it would have been of
incalculable service to the Turks in protecting and fostering the Busra
trade. It was some years, however, before the dilatory Government
at Lisbon could be induced to sanction the erection of the forts, and

the year 1586 had arrived before the Viceroy was entrusted to com-
mence them. The first was entrusted to Melchior Calaca, who
commanded one of the ships at Muscat, and who erected it on an
eminence to the east of the town, which was levelled at the top and
scarped for the purpose. This castle, consisting of two towers or
bastions connected by a curtain, still stands in its entirety, though
somewhat dilapidated and battered by shot, with its guns, embra-
sures and battlements, mounting guard over the anchorage. It was
—
completed in 1587, and called San Joao now known to the Arabs
as Killa Jalali. The new Viceroy, Dom Manoel de Souza Coutinho,
who left Lisbon in 1587 to take up his appointment, appears to have
received orders before starting to complete the defences, and under
his auspices the plans laid down by his predecessor, Dom Duarte
de Menezes, were brought to a conclusion. This latter Viceroy had
charged Dom Martin Affonso de Mello Pombeyro, who had distin-
guished himself by expelling the Turks from East Africa, to undertake
the work, but this officer had died at Hormuz before he could take it
in hand. His successor in command of the fleet was therefore
directed to carry out the scheme, and the fort that had been left
unfinished by da Lisboa thirty years before, on the west side of the
town, was recommenced and very skilfully and elaborately brought to
a termination in the following year, 1588. It contains a chapel
with an inscription and holy water cup, and a long inscription still
existing almost perfect over the inner gateway records the particulars
and date. It was then called Fort Capitan, but it is now named by
the Arabs Killa Merani.
Late in the year 1615, or early in 1616, the Chief of Sohar,
Mohammed bin Mohenna, instigated by Sultan bin Himyar, raided
the district of Seeb belonging to the Ameer Umeyr bin Himyar, who
was absent at Bahila at the time. The attack took the inhabitants
by surprise and was successful, the Ameer's brother, Ali bin Himyar,
being killed in the fray. The Ameer was greatly incensed at the
affair, and vowed vengeance against Mohammed bin Mohenna, going
so far in his thirst for vengeance as to call in the aid of the Portuguese,
whom he seems to have promised to put in possession again of Sohar.
The bait was too tempting to be refused, and the Governor of Hormuz,
who had been appealed to as the senior authority, delighted at the
prospect of recovering Sohar and destroying its trade rivalry with
Muscat, at once recommended the Viceroy to accede to the request
for aid and send a force for the purpose. The senior officer in com-
mand of the squadron of five vessels at Hormuz at this time wasDom
Vasco da Gama, whose force was joined in February, 1616, by Dom
Francisco Rolim from Goa with six ships, laden with stores and
munitions of war. The Ameer made Muscat his headquarters while
he collected his troops and got together a number of Arab Bughlas
to co-operate with the Portuguese fleet he then marched to Seeb
;
with 1,200 men, accompanied by a small Portuguese land force.

Mohammed bin Mohenna meanwhile had also been seeking allies,
and had been joined by Mohammed bin Jafir, who, however, soon
quarrelled with the Chief of Sohar and deserted him. This news
encouraged the Ameer, who after a halt of seven days at Seeb, moved
along the Batineh coast on to Sohar, where he arrived on the 19th
of the month of the second Rabi. Here some indecisive skirmishing
took place in front of the city between the Arabs, and the suburbs
were occupied by the Ameer. In the meantime, the naval expedition
having anchored, the Portuguese landed their men and guns and
commenced to bombard the fort, using gabions stuffed with cotton,
VOL. I. M 4
and guns mounted on wooden carriages and fitted with wooden screens
The first conflict took place at a detached
for their siege batteries.
tower which was strongly garrisoned. This was battered, and in a
breach entrance was soon effected by the Portuguese, who repulsed
a sortie from the fort made by Mohammed bin Mohenna and Ali bin
Thebad to relieve it, in which both those leaders were slain. The
command of the besieged garrison now devolved on Sultan bin
Himyar, who retired into the citadel, which, after a bloody contest
in which Sultan bin Himyar was killed, the Arabs surrendered to the
Portuguese, who made an indiscriminate massacre of the garrison
and inhabitants, and burned the town to ashes in violation of the
terms of capitulation. The Portuguese sacked the town before
burning it, and carried off a number of Arab girls as slaves. In
pursuance ot theagreement made with the Ameer the Portuguese
remained in occupation of the fort, which they at once set to work to
repair, and the expeditionary force returned to Muscat. The Ameer
Umeyr bin Himyar, having gratified his revenge and rewarded his
adherents, dismissed them and then returned to Nakhl, from whence
he proceeded to Semail.
The Portuguese now found themselves confronted by foes of a
different calibre to the ill-armed Asiatics they had hitherto had to
deal with. The Dutch and English had appeared in the East to
them as commercial rivals,
dispute the mastery of the sea, to oppose
and eventually, as time proved, to cause the disruption of their
Eastern Empire. Many and severe were the engagements that ensued
between these three nations, but the Portuguese power had already
begun to wane and could not long sustain the unequal contest. The
Oriental navigations of the English commenced towards the close
of the sixteenth century, and it was not very long before they felt
strong enough to venture into the Persian Gulf as rivals with the
Portuguese for the Persian trade. In 1613 the ship Expedition, of
260 tons, with the Ambassador to Persia, Sir Thomas Shirley, on
board, arrived at Gwader, from whence Sir Thomas proposed to march
up to the capital —Ispahan—overland. A plot of the treacherous
Belooches to murder the whole embassy and crew of the Expedition
;
was, however, fortunately discovered in time and the vessel proceeded

on to India. On the way thither they captured a terada or native
Nakhoda or Master of which exhibited in
trader of fifteen tons, the
defence a pass which he had purchased from the Governor of Muscat
to prevent molestation by the Portuguese ships. This pass Sir
Thomas Shirley thought fit to transcribe as a proof of the complete
subjugation to which the Portuguese had reduced the maritime trade
of the Arabian Sea, not allowing any vessel, large or small, to
navigate it without their permission.
The first encounter between the English and Portuguese in the
Gulf of Oman appears to have taken place in 1620, in which year
a fleet consisting of the London, 800 tons ; Hart, 500 tons
Roebuck, 300 tons ; and the Eagle, 280 tons ; sailed from
Tilbury Hope for Surat, from whence two Hart
of the ships, the
and Eagle, set out for Jask. Jask is situated at the extreme
south-west corner of Persia in the Gulf of Oman, and about 150 miles
from Muscat. Mr. Steel, the original promoter of the English trade
with Persia, had recommended this port as a suitable one for the
English to occupy and use as their entrepot seven years before, and
the English Company's agent at Ispahan had subsequently obtained
a grant from the Shah for this purpose. One vessel with merchandise
had been despatched thither in 1614 and had made a favourable
beginning in trading with the inhabitants. Jask and Gombroon
were now the two points on which the English had cast their eyes
for forming depots. The Portuguese, however, were not blind to
this encroachment on their monopoly and had resolved to strain
every nerve to counteract and strangle this incipient commerce and
to thwart the English in every possible way. With this view General
Dom Frere da Andrada had been specially despatched from Lisbon,
with Dom Joao Boralho as his vice-admiral, in command of a strong
fleet. The Hart and Eagle, on arrival at Jask, found this
Oman to intercept and attack them,
force waiting in the Gulf of
and judging themselves unable to cope with it, were returning
to Surat for reinforcements when they met the London and
Roebuck on their way to join them. The four ships together
then steered for Jask, where they arrived on December 15th, 1620,
having captured on the way, on November 21st, a Portuguese ship
of 200 tons bound from Muscat to Chaul with a cargo of horses.
The Portuguese fleet consisted of two galleons, one of which was
larger than the London, two galliots, and ten frigates, and was
accompanied by two Dutch galleons, one commanded by Antonio
Mesquitta and the other by Belthazar de Chaves, the Dutch being
then as eager as the Portuguese to debar the English from participa-
tion in the Persian trade. On December i6th, the English were
engaged in fitting up their prize as a fireship, but as it fell calm during
the day they were unable to do more than exchange long shots with
the enemy. The breeze springing up the following morning, the
Portuguese, who had the weather gauge, weighed and closed. The
battle began at 9 a.m. and continued without intermission for nine
hours, the two fleets manoeuvring and exchanging broadsides till,
night coming on, the smaller Dutch ship, pressed by the Roebuck,
turned tail and fled, and was soon followed by the rest of the Dutch
and Portuguese fleet, which disappeared in the darkness. The
English ships anchored for the night in the road. The prize that
had been up as a fireship had been lighted and burnt early
fitted
in the day, but had failed to injure the enemy's vessels, but the
English had shown their superiority and claimed the victory without
dispute.
Though none of the Portuguese ships appear to have been
captured, their vessels suffered severely and they lost the Vice-
Admiral Boralho and thirty men in one ship alone, while the English
had but few damages to repair and had lost only one man. The
next morning the Portuguese were discovered in the offing to the
eastward, from whence they made no attempt to renew the engage-
ment but remained there during the next ten days, watching the
English and awaiting supplies and reinforcements from Muscat.
Having been worsted in their endeavours to drive away the English
by force, they had changed their tactics and now sought to harass
and impede them by compelling them to remain together, as if they
separated the vessels could be cut off in detail and thus the
Portuguese hoped to frustrate the prosecution of the English trade

with Persia. This Fabian poUcy suited Dom Frere da Andrada well,
as he had the fortified strongholds of Hormuz and Muscat as bases
of operation and as harbours of refuge to retire to, while the English
could get no supplies or seek refuge at any port nearer than Surat.
In the meantime the English landed their cargoes at Jask, and on
December 28th, having repaired damages as well as they could, and
perceiving that their opponents were in greater force and assuming
a more menacing attitude, determined to renew the contest, and,
with this object in view, anchored within a cable and a half of the
Portuguese fleet, on which they immediately opened a heavy broad-
side fire. The action was fought with great obstinacy on both
sides until 3 p.m., when the Portuguese Admiral, finding himself
hopelessly vanquished, gave the signal to cut cables and sheer off.
The English thenceforward remained in undisturbed possession of
Jask, but theyhad to deplore the loss of Captain Shilling, their
commander, who was killed by a cannon shot in the action.
In February the English squadron sailed for Surat, where they
refittedand remained until the following May, when they set out to
pass the monsoon at the Island of Maseera, where it arrived on
June 2nd, 162 1. The London then seems to have parted company
as on Ju]y 6th she was found to be lying at Soor, after visiting
Taiwee, where she had watered, and where she had lost her surgeon
and chaplain's servant, who had been surprised and taken prisoners
by the Portuguese and Arabs. A month later the Hart and
Roebuck, having weighed from Maseera, joined the ''.ondon
at Soor, from whence they all returned soon after to Surat. On
November 14th of the same year another English expedition,
consisting of five ships and four pinnaces, was despatched from
Surat to the Persian Gulf under the command of Captain Blythe,
with orders to co-operate with the Persians in effecting the reduction
of Hormuz and thus deprive the Portuguese of their main stronghold
in that quarter.
This squadron arrived in sight of Hormuz on December 23rd,
but as the Persians were not ready, it occupied the time in harassing
the Portuguese and obstructing their trade. The siege of Hormuz

was begun by the English on February gth, in conjunction with the
Persian land force, and the result, after a brave defence, was the
surrender of that fortress and entrep6t to the English commander
on May 23rd, 1622 the Portuguese officers being sent prisoners to
;
India and the European population, said to number 2,000 souls,

being allowed to retire to Muscat. This important event was a
staggering blow to the Portuguese and commenced the disruption
of their Empire in the East. The Arabs, who hated the Portuguese
and Persians in an equal degree, contributed to the success of the
latter by an attack on, and capture of, Julfar, now Ras al-Khyma,
which was the main source of supply the garrison at Hormuz had to
rely on. They would, no doubt, have gladly helped to bring about
the expulsion of the Infidels from Muscat had they not known full
well that the substitution of Persian rule there for Portuguese would
have been a case of " out of the frying-pan into the fire." For it
was soon spread abroad that the Persians, elated with the recovery
of Hormuz, had turned their attention to the conquest of Muscat
and Sohar. The occupation of the latter place appears to have been
easily accomplished, but for the capture of Muscat the aid of a mari-
time power was requisite, and negotiations were accordingly set
on foot with the English commander. Being reluctant to enter on
this service, the latter demanded exorbitant These were
terms.
that Hormuz should be given over to the English with half the
revenues of the Custom House and city, the English on their part
maintaining there four ships for the protection of trade in the Gulf.
These terms were not acceptable to the Persians, who were as jealous
of the English as they had been of the Portuguese, and would rather
hold Hormuz a deserted, bare and desolate rock than yield it to the
Infidel to be restored to life and The negotiations,
prosperity.
accordingly, fell through, but the English commander was ready to
sell to the Persians, who had determined to carry on the war in Oman
alone, a small frigate which was damaged and of no use to himself.

The Persian expedition against Muscat appears to have taken place
in the early part of 1623, but we have no definite account of what
transpired. It certainly failed, however, and it is probable that this

was due to the energy of the Portuguese Admiral, Ruy Frere da
Andrada. This capable and experienced officer had been taken
prisoner by the English at Hormuz and sent to India, but had
escaped, and after reaching Muscat had proceeded to Goa, where
the Viceroy, Dom Francisco da Gama, gave him the command of six
ships, and despatched him in April, 1623, to the relief of Muscat.
This he seems to have effected in so decisive a manner that we hear
of no more efforts made by the Persians against Muscat. Shortly
after Ruy Frere was reinforced by several vessels despatched to him
by the Viceroy from Chaul and Diu to continue the war against the
Persians, and he now felt strong enough to change the face of affairs
and to assume the offensive in the Gulf against the enemy. He
determined, first of all, to attempt the recovery of Sohar, and having
collected his fleet he accordingly proceeded thither with sixteen ships.
This fort had in the meantime been greatly strengthened by the
Persians and could now offer a formidable resistance.
Ruy Frere's first assault on the castlewas repulsed with a loss
of twenty-one men and four officers, but the siege was carried on so
energetically that the Persians at length were compelled to capitu-
late, and was agreed that they should march out with the honours
it
of war. Having decided to take possession, Ruy Frere ordered the

outer fortlet to be razed to the ground, and having garrisoned the
citadel he then sailed on to Khor Fakan, which was also held by the
Persians, and here he was again successful, storming the little fort
and putting the entire garrison to the sword.
Ruy Frere's success had encouraged his men and raised the
prestige of his fleet, and feeling secure with Muscat as his base, he
determined to delay no longer in undertaking the main object of his
expedition, viz., the re-capture of Hormuz. Having anchored in
that port, therefore, and satisfied himself that an attack on shore
was out of the question with his small force, he established an
effective blockade of the island to cut off supplies and communication,
and maintained this state of siege, notwithstanding the inadequacy
of his means, with great vigour and persistency for about six months.
IQO Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
This blockade and the destruction of much of the coasting craft in

the vicinity of Hormuz reduced the Persian garrison to such distress
from want of provisions that they were brought to the verge of
starvation and almost to the point of surrender. Meanwhile the
Viceroy at Goa, Dom Francisco da Gama, was engaged in collecting
a powerful armament for the reconquest of Hormuz, designing, as
rumour said, and the slowness of his preparations lent colour to the
slander, to arrive in time to reap the glory of the capture after Ruy
Frere had reduced the defenders to straits. The Viceroy's scheme,
however, overreached itself, for he procrastinated so long that
Ruy Frere, being unsupported and in want of provisions himself,
was compelled to raise the siege and retire to Muscat.
In April, 1624, the squadron of the great armada against
first
Hormuz, consisting of ten ships, left Goa for Muscat under Sancho
da Toar, and shortly after him, five more vessels were despatched.
Besides these, three galleons were ordered from Mozambique to join
Ruy Frere at Muscat. Before these reinforcements could arrive,
however, the Admiral, impatient of delay, had despatched Michael
Pereira on April 24th, 1624, with twelve ships to recommence the
blockade, but it was not until four months afterwards, August 24th,
that having mustered the rest of his fleet, which comprised twenty-
five galliots and many boats, and put it in order for the campaign,
he was able at length to sail for Hormuz and direct the operations.
Hormuz had in the meanwhile been again strengthened and
provisioned, but the siege was now prosecuted by Ruy Frere with
such relentless vigour, during the remainder of the year, that it
would have unquestionably soon fallen again into the hands of the
Portuguese had not a fleet of ten English and Dutch ships arrived
to reUeve it —both these nations regarding the recovery of Hormuz
as highly detrimental to their interests. Ruy Frere immediately
detached a squadron to meet it and in January, 1625, an action was
fought in which both sides lost heavily and the Portuguese Vice-
Admiral, Nuno Alvarez Botello, was wounded.
In the following month another and more severe battle took
place between the fleets, in which the Portuguese, who were decidedly
superior in force, seem to have had the advantage, but could not
claim the victory. Botello now retired to Muscat, from whence he
again sailed in September to cruise against the enemy. Off the
Indian coast he fell in with three English ships, and a sharp skirmish
took place between them, neither being able to claim the advantage.
Thus ended the abortive effort of the Portuguese great expedition
to recover Hormuz from the Persians, and Ruy Frere, who had shown
himself a brave, active, and skilful commander, felt unable to main-
tain the siege any longer, and was compelled for the second time to
withdraw his hand when the fruit was almost within his grasp. He
retired first to Larek and from thence to Khasab, intending to wait
for the expected main body of the fleet from Goa. He was doomed
to disappointment. The ships that had arrived under da Toar were
only the first squadron of the armada. The European enemies of
the Portuguese were now too powerful in the Gulf to permit them to
regain their old supremacy, and all hope of the reconquest of Hormuz
had to be abandoned.
But although Hormuz was lost, Muscat still remained and no
efforts were spared by the Portuguese to force the trade of the Gulf
to this place and to raise it to the same commercial grandeur as
Hormuz. The commanding position of Muscat and its natural
defensive capabilities combined to make it superior in many respects
to Hormuz, but the English, who were now rapidly gaining the
— —
ascendency in the Gulf as also the Dutch were interested in con-
centrating the trade at Busra and Gombroon. Moreover, as the
Portuguese had never tried to win the confidence and respect of the
native merchants, the latter were now eager to remove from the
rigour of their sway, and many seized the opportunity of settling at
the new and rising town of Gombroon. Nevertheless, owing to the
influx from Hormuz, the population of Muscat became at once
largely augmented, and the Arab tribes in the vicinity, who had
always been kept on good terms by the payment of subsidies, were
further conciliated.
By the fall of Hormuz the political connection existing between
that island and the Oman coast, which had been established three
—
and a half centuries came to an end, -though it is related

before,
that Mohammed Shah, the nephew of the old King of Hormuz, was
brought to Muscat by the Portuguese who endeavoured to compel
the coast Arabs to recognize him as their King. Among the improve-
ments undertaken at this time in Muscat were the rebuilding of the
town wall, extending from Booma Salih to Bab Methayib, the
excavation of the fosse beyond, a new Custom House, the gate of
which still- bears the date 1625, a landing place, and a boat dock
under the western fort. Further protection also was afforded to
the town by the erection of the towers at the passes of Kalbuh,
Riyam, and Sedab.
In 1623 the Governor of Muscat was Martino Affonso de Mello,
who resided for the most part of the year in the factory or " gareza,'
but during the hot weather occupied Fort Capitan, which was at
this time deemed of more importance than Fort San Joao (now
Jalali), the former citadel.
There were two churches, one of which was the See of the
Vicar, generally an Augustinian friar, and dedicated to the Virgin
del Rozario ; the other, known as Delia Gratia, being the property
of the Augustinians, four of whom resided in it.
As Hormuz had been recovered by the Persians, its rightful

owners, during the vigorous reign of a great King Shah Abbas —
so Muscat and the Oman coast were wrested from the grip of Portugal
by the force of a national impulse engendered by the rise of a new
Arab dynasty. At the beginning of the seventeenth century the
Nebhani, the reigning family in Oman, which had lasted about
500 years, was in such a critical condition that power soon fell from
their hands altogether, and the country became enveloped from one
end to the other in anarchy and civil war. A long and sanguinary
struggle took place between rival claimants, which terminated in
1624 in the election of Nasir bin Murshid al-Yaareby as Imam.
This Prince proved to be one of the ablest and strongest rulers
Oman ever had he soon made himself master of and tranquillized
;
the interior, and then turned his attention to the task of expelling
the foreigners, who held the coast forts and commanded the sea,
with whom during his reign he was engaged in incessant warfare.
•^
LO
About seven years after the Imam Nasir's accession (1631) the
Portuguese, finding that the Persian Gulf trade continued gradually,
but surely, to from their hands, made an effort to obtain by
slip
peaceful means what they had failed to do by force. The Viceroy

(Dom Miguel da Noronha) tried to purchase, or to farm, the Island
of Hormuz from the Persians, and to this end he despatched an
emissary, named Dominic da Tirale Valdez, to Muscat, where he
was to concert measures with the Admiral Ruy Frere da Andrada,
who still commanded in those waters, for this purpose and after ;
conferring together they set out forHormuz, where, however, the

negotiations, though aided apparently by handsome offers to the
Persian Governor, came to naught. The indomitable Ruy Frere,
determined on doing something, then proceeded to Julfar, where
he built a fort adjoining that of the Persians. This new fort does not
appear to have been long retained, for in July, 1633, the Imam
Nasir succeeded in driving away both the Persians and Portuguese
and in taking possession himself. He then ordered Shaikh Hafiz
bin Saif to erect a fort at Sohar against that held by the Portuguese,
which he vigorously besieged for some time with a force composed
of the Beni Khalid, Beni Lahm, and Al-Amoor tribes, but the
garrison offered so stout a resistance that the Kadhi Khamis bin
Saeed was soon after deputed by the Imam to treat for peace at
Muttrah with the Portuguese Governor of Muscat, and it was then
agreed that the Arabs should abandon the siege of Sohar. But
though foiled in his attempt on that fortress, the Imam in the same
or following year attacked Soor and Kuriyat and succeeded in
recovering both these places, though both seem to have been soon
after retaken thus within ten years of his accession he expelled
;
the invaders along the whole coast of Oman except at two points.
In 1640 Portugal regained her independence from Spain, and the
accession of Dom Joao IV. was signalized at Muscat, as at other places,
with much rejoicing. In the same year, too, a decisive success over
the Arabs at Muscat contributed to raise their hopes and spirits.
The Imam had obtained information that the stores of water and
gunpowder were deficient and that the garrison was weak. He there-
VOL. I. N
fore had moved down on the plain with celerity in the hope of being
able to carry it by assault before it could be succoured from the sea
by the arrival of a fleet but the attack failed. The Portuguese
;
met him with a gallant defence and the Imam was compelled to retire
discomfited and with heavy loss.
Three years later the Arab chief of Lawa, Shaikh Saif bin
Mohammed, who was in hostility with the Imam, appealed to the
Portuguese for assistance, and a small force was accordingly sent from
Sohar to co-operate with him. The Imam, however, marched down
upon Lawa in force, reduced the rebellious Shaikh to obedience, and,
having cut off and captured the Portuguese contingent, followed up
his success by laying siege to Sohar, which after a short resistance
surrendered on November 7th, 1643, the Portuguese garrison being
put to the sword.
The Imam Nasir was now becoming old and inactive, and for
five yearswe hear of no more contests between him and the Christians,
but in 1648 a rupture again occurred, and the Imam, who was now
perhaps too infirm to take the lead himself, despatched the army
under the command of Mesood bin Ramzan and Saeed bin Khalifeh.
The siege of Muscat began on August i6th and lasted until September
nth, during which time the Arabs, according to Ross's Annals of
Oman, captured and demolished the high watch towers of Muscat,
and reduced the Portuguese garrison to such straits that they sued
for peace. The terms enforced by the Shaikhs were that Kuriyat
and the fort of Soor should be surrendered and razed, that the Arabs
of the interior should pay no customs duties on goods at Muscat,
that the town wall there should be levelled, and that the Portuguese
should pay the Imam 200,000 pardaos. These terms were considered
too onerous and the siege was resumed with vigour, the Arabs
pressing closer until they occupied the heights above Fort Capitan
and Moculla. For six weeks longer, however, the Portuguese held
out, until, finding that his ammunition was exhausted, the plague
raging in the town and carrying off many victims, Dom Juliao da
Noronha, the Captain-General or Governor, again opened negotiations
and concluded a treaty of peace on October 31st, 1648, on which the
Imam's force retired from before the town. In the treaty the
Governor consented to the following humiliating conditions ^That : —
the forts of Soor and Kuriyat should be destroyed, and that both the
Arab and Portuguese forts at Muttrah should also be razed, that
Muttrah should be evacuated and remain neutral, that Arab vessels
homeward bound only should require a pass, that the Arabs should
pay no taxes or duties, and that trade should be free, and finally that
the Portuguese should erect no fortifications outside Muscat. It
would appear that at the commencement of the siege the Governor,
Dom Juliao, had sent to Goa for help and that a squadron had been
despatched by the Viceroy, Dom Filippe Mascarenhas, which arrived
at Muscat in the middle of November, 1648. For not holding out
longer Dom Juliao and the Vedor (or Treasurer) were subsequently
arrested and confined at Goa. In despatches dated January, 1649,
from the Government of Lisbon commenting on these affairs it was
directed that every effort should be made to retain Muscat, that more
ships should be stationed there, that the Arabs should not be allowed
to remain in the town of Muscat, and that the fort at Khasab should
be strengthened. It may be presumed that these orders were carried
out, but they did not suffice to ensure the retention of Muscat for long.
Had the Imam Nasir bin Murshid continued to reign it is possible that
the terms of peace would have been observed, and that Muscat would
have remained undisturbed for some time, but the death of the
sovereign in iVpril, 1649, ^^^ the accession of a new ruler, inaugurated
a policy of renewed hostility with the Christians, and before the year
had closed Muscat was again surrounded and menaced by a besieging
army.
According to the Arab writers the Imam Sultan bin Saif, who
succeeded, waged war on the Christians at Muscat, and to have per-
sonally conducted the operations against them until God gave him
the victory. It would seem, indeed, that he disregarded the treaty
and undertook the campaign almost immediately after his accession,
and that he brought it to a glorious issue within about nine months.
The year 1650 was just dawning when, to the surprise of the Por-
tuguese inhabitants, the small but determined body of besiegers
VOL. I. N 2
—
suddenly entered the city by a night attack, and swarming into the
streets and bazaars, slew many of the frightened and unresisting
citizens. Many crowded on board the vessels in the harbour, two of
which with those on board were captured. Seven hundred Portuguese
made their escape to Diu. The gareza or factory, in which were stored
the ammunition and arms, was at once surrounded by the Imam's
troops, and after a short resistance the Governor-General, receiving
apparently but little help from the Captain of the Fleet, Braz Caldeira
da Mattos, who might have rendered effective aid had he wished, but
who seems to have acted with great pusillanimity, retired to Fort
Capitan with the garrison, leaving the gareza to be defended by its
Arab, or rather, Belooch guard.
Notwithstanding the presence of the which did nothing,
fleet,
and the weakness of the Arab army, the Governor surrendered Forts
Capitan and St. John on January 23rd, though the gareza held out
for three days longer, the guard knowing, no doubt, that they could
expect no mercy from their assailants. Meanwhile, the fugitives,
having reached Diu, sent word immediately to Goa to apprise the
Viceroy, Dom Filippe Mascarenhas, who despatched a fleet at once to
Muscat to support the garrison, but on arrival it was found already
in the hands of the Arabs, and learned that the Portuguese squadron
had sailed for Diu. That the garrison were massacred by the Arabs
appears to be only too probable, but this is not asserted by the
Portuguese writers, and, next to that of Danver's, the most full and
circumstantial account of the siege is given by Hamilton in his Neiv
Account of the East Indies. As this book is scarce I think it worth
while to quote the passage :
" All the Arab army threatened to mutiny, if they were not
forthwith led by their officers to the Scalade of the City Walls.
And at last the King, finding that no Perswasions could cool
their Fury, tho' the Day was far spent, ordered them to be led
on. The Portugueze them from their Forts on the
flank'd
Mountains, with Plenty of great and small Shot but the Arabs
;
never looked back, nor minded the great Numbers of their dead
—
Companions, but mounted the Walls over the Carcases of their

slain. About Sun-set they drove the Portugueze from two of the
City Gates, and pursued their Enemy so hard, that not one
escaped, tho' they fled in great Haste toward the great Fort,
where the Governor staid. That Fort is built on a Rock almost
surrounded by the Sea, and has no way to get up to it, but by
a Stair-case hewn out of the Rock, above 50 yards high, and not
above two or three Persons can ascend a-breast. The Arabs
thought it impracticable to attack it, so made a Blockade of it.
In the Attack of the Town, the Arabs lost between 4 and 5,000
of the best of their Forces and the Portugueze in their Forts
;
were reduced to 60 or 70. Those in the small Forts were obliged

soon to surrender for want of Ammunition and Provisions, and
all were put to the Sword, except those, who, to save their Lives,
promised to be circumcised, and abjure the Christian Religion.
Those in the great Fort held out about six Months, under great
Want and Fatigues ; and all Hopes of Relief being cut off, they
resolved on a Surrender,on which motion,the imprudent Governor,
who was the sole Cause of their Calamity, leapt down a Precipice
into the Sea, where the Water being very shallow he was dasht
to pieces on the Rocks.
"
The little Garison would fain have come to a Capitulation,
but the Arabs would grant them no Terms, but that they must
yield or be starved and tho' the Terms were hard, yet they
;
thought best to surrender, and all were put to the Sword, except
a few who embraced Mahometism, which in all were eighteen
Persons. And this Relation I had from a very old Renegade
who was at the Tragedy, being then a Soldier, who reckoned him-
self about 100 Years old, and by his Aspect, could not be much
less."
In an Arab work, known as the Diary of the Wazeer of Sanaa

in the Yemen the following passage occurs, which is also worth
while transcribing :
" In the year 1052 a.h. â.d. 1642] a number of merchants

VOL. I, N 3
set out on a venture to Hasa, Bahrain, and Basra, and when

they had passed the sea of Fars and had reached Bunder Muscat,
which was then in the hands of the Franks, they were plundered
by the latter. People became afraid therefore to pass that way.
The Ocean also became closed to seafarers and remained so
until the Omanis possessed themselves of Muscat, as will be
recorded presently. When Moslems occupied Muscat,
the
trade was re-opened to merchants and they obtained security
against those wretches, and in the year 1054 a.h. [a.d. 1644]
the rulers of Oman, the Kharejites and the Ibadhis, became
possessed of Muscat, which is on the coast of their country, and
had been up to that time in the hands of the Franks. They
had no idea they would be able to take it, but they ordered
everyone in it to be slaughtered with knives which they had
concealed for the purpose. All that were in the forts were
accordingly killed."
This little square fort at Khasab, which still stands untenanted

and intact in its solitude, was also captured about the same time.
The Muscat closed the eventful career of the successors of the
fall of
great Albuquerque in the Persian Gulf, and it was still held by

the Portuguese in 1648 by which time Soor, Kuriyat and Sohar had
been lost. No expedition to recover Muscat seems ever to have been
despatched from Goa or Lisbon, but its fall was less surprising and
a lesser disaster than that of Hormuz, and was not felt so keenly.
But Dom Filippe endeavoured to repair the loss in some way by
sending in 1650 a squadron of seven galliots to the Gulf to try and
purchase or farm Hormuz, as already stated, and to obtain the aid
of the Persians against the Arabs. This squadron sailed to Kong
and Kateef, and fell in with an Arab fleet there, which captured one
of the vessels and six Portuguese merchantmen without any corre-
sponding success on the part of the Portuguese. The latter obtained
the offer of Hen jam, but this island was of no value, and on the
Viceroy receiving the report he determined to send a stronger fleet
to the Gulf to try and recover Khasab or some equally advantageous
port. The new fleet arrived in the Gulf of Oman in March, 1650,
and encountered off Muscat an Arab fleet, which entered the cove
and anchored under cover of the forts. The Portuguese here had
an opportunity of striking a blow at the Arabs and recovering their
prestige, but no battle took place and the Portuguese Commander
sailed on up the Gulf where, however, he did nothing.
In 1718 the Portuguese thought they had a chance of recovering
their position in the Gulf. The Persians having recently lost
Hormuz to the Turks and Bahrain to the Arabs, sent an embassy
to Goa to get the help of the Portuguese. Accordingly a fleet was
sent in February, 1719, to Kong, and on August 4th, an Arab fleet
appeared off that port. On

the 5th the fight lasted from 9 a.m. to
7 p.m. The Portuguese attacked with guns and the Arabs retired
in good order. The next day the contest was resumed, the Arabs
making a running fight, which continued until night, the fleets passing
the Straits. The day following the Portuguese again went for the
Arabs, who and took refuge apparently in Malcolm Inlet or
fled
thereabouts. The Portuguese
retired to Kong, and the Arabs then
went to Julfar, to obtain supplies from Muscat and from the English
and Dutch. The Arabs are said to have lost 500 killed and wounded
and the Portuguese lost 10 killed and 35 wounded. On the 27th the
Portuguese Admiral sailed for Julfar with four ships, and the Arabs
retreated, while three days later a fight took place and the Arabs
were completely routed again next day the fleets came in sight,
;
but the Arabs retired, and on September ist the Portuguese chased
them all day, while on September 2nd the Arabs fled to their own
ports. This signal defeat of the Arabs was followed by riots at
Muscat, and the death of the Imam, who was succeeded by his
nephew, led to attempts to negotiate a peace with the Portuguese,
which the latter would not agree to. The Shah refused to besiege
Muscat as he had promised to do, and the Portuguese, after wintering
in Persian ports, retired to Goa at the end of the year.
For many years vessels continued to be sent occasionally to war
with the Arabs and destroy their trade, and met with varying success.
Towns and villages on the Oman coast were burnt and sacked.
The Arabs on their side had been taught by experience to increase the
VOL. I. N 4
«
size of their ships, and they profited by this to make successful
expeditions to the coast of India and hany the Portuguese trade.
The long protracted, needless,and vindictive maritime war
between the Arabs and Portuguese may be said to have come to an
end about the year 1739, when the Portuguese were driven from the
Northern Concan by the Mahrattas, who dispossessed them of
Bassain and all the adjoining territory.
201
CHAPTER IV.
THE YAAREBA DYNASTY.
From the beginning of the seventeenth century our materials become

somewhat more copious and precise, and we have now more than one
Arab work to refer to for this period.
At this time the Nebhani Dynasty, which had ruled Oman for
over four and a-half centuries, had fallen into a declining state and
could extend its authority over little more than one-half of the king-
dom, owing in some measure to the rapacity, misnile and oppression
of the Maliks, or rulers, but in a greater degree, perhaps, to political
causes. The dynasty at this time was represented by a Malik named
Makhzoom bin Fellah bin Mohsin, who resided at Yenkal, and who
was being vigorously opposed by his brother, Nebhan bin Fellah.
On the death of Makhzoom, about 1615, further disorder and
strife arose in the Nebhani family, and Nebhan bin Fellah, who
claimed the sovereignty, was confronted by his cousin, Omair bin

Himyar, and was attacked and defeated at Yenkal in 1617 by the
latter, in conjunction with Saif bin Mohammed al-Hinay.
In the anarchy and confusion resulting from this contest, direction
of affairs was assumed by the two victorious generals, Omair and Saif
bin Mohammed, about seven years, when, apparently on the
for
death of Omair bin Himyar, the countries fell again into disorder and
the Nebhani Dynasty became extinct. Competitors for the leader-
ship arose now and notably among the Yaareba,
in various tribes,
one of the oldest and most influential clans in Oman.
The Shaikh in possession of Rostak in 1624 was Malik bin Abul
Arar al-Yaarebi, one of the foremost in attempting to seize power,
but was opposed and thwarted by the learned and energetic Kadhi
Khamis bin Saeed al-Shakasi, under wliose guidance an assembly of

several notables was convened, at which the Shaikh Nasir bin Murshid
al-Yaarebi was elected Imam unanimously. This election not only
inaugurated a new dynasty, but opened a new era in the history of
Oman, in which the country advanced to a previously unknown pitch
of prosperity and glory, while in Nasir bin Murshid it brought to the
front a man of unusual sagacity and power, who was to rank as one of
Oman's most famous princes. But the decision of the Rostak assem-
bly was by no means a national one, nor did it find universal accep-
tance, and when the news spread abroad the dissentient towns and
tribes stood aloof and awaited events. Assisted by the Yadmad
tribe, the Imam Nasir had little difficulty in taking the fort of Rostak
from his cousins, who had held it since the death of his grandfather,
Malik bin Abul Arar, which had occurred in 1620. On looking round,
however, the Imam soon saw that his position was precarious, and that
he would have to encounter much hostility and opposition in main-
taining his ofhce, particularly in view of the threatening attitude of
the Nizar tribes.It may here be remarked as worthy of note that the
Sunni or Nizar tribes had greatly increased at this epoch and had
become equal in strength to the Yemenites.
In the time of the Khalifs, the Nizar were decidedly in the
minority, but from that period, owing to immigration and other
causes, they had gradually augmented and were now able to hold
their ground.
In 1625 the Imam, having collected a force, marched against the
fort of Nakhl, which was held by his great uncle. Sultan bin Abul
Arar. This fort he had no sooner captured than he was surrounded
and besieged by a party of those disloyal to him, and it was not until
he was succoured by reinforcements that he was able to return to
Rostak. Shortly afterwards, having gathered an army of Yahmad,
Beni Ruwaihah and other tribes, the Imam, attended by the Kadhi
Khamis bin Saeed, moved to Zikki, which surrendered to him, and
thence proceeded to Nezwa, which he also entered and where he resided
for some months in the walled quarter of Al-Akr, from which he had
expelled the Beni Saeed.
The Yaareha Dynasty. 203
Turning eastward, the Imam then captured the towns of Semed

al-Shan and Ibra, on which the whole of Al-Sharkiyeh submitted.
For some time after this the Imam was
engaged in further small
operations in various places, where he found himself strong enough to
undertake a campaign against the hostile Nizar tribes, who held all
the principal forts in Al-Dhahireh. The chief leader of the Nizar was
Nasir bin Katan of the Beni Hilal, who possessed the forts of Ghabbi
and Dhank. The Imam's troops first attacked Ghabbi, which was
eventually taken after heavy fighting, in which the Imam's brother
was slain.
At Dhank the Beni Hilal were again worsted, and Nasir bin Katan,
who throughout the Imam's reign remained his most powerful and
relentless foe, surrendered the fort, of which, however, his brother
was made Wall.
Obre was also taken by the Imam, but Makiniyat held out and
the Yemenite tribes allied with the Imam were repulsed. The cam-
paign appears to have been protracted for some years with varying
fortune in Al-Dhahireh, and though Bahila, Makiniyat, and other
forts were captured by the Imam, the disaffection in that province
was never entirely suppressed, as the Nizar continued to observe an
attitude of enmity and independence towards the Imam Nasir during
his life. The greater part of Oman, however, had by this time been
reduced to obedience, and the Imam then retired to Rostak.
A force was now sent against Beraimi and Lawa, and both these
forts were captured, notwithstanding the assistance given to the
garrison of Lawa by the Portuguese.
Emboldened by his success with the tribes, and confident in his
military skill, the Imam next raised a numerous army, placed it under
Mesood bin Ramdhan, and sent it it had barely
to attack Muscat, but
reached the outskirts of the town, when was defeated and dispersed
it
b}^ the Portuguese. The Imam, soon after this, contrived to compass
the death of Mani bin Sinan by inviting him to Lawa on promise of
safety, which was perfidiously broken.
Julfar was the next point to which Nasir turned his attention,
where there were two forts, one held by the Portuîese, who had two
was held by the Persians under

ships stationed there, while the other
Nasir al-Din. The Imam's army was commanded by Ali bin Ahmed,
who succeeded in capturing both forts and expelling the Persians.
The army then returned in triumph to Nezwa.
This success encouraged the Imam to try his strength against
Sohar, and Hafiz bin Saif, the Wali of Lawa, was ordered to assemble
a force for this purpose. He
reached Sohar in Moharram, 1043 a.h.
[a.d. 1633], and attacked the town, but was soon defeated and driven
offby the Portuguese.
The latter then stopped all communications with Muscat from
the interior, and the Imam was compelled to sue for peace, which
was negotiated by the old Kadhi Khamis bin Saeed. Shortly after,
however, the Imam undertook operations against Soor and Kuriyat,
which he recovered from the Portuguese, who were now in a very
decayed and despondent condition.
At this time, the Beni Hilal, under Shaikh Nasir bin Katan, in
conjunction with other Nizar tribes, invaded Al-Jow and the Batineh.
The Imam sent forces against them with but little success, for the raids
continued, and the Beni Hilal carried off slaves and other booty. In
a subsequent invasion Shaikh Nasir advanced to Lawa, where a battle
took place betweem him and the Imam's troops, commanded by Ali
bin Ahmed. The latter was victorious, and Shaikh Nasir fled to
Al-Shemal pursued by the Omanis. He then suddenly turned upon
his enemies and slew the foremost pursuers.
Shaikh Nasir bin Katan al-Helali contirued his raids on Oman,
and became a whole country, which he ravaged as he
terror to the
pleased. The Imam's counter-attacks against him were failures,
and on one occasion, in the south, the Imam's army was almost cut
to pieces. Shaikh Nasir continued unsubdued, and was at length
only pacified by the payment to him of a large subsidy by the Imam,
and after this we hear little of him.
In 1648 war was resumed between the Imam and the Portuguese,
which resulted, in October of that year, in a treaty of peace which
was very disadvantageous to the latter, the particulars of which have
been already given.
The Imam, Nasir bin Murshid, died on the nth Rabi al-Akhir,
1059 A.H. [April 14th, A.D. 1649], at a good old age, after a reign of
twenty-six years, and was buried at Nezwa.
It was late in the sixteenth century before the English attempted
to follow in the footsteps of the Portuguese and make an effort to
ascertain the real prospects of the Indian trade, and it would be as

well, therefore, to take a glance at their initiatory steps in this
enterprise. The first action was due to two intelligent and enter-
Company, which had been established
prising directors of the Turkish
in 1581. These two gentlemen, Messrs. Smith and Staper, selected
four persons to form a party to proceed to the East to gather infor-
mation on aU subjects with a view to the participation in the Venetian
overland commerce. The party consisted of Messrs. Newbery and
Fitch (merchants), Mr. Storie (painter), and Mr. Leeds (jeweller).
In 1583 they sailed for Tripoli in Syria, from whence they travelled
toBaghdad and Busra, and embarking at this place, they sailed to
Hormuz and Goa. Newbery and Leeds remained in India and died
there, but Fitch, having collected a mass of information on all the
places and countries through which he passed, returned to England
by the same route in 1590.
The immediate consequences was the despatch
of this mission
in 1591 of three vessels under Admiral Raymond round the Cape to
the East Indies, and the acquisition in 1592 by the Turkish Company
of an exclusive right from the Queen to trade between India and
England.
In the meantime war had broken out between Spain and
England, and Philip 11. had passed a decree prohibiting the English,
as he had already done in the case of the Dutch, from coming to

Lisbon to trade. Philip thought by this to strike a deadly blow at
Holland and England, but he was egregiously mistaken. The
result of his policy was contrary to what he expected. It only turned
their trade into another channel and incited them to venture by
the Cape route to India, which they followed with such success
that in a few years they supplanted the Portuguese in their Oriental
commerce.
2o6 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
In 1610 the East India Company, which had been chartered

in December, 1600, despatched its sixth venture, consisting of the
Trade's Increase, Peppercorn, and Darling, under Sir Henry Middleton.
The Trade s Increase was of 1,000 tons burthen, the largest mer-
chant ship ever built in England up to that period.
SirHenry sailed first for Mocha, where he was treacherously
treated and where he subsequently retaliated by pirating the Arab
vessels. The next year he was joined by Captain Saris with three
ships, the Clove, Hector, and Thomas, and together they forcibly
bartered their goods with Arab traders and sailed for Bantam.
In 1613 Captain Newport in the Expedition, as already
stated, took out Sir Thomas Shirley, the Ambassador to the Shah,
who narrowly escaped being murdered at Gwader on the Mekran
coast, whither he had proceeded in order to travel overland to
Ispahan.
In 1613 Mr. Steel, who had left England in search of a runaway
debtor, and had proceeded overland to India, making good use of
his opportunities to ascertain the condition of trade, proposed to
the Company that they should endeavour to open up trade with
Persia, where he thought a lucrative business would result. He
was accordingly sent thither in 1614 with Mr. Crowther from Surat
to report, and after examining Muscat, Kong, Bushire, etc., they
fixed upon Jask as the most convenient station at which to locate a
factory and commence trade. The attempt succeeded at first beyond
expectation. Mr. Berker and Mr. Cormack were sent from Jask to
Moghistan, where the Governor received them favourably and gave
them a firman to trade.
Sir Thomas Roe, for certain reasons, strongly opposed the trade
with Persia and solemnly warned the Company to abandon it, but
he afterwards gave the project his assistance. Thomas Shirley,
Sir
who was for years Resident at Ispahan, was an enemy to the English
trade and supported the Spano-Portuguese interests, but on the
other hand, Mr. Cormack was in favour of it and pointed out to the
Company the danger of allowing the Spano-Portuguesc to mono-
polize the Persian trade, as it would render them a most formidable
nation. In June, 1617, a Spano-Portuguese Ambassador arrived

at Ispahan, and at this time, the EngUsh Agent in Persia advised
the Agent at Surat to despatch all the Company's ships to Jask
and to defend it, as the Portuguese fleet had assembled at Muscat
to obstruct the passage of the English into the Persian Gulf.
The letter written by Sir Thomas Roe Shah had a good
to the
effect, and it produced three favourable firmans, which were followed
by an important treaty which was concluded in 1618. A second letter

in 1619 was followed by a further confirmation of the Treaty, and in
March, 1620, King James addressed a friendly letter to the Shah
thanking him for his favour and requesting a continuation of his
protection to the English.
When the Portuguese took the Oriental trade out of the hands
of the Venetians and made Lisbon the new commercial mart of
Europe, the old lines of trade in that continent became deranged,
the old depots fell from their high position, and the merchants had
in all European countries to make new arrangements for the sale
of their wares. Previously, Bruges and Augsburg had been the
markets of Venice, now these towns were left to decay.
In 1 5 15 the English chose Antwerp as the most suitable site
for the northern mart in place of Bruges, and it soon grew into a
great city. In 1585, Antwerp was destroyed by Parma and Alva,
and its place as a commercial depot was taken by Amsterdam.
About this time the Dutch determined to seek the products of
the East in the East itself and to submit no longer to receive them
at second hand but to reap the full profits of the trade. Stimulated
to this new enterprise by the vindictive and unstatesmanlike policy
of Philip, who had interdicted them from coming to Lisbon,
encouraged by the suggestions and information imparted by a
countryman, Linschoten, who had opportunely returned from
*
India after long service with the Portuguese, and who at this time
had published a useful compendium, the States-General chartered a
company, which prepared a fleet under the command of Molesar.
This fleet of four ships sailed from Amsterdam in 1595 under the
auspices of the " Company for Remote Countries," and these
2oS Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
ventures became from the very first a surprising success. They

waged war against the Portuguese and enriched their own country
while adding to its maritime importance and they succeeded in
;
greatly crippling that power and in annexing some of its factories.

Their chief object soon became the entire monopoly of the Spice
Islands, and towards the attainment of this end they scrupled at
nothing and committed the most atrocious barbarities.
The English everywhere in the East found the Dutch as hostile
to them as the Portuguese were, for though the Dutch owed their
existence as an independent nation to the English, they did not
own avarice and to wrest the
hesitate to sacrifice the latter to their
hands by the vilest means. They went
spice trade out of their
even further and omitted no measures of violence, fraud, and
intrigue to ruin the trade of the English.
As the countries were at peace the disputes were referred home
and Commissioners were appointed to inquire into them. The
Dutch were anxious to amalgamate the Dutch and English Com-
panies, by which they would soon have destroyed the English trade
and taken all into their own hands this was understood in England
;
and the plan failed. The Dutch, therefore, sent orders to their
agents to injure, harass, and annoy the English in India to the
utmost, and especially to monopolize the spice trade altogether.
In July, 1619, however, a hollow treaty was concluded between
the two Companies, by which they agreed to assist each other, and
enjoining that each should maintain ten ships of war in the East
for protection of trade.
In the following year the conduct of the Dutch had become so
intolerable that the English Company had been obliged to equip
six men of war for the purpose of protecting their trade against the
Dutch. This fleet was under Sir Thomas Dale, with Captain Parker
as second in command.
The Treaty was no sooner made than broken by the
of 1619
Dutch, and it did not interrupt their outrages for a day. In 1620
they expelled the English from the lantore, and in 1622 committed
the famous massacre of the English at Amboyna.
The Yaareba Dynasty. 20^
The first encounter between the EngUsh and Portuguese in the

Persian Gulf took place in 1620, as we have seen above.
In 1621 the attention of the English agents in India was wholly
engaged in promoting the trade with Persia, which appeared to them
of great importance. The London after the battle appears to
have sailed to the Oman coast and remained at anchor at Soor,
where she was joined by the other two ships and returned afterwards
to Surat.
On November 14th, 1621, a trading fleet, convoyed by Sir
Thomas Dale with some men-of-war, and consisting altogether of
five ships and four pinnaces, left Surat for the Persian Gulf. The
English subsequently removed their factory from Jask to the town
of Gombroon or Bundar Abbas and erected a strong building.
About 1626 they endeavoured to erect a fortress at Hormuz, but the
jealousy of the Shah prevented them. The Persians, meantime,
did not desist in their efforts to possess themselves of Muscat. The
Khan or Governor of Shiraz began to prepare an expedition against
Muscat in 1632, and the English, partly to avoid incurring the
displeasure of the Khan and partly to prevent the Dutch having
the chance of aiding the Khan themselves, which they would readily
have embraced, offered the assistance of their ships in the attack.
The scheme lingered on till 1635 and the enterprise appears then,
from various reasons, to have dropped altogether.
At this time in England the Members of the Third Joint Stock
Company took over the concerns of the special voyages to Persia,
and in 1639 they sent Messrs. Thurston and Pearce on a mission to
re-open trade in the Persian Gulf at Busra, a town which was not
only outside the territories of the Shah but in which European
influence was more strongly felt. They reached Kong in April and
Busra on May 31st, 1640, and obtained a firman from the Pasha
more favourable than that granted to any other nation. The
samples of cargo they took with them, however, were disposed of
at a low rate, owing to a Portuguese fleet from Muscat having just
previously glutted the market with similar goods. Mr. Thurston
proposed to erect a permanent factory at Busra and probably did so.
•'
VOL. I. o
^10 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
By the capture of Malacca from the Portuguese by the Dutch

in 1641 the latter obtained the undisputed supremacy of the Indian
Archipelago. Having a coast trade in the East besides their great
commerce with Europe, they profited greatly by carrying com-
modities, especially spices, from port to port, spices being their
monopoly and being greatly in request from Arabia to China. This
coasting trade was almost as lucrative as that with Europe.
The Treaty of Munster, signed by Spain in 1648, acknowledged
the independence of the Netherlands and agreed to the humiliating
condition that the Spaniards would refrain from rounding the Cape
of Good Hope, but sail to the East by Cape Horn only. From this
time for about a hundred years the commercial career of the Dutch
was one of almost uninterrupted activity, prosperity and success.
Returning now to Muscat affairs, we find the vigorous sway of
the Imam Nasir had been so beneficial to the country in restoring
order and extending its power, that the continuance of the Yaareba
Dynasty was fully assured, and universally accepted without hesi-
tation, opposition or dispute. As the Imam had died without issue,
the judges and elders who assembled at Rostak on the very day of
his death, elected and proclaimed his cousin. Sultan bin Saif bin
Malik, successor and Imam. The choice appears to have been
generally approved, as we hear of no hostilities taking place, the larger
tribes and governors of forts acknowledging the new ruler without
demur.
The Treaty of 1648, between the Imam Nasir and the Portuguese
Commandant, had shown clearly enough that the Portuguese tenure
of Muscat was coming to an end, and that it was only necessary to
make one more strong and united effort to ensure final expulsion.
The Imam Sultan bin Saif, however, had at once perceived how essen-
tial it was for his country to possess maritime equality with the enemy,
and to this end, before attacking the Portuguese, increased the number
and size of his warships to protect his coast from insult and his com-
merce from destruction. The year 1649 was drawing to a close when
the Imam undertook the final campaign, which he had deliberately
plamied against the domineering Christians, who had held the chief
The Yaareba Dynasty. 2il
port and castle of Oman in defiance of the Arabs for a hundred and
forty years. The tribes had responded with alacrity to the Imam's
call to arms, and had collected in the Sih al-Harmel, outside Muttrah,
ready to strike. The was delivered on the town of
assault, however,
Muscat by only a small band, which took the garrison by surprise at
night and soon gained possession. The Captain-General retired into
Fort Capitan, where, on January 28th, he laid down his arms and
capitulated. The Imam then appointed the son of Belarab Governor
of Muscat, and ordered the wall of the town, which had been partially
destroyed, to be rebuilt.
This triumph inspirited the Imam and his people not only to
embark on a policy of foreign adventure and aggression, but to carry
the war into the enemy's country and to harass the Portuguese in
the Indian Ocean by land and sea. The Portuguese never attempted
to equip an adequate expedition to retake Muscat, but for many years
kept up a desultory warfare with the Arabs, and in their turn sent
ships to ravage the Oman coast. One of the squadrons despatched
from Goa to the Persian Gulf arrived at Muscat in 1652, and found
there a number of Arab vessels, which, fearing an attack, took shelter
under the guns of the fort. The Portuguese, having the superiority,
might have made short work of the Arab ships, and might possibly
have recovered possession of Muscat itself, but the Commander did
not even venture to make an attack, and thus the opportunity of
striking a severe blow at the enemy was lost.
During the same year in which Muscat fell the Dutch factory at
Gombroon received large stocks from Europe, two of their ships
having arrived there from Holland, which gave them temporarily
the preponderance in the Gulf trade. The fall of Muscat was an
event in their favour, and the arrival of eleven more ships in 165 1 with
valuable cargoes from the Hague still further augmented their trade.
The prestige of the Dutch was now so high that in this year, 1651,
the Imam Sultan bin Saif proceeded to Gombroon and offered the
Dutch, who in 1641 had quarrelled with the Shah of Persia about
the trade in silk, and who were anxious to evade the Persian customs,
a land route to Busra for their goods from Abu Thubi, the Shaikh
VOL. I. 02
of which town would furnish camels from thence to Kateef and Busra.
This offer, however, was declined by the chief of the Dutch factory
with thanks.
Neglecting nothing by which he could retaliate on his enemies
and pillage or extend his dominions, the Imam Sultan, as soon as the
pressure of home affairs had lessened, sent out several maritime
expeditions against the Portuguese. One of these, in 1655, raided
and plundered Bombay, then known to the Arabs as Colabah, another
fleet proceeded to East Africa to succour the inhabitants of Mombasa,
who, being unable to tolerate the oppressive yoke of their masters,

the Portuguese, had some time previously sent a deputation to
Muscat to solicit the intervention of the Imam, whose rule they were
willing to accept. After being blockaded for five years the fort of
Mombasa surrendered, and the Portuguese retired from the place,
an Arab Governor, Mohammed
bin Mombarek, being located there
with a strong garrison. The Imam's hold on the fort, however, was
of short duration. The Portuguese returned in force and expelled
the Arabs, treating the inhabitants with great severity and cruelty.
The members of the deputation were put to death, and the people
were treated with increased rigour and tyranny until the return of
the Arabs to Mombasa thirty-seven years later.
Meantime, the affairs of the English East India Company were
steadily declining, while those of the Dutch were rapidly increasing,
and though Cromwell did his best to dissipate the clouds that over-
hung the English Company by confirming their charter, so much
confusion and disorganization prevailed in India that in 1657 the
company offered its privileges and property for sale. This brought
matters to a crisis, and Cromwell at once assisted them to re-establish
their factory and continue their operations. Before Cromwell's
death (1658) the East India Company had, in virtue of this aid,
somewhat recovered its position. The trade in the Persian Gulf,
however, had dwindled so much in 1659, partly owing to the superio-
Dutch and partly to the current belief among the natives
rity of the
that the company had been dissolved, that the President at Surat,
Mr. Whish, in this situation projected the plan for obtaining posses-
3
sion of Muscat as a port of safety for their shipping and as a means of

overawing the Persian Government in recovering their proportion of
trade. Accordingly, Colonel Rainsford, who had come to India as an
interloper and commercial traveller, was instructed to proceed to
Muscat to negotiate with the Imam Sultan bin Saif, for the acquisi-
tion of the place. There can be no doubt that if the project had been
successful the possession of this port would have greatly benefited
the company and given it the complete command of the Persian Gulf
trade, but as the object of the President was not merely the erection
of a factory, but a lease of the town and fortress, which it was esti-
mated would require a garrison of one hundred men, the negotiations
did not progress, as the Imam, having expelled the Portuguese, was
naturally averse from handing it over to any other Christian Power,
and by the following year the President found that his plan had failed.
In May, 1660, occurred the Restoration in England, and
Charles II., eager to outshine as far as possible the prestige of Crom-
well, seized the opportunity of granting to the company a new Royal
Charter with new privileges and advantages. This gave the company
a fresh impetus and enabled it to carry on its operations on a greatly
extended scale. At this juncture an island and harbour of the first
importance opportunely came into their hands and gave them an
independent and sare dep6t, for which they had long been sighing.
Bombay formed part of the dowry which Catharine of Braganza
had brought to Charles II. in 1662, and two years later the King sent
to take possession of it. Being useless to the King, however, it was
handed over to the East India Company in 1669, and it at once
became the chief emporium in the Arabian Sea in supersession of
Surat, which now occupied a subordinate position.
The reign of the Imam Sultan bin Saif appears to have been one
of comparative tranquillity, as we hear little of dissensions and
internal troubles in his time. He had thus been able to devote his
leisure to organizing naval expeditions, and he set the example to
succeeding Imams of engaging in commerce, for which latter occupa-
tion he incurred the odium of the religious party, who considered
trading as unlawful in one holding the spiritual office of Imam. It
VOL. I. 03
—
214 Cou7ttry and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
is recorded that he constructed the Banana tank or aqueduct near

Zikki, and that he spent twelve years in building the great circular
fort or tower at Nezwa, which is described in another chapter, at a
cost of eighty thousand dollars, as well as other public works.
There is much discrepancy concerning the date of the death of
the Imam Sultan bin Saif. Sir Edward Ross in his Annals gives it
as the i6th Dhu'l-Kaada, 1090 a.h. [October 4th, 1679 A.D.], Guillain
suggests vaguely 1668 or 1669, while Badger reckons it as occurring
on November nth, 1668. Imam Sultan bin Saif was buried at Nezwa.
Belarab bin Sultan was elected Imam without opposition on
and began to reside at Nezwa, and is said to have
his father's death
been of generous character and studious disposition and was styled
" Abor al-Arabi " by the people. Soon after his election he erected
a new fort at Yabreen in the Wady an ancient
Bahila on the site of
tower, and also built a famous madrasseh or college, which existed

for many yea.Ts but of which there now remains no trace. Two
years after his accession he despatched an expedition against the
Portuguese town of Diu, which was surprised at night, stormed,
and sacked. The best account of this affair is given by Alexander
Hamilton and is here transcribed :
" About the year 1670 the Muscat Arabs came with a fleet
of t rankles and took an opportunity to land in the night, on

the west of the island, without being discovered, and marched
silently close up to the town, and when the
at break of day,
gates were opened, they entered without resistance. The alarm
was soon spread over the town, and happy was he who got first
to the castle gates, but those who had heavy heels were sacrificed
to the enemies' fury, who spared none so in a moment that
;
fair city and churches were left to the mercy of the Arabs, who
for three days loaded their vessels with rich plunder, and
mounted some cannon and fired at the
in a beautiful church
fort, but to little purpose. The Governor, who was in the castle,
could soon have obliged them to move farther off the castle by
the force of his heavy cannon, yet the priesthood forbid him
firing at the church on pain of excommunication, lest some un-
The Yaareba Dynasty. 215
lucky shot should sacrilegiously have defaced some holy image.

But the Arabs, like a parcel of unsanctified rogues, made sad
havoc on the church's trumpery, for besides robbing them of all
the sanctified plate and cash, they did not leave one gold or
silverimage behind them, but carried all into dismal captivity,
from whence they never returned that I could hear of. And
as for the poor images of wood and stone, they were so rudely
treated by those barbarous infidels that they came well off if
they lost but a limb, and I saw some who lost their heads but ;
by the indefatigable industry of the clergy their churches are

again as well or better furnished with well carved images of
wood and stone than they were before, butsaw none of gold
I
or silver to supply the places of the poor captives. However,

before the Arabs had done plundering they became secure and
negligent, which the Governor having notice of, proclaimed
freedom to all slaves who would venture to sally out on the
enemy. Accordingly about 4,000 soldiers and slaves made a
sally with success, killing above 1,000 Arabs and made the rest
flee from the town, the assailants losing but very few ; and by
that one sally the town was regained."
This enterprise was probably under the command of the Imam's
warlike and ambitious brother, Saif bin Sultan. It was perhaps at
this time the Muscat Arabs besieged the Persian garrison at Hormuz
in the castle for three months, but failing in their efforts to take it,
they retired.
According to annual custom, the Viceroy of Goa sent out a
strong squadron to sweep the Indian Ocean and assert their maritime
superiority. The fleet that sailed in accordance with this rule in
September, 1673, visited Muscat, but the Admiral commanding,
not liking the look of the powerful batteries in the forts and fearing
to engage in a duel with them, went round to the little bay of Sedab
and ravaged to the walls of Muscat before he retired. On their
departure the Imam equipped ten merchant vessels as men-of-war
and in the following December attacked a Portuguese grain fleet
near Diu, escorted by several grabs and galleots, of which the Arabs
took and destroyed the greater part.
VOL. I. 04
—
2i6 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
In February of the next year (1674) the Imam's fleet sailed to

the Portuguese colony at Bassain and landed 600 men, who raided
the country, plundered the town and churches, and committed many
outrages ; the garrison is said to have been stronger than the Arab
force but did not dare to sally out against them.
The well-known traveller Dr. Fryer, who was at Muscat in March,
1676, quaintly describes the city as follows :
" Those vast and torrid mountains no shade but heaven

does hide. Within their bosom the pilots find secure
fiery
harbour for their weather-beaten ships. The prince of this
country is called Imam, who is guardian of Mohammed's tomb.
It is much frequented by merchants, who pay gold for Indian
commodities. They are a fierce and treacherous people, gaining
as much by fraud as by merchandise."
At this time there seems to have been a lull in the piratical

expeditions of the Imam, owing probably to the distraction caused
by the civil war that had arisen between the brothers Belarab and
Saif, who had never been on good terms the main cause of the
;
quarrel was jealousy, but the sources of it are differently related in

Oman. The country became divided into two camps and the war
was conducted with so much virulence and bitter animosity that the
Imam and his brother received opprobrious epithets, the former
being called the " Calamity " and the " Butcher," while Saif was
known as the " Scourge." Saif being the more active and energetic
was generally regarded as the better fitted to rule and consequently
obtained the more hearty support of the tribes. His adherents
soon possessed themselves of the chief fortresses of the land, Sohar,
Nakhl, Zikki, Semail and others, and the Imam was at last reduced
Yabreen and compelled to stand on the defensive.
to his stronghold of
Besieged by his implacable brother and becoming weary of the
struggle, the Imam Belarab ended his life with his own hands.
This event, there is reason to believe, took place about the year
1679, but the date is uncertain.
The election of Saif bin Sultan to the Imamate followed im-
mediately on Belarab's death, and he was acknowledged by the tribes

without hesitation. The popularity of Saif was, at this time,
unbounded as he had won the respect and admiration of the Arabs
by his warlike and adventurous character, and his qualities as a leader
were quite in harmony with the spirit of enterprise and love of foreign
aggression that had been fostered among the Omanis by the preced-
ing Yaareba Princes.
The new Imam began his reign by devoting his attention to the
building of ships, the size and force of which he increased, in order
that they might better cope with those of the Portuguese, thus
he was soon able to put to sea a more numerous and formidable
fleet than Oman had ever before possessed.
Much of the interesting information to be found in the pages

of Hamilton and Ovington concerning the operations of the Muscat
Arabs at this period was obtained by those writers from a journal
kept by Captain Edward Say, an interloper, who in September,
1682, not venturing to settle in India, came to Muscat, where he
resided at intervals for many years and traded direct to Europe.
His journal, however, which no doubt contained many useful par-
ticulars, has unfortunately perished. Captain Say was wrecked
in 1684 off Maseera Island in his ship The Merchant's Delight,
from London, and was rescued by the Jenebeh tribe, who faithfully
performed the engagement they had made with him about salvage.
About this time an event occurred which caused much resent-
ment among the English merchants in India against the Imam Saif,
though the latter does not appear to have been directly responsible.
This event was the attack in the beginning of 1683 on the Company's
ship President, commanded by Captain Hyde, bound from
Masulipatam to Bombay, off Rajapore, by a flotilla of two Arab ships
and four grabs, which were in the employ of Sumbaja Angria. Three
of the grabs grappled while the fourth attempted to board. A
sharp fight ensued in which the President lost eleven killed and
thirty-five wounded, but at last the pirates were beaten off with
the loss of some of the grabs. The President was obliged to put
into Goa to repair damages before proceeding on her voyage.
About three years later, in 1686, Aurangzeeb's son, Sultan

Akbar, who had made friends with Sivajee, the founder of the
Mahratta Empire, by warning him of a plot against his life, fled from
his father's wrath and took passage in Captain Bendall's ship at
Rajapore in October with a few attendants for Muscat, where he
was kindly received by the governor and by Mr. Stephens, an
English gentleman, who sent him on to Persia in another ship. A
royal welcome awaited him on his arrival at Bushire, and he is said
to have subsequently obtained the Shah's sister in marriage.
The accounts of the Arab writers at this period are very meagre
and we are mainly indebted to Alexander Hamilton for notice of the
more salient events that took place. But it seems clear that the
long and desultory naval warfare which had begun on the recovery
of Muscat by the Arabs in 1650 was still being vigorously carried on
with the Portuguese, and many engagements are said to have taken
place between the squadrons and cruisers in the Arabian Sea.
We are told that the Arabs had the superiority on the whole,
though in one of the most decisive actions, which occurred in 1693
oif the bar of Surat, the Arab fleet was coijipletely routed and dis-
persed. The Portuguese, finding their commerce seriously harassed

in this war, endeavoured to retaliate on the Arabs by inducing the
Zamorin of Calicut and other native chiefs on the coast of India,
Sumatra, etc., to prevent their subjects from trading with Muscat,
and the Viceroy of Goa is said to have quarrelled with the English
of Bombay Imam's ships with powder and shot.
for supplying the
In 1694 the King of Persia, Shah Suliman, was succeeded by Shah
Hoossain, a weak and incompetent prince, whose loose grasp of the
reins was soon felt throughout the Empire.
At this time, probably, the Imam Saif was busily engaged in
home affairs and carrying on commercial ventures and speculations ;
but he by no means neglected his shipbuilding operations, and in

1694 his naval resources were so strong that with renewed activity
he sent out several expeditions against the Portuguese settlements
and Africa. One of these fleets sailed to Damaun,
in India, Persia,
which was raided and sacked, thence proceeded to Salsette, where,
according to Hamilton, great depredations were committed by the

Arabs, who burned villagesand churches, killed the priests, and
carried off 1,400 captives into slavery and returned to Muscat with
immense booty. Another of the Imam's squadrons, consisting of
five ships manned by 1,500 men, was sent to the Persian Gulf and
plundered Kong to the extent of 60,000 tomans, and soon after took
a rich Armenian merchant ship. The squadron then threatened
Gombroon, which the Persians prepared to defend, but no attack
was made. The Persian Governor, however, asked the English
factory to detain their ship, the Nassau, for twenty days, in order
to keep off twelve Arab cruisers, whose arrival was shortly expected.
The Governor further desired the co-operation of the English in his
intended expedition against Muscat, for which preparations were
being made, but to this the English agent was not inclined to accede,
although it was well known that the Dutch were very eager to help
the Persians in the affair, hoping thereby to secure the monopoly
of the Gombroon trade for themselves, but as the expedition was
eventually abandoned the naval aid asked for was never required.
Nevertheless, much disquiet was caused among the native merchants
in the Gulf by the rumours of war, while at the same time the piratical
operations of the Imam Saif tended still further to paralyze trade
and greatly terrified the traders, who gradually deserted Kong and
other towns on the coast open to Arab attack so much was this
;
the case that Captain Brangion, the chief of the English factory at
Gombroon, declared that the Muscat Arabs would prove as great a
plague in India as the Algerines were in Europe.
The Imam Saif was well aware of the projected Persian cam-
paign against him, and had taken measures for the defence of his
country. He had given warning also that he would attack any
European nation venturing to lend the Persians naval assistance,
but so far he had refrained from interrupting the English trade, as
they had hitherto acted with strict neutrality.
In 1695, war having broken out with that " potent prince,"
the Rajah of the Carnatic, a powerful armament was fitted out at
Muscat for the purpose of ravaging the coast of that country. The
220 Country arid Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
expedition was entirely successful and the towns of Barsalore and

Mangalore and other places were burnt and sacked, the fleet
returning laden with valuable loot of all kinds as a contribution to
the Imam's already immense wealth.
In the following year the Imam
having learnt, apparently from
Captain da Silva, who commanded the squadron cruising in the
Persian Gulf, that the Portuguese Government had decided to co-
operate with the Persians in a new expedition against Muscat, lost
no time in equipping a fleet and despatching it to destroy the
Portuguese factory at Mangalore.
In April, 1697, the Muscat Arabs seized an English ship called
the London, belonging to Mr. Affleck of Bombay, and compelled her
crew to join with them in their operations against the Portuguese.
Many of them were wounded, as those who refused to fight were
bound with cords in exposed positions on deck. The Imam was
assured that the London was a peaceful trader and had not
molested the Arab ships, but the Imam replied that as the English
had lately taken one of his ships, he had confiscated the London
in retaliation ; he was ready to fight the English but would not give
her up. The ship referred to by the Imam was probably one of those
captured by the pirate Avory in the Red Sea.
About the same time, the Imam, having been appealed to by
the inhabitants of Mombasa to free them from the tyranny of their
Portuguese despatched a squadron to East Africa and laid siege
rulers,
to that town, which was stubbornly defended for two years by the gar-
rison, who did not capitulate until about the end of the year 1698, when
the Arabs succeeded in gaining possession of the The fall of fort.
Mombasa happened soon Goa

new Viceroj^^
after the arrival at of the
Dom Gonsalvo da Coutinho,who had succeeded DomPedro daNoronha,
and caused the failure of the new trading company that had been estab-
lished at Goa and which had made Mombasa its chief business centre.
The Admiral of the Muscat squadron now sailed southward
along the African coast, reducing successively Pemba, Zanzibar,
Patta, and Kilwa. At Mozambique, however, his triumphal progress
was checked his attack was repulsed and he returned to Mombasa.
;
The Yaareha Dynasty, Ctii
The operations of the Arab fleet were followed with the keenest interest
by the natives, who saw in them the prospect of a speedy release
from their oppressors. A general revolt took place, resulting in an
indiscriminate massacre of the Portuguese at many places. For
the time the power of the Portuguese was completely broken from
Cape Delgado to Ras Guardafui, but except at Mombasa, where he
left a strong garrison, the Imam Saif's Admiral refrained from
establishing his authority on the Zanzibar coast, and on his departure

to Muscat the land fell at once into a condition of anarchy and con-
fusion, in which it remained for thirty years. During this period,
though many Omani Arabs took the opportunity to migrate thither,
the Yaareba Princes evinced no inclination to do more than claim a
nominal ascendancy in that region.
The governor appointed by the Imam Saif to rule over Mombasa
was Shaikh Nasir bin Abdulla al-Mezrui, but he was shortly after
supplanted by one Saasah bin Rumbah.
The occurrences on the East African coast during the next half
century are narrated in the Tarikh Mombasa, an Arabian work, an
abridged translation of which has been given in English by Captain
Owen and inFrench by Captain Guillain.
In May, 1698, two Portuguese frigates were metRas al-Had off
by eight Arab dhows, commanded b}^ the Wall of Muttrah, and an

engagement ensued in which the frigates, probably by superiority
of seamanship, were able to beat off their assailants, though not
without the loss of five killed and eleven wounded.
At the opening of the eighteenth century the maritime power
of Oman was paramount to that of all the native rulers along the
entire shores of the Indian Ocean, even to that of the pirate Angria.
This extensive area was swept by the Muscat Arabs with their
marauding fleets to such a degree that they were dreaded not only
by the Oriental traders but also by European merchantmen, except
the larger vessels of the English and Dutch East India Companies.
Since the expulsion of the Portuguese from Muscat the Arabian
Sea had ceased to be policed and guarded by their warships and no
other power had stepped in to afford protection to sea-borne traffic,
and the Indians, Persians,and Portuguese had in consequence

suffered severely at the ravages done to their commerce by the Arabs,
who fearlessly scoured the ocean in all directions with impunity.
The Imam whose indomitable energy was mainly due
Saif, to
the rapidly rising strength of the Muscat navy, and whose success
might have been greater had not his spirit of enterprise been curbed
by his miserly disposition, was at this time revolving in his head
many schemes of foreign aggression in the Persian Gulf and India.
The fleet, which had torn Mombasa from the grasp of the
Portuguese, had hardly returned from East Africa in 1699 when
the Imam began to prepare another expedition against Salsette.
The Arab commander of this new expedition arrived at a critical
juncture when the Portuguese were threatening to attack and invade
Bombay.
A short time previously a rupture had occurred between
Bombay and the Portuguese Government of Salsette, owing to the
seizure of a Portuguese vessel in Bombay Harbour. The Portuguese
Governor had refused to accept apologies, and cut off all food supplies,
on which Bombay was largely dependent, had collected troops and
was preparing to cross over to the island and attack the town of
Bombay when the Arab fleet hove in sight off Salsette. In their
usual way, the Arabs lost not a moment in landing at Bersona,
attacking the castle and massacring the people and soldiers. While
the Arabs were engaged in plunder, the frightened Portuguese fled
innumbers for refuge to Bombay and besought the aid of the English,
who gave them protection and stood between them and the Arabs.
The latter being on good terms with the English did not venture
to molest the fugitives.
After sacking Salsette and scattering the inhabitants, the Imam's
troops were re-embarked with the exception of about 300, who were
left on shore on guard. Meanwhile, the Portuguese Governor, who
had taken had been reinforced by a strong con-
shelter at Bandora,
tingent from the mainland and attacked the Arabs who had been left
on shore with such vigour that they would unquestionably have been
cut to pieces if they had not received timely succour from the fleet.
By was turned against the Portuguese,

their help, however, the tide
who were completely routed and dispersed with heavy slaughter.
Content with their victory and enriched by great booty, the Arabs
returned to Muscat. The fear inspired by this and other disasters
now compelled the Portuguese to increase their naval armaments
and strengthen their garrisons along the Indian coast.
The next point to which the Imam Saif now turned his attention
was the Island of Bahrain in the Persian Gulf. This island possesses
the finest pearl-fishery in the world, and was at this period held by
Persia. The enterprise was fully accomplished by the Arab com-
mander, but the length of time of the Imam's retention of the island
is uncertain, as owing probably to the exaction and oppression of the
new rulers the pearl-fishers deserted the island in a body.

About this time the Directors of the East India Company had
received reports that the Arabs had become extremely insolent on
account of their great successes, and were only deterred from attacking
the English from fear of their being too strong for them. They had
also been advised that the old Portuguese fort at Bombay required
strengthening, and apprehensions were rife, which were not alto-
gether without foundation, that the Muscat Arabs meditated a raid
upon the island. This led to the receipt of orders from London to
improve the fortifications and to place Bombay in a proper position
as a well-defended commercial emporium. The Imam Saif, however,
though too prudent to undertake actual hostilities against Bombay,
continued, nevertheless, in an aggressive attitude towards the English
for some time.
In 1704 the Agent of Gombroon reported that the Arabs were
obstructing English trade in the Gulf to such an extent that the
Persians were able to use this as a pretext for not paying up the
arrears of customs due to the Company. A few months later, the
Governor of Madras reported that Arab ships were still scouring the
Coromandel coast and intercepting native craft, while in the following
year the Muscat Arabs went so far as to capture a small English vessel
belonging to Captain Maurice, who was detained with all his crew in
perpetual slavery.
2^4 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
Lockyer, who was at Muscat in 1705, tells us that the Arabs had
greatly improved the town and forts after their recovery of it from the
Portuguese, and that they were a terror to the traders of India, and
did not scruple to take English vessels of small size. Their shipping
was daily increasing some of their vessels were built at Surat and
;
some in the River Indus, in dockyards of which the English had very
little knowledge.
He saw fourteen men-of-war in the harbour, and learnt that
many more were cruising about, the largest of which had seventy
guns and none had less than twenty.
A short time previous to Lockyer's arrival the Arabs had taken
a rich Calcutta ship, belonging to Captain Murvill, and Lockyer
laments that some notice of this outrage had not been taken and
restitution demanded by the East India Company, but apparently
nothing had been done.
In February, 1707, another English trader, the Diamond, bound
from Bombay to Gombroon, fell into the hands of the Arabs as a
prize, and this event, together with numerous other recent captures
of Persian vessels, so perturbed the Government that the Shah deter-
mined to solicit tho co-operation of the English and Dutch in hostili-
ties against the Imam Saif who was now predominant in the Persian
,
Gulf, in which sea he now possessed most of the islands. In pur-

suance of this plan the Shah nominated one, Meerza Nasir, as envoy
to Bombay, and a nobleman as envoy to Batavia, but the President
at Bombay, being apprised of the project, promptly resolved to
forestall it, knowing well that if the Dutch complied with the Shah's
request they would undoubtedly obtain a preference in the Persian
markets. He accordingly instructed the Agent at Gombroon to
promise that as soon as the war in Europe should cease, a naval force
would be sent to operate against the Muscat Arabs. This promise
had the desired effect, and the Shah's intended deputation to Batavia
was never despatched.
It was about this time that the two English East India Com-
panies, which, after four years of destructive rivalry and competition,
had been nominally united in 1702, but had continued to quarrel with
The Yaareha Dynasty, 225
and thwart each other, were now finally amalgamated under the
famous award of Lord Godolphin in 1708, which arranged for the
control of the English trade being divided into three Presidencies,
and placed the Company's trade on a more sound and prosperous
footing than before.
The Imam Saif bin Sultan al-Yaareba died at Rostak, after a
reign of thirty-two years, on October 4th, 1711, though it must be
noted that the author of the Kashf al-Ghummeh gives the date as
1708. He was buried at Rostak, where a handsome tomb was erected
to hismemory, but it was destroyed in the early part of the nineteenth
century by the iconoclastic zeal of a Wahabee general.
The Imam Saif bin Sultan was the greatest of the Yaareba
Princes, and at no time before or since has Oman been so renowned,
powerful or prosperous as under his sway. Ambition and love of
glory, combined with a lust for wealth, were his ruling passions, and
in pursuit of these objects he was as unscrupulous and unswerving
as he was capable and energetic. His eventful career is chiefly
remarkable for his policy of waging an incessant and vindictive war
against the Portuguese, plundering their settlements and destroying
their ships and commerce, as well as for his systematic piratical
excursions against the merchantmen of India, Persia, and even of
European powers. Whether the Imam personally commanded any
of the military expeditions undertaken by him we are not informed,
but seems probable from his character that he accompanied many
it
of them, and that their success was due in great part to his presence.
We hear but little in the local historians of internal troubles and
wars during his reign ; we may therefore infer that the Imam had
the and tact to divert the more restless and ambitious spirits
skill
from tribal broils, jealousies and dissensions by employing them in

piratical and other expeditions, and in encouraging them to venture
their trading operations in distant regions, for it is beyond question
that under his auspices the commerce of Oman greatly extended and
developed.
He
appears to have invested part of the great wealth he had
accumulated in the purchase of land, and thus acquired about a third
VOL. I. p
of the date trees in his dominions. He carried out many pubhc

works for the improvement of the country, such as felejes or under-
—
ground rivers ûsed for irrigating the land. We have no means of
ascertaining the number of vessels of which his navy was composed,
but it must have been very considerable. Many were square-rigged
ships after the European model, but the rest were Arab war dhows.
They were all well armed, and were used indifferently for war and
trading purposes, and he often employed Englishmen to command his
trading vessels, while he did not scruple to send them under EngUsh
colours for better security.
It may be as well here, perhaps, to glance at the insecure state
of trade at this period in the Indian Ocean, it being infested with
swarms of European pirates, mostly English, scouring the coasts
in search of prey, and doing incalculable mischief to the merchants
of all nations.
Far less numerous than the Mahrattas, Muscat Arabs, and other
marauding ruffians, but infinitely more formidable, enterprising,
and skilful were these freebooters, of whom Anderson in his Western
India observes " Such reckless captains created a terrible sensa-
:
tion. Native piracy, with its hole-and-corner business, was com-

pletely eclipsed. Instead of small boats from Malabar and Sind,
which took by surprise boats smaller than themselves, there were
now in the Indian Seas vessels with tiers of guns and manned by the
first seamen of Europe." Most, if not all, of these pirates hailed
from the West Indies, where they had followed the same trade, and
on arriving in the Eastern seas were at no loss to find ports at whicli
to refit and watch the trade routes. At Muscat, they commanded
the entrance to the Persian Gulf. At Aden they could intercept
the rich stream of vessels passing between India and the Red Sea,
while on the coasts of Madagascar they made settlements in which
they lived in freedom and luxury. In comparison with the various
naval powers in the East, the rovers felt themselves strong enough
to defyany attempts at capture, while the game they played was so
easy and lucrative that they had no difficulty in obtaining sufficient
volunteers and recruits. Many of them secured considerable wealth
The Yaareha Dynasty. 22;^
during their adventurous career, though it rarely proved of any use

to them. The destruction of vessels was so great and the booty
they acquired was so enormous that the fame and notoriety of their
actions were only equalled by the universal dread and alarm inspired
among merchants along the shores of Southern Asia. Fortunately
the campaign of these robbers in the Indian Ocean was, compara-
tively, short lived, for it only lasted from about 1690 to 1720. Very
little isknown about them, and most of their exploits and atrocities
have passed into oblivion. Our information about the whole of
this period is as meagre as it is unreliable. Nor were these " Reckless
Captains " many in number, and it may be doubted whether there
were more than fifty of them altogether.
One of the first cases of European piracy we find mentioned as
having occurred in the Arabian Sea was that of 1686, when two
corsairs, acting in concert, plundered vessels in the Red Sea to the
extent of six lakhs of rupees.
Among other similar events about this time, we hear that an
English pirate attacked and plundered the long-suffering Portuguese
settlement at Kong in the Persian Gulf, which led to the despatch
from India of the Company's cruiser Ccesar, commanded by
Captain Wright, to intercept her, but the pirate escaped unhurt.
Off the Malabar coast the Mary, commanded by
Charming
Captain Babington, was about this time (1689) on the look-out for
prizes. Six other rovers from the West Indies were in the same
year cruising off the northern coast of India and making rich harvests.
The pirates, indeed, had already begun to give serious trouble
and the heavy losses sustained by merchants caused much anxiety.
So far hardly any of the names of the rovers have come down to us,
but in 1691 we hear of Captain James Gilliam, an English pirate,
being beguiled on shore by the Nawab of Mungrole, a tributary of
Joonagur, and made prisoner with some of his men. Gilliam could
obtain no help from the President of Surat and was afterwards sent
to Delhi, where he remained in captivity.
One of the ablest and most successful of these " Monarchs of
the Main " was a Frenchman, who took the name of Misson and
VOL. I. p 2
went to sea in the Victoire, a merchant vessel. While this ship

was at Naples he visited Rome and made the acquaintance of an
Italian priest named Caraccioli, whom he persuaded to exchange
the cowl for the pigtail and who remained his companion for life.
In the West Indies the Victoire turned pirate and steered for the
East. On the way, Misson captured an English ship, which he
re-named the Bijoux, and gave the command to Caraccioli. After
a stay at Johanna, which he made his headquarters for the time
and where he took several prizes, Misson resolved to found a settle-
ment, and selected British Sound on the north of Madagascar as the
locality. Here he erected an octagon fort, which he mounted with
guns taken from a Portuguese prize, built houses, and made docks.
Besides French and English pirates, many of whom possessed several
wives apiece, a large number of freed negroes were collected, who
proved of great use in manning the squadron. This colony was
founded in 1694 and was named by Misson " Libertatia." In one
which he took a Portuguese ship of fifty
of his piratical voyages, in
guns with ;f 200,000 on board, Misson met with Captain Tew, who
fraternized with him and agreed to join forces.
Another pirate, who acted in concert with Misson, was Avory,
as will be seen presently.
Eventually Libertatia was overwhelmed by a large body of the
natives, Caraccioliwas killed and the other Europeans massacred
or dispersed. Almost simultaneously the Victoire was wrecked in a
violent storm and Misson with all on board perished.
Tew returned with his booty to America, but after a time revisited
his old haunts and was killed in an engagement with an English
ship in the Red Sea. In the same year, there came to the Indian
Ocean the famous John or Henry Avory, who, when mate of a
Bristol ship off Corunna, turned pirate and put the captain on shore.
Re-naming his ship the Fanny, Avory sailed for the East and
cruised in the Arabian Sea, to intercept the Red Sea and Indian
trade. In 1695, while cruising between Aden and Muscat, he took
a Surat ship laden with pilgrims returning from Jedda, and after
relieving her of what little booty she had, set her at liberty.
The Yaareha Dynasty, 229
With the object of levying toll upon all ships passing in and out
of the Red measure he was able to perform as his vessel carried
Sea, a
46 guns and 130 men, he chose the Island of Perim in the Straits of
Bab al-Mandeb, as a safe and convenient spot to form a station,
and began to dig a well, as the island had no spring of water. Though
the rock was pierced to the depth of nearly 100 feet nothing but
brackish water was found and Avory was compelled to abandon his
project. Seeking for another locality to form a station, Avory 's
choice fell upon the little island of St. Mary's in the north-east of
Madagascar, which he fortified as, a storehouse, while a colony
sprang up on the mainland, where the pirates intermarried with the
natives and bought the negroes to cultivate the ground.
In the following year (1696) in company with Misson in the
Victoire, Avory cruised between India and the Gulf of Oman,
where he fell in \\ith, and took without resistance a large ship of
no guns, commanded by Nakhod Ibrahim Khan and belonging to
the Malik al-Tajar of Surat, Abdul Ghafoor. This vessel, the
Gunjsowaee, was bound for Jedda with pilgrims and is said to
have had 1,500 souls on board, from whom he obtained loot in money
and jewels to the value of more than a quarter of a million sterling,
part of which, viz., £30,000, formed the annual subsidy paid by the
great Mogul to the Shereef of Mecca. Avory took from the ship a
young lady of rank with her attendants and carried her to St. Mary's
and had by her a son known as " Mulatto Tom," who afterwards
became factotum to Plantain, King of Ranger Bay. The lady was
generally spoken of at the time as Aurangzeeb's granddaughter, but
her identity does not appear to have been established. From the
Gunjsowaee were removed also about a hundred girls of from
twelve to eighteen years of age and put on board Misson' s sloop to
be carried to Libertatia. The shipwas then released and sailed back
to Surat, where, on the news of the outrage becoming known, a storm
and indignation against the English broke over the
of fanatical fury
town and the Governor, Itimad Khan, was forced to act with vigour.
President Annesley and the whole of the factors at Surat and Broach,
about eighty in number, were imprisoned, and the English trade
VOL. I. p 3
was, much to the satisfaction of the Dutch and French, stopped

for many months, and the East India Company suffered severely
for Avory's conduct, though the Governor behaved, on the whole,
with praiseworthy moderation and justice.
Avory returned to St. Mary's surfeited with loot and remained
for some time organizing the settlement, after which he reached
England in safety and died in obscurity. Five only of his men
appear to have been taken, tried, and hanged.
Among other piracies in this year was the Rampoora, a very
rich Surat vessel and Bombay ship, which had embarked a cargo of
horses at Muscat for Surat and was taken to the Gulf of Oman.
The pirates, having taken off the master. Captain Sawbridge, and
his crew, set fire to the vessel and burnt the Arab horses. As Captain
Sawbridge persisted in rebuking his captors his lips were sewn up
with twine to keep him silent but was subsequently landed at Aden,
;
where he died in consequence of the ill-treatment he had received.

Perhaps the most notorious pirate that ever lived was William
Kidd, whose reputation has survived to this day, though there were
probably but few rovers who did less mischief. He was a native of
Greenock, and had served in the West Indies. In 1696 he was given
a King's Commission as a privateer in the Adventure, a galley of 30
guns, to suppress piracy in Eastern seas, and arrived in the Gulf of
Aden about the middle of 1697. Having traitorously and with the
consent of some of his crew turned pirate, he did not hesitate to attack
an Indian ship, but was prevented from capturing her by the Sceptre,
a cruiser, which Sir John Gayer had sent from Surat as convoy to the
Delhi ships ; he cruised chiefly between Madagascar, Malabar and the
Red Sea. In August he took a small brigantine, the Mary, com-
manded by Captain Parker, and on (1698) an Armenian ship,
later
the Quedah Merchant, the master of which was Captain Wright. The
prize was worth about a lakh of rupees, ^nd as it was a better ship than
his own, Kidd shifted into it. After this he sailed for Madagascar,
where he met CuUiford, and remained some time. Though of a cruel
and savage nature, he seems to have had no stomach for fighting
and is not known to have attacked a single strong ship. During his
The Yaareha Dynasty. 231.
short piratical career of about two years Kidd had made but few prizes
and could have amassed but little wealth ; not venturing, however,
New Eng-
to tarry longer in the Indian Ocean, he sailed for Boston in
land, in the Quedah Merchant, where he arrived in June, 1699. He
was soon after arrested and sent to London, where he was convicted
and hanged in chains in 1701.
The European pirates at this time in the Indian Seas were very
numerous, and were robbing all nations indiscriminately. Some of
the crews had run away with the ships on which they served, and
among these were the men of the Dutch ship Hare, bound from Java
to Gombroon. Having set aside the officers they ran up the black
flag and sailed to the Red Sea, where they took and plundered many
Arab vessels, and then, being short of food, returned to Gombroon.
Here the officers succeeded in recovering authority and restoring the
vessel to the Dutch factory.
We learn that about 1701-2 three of these rovers agreed to cruise
in theRed Sea, and keeping company as arranged, they seized an
Arab ship with a heavy cargo of slaves off Aden, the sale of which
gave a handsome share to each man. After committing further
depredations on native shipping they shaped their course to the
Malabar coast, where they arrived in November, 1698. The pirates
of thissquadron were Culliford in the Resolution (late Mocha), 40
guns, the former master of which. Captain Edgecombe, had been
murdered. Shivers, the grand old Dutch pirate, as he was called,
in the Soldada, alias the Algerine, 28 guns, had previously captured
the Sedgwick, commanded by Captain Skinner, off Comorin, but
had released her after taking only some stores and, thirdly. Captain
;
North in the Pelican, which was afterwards exchanged for the Dolphin.
North subsequently went to Madagascar, where he held command of
the pirate settlement at St. Mary's for some time, till he was killed
by the natives. Culliford and Shivers also proceeded to Madagascar,
where they surrendered to Commodore Lyttleton, who gave them the
King's pardon, on which they sailed for Europe in the Vine.
At the solicitation of the East India Company, Commodore
Warren was commissioned in 1699 ^^ ^^^ Anglesey, to proceed to
VOL. I. p 4
the Indian Ocean with three other ships to suppress piracy, and was
empowered pardon to any pirate who would surrender them-
to offer
selves, except Kidd and Avory. Warren died on reaching Tellicheri
in November of that year, and was succeeded by Captain Lyttleton
of the Harwich, who six months later sailed for St. Mary's, Mada-
gascar, where he remained for some months but made no attempt to
capture About 1702 Captain Bowen in the Speedy
pirates.
Return, in company with Captain Howard in the Prosperous,
captured two Arab ships off the Muscat coast, and then entering the
Persian Gulf took several small craft. These rovers afterwards
attacked a Surat ship and carried it by boarding, the pirates losing
thirty men in the encounter. The prize is said to have been worth
£42,000.
Another corsair, Captain Halsey, in the brigantine Charles,
first took an Arab grab with 2,000 dollars, and then two English ships,
the Rising Eagle and the Essex, the former having £10,000 and
the latter £40,000. These vessels were taken to Madagascar, and
the cruiser Greyhound was soon after despatched from Madras to
obtain restitution, but was herself captured by the pirates.
A year or two later, Captain Read, in a brigantine, cruising in
the Persian Gulf, took an Arab grab laden with woollen goods, which
the pirates deemed useless and jettisoned, and thus lost their booty,
for in one of the bales the merchant had concealed a quantity of gold,
which went overboard with the rest.
Sometime afterwards Captain Booth, in the Speaker, with
Captain White also on board, sailed for Zanzibar, where Booth with
twenty of his men were entrapped by the Arab Governor and made
prisoners. Deserting his comrade, White slipped off to Aden, and
there captured an Arab ship, which proved a rich prize, as the loot,
when distributed, gave £500 per man. After taking two more Arab
vessels near Perim, White stood over to the Somali Coast, where he
seized the Malabar, a large slaver with 600 negroes on board.
White then transferred his crew to the Malabar, and sent the slaves
away in the Speaker to be sold. The proceeds of the sale, together
with the gold concealed in a jar under the ship's cow, was a goodly
harvest to the captors. Two other prizes were a Portuguese and an

English ship, the latter, the Dorothy, commanded by Captain
Penruddock, being strong and newly built, was retained as a consort.
Captain Penruddock and his crew being sent off in the Portuguese
prize. The Malabar then sailed for Dhofar on the Arabian coast,
where she took a ketch, and some time after steered for Hoppel Point
in Madagascar, where White divided the plunder, which came to
£12,000 per man, and formed a settlement, but fell ill and died soon
after.
In the Persian Gulf great havoc was wrought by Captain Cor-

nelius in the Morning Star, with a mixed crew of French, Dutch,
English and negroes. Cornelius lay off the Island of Karrack and
was refitting his ship there, when he was chased by two Portuguese
men-of-war. The Morning Star, having escaped this danger, then
ran for East Africa, where the men mutinied and replaced Cornelius
by Williamson.
One of the more notable freebooters before piracy was extin-
guished was Captain England, who had been mate of the Onslow,
a small pirate which had been captured by the Terrible, probably
in the Atlantic. In command of the Fanny, and having the
Victor as consort, he sailed to the Indian Ocean in 1719 and
visited the pirate settlements in Madagascar.
In the Red Sea he took an Indian pilgrim ship, which was taken
to St. Mary's, where the plunder was landed and the Indian ladies
distributed among the crew, England only reserving two for himself.
In the .following year he steered for the Malabar coast, and fell
in with an Arab dhow from China, which proved a good prize. The
Fanny and Victor next went to East Africa and on arriving
at Johanna found Captain de la Bouche building a new ship, his own
vessel, the Indian Queen, in which he had come to pirate the
Arabian Sea, having been wrecked. England also found here two
English merchant ships at anchor, the Cassandra, commanded
by Captain Macray, and the Greenwich, commanded by Captain
Kirby, which he immediately attacked. The brunt of the action fell
on Macray, as Kirby, besides deserting him at the outset, sheered off.
After a long and gallant fight, in which the Cassandra had

thirteen killed, Macray took and landing at Johanna,
to his boats,
escaped inland. Subsequently he surrendered to England, who had
in the meantime changed to the Cassandra, and who, admiring
Macray's courage and skill in defending his vessel, took advantage of
his mate, Taylor, being drunk and insensible. He allowed Macray
and his crew to take the Fanny and sail away to Bombay. The
mate, Taylor, a cruel and ferocious brute, enraged at Macray's escape,
instigated the pirates to dispose and maroon England, but this was
not agreed to, and the latter found his way to Madagascar, where he
died a few days later, reformed and repentant. On the departure of
England, Taylor assumed command of the Cassandra, and cruised
off India and in the Arabian Sea, capturing one European and several
Arab ships. Among the latter were two vessels from Muscat laden
with horses and bound for India. The Arab merchants were put to
the torture to make them disclose treasure, but they had none to
reveal. Whilst thus engaged, Taylor sighted the squadron of Com-
modore Upton, which had been sent from Bombay to operate against
the pirate Angria, and releasing the dhows, fled to the northward.
One of Taylor's prizes was the Sedgwick, the captain of which,
vSkinner, was savagely treated by that ruffian, who bound him to the
windlass and pelted him with broken bottles and whipped him up
and down the deck till he fell, and then shot him.
This sketch may be concluded with a notice of John Plantain,
who was a native of Jamaica and first joined the pirates in the
Terrible. He sailed to the Indian Seas with Captain England and
was present in many piratical cruises under Avory and other captains.
Having amassed considerable wealth, he settled in " Ranger Bay,"
or Antongil, to the north of St. Mary's, where he built a fort, collected
many slaves, and established a large harem. He also repaired
Avory's fortifications at St. Mary's and became known as the King
of Ranger Bay.
There were many English pirates in that part of Madagascar,
some of whom joined him, while others, among whom was King
Kelly of Manningory, treated him as an enemy. One of the chief
native rulers in the island was King Dick of Massalage, whose grand-
daughter, Eleanor Brown, was demanded in marriage by Plantain.
King Dick not only refused to give her up but defied Plantain, who
thereupon made war on him and killed him and carried off the girl.
Among Plantain's principal adherents was Mulatto Tom, said to
have been a son of Avory by the Indian lady he had taken from
the Gunjsowaee in 1696. Mulatto Tom, though a very young
man, was in the confidence of Plantain, who employed him in
collecting recruits and slaves, and obtained through him about
1,000 men from St. Mary's. Mulatto Tom was also instrumental in
serving Plantain in other ways.
In 172 1 Commodore Matthews, who had been commissioned to
act against the pirates, arrived with his squadron off St. Mary's
and had an interview with Plantain, but beyond looting the wreck
of an Arab ship which had been captured by the pirate Condent
in the Flying Dragon in the Red Sea, Matthews did nothing and
sailed away to Bengal.
Plantain's successes made him aim at the complete sovereignty
over Madagascar, but his ambition overreached itself, and the
hostility of the natives convinced him at length that his stay in the
island was impossible. He accordingly sailed for India about May,
1722, and after being nearly wrecked on Bombay Island reached
Gheriah, where he was joyfully received by Angria, who made
Plantain Admiral of his piratical fleet.
Saif was succeeded in the Imamate by his eldest son, Sultan,
who was elected without opposition in the same year. Sultan
continued the policy of his father with a firm and unbending hand,
carrying on the war with the Persians and Portuguese by land and
sea, and ruling the tribes of Oman with justice and sagacity.
One of the most notable actions of his administration was the
transference of the seat of government from Rostak to Al-Hazm in
the Batineh, where he constructed a substantial fort, generally con-
sidered by the Arabs as next to Nezwa, the strongest fortress in
Oman. On this fortress the expenditure incurred was enormous,
and the Imam is said to have expended not only the bulk of his
father's accumulated wealth but also large sums borrowed on the

**
wakf " — —
or religious endowments of mosques throughout the
land. Al-Hazm lies close under the range of hills known as Jebel
Hajar and does not occupy a very advantageous position and has,
therefore, notwithstanding its strength, never been much used as
a residence by later rulers.
It is to be regretted that though the native annalists inform us
that the Imam Sultan continued warlike operations by land and sea
against his enemies, they are absolutely silent as to the details of
the campaigns and even as to the objective of the various military
expeditions sent out by him from Muscat, and we have to rely on
other sources for particulars of these events.
So we can learn, the first enterprise undertaken by the
far as
Imam Sultan was when he set out in the early part of 1714 to make
a descent on the Indian Coast which resulted in disaster. The
squadron succeeded in capturing a Portuguese vessel that had
arrived from China and committed other depredations on Portuguese
territory, but was intercepted by a Portuguese fleet sent after it
by the Viceroy of Goa. The battle took place off Surat on February
19th, 1714, and it is said to have ended after a long day's fight in
the complete defeat and dispersal of the Arabs, whose flagship was
sunk during the engagement. Incensed at the unexpected reverse
he had sustained in this affair at the hands of the Portuguese, Sultan
lost no time in equipping another fleet to operate against the enemy
and to recover his lost prestige.

The Armada sailed direct to Kong in the Persian Gulf, where
the Portuguese factory was attacked, pillaged, and burnt without
resistance. The Shahbunder of the place, however, having obtained
the aid of some Persian troops in the vicinity, fell upon the Arabs
and drove them back to their ships. To cruise against the Arabs,
the gallant Dom Francesco da Silva, who had commanded the
Portuguese squadron in the Persian Gulf for many years, was
despatched thither by the Viceroy of Goa, but apparently without
result.
We are told by Hamilton that the Imam's naval power in 1715

comprised one ship of 74 guns, two of 60, one of 50, eighteen smaller
vessels of from 32 to 12 guns each, and some trankies, or rowing
vessels, of from 4 to 8 guns. He adds, that the Imam keeps all
the coasts inawe from Cape Comorin to the Red Sea. It may be
here observed that the Imam's military expeditions were largely
composed of armed merchant ships, which joined the fleet in the
hope of sharing in the booty. We learn from Ross's nnals of
Oman that Sultan attacked and took Bahrain and engaged in
hostilities with the Persians. This island had been taken from Persia
by the Imam Saif in 1700 and it seems probable that Sultan in 1717
re-occupied and garrisoned it.
The general disaffection in, and disruption of Persia at this
period, under the timid rule of Shah Hoossain, undoubtedly emboldened
the Arabs to continue their insults and depredations, and in this
way the whole of the islands in the Persian Gulf gradually fell into
the hands of the Muscat Arabs. In the same year (1717) a Muscat
piratical fleet of thirteen sail made a descent on the towns of Diu
and Damaun, and cruised along the coast to intercept the Portuguese
traders. The Viceroy, Dom Luiz de Menezes, promptly despatched
a squadron of five ships under Dom Lopo da Almeida to protect
his territory, but no decisive results appear to have followed.
Early in the year 1719 a fleet sailed from Goa to Kong, in
compliance with a request made by the Shah of Persia for Portuguese
naval co-operation against the Muscat Arabs. The Imam Sultan
bin Saif, on hearing of this fleet being stationed at Kong ready to
act in conjunction with the Persians, prepared an armament to
oppose it. This force arrived off Kong on August 4th, and the
Portuguese, accepting the offered battle, at once weighed anchor and
sailed out to meet it. The particulars of the engagement that
ensued have been given in the preceding chapter.
The Imam Sultan bin Saif appears to have died shortly after-
wards in 1719, though it must be noted that according to the Annals
of Oman his death occurred in the previous year (1718). He was
buried in the fortress he had himself completed, and which he had
chosen for his residence —Âl-Hazm.
During the eight years of the Imam's sway, Oman seems to have
enjoyed to an unusual degree the advantage of internal tranquillity,
prosperity, and freedom from tribal feuds. Less ambitious, less
avaricious, and less adventurous than his father Saif Sultan preferred
,
to engage in legitimate commerce rather than in piracy, and we

consequently hear of no complaints from the English and Dutch
factors of Arab outrages. With the death of the Imam Sultan
the peace which had so long and happily prevailed in Oman came
abruptly to an end. The event was the signal for a series of
dynastic troubles, disputed successions, and misfortunes, that not
only caused internecine strife that deluged the country with blood
for thirty years, but also brought on the land the calamities of a
foreign invasion, and resulted eventually in the collapse of the
Yaareba power and the establishment of a new dynasty.
Sultan had left several children, the eldest of whom, Saif, was
about twelve years old. The general voice was in favour of this
boy succeeding his father, but the more enlightened portion of the
community saw serious objections, legal and political, to a minor
being raised to the Imamate and supported the claims of the boy's
great uncle, Muhenna, a younger brother of the great Imam Saif bin
Sultan, to act as Regent.
At an assembly of Shaikhs and notables convoked at Rostak
for the purpose of electing a successor to Sultan, the Kadhi Adey
bin Suliman, after a long discussion, reluctantly proclaimed the
youth, Saif bin Sultan, as Imam. In defiance of this decision the
adherents of Muhenna, among whom was included the sister of the
late ImamSultan, about the close of the year 1719 smuggled him
into the castle and recognized him not as Regent but as Imam,
expelhng therefrom the young Saif, who probably fled to Al-Hazm.
For some reason not recorded by the Arab writers, Muhenna
was not popular with the people of Oman generally, and it may be
naturally supposed that his unauthorized assumption of the Imamate
was regarded with resentment and indignation by those who had
opposed his election. Feeling the insecurity of his position he
endeavoured by all the means in his power to disarm opposition and
conciliate all classes. With view he abolished the customs at

this
Muscat and allowed merchandise from foreign countries to be
imported free. But it was all in vain; even his victory over the
Portuguese did not avail to ward off the fate that awaited him.
While Muhenna was seeking to win popularity and consolidate
his position inOman, the doomed dynasty of the Sefawis in Persia
was struggling to extricate itself from the dangers by which it was
surrounded and repel its enemies, not the least among whom were
the Muscat Arabs, who had ravaged the Persian coast, and were
in possession of all the islands in the Gulf. To recover these islands,
protect the coast, and punish the Arabs, General Lootf Ali Khan
was despatched with an army in 1720 to Gombroon, and a
Portuguese fleet of warships and transports, which at the request of
Shah Hoossain had been sent by the Viceroy in India to the Gulf,
was on its way to embark the Persian troops at Gombroon, when
it was met and attacked by a Muscat squadron, by which it was
worsted and driven back to India.

Not long after this event the disaffection and enmity towards
Muhenna and his chief supporter, the Kadhi Adey bin Suliman, rose
to a head at Rostak, where Yaarab bin Belarab, a nephew of
Muhenna, was persuaded to rise against him. Yaarab with a small
following first marched to Muscat, where the gates were opened to
him without resistance, the governor at this time being Masood bin
Mohammed al-Ryamee. Mohammed happened at the moment
to be at Felej al-Bagly in the district of Jow, but on hearing of
Yaarab's seizure of Muscat, immediately returned to Rostak and
prepared for defence. Yaarab with his force, which had meantime
gathered strength, now besieged Rostak Castle in which Muhenna,
almost entirely deserted by his friends, had shut himself up.
Despairing of aid from any quarter, Muhenna soon perceived
the uselessness of further opposition, and relying on Yaarab's
guarantee of personal safety for himself and adherents, abandoned
the castle and surrendered. The promise of Ufe had been given
only to be broken Muhenna had no sooner fallen into the hands of
;
his nephew than he was seized, bound, and thrown into prison,
where he was a few days later perfidiously murdered, which occurred
about the end of the year 1720.
No disturbances followed this crime and Yaarab bin Belarab

was quietly allowed to assume the government. He was astute
enough, however, at first to forego the title of Imam and declared
himself as Regent, on behalf of his young cousin, Saif bin Sultan.
Under this guise he was able to rule for about a year, working
cautiously but indefatigably to gain the allegiance of the tribes
and to get possession of all the chief fortresses in the country.
In the month of May, 1722, Yaarab felt himself sufficiently
strong to throw off the mask of Regent and allowed himself to be
proclaimed Imam at Rostak by the influential Kadhi Adey bin
Suliman, who had now warmly espoused his cause, and forgetting
his scruples had given him plenary absolution for the murder of
Muhenna and other crimes and misdemeanours. The conduct of
Yaarab, in thus exalting himself to the Imamate, instead of raising
his fortunes, served on the contrary to hasten his downfall, and
caused the deepest offence to the people, who remained steadfast
young Prince, Saif bin Sultan. At Rostak, in
in their loyalty to the
particular, the excitement was so great that Yaarab, within a few
days, was obliged to fly to Nezwa, where he arrived about June.
The disaffected party at Rostak now conspired with Belarab
bin Nasir, the brother-in-law of the late Imam Sultan bin Saif, to
oppose and overthrow the Imam Yaarab ; and Belarab, who had
been residing at Nezwa, lost no time in gaining the adhesion of the
Beni Hina tribe, which is very powerful in that district. Leaving
Nezwa in August, Belarab marched to Rostak, escorted by a body
of the Beni Hina, who and expelled Nebhan,
set fire to the castle
the Wall or Governor of the town, who was an adherent of the
Imam Yaarab.
On hearing that Belarab had commenced hostilities against him,
Yaarab despatched from Nezwa a party of about 400 men to recover
Rostak, but this force was unable to proceed further than Awabi
in the Wady Beni Kharoosi, and was obliged to retreat.
The Wali of Muscat, Himyar bin Munir al-Ryamee, on bemg
written to by Belarab to give up that place, obeyed the order, and
his example was followed by the Wali of Nakhl. A few weeks later,
a force was detached from Rostak under Malik bin Saif al-Yaarabi,
who took Semail and then, in conjunction with the Beni Ruwaihah,
captured Zikki without opposition. The townspeople of Zikki,
however, being in favour of the Imam Yaarab, encouraged him to
try and recover that fort, and he accordingly moved against it with
two guns and besieged Malik bin Saif. While the Imam Yaarab
was thus engaged, he was suddenly attacked by a strong body of the
Beni Hina, which had arrived from Rostak under Ali bin Mohammed,
the Sahib al-Anbar, by whom he was completely routed and driven
back to Nezwa.
The Kadhi Adey bin Suliman meanwhile, who had accompanied
the Imam to Zikki, proceeded to Rostak, where together with his
colleague the Kadhi Suliman bin Khalfan, he was immediately seized
and put to death by the order of Belarab, the bodies of both being
afterwards dragged through the streets by the people. Elated with
his success, the Sahib al-Anbar pushed on to Nezwa in pursuit of
Yaarab and his supporters, the Beni Ryam, and after a short blockade,
compelled Yaarab, who had taken refuge in the great tower, to
capitulate and resign the Imamate, which he did on the stipulation
that he should be permitted to reside in peace and safety at Yabreen
in the Wady Bahila.
To the general satisfaction of the people, the young Prince
Saif bin Sultan was then for the third time elected Imam at Nezwa
and Rostak, Belarab being at the same time proclaimed as Regent.
To all appearance the tranquillity of the land was now restored,
and under a Regency the prospects of future harmony, security, and
prosperity were fully assured. But it is the unexpected that always
happens, and as we shall see, Oman was on the brink of an abyss
and on the eve of the most tempestuous period of its history, for the
civil war that now ensued has left its mark to the present day.
Among the Shaikhs of tribes and other personages who flocked

to Rostak to offer their allegiance and congratulations to the newly
restored Imam Saif bin Sultan was Mohammed bin Nasir, the " Te-
meemeh " of the Beni Ghafir, a Nizar tribe occupying the valley of
that name on the borders of Dhahireh.
VOL. I.
For some unaccountable reason, the Regent, Belarab, quarrelled

with and grossly insulted Mohammed bin Nasir, who, vowing ven-
geance, wrote to Yaarab bin Belarab exhorting him to raise the
standard of rebellion, and to take the field against Belarab. Having
taken this decisive step, Mohammed, in furtherance of his designs,
proceeded at once to Dhahireh to concert measures with the Naeem,
Beni Kattab and other northern tribes, which were in Suff (or alliance)
with the Beni Ghafir.
The Regent, Belarab, apprehending that war was inevitable,
sent to the Beni Hina at Nezwa for support, and despatched an army
under his brother, Suliman bin Nasir, by the Wady Semail, to operate
against Yaarab bin Belarab. On reaching Nezwa, however, he found
the great tower already in possession of Yaarab, and retired to Zikki,
where he occupied the castle. Another force was sent by Belarab
against Behla, but this failed also, and many of the troops were made
prisoners. Belarab's third expedition was equally unfortunate. It
was sent to the Wady Beni Ghafir, where it encountered the Nizar
forces collected by Mohammed bin Nasir, and was ignominiously
defeated.
Meantime, Yaarab bin Belarab had made three separate and
ineffectual attempts to capture the castle at Zikki, which had been
reinforced by Malik bin Nasir from Rostak. Yaarab was soon after
obliged to fall back upon Nezwa, and was followed up by Malik, who
encamped at Fark. Further fighting now ensued, and in one of the

attacks upon Yaarab's position, Malik bin Nasir was slain.
Shaikh Mohammed bin Nasir al-Ghafiri, whose superior ability
and military skill had become daily more conspicuous, and who in the
interval had been operating in Dhahireh, at Dhank, at Ghabbi, and
elsewhere, now moved upon Nezwa and delivered an assault upon the
enemy's camp at Fark, which, after heavy fighting, was evacuated
during the night.
Mohammed bin Nasir, after a short stay at Nezwa, now retraced
his steps to the Wady Beni Ghafir, and marched down it to Rostak.
Here he encamped at Felej al-Shamal and a day or two after was
attacked by Ali bin Mohammed Sahib al-Anbar, who was killed in
the contest that took place under the walls of Rostak. On this
defeat of his troops Belarab bin Nasir sued for peace, which was granted
on his agreeing to surrender Rostak and all Oman.
the other forts in
As they proceeded together to the castle, Belarab laid a trap for
Mohammed, but the latter was too wary and evaded the stratagem. In
revenge for the murder of Muhenna and the two Kadhis, Mohammed
then gave over the town to be sacked by the soldiers, who are said
to have committed shocking barbarities.
While these events were passing at Rostak, the ex-Imam Yaarab
bin Belarab died at Nezwa on March i6th, 1723.
About this time, Mohammed bin Nasir's army was strengthened
by the arrival of some of the Shemal tribes, to whom he had applied
for assistance. Four thousand of these men appear to have been
composed of the Kowasim and Shihiyyeen tribes from Julfar under
Khamees bin Munir al-Hawaly, while 1,500 more belonged to the
Al-Kaab, Beni Kattab and other tribes. Mohammed bin Nasir
having now ascertained that the forts of Muscat and Burka had not
been surrendered as promised, ordered Belarab bin Nasir to be
fettered and confined. Both these forts were garrisoned by the Beni
Hina, and the Wali of Muscat was Jaid bin Murshid al-Yaarebi, who
soon afterwards withdrew to Nakhl. His place was taken by Khalf
binMubarak al-Hinawi, a native of Ghasb, and known as the Dwarf,
who was now to assume the leadership of the Yemenite faction, and
to prove a most formidable antagonist to Mohammed bin Nasir al-
Ghafiri.
Burka and awaited the arrival
Khalf, leaving Muscat, then rode to
of theWali sent by Mohammed to take possession of the fort. This
Wali was Ali bin Mohammed al-Kharoosi, who had no sooner set foot
at Burka than he was slain by Khalf.
Knowing well the man with whom he had to deal Mohammed now
motion from Rostak nearly the whole of his force in six divisions
set in
and camped at Mesnaah, about fifteen miles from Burka.
Khalf appears to have had command of the sea, but as his land
forces were far inferior to those of Mohammed, he left Burka with a
strong garrison to oppose the enemy, and hastened along to Muscat^
VOL. I. 02
where he at once became actively engaged in corresponding with

and summoning the tribes in alUance with the Beni Hina to come to
his assistance.
Mohammed, after beleaguering Burka for four months, was
compelled by want of food to raise the siege and break up his army.
On returning to Rostak, he was prostrated with a severe attack of
small-pox, which nearly cost him his life. Two months later he
started for Makiniyat in Dhahireh, taking with him the young Imam
Saif bin Sultan as a hostage, as well as Belarab bin Nasir, whom he
still detained as a prisoner. His object in this campaign was to
subdue the Yemenite and for this purpose he
tribes in that province,
collected a fresh army composed of the Beni Yas and other Nizar
tribes to the number of about 12,000 men. He captured Yenkal
in the Wady Howasina by destroying the aqueduct and cutting
off the water supply, and then turned upon Sedab, which offered a
vigorous resistance.
While Mohammed was thus engaged, Khalf bin Mubarak
marched direct on Rostak, where he was opposed by the Wall Sinan
bin Mohammed, who was killed in the encounter. Mohammed al-
Harrase then surrendered the place to Khalf, and the people at Rostak
also submitted. Khalf then moved against the fort of Nakhl, which
was soon captured.
Meantime, Sohar, the chief town on the Batineh coast, was taken
possession of for Khalf bin Mubarak al-Amuri. Khalf, pursuing his
advantage, now invested Al-Hazm and summoned the Wali Omair
bin Masud bin Saleh al-Uhaferi to submit. Refusing to do so, Omair
wrote to Mohammed bin Nasir al-Ghafiri for aid, and Mohammed,
with a large force, moved down on Al-Hazm and attacked Khalf with
such fury that the latter's troops were utterly routed and dispersed.
Satisfied with this result, Mohammed bin Nasir returned to
Dhahireh and spent some time at Ghabbi and Saifam, after which,
with a view to harass and ravage the districts of the Beni Hina, he
moved down with a strong force to Belad Salt and Nezwa, where he
met with tolerable success and remained six months. He next
raided the fertile little district of Manh, where he destroyed the date-
The Yaareba Dynasty, 245
trees and greatly humbled the Beni Hina, after which he retired again
to Dhahireh.
After his flight from Al-Hazm, Khalf took refuge at Rostak for
a time, and then, gathering a force composed of the Beni Maawal and
other tribes, carried on operations against the enemy in the Semail
Valley and at Nakhl, but apparently without any decisive result.
The scene now shifts to Al-Sharkiya in the Eastern province,
where the Beni Hina, led by Khalf, had allied with
in all likelihood
two powerful tribes, the Awamir and Al-Waheebeh. To combat this
combination the energetic Mohammed bin Nasir marched across
Oman and confronted it near Akil, where a great battle was fought.
At first the Hinawa had the best of it, but eventually the northern
tribes rallied, checked the Hinawas and put them to flight. Taking
with him Saif bin Sultan, Mohammed bin Nasir returned to Yabreen,
from whence he moved back to Dhahireh.
During the absence of Mohammed in Sharkiya, a fresh coalition
of the Yemenite tribes had been formed in the Nezwa district under
the leadership of Shaikh Said bin Juwaud al-Hinawi. Mohammed
now laid siege to Saifam and Ghafat, where they had assembled. The
Hinawa strenuously confronted Mohammed, and while the siege was
in progress Said bin Juwaud visited Yenkal, Sohar, and other places
to collect levies. Returning to Ghafat, after an absence of seven
months. Said bin Juwaud prepared to enter the field against Moham-
med bin Nasir, and a decisive battle was fought, in which Mohammed
again proved completely victorious. Said bin Juwaud and Ghassan
al-Alowi, the chief of Yenkal, were slain in the fight, and the body of
Said was ignominiously dragged along the ground before the walls
of Ghafat to terrorize the inhabitants, when the garrison not long
afterwards surrendered to the victors.
After reducing Ghafat and Al-Akr, the quarter of Nezwa belong-
ing to the Beni Hina, Mohammed
undertook a second expedition to
Sharkiyeh, where Khalf bin Mubarak, supported by the Al-Haboos,
had taken up a position between Al-Roudha and Madhaiby. In the
contest that ensued, Khalf was defeated and fled to Ibra, where he
was joined by the Harth, one of the most important tribes in Shar-
VOL. I. Q 3
kiya. The Harth being unable to resist Mohammed's army,

accepted terms, one of which was that Khalf bin Mubarak should
quit Sharkiya, and the latter accordingly proceeded to Muscat.
After resting some time at Yabreen, his favourite residence,
whither he had retired after his campaign in Sharkiya, Mohammed
bin Nasir made his way to Dhahireh here he gathered a numerous
;
following and moved down the Wady Jezzi to the Batineh, where he
devastated the property of the Yemen tribes.
Mubarak, who was still at Muscat, hearing of

Khalf bin
Mohammed's new movement, also gathered a force and marched
northward to oppose him. A collision took place at Al-Felej alArar,
where Khalf was routed and his army scattered.
Mohammed now led his troops to Rostak, which promptly sub-
mitted to him. Leaving Rostak, Mohammed then proceeded to
Makiniyat, where he confirmed Mubarak bin Saeed bin Bedr as Wali
of the town, afterwhich he returned to Yabreen. His almost uninter-
rupted success in the field had by this time turned his head, and he
now resolved to throw off the mask as Regent, to set aside Saif bin
Sultan, and seize the dignity of Imam, the desire for which he had
long and secretly cherished.
Having stayed a considerable time at Yabreen maturing his
plans for his elevation to the Imamate, Mohammed set out for
Nezwa, whence he despatched couriers to all parts of Oman to
summon the Shaikhs and notables to that capital. Before this
assembly, which was presided over by the Kadhi Nasir bin Suliman
bin Mohammed and the Wali Abdulla bin Mohammed bin Rashid,
Mohammed bin Nasir al-Ghafiri, dissembling his real wishes, an-
nounced his desire to give up control of affairs and offered to resign
his post as Regent for Saif bin Sultan. The plot, which had been
carefully laid, fully succeeded, and Mohammed was earnestly
besought by the Kadhi Nasir to reconsider his decision and to accept
the Imamate, which, after a great show of hypocritical reluctance,
he ultimately did, and the proclamation of his accession to that
office took place accordingly on October 2nd, 1724.
The civil war, which practically terminated with the election
—
ofMohammed bin Nasir as Imam, is a landmark in the history of

Oman and divided the country more widely than ever into two
rival —the —
Hinawi and Ghafiri so called from the tribes
factions
which supported the leaders, and by which names they are known
at the present day.
On this subject it may be convenient to quote the judicious
remarks of Colonel Sir Edward Ross in the notes to his translation :
" This civil war was one of the fiercest recorded in the annals
of Oman, a great number of the clans ranging themselves under
their respective leaders, declaring either for the *
Hinai or
'
*
Ghafiri.' Those faction terms have survived to the present
day, and almost entirely supersede the older classifications,
the rival factions being now termed Al-Hinawiyeh and Al-
Ghafiriyeh. This is the explanation of the undue pre-eminence
assignedby European writers on Oman to these two tribes,
whose importance was and temporary.
accidental For a time
became Imam, but
the Ghafiris gained the day, and their chief
the Hinawis soon regained the ascendancy. At present the
power of the two sections is tolerably evenly balanced, the
Ghafiris preponderating in the West and their rivals in the
East."
After his election, Mohammed

bin Nasir continued to look upon
Yabreen as and always returned thither from his
his chief residence
various expeditions. Owing to his military talents and his prudent
and magnanimous administration, he was now completely master
of the situation. But his career as Imam was by no means
uneventful, as his presence was constantly required in the provinces
to put down petty revolts and disturbances, and to frustrate the
designs of his arch enemy, Khalf bin Mubarak, who was ever on
the alert for an opportunity to oppose and annoy him. At different
times he was drawn away to the eastward to suppress trouble at
Birket al-Mouz, Tanoof, Zikki, Semail, and other places towards ;
the north, in Dhahireh, he had to recover Ghabbi, Dhank, and

Yenkal in the Batineh he had to vindicate his authority, and
;
VOL. I.
04
occupied Hail, for some time, to intercept Khalf, who was on his
way from Muscat Rostak to collect troops, and whose scheme he
to
was able to frustrate. Khalf bin Mubarak, being unable to oppose
Mohammed, remained at Muscat, and the latter eventually returned
to Semail and thence to Yabreen.
It was moreover probably due to Khalf's machinations that
the Bedouin tribes of the Yemenite faction kept the countr}^ to some
degree in a state of insecurity and confusion by their predatory raids
and highway robberies, which Mohammed was never able to entirely
suppress. From the time he had assumed control of affairs to the
day of his death, a period of about seven years, Mohammed bin
Nasir was most careful to keep the young Prince Saif bin Sultan
constantly near his own person, taking the boy with him wherever
he went, and never allowing him to remain behind at Yabreen, even
in close custody. Being naturally universally regarded as a
usurper, Mohammed was fearful lest Saif should be carried off and
made the focus of an insurrection so widespread and irresistible as
to render hopeless any attempt to withstand it.
After three years of rule as Imam, Mohammed bin Nasir
contemplated the reduction of the three important coast towns of
Muscat, Burka, and Sohar, which together with Rostak were still
independent of him, and under the control of Khalf bin Mubarak.

With towards the end of 1727, the Imam gathered a
this view,
powerful force from the northern tribes, on whom he had always
reckoned for his chief support, and marched to Sohar, to which he
laid siege in March, 1728.
On hearing of his movement, Khalf hastily started from Muscat
to aid in the defence of Sohar, established a camp at Saham, east of
Sohar, and resolved to engage the enemy, though the force he was
able to muster was far inferior to that of the Imam, which appears
to have numbered some 15,000 men. Mohammed's army had
hardly reached Sohar, when the inhabitants of the town, terrified
at the formidable array of troops, tendered their submission and
allowed Mohammed to enter the city.
The citadel, however, which was gained by the Al-Amoor, held
out bravely, and Mohammed, conscious of his strength, sent Rabiah

bin Ahmed al-Wahshi as envoy to demand its surrender. Instead
of doing this,Rabiah with great dupUcity, advised the garrison to
reject the Imam's terms and returned to the camp. Mohammed,
having taken up his quarters in the town, now detached a force of
12,000 men to mask Khalf's camp at Saham, and prevent his ap-
proaching Sohar, and the plan succeeded so well that Khalf at once
understood that the fall of the citadel was inevitable unless he could
devise some stratagem to save it. Khalf's plot is said to have
caused an estrangement between the Imam and the Shemal tribes,
the Naeem, Jowasim and Beni Kattab, who withdrew to their own
homes. Their departure so weakened the besiegers, that Khalf
was emboldened to advance against the enemy, but in the engage-
ment that ensued, he was slain, and his troops put to the sword.
Elated at the sight of his flying foe, the Imam immediately
proceeded to the citadel, expecting an easy triumph, but had
scarcely begun the attack when he was struck down by a musket
ball in the breast. Mortally wounded he was carried to the house
of Mahmood al-Ajamee, where he shortly after expired. His body
was secretly buried at night, and his death was not made known to
the army for three days.
In the same month and year, March, 1728, which witnessed
the death of the valiant Imam Mohammed bin Nasir, Oman lost also
its valued possession Mombasa in East Africa, which was recaptured
by the Portuguese and retained for about three years. The way
this was brought about was as follows —
Near the close of 1717, a
:
native of the town of Patta, having quarrelled with the negro Sultan,
found his way to Mozambique, and besought the Captain-General,
Dom Luis de Sampayo, to come to Patta and expel the Sultan.
The Captain-General was nothing loth to seize the opportunity, and
sailed to Patta with four ships, where he easily obtained possession
of the town. While here, he seems to have received an invitation
from the people of Mombasa, who had rebelled against the governor
of the fort, and accordingly proceeded to that place, which sur-
rendered to him, it is said, without resistance. In this way the whole
—
coast submitted to the domination of the Portuguese, whose tyranny

and violence again compelled the people (about 1731-2) to send a
deputation to Oman, to represent their grievances. The Imam
Saif bin Sultan, in compliance with their petition, sent an expedition
of three ships —
Kabras, Malek, and another under the com-
mand of Mohammed bin Saeed al-Maamiri, who, after some opposi-
tion, regained the fort for the Imam, whose successors have retained
it to the present day. Mohammed was shortly after succeeded by
Saleh bin Mohammed al-Hadhrami.
Reverting now to Oman we find that on the demise of Mohammed
bin Nasir being known, Saif bin Sultan with his Yaareba adherents
proceeded to the which was thrown open to him,
citadel, the gate of
and where he remained for a few days, while the combatants on both
sides, in the vicinity of Sohar, broke camp and dispersed to their
homes. From Sohar, Saif went first to Rostak, where he was loyally
received by the people as their rightful sovereign and from thence
made his way by the Wady Beni Ghafir to Nezwa. In this capital,
at a vast assembly convened by the Kadhi Nasir bin Suliman al-
Narbyah, he was proclaimed Imam for the fourth time on April 2nd,
1728, a dignity to which he was now fully entitled, having obtained
his majority.
Meanwhile a cousin of Saif's, Belarab bin Himyar al-Yaarebi,
rose as competitor, and having obtained his election as Imam by a
small and uninfluential party at Bazily in Al-Jow, where he had been
staying, hastened to Nezwa and made energetic efforts to secure
adherents to his cause.
About this time, Saif bin Sultan, quitting Nezwa, proceeded to
Nakhl, where he demanded the surrender of the fort from Jasses bin
Omair bin Rashid al-Hairaney, who, however, refused to give it up.
Saif, not being in a position to compel obedience, went to the Wady
Maawal and received the allegiance of that tribe. Subsequently

Saif bin Sultan sent his uncle, Saif bin Nasir, to negotiate with the Beni
Hina, who formed the garrison left by Khalf at Muscat, concerning the
Imam's desire to adopt that place as his capital, and the latter arrived
there to take up his residence shortly afterwards.
campaign was undertaken against the

Belarab bin Himyar's first
Beni Ruwaihah, who, though of Nizar stock, were allied with the
Hinawis. The Imam Saif sent his brother, Belarab bin Sultan, with
a force to assist the tribe against the enemy, and a battle was fought
in which the Beni Ruwaihah were defeated, and transferred their
fealty to Belarab bin Himyar. On returning to Nezwa after this
triumph, Belarab began operations in the surrounding district with
a view to humble the Hinawis, and having attacked Belad Salt, soon
reduced it to submission. He then appeared before Bahila, which
he captured after a short siege and expelled the Beni Hina garrison.
For some years after this the rivalry between Belarab bin Himyar,
who had fixed his residence at Nezwa, and the Imam Saif continued
unabated, but without actual hostilities. Belarab bin Himyar was
supported by the Nizar or Ghafiri faction, which had previously
formed the mainstay of Mohammed bua Nasir's power, and having
possession of most of the interior, was gradually gaining the superio-
rity. on the other hand, held the navy, the Sharkiya and
Saif,
Batineh seaboard, with Muscat, Burka and Sohar, and could only
rely on the Beni Hina and a few of the confederated tribes. Under
this divided authority the administration of the state was deplorable
and chaotic, trade languished, and prosperity and enterprise were
almost at a standstill.
It was the same abroad ; the prestige of the Arabs had every-
where greatly waned. The ubiquitous fleets of Muscat Arabs, once
so dreaded and respected along the Indian and Persian coasts, even
by Europeans, were now but rarely, if ever, seen.
The one achievement of which the Imam Saif had reason to be
proud was the final re-conquest of Mombasa from the Portuguese in
1731-2, which was the foundation of the Arab Empire in East Africa.
So far each party had refrained from drawing sword upon the other,
but about the year 1736 the Imam Saif thought he had found an
opportunity to take the initiative against his rival, and put his cause
to the issue on the field of battle. At this period, the tribes of Oman
appear to have been but scantily provided with fire-arms, their usual
weapons being the bow, spear, curved dagger and double-edged sword.
252 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf,
The matchlocks were heavy, clumsy and expensive, and were

in use
manufactured in and imported from Persia, the Arabs themselves
being deficient in mechanical ingenuity and incapable of making guns
of any kind.
Learning that the Belooches of Mekran in Southern Persia were
considered brave and well-armed with matchlocks, the Imam deter-
mined to send agents across the Gulf of Oman and request the Chiefs
of that country to allow their men to be enlisted in his service. The
men selected by the agent belonged to the H6t tribe, of whom a large
body were brought toMuscat and placed by the Imam, in conjunction
with a force of coast Arabs, under the command of his brother,
Belarab bin Sultan. With this army Belarab bin Sultan moved to
Al-Jow, whither Belarab bin Himyar, on being apprised of the Imam
Saif's action, had marched with his forces, and a great battle was
fought, in which Belarab bin Himyar proved victorious and held the
field. The Commander of the Belooch was among those who perished
on the field. The survivors apparently did not return to Mekran,
but remained in Oman and formed the nucleus of the settlement
known as Mazoon, a walled town in Al-Dhahireh, inhabited to this
day exclusively by Belooch.
When the news of this disaster reached the Imam Saif at Muscat,
he was filled with consternation and despondency and realized the
truly critical nature of his position. The promise of his early youth
had not been fulfilled in manhood, and since his election his unpopu-
larity had increased to such a degree that all his best friends and
advisers had become estranged from him. There can be no doubt
that he would have been deposed in favour of another had it not
been for the people's recollection of, and pride in, the glory and
prosperity given to Oman by the deeds of his ancestors. The cause
of his decline in popular favourmust be looked for in Saif's character
and conduct. He was certainly a weak and effeminate prince, and
is said to have been given to favouritism and injustice, and to have
ignored the precepts of the Koran. But there is also reason to

believe that he had acquired intemperate and vicious habits.
Early in the next year (1737), within a year of his being crowned
\
King of Persia, Nadir Shah directed his attention to the Persian Gulf
and despatched a small expedition to recover Bahrain and the other
islands which had been wrested from the Sefawi rulers by the Imam
Saif 's father and grandfather. This enterprise was doubtless dictated
by the desire not only of again possessing the rich pearl-fishery but
'
also of retaliating on the Arabs for their predacious attacks on the

coast. The objects of the expedition were successfully accomplished,
and the Commander, after replacing the Arab by a Persian garrison,
set sail for the coast of Julfar.
Whether the Persians invaded Oman at the invitation of the
Imam Saif bin Sultan or of their own accord is very dubious, but it
seems indisputable that Saif met them on their arrival and arranged
for the junction and co-operation of his own troops with the Persians.
Belarab bin Himyar did not remain on the defensive at Nezwa,
but hastity collecting the tribes advanced at once to meet the enem}^
The contest took place at Felej al-Semeny and was fatal to Belarab,
whose troops were utterly routed. Belarab fled back to Nezwa,
where he strengthened the garrison and awaited events. After the
battle, the combined forces pushed on through Towwam to Obre,
pillaging the inhabitants of Dhahireh and committing great atrocities
and cruelties. Indignant at their behaviour, the Imam Saif quarrelled
with the Commander and removed his troops. A reconciliation was
now decided to retire, and having
effected soon after, but the invaders
gathered their plunder, returned to the coast and re-embarked for
Persia. After their departure the Imam marched first to Bahila,
which he captured and garrisoned, appointing Shaikh Salim bin
Khamis al-Ofri as WaH. He then moved to Timsa, from whence,-
cautiously avoiding Nezwa, where Belarab bin Himyar was waiting
to intercept him, he made his way to Zikki and down the Semail
Valley to Muscat. In this city Saif bin Sultan continued to reside for
some years, during which time no event of importance occurred in
Oman.
In 1739 the Wall of Mombasa, Saleh bin Saeed al-Hadhrami, who
had been appointed four years previously, was replaced by Mohammed
bin Osman al-Mezrui, whose descendants ruled at Mombasa for nearly
a century.
«
The remarkable events occurring in India at this time could not
but affect Oman more or less directly
in their results, as will be seen
later on. Perhaps the most important of them was the famous
conquest of India by Nadir Shah, who entered Delhi early in March,
1739-
Another event was the Mahratta campaign against the Portu-
guese in Northern Concan, from which country the latter were ulti-
mately expelled by the Mahratta General, Chimnajee Appa, in 1739,

after the successive loss of Mahin, Tanna, Bassain, and other places.
One of the results of this curtailment of Portuguese power was the
termination of the long protracted naval war between them and the
Muscat Arabs, which had lasted for nearly 100 years. The successes
of the Mahrattas, which were partly due to the jealous neutrality of
the English, to whom the Portuguese had vainly applied for assistance,
were a cause of much disquietude to the English settlements, as it
was now in close propinquity to, and overawed by, the Mahratta
garrisons on the mainland, who were far worse neighbours than the
Portuguese, and it was in view of possible contingencies under their
menacing attitude that the Bombay fort was strengthened by a ditch
and other works.
Owing to Belarab bin Himyar having renounced, by the advice
by the Persians in 1737,
of his friends the Beni Ghafir after his defeat
any claim he might have had to the Imamate, there was at this
period no dynastic discord, and Saif bin Sultan continued to be
undisputed ruler in Oman, though most of the tribes held aloof,
and only four of the larger castles, i.e., Muscat, Rostak, Burka, and
Sohar, remained steadfast in their devotion to him. But the
tranquilhty was not destined to last ; it was the lull before the
storm, and it was not long before the unhappy land felt the full
force of the blast ;the change came towards the close of the year
1741.
Disgusted with the conduct and inertness of the feeble volup-
tuary, the Shaikhs and Kadhis of Nezwa, Semail, etc., assembled
at Nakhl and, in the early part of February, 1742, elected Sultan
bin Murshid bin Jadi, a grandson of the great Saif bin Sultan, as
Imam in place of Saif, who was accordingly for the fourth and last
time deposed. After receiving the submission and homage of
Zikki, Semail, Nezwa, Bahila, and other places, the new Imam took
the field and marched upon Rostak.
Greatly disconcerted at the course events had taken, and
alarmed at the success of the revolution, Saif bin Sultan at once set
out from Muscat with what force he could muster to oppose his rival.
Saif's endeavours to save Rostak, however, were foiled by the
superior strength and activity of his adversary, who had already
taken possession of it and appointed Saif bin Muhenna as Wali,
and he fell back on Muscat, where, relying on his forts and ships,
he stood on the defensive.
Sultan bin Murshid now turned his face towards Muscat, which
he besieged for some time, but being unable to force an entrance,
occupied the adjacent town of Muttrah, where Saif bin Himyar was
made governor. Here he did his utmost to attract trade and divert
it from Muscat by reducing customs and offering facilities to
merchants, and not only did the inhabitants feel the rigour of the
situation, but more important still, Saif bin Sultan, by being de-
prived of his revenue, was left without resources. Seeing that his
rival. Sultan, had received universal recognition and that his own
deposition was now a reality, Saif became convinced, in his despair,

that his only hope lay in obtaining help from Persia and he accord-
ingly sent messengers with a petition to implore the intervention
on his behalf of Nadir Shah, who received them at Ispahan in the
spring of 1742.
Nadir Shah had returned from his brilliant expedition to India
in 1740, and the easy triumph he had obtained there had turned his
head, which became full ot ambitious designs for the aggrandisement
and prosperity of Persia. He perceived clearly that its wealth and
power would be most effectively increased by the encouragement of
external trade and that towards this end the possession of a strong
navy was indispensable. But the measures he at first adopted were
futile. He ordered ships to be built at Howaza and directed that
timber should be brought from the forests of Mazenderan, 600
miles distant, but this absurd scheme proved abortive.
According to the Journal of M. Otter, the French Consul at

Busra, Nadir Shah then purchased two ships from the Dutch and took
forcibly two ships from the English, one at Bundar Abbas, and one
at Busra, but these were afterwards paid for and the English agreed
to build two more ships for him at Surat. Saif bin Sultan's appeal
for intervention for reinstatement on the throne fell in with that
monarch's plans so admirably that his decision was not for an
instant doubtful, and he immediately ordered the Governor-General
of Fars, Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan, to prepare an expedition for
the invasion of Oman. Nadir Shah's motives were very far from
being disinterested, as the ready compliance with the Arab chief's
request was merely a pretext for carrying out his own ambitious
aims, and for revenging himself on the deposed Imam, who had
some time previously assisted the powerful Hawala tribe with six
ships in their rebellion against the Persians. The most important
object Nadir Shah had in view, however, it may be surmised, was
to gain possession of Muscat, then next to Busra the best trading
centre in the Persian Gulf. There were, of course, other considera-
tions which must have influenced Nadir Shah in undertaking this
enterprise, such as the fact that Oman produced a hardy race of
sailors useful for his new fleet, while Persia could boast of few, if any,
men suitable for this service.
It was in the month of September, 1742, that Mirza Mohammed
Taki Khan's expeditionary force, which consisted of 6,000 men, with
Mirza Kelb Ali Khan as second in command, embarked at Bushire
and landed at Julfar about a month later. While here, Mirza
Mohammed Taki Khan was engaged for some time in erecting a
small fort at Khor Fakan and establishing a base of operations, and
also, it is said, in expelling a number of the Hawala or Joasmee tribe,
who held the fort at Khasab. Meanwhile, Saif bin Sultan, being
informed of the Persian military preparations, remained at Muscat
impatiently awaiting the arrival of their ships off the coast, and on
hearing of the disembarkation at Julfar, immediately set out with
four ships for Khor Fakan. On reaching Khor Fakan, Saif bin
Sultan proceeded overland to Julfar to express his gratitude for the
The Yaareha Dynasty. .
257
Shah's response to his appeal and to concert measures for the future
with the Persian general. The exact nature of the convention
between Saif bin Sultan and Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan is not
known, but it was to the effect that Saif was to be restored to the
Imamate under the suzerainty of Nadir Shah, and that he was in
return to transfer to the latter in full possession the town and fort
of Sohar. The Arab officers of the ships left by Saif bin Sultan at
Khor Fakan, we are informed, entirely disapproved of the deposed
Imam's conduct, in inviting the Persians to invade their country,
and resolved to support him no longer. Weighing anchor, therefore,
they set sail for Muttrah, where they put themselves at the disposal
gf Sultan bin Murshid.
Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan then commenced offensive opera-
tions without delay, and having collected all his ships and transports
embarked the greater portion of his troops with siege-guns, stores,
etc., and despatched them under Mirza Kelb Ali Khan to Sohar,
giving him instructions to invest and attack that fort on the land side.
The Persian assault took place shortly after, but was met by such a
determined and effective resistance that the assailants were driven
back with heavy loss.
Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan, meanwhile, with his larger ships,
of which the Admiral in charge appears to have been Mootta Ali
Shah, directed his course to Muscat, where he anchored in the cove.
The Arab and Hindoo traders, on his approach, were thrown into
consternation, and began hastily to remove their goods and desert
the town. The fleet at once opened fire, but the defence was so
vigorous that the Persians could not sustain the bombardment and
were forced to retire to Sohar.
In Januar}^, 1743, the Persians, chagrined at the ill-success of
their first efforts, made preparations to renew hostilities, having re-
ceived reinforcements of men and stores from Shiraz. To increase
his navy. Nadir Shah at this time arranged with the English
president at Surat for the acquisition of eight more ships.
Four of these had to be laid down and built, but four were
obtained at once by purchase, and these, as soon as they could be
got ready, set out for Bundar Abbas. They never arrived, however,
VOL. I. R
^5S Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
at their destination, and appear to have been captured on the way by

pirates.
:' M A second attempt on the part of the besiegers to carry the
fdiit of Sohar met with no better success than the first had done,
their repulseby the Governor, Ahmed bin Saeed, being of so decided
a character that it was some time before fighting was renewed.
This man, Ahmed bin Saeed, who not only liberated his country
irom Persian oppression but was afterwards found worthy to assume
and control the government during his lifetime, was the son of a
camel driver belonging to an uninfluential tribe, the Al-Bu Saeedi.
He was born at the remote town of Adam on the border of the great
desert about the year 1700 a.d. As Ahmed grew up, he took service
with successive Imams, and is said to have brought himself into
notice in the reign of Mohammed bin Nasir al-Ghafiri, who was
killed at Sohar in 1728. After this Ahmed's promotion was rapid,
and in 1737 he was appointed by the Imam Saif bin Sultan Governor
of Sohar.
Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan now concentrated his efforts on
the main object of his expedition, viz., the acquisition of Muscat,
and having returned thither with his fleet recommenced hostilities,
and we learn from Otter that Sultan bin Murshid, who continued to
reside at Muttrah, devised a stratagem which proved successful.
He ordered the garrison of Muscat to quit the town ostenta-
tiously, leaving the gates wide open. The Persian Sirdar, hearing
that the Arabs had fled and left the town defenceless, landed a strong
force to take possession of it, and the soldiers not finding any
resistance seized the gates and dispersed in search of plunder. The
Imam, informed by his spies that the Persians were off their guard,
upon them with the combined garrisons of Muscat and Muttrah,
fell
and put them to the sword. Some of the Persian ships were also
captured on this occasion.
Smarting under this disaster, Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan's
next operation was to detach Mirza Kelb Ali Khan with a large
portion of the army besieging Sohar to attack Muttrah by land. In
his march along the Batineh coast Kelb Ali took the towns of
Sowaik, Khaboora, Burka, and Mesnaah. He also took and occupied
The Yaareba Dynasty. . ^ 2^9
the town of Nakhl, but in penetrating the neighbouring passes aij^

defiles, parties of his troops suffered heavy loss. Crossing the
Wady Semail, Kelb Ali then upon Muttrah, which was defende'4
fell
by the Imam Sultan and the Commander

of the fort, Saif bin Himyar-
In spite of a strenuous resistance, Muttrah was eventually taken»
the Commander, Saif bin Himyar, being slain during the assault;
The Imam Sultan escaped to Sohar, where he was soon after killed
in a contest with the Persians, or, as some accounts relate, committed
suicide.
Emboldened by this success and being able to invest Muscat
by land as well as by sea, Mirza Taki soon appeared there with his
fleet, but this time he took the precaution to bring the deposed
Imam Saif bin Sultan with him. By the joint operations of the two
GQmmanders the town was stormed and occupied, but the two forts,
Jelali and Merani, still held out. The deposed Imam firmly resisted
Taki Khan's demand that the Commanders should be directed to
surrender the forts, and the wily Persian, finding threats and
persuasion equally fruitless, invited him to dinner on board his ship
and supplied him so liberally with wine that his seal was easily
affixed to letters authorizing the Commanders to deliver up the forts
without delay, and by this device Taki Khan was soon in possession.
An exulting Kharita apprising Nadir Shah that the city of
Muscat, which he so much coveted, was now his own, was speedily
despatched to that monarch.
ashamed and humiliated at the part he had
Saif bin Sultan,
played in the loss of the cit}^ and indignant at the treachery of
Taki Khan, broke with the Persians and retired to the fort of
Al-Hazm in the Batineh, where he lived in seclusion until his death.
During the war the Arab ships' which were in allegiance to the
Imam Murshid rendered important service to their
Sultan bin
country by harassing and attacking the enemy, and especially by
supplying Sohar with provisions, stores, and reinforcements.
Ahmed bin Saeed, indeed, could never have kept the Persians
at bay, owing to the absence of naval organization, had it not been
for these blockade runners, who were able occasionally to pour
supplies into the town, which was often in dire distress for want of
VOL. I. R 2
food and ammunition. The only general engagement that appears

to have taken place t>etween the fleets was fought about this time at
Al-Sowadi. In this affair Shaikh Salim, the Arab commander,
who was on board a large ship (captured some time before from the
enemy), attacked a Persian squadron with great bravery, made
prizes of three of them, and put the rest to flight.
In the month of May, 1743, Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan and
Kelb Ali Khan, leaving strong garrisons at Muscat and Muttrah,
returned to Sohar, where they made preparations for a vigorous
assault on the fort. A great battle ensued outside the walls, in
which, though both sides suffered severely, the result was indecisive,
as the fort was not taken and the siege was not raised. Gaining
fresh courage by his successful defence, Ahmed bin Saeed repaired
his fortifications, collected new reinforcements and supplies and
resolved on a more stubborn and formidable resistance than ever.
During the rest of the year 1743 the struggle for the possession
of Sohar continued, the Persians actively maintaining the siege and
bombarding the fort, while the defenders successfully kept them
at bay. The military skill and resourcefulness of Ahmed were shown
in the way in which he made frequent sorties from the town, keeping
them in constant alarm and preventing them from making incursions.
The knowledge of the topography of the country gave the Arabs
great advantage in making night surprises and attacks. The town
of Sohar, where this memorable siege took place, is situated on that
part of the coast of Oman known as the Batineh, and lies about
150 miles north of Muscat. It stands close to the sea and is
surrounded by a high wall and rampart about a mile in circuit
and is protected by a moat on the land side. The citadel or castle,
which is also the residence of the governor, is a plain, square
building near the centre, with a strong entrance.There are several
shallow wells within the enclosure, from which the water is drawn
by swipes, but the town was chiefly supplied by an aqueduct
drawn from a spring in the Wady Jezzi, fifteen miles off, but this
was, of course, destrojêd at the commencement of the siege by the
Persians.
At the end of 1743, or the beginning of 1744, Taki Khan, be-
coming hopeless Sohar and wearied by the discontent

of reducing
of his troops, sohcited and obtained permission from Nadir Shah
to conclude peace and to return to Persia. He accordingly opened
negotiations with Ahmed bin Saeed, and at an interview a conven-
tion was signed which the terms agreed upon were, that the siege
at
of Sohar should be raised and the besieging army quit Oman, that
Nadir Shah should retain Muscat and receive tribute from the Imam,
and further that Burka and Sohar should remain with Ahmed bin
Saeed. On the conclusion of this treaty hostilities ceased and
Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan, having re-embarked his troops,
proceeded with his ships to Bundar Abbas, from whence he returned
to Shiraz.
Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan is have been rapacious and
said to
covetous as he was remorseless and cruel, and the barbarities
perpetrated by his troops were terrible. Mirza Mohammed Taki
Khan had come to Oman in the hope of enriching himself and had
to some extent succeeded, but in spite of ruthless ravages had found
the land poorer, and had extorted from it less than he had expected.
By his incompetence as a general he had allowed the campaign to
drift into a protracted,, costly, and disastrous war, and had thus
justly incurred the severe displeasure of his royal master, Nadir
Shah, who expecting an easy and glorious conquest had found
himself confronted with defeat and loss of prestige. Soon after
his return to Persia, Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan raised a revolt
against his sovereign and endeavoured to make himself independent
in Fars, but the insurrection was easily quelled and its author dis-
graced and punished.
In his negotiations with Taki Khan, Ahmed knew well that he
was acting entirely without authority, as the Imam Belarab at
Rostak, who alone had the right to treat with a foreign power, had
been contemptuously ignored in the matter till after the treaty was
signed. With the full knowledge that the convention was null and
void, therefore, Ahmed apparently considered himself justified in
making the retention of Muscat by the Persians impossible, and
thus put an end to their occupation of Oman altogether.
As soon as the last Persian soldier had quitted the Batineh
2.62 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
coast Ahmed bin Saeed marched to Burka with a large following^

and having appointed his friend, Khalfan bin Mohammed bin
AbduUa, governor of that fort, took measures to isolate Muscat by
land and sea, by stopping all trade and intercourse with the Persians
there as far as possible and with this object he invited all Ara1>
;
craft to come to Burka, where he offered every facility to merchants.

The plan succeeded admirably. No vessels touched at Muscat and
no traders resorted thither from the interior, and the garrison were
soon reduced to extremities. The earnest appeals of the Persian
governor for succour had remained entirely unheeded, owing, no
doubt, to the disorders in that empire occasioned by Nadir Shah's
mental aberration, which continued to increase during the last three
or four years of his life.
All hopes of aid having at length vanished , the governor resolved

to come to terms with Ahmed bin Saeed, who lost no time in
despatching Khamees bin Salini from Burka to invite the governor
and chief Persian officers to meet him on promise of safe conduct.
Having no alternative but to trust in Arab pledges, the governor
and officers accepted the invitation and arrived at Burka only to
find a Barmecide feast awaiting them. The assurances of safety
given by Ahmed bin Saeed were treacherously broken, and most of
the Persian officers were barbarously murdered. After this tragedy
the Muscat garrison perforce surrendered at discretion, but it is
difficult to reconcile the conflicting accounts respecting their fate.

Probably they were all allowed to embark in safety and return to
Persia.
We must now revert to the time when the Imam Sultan bin
Murshid was mortally wounded under the walls of Sohar and was
carried into the fort, where he died about the middle of 1743. As
soon as the news reached Rostak, two members of the Yaareba family
rose at once to claim the succession. One of these was Belarab bin
Himyar and was Majid bin Sultan, a brother of the deposed
his rival
Imam Saif The choice fell upon the first, Belarab bin Himyar, who
.
was duly elected Imam in the capital and then became the virtual
ruler of Oman. Notwithstanding that he was now in undisputed
authority and holding most of the resources of the State at his disposal.
The Yaareha Dynasty. " >
263
Belarab did not attempt to join in the war and operate against the
enemy. His jealousy, indeed, of Ahmed bin Saeed was so great, that
Sohar, which was in sore straits at this period, was left without
any pretence of help or encouragement from the central government.
Belarab's selfish policy, however, could not but act prejudicially to
the interests of himself and his dynasty. The land, consequently,
had no sooner been swept of its foes than the people began to show
their appreciation of Ahmed bin Saeed's patriotism, and many of the
Kadhis, Shaikhs, and Electors, having assembled at Muscat, declared
him to be worthy of being their ruler and proclaimed him as Imam.
Ahmed bin vSaeed's was to re-occupy Muscat and restore
first care
itto its previous condition. The forts were garrisoned, Khalfan bin
Mohammed bin Abdulla was appointed Wali or governor, and all the
traders and others who had been scared away by the insolence and
exactions of the Persians were brought back to their homes again.
Having passed through the horrors of a foreign invasion, the
Omanis were in turn to experience the vicissitudes of a civil war
between the rival Imams. In this contest the Imam Belarab bin
Himyar was supported chiefly by the Ghafiri tribes of Dhahireh and
the Semail, while the Imam Ahmed bin Saeed's adherents belonged to
the Hinawa tribes of the Batineh. The news of the important con-
clave at Muscat, at which the popular hero was elected, threw the
Yaareba famity into a ferment, and roused Belarab to immediate
activity. In collecting his followers he showed so much skill and
energy that he soon had a formidable levy of 4,000 or 5,000 men,
including the Joasmees, Naeem, and other tribes of Al-Sirr, with
which to assume the offensive. His plan was to wrest the two for-
tresses on the coast from Ahmed's grasp, and with this object in view
he first marched on Muscat, but threatened that stronghold in vain,
and had to retire. His next operations were undertaken against
Sohar, and Ahmed having hastened back to that town began to gather
forces for the coming struggle. The result of the Battle of Bitnah,
which happened probably in the early part of 1745, was unfortunate
ior Ahmed. Almost at the last moment, as is so often the case in
Arab warfare, he was deserted by many of those on whom he most
depended, and his troops, being greatly outnumbered, took to flight.
;
Ahmed himself escaped with difficulty, but being unable to reach

Sohar as his pursuers were close upon him, he made his way to
Yenkal in the Wady Howasina, where he remained a long time in
concealment. Belarab's atternpt to capture vSohar, however, was
frustrated by the gallant attitude of the governor of that fort, and
Belarab returned to Rostak.
For some years the war between the rivals continued, but the
hostilities were chiefly local and of a minor character. During this
interval, Belarab was undoubtedly recognized as the true ruler, and
exercised supreme power throughout the interior, but it is equally
certain that the Yaareba influence and power were rapidly waning.
The year 1747 saw the end of the extraordinary career of Nadir Shah
and his son, Kareem Khan, who succeeded, demanded the annual
tribute, which had been regularly paid under the treaty with
Mohammed Taki, from the Oman government, but the demand
was not complied with.
Two years now passed before the rival Imams resumed opera-
tions, and Ahmed having collected an army moved up against
Belarab bin Himyar, who was encamped in the vicinity of Jebel
Akhdar. In this campaign Belarab stood on the defensive, as the
forces he had been able to muster were hardly sufficient to cope with
those of his rival in the field. The final conflict which took place in
the latter part of the year 1749 was decisive. Ahmed's attack was
completely successful, the Ghafiris were routed and dispersed and
Belarab bin Himyar was pursued by Hilal bin Ahmed and slain.
According to Guillain this battle was fought in the Wady Maawal,
but Salil bin Rizak more correctly perhaps places the event at Fark
in the Wady Kalbuh.
The death of Belarab was a blow from which the Yaareba never
recovered. The deposed Imam Saif bin Sultan's two sons and his
surviving brother Majid remained in seclusion, and the only member
of the Yaareba family who endeavoured to oppose him and subvert the
authority of Ahmed bin Saeed was Mohammed bin Suliman, a cousin
of the late Imam Sultan bin Murshid, who, being unsupported, soon
collapsed and was glad to accept the appanage of Naklil, which he
henceforth enjoyed.
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BY
VOL. XL
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LONDON
Printed and Published by
HARRISON AND SONS. 44, ST. MARTIN'S LANE,
PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HIS MAJESTY.
I9I9.
Price £1 lis. 6d. net the two volumes.

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CHAPTER V.
THE AL-BU SAEEDI DYNASTY.
The Yaareba had been the most powerful dynasty that Oman had
ever seen. It had held sway for about a century and a quarter and
had during that period, by the administrative ability, energy and

enterprise of its princes, raised the status, power, and prosperity of
the country to a greater height than it had ever previously attained.
Yêt its fall was rapid, humiliating, and irretrievable, and the star of
those enterprising princes, who had done so much for Oman, for good
and evil, had set for ever. The date of this event, viz., 1749, is con-
firmed by Niebuhr, who tells us that in the jêar 1765 Ahmed bin
Saeed had reigned sixteen years.
Relieved of the anxiety and perils of civil war, Ahmed was now
able to turn his attention to administrative affairs, and by a quick
move made himself master of Rostak, which had been for about 125
years the capital of Oman, and established his residence there, appro-
—
priating to himself all the castles bait al mat or crown lands, and
other property.
In the main fortresses of the country, viz., Nezwa, Bahila, Zikki,
and Semail, etc., he appointed men of his own selection as governors,
and then with a strong hand set to work to repress many of the abuses
that had crept into the State. In place of the thievish rabble soldiery
maintained by his predecessors, he substituted a well-equipped and
efficient body of African slaves, who are said to have been well behaved
and faithful.
VOL. II. A
266 Countries and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
In order to still further consolidate his position, Ahmed, shortly

formed an alliance with the dynasty he
after his accession to power,
had overthrown by espousing the daughter of the late Imam Saif
bin Sultan, by whom he had a son named Mohammed.
Nothing, however, served so well to confirm him in the Imamate
as his firm and sagacious administration, which soon gained him the
loyal support and respect of the people.
With the fall of the Yaareba Dynasty the policy of adventure,
or predatory exploits, which had distinguished them during their
rule, fell also, and with the rise of the Al-Bu Saeedis the people of
Oman returned under the wise guidance of Ahmed bin Saeed to the
more simple and legitimate ways of commercial intercourse with
other nations. The city of Muscat had rapidly recovered from the
depression caused by the temporary occupation of the Persians, and
became more populous and thriving than ever.
The Imam, looking round to see how he could best encourage the
seaborne trade of his merchants, whose vessels at this period visited
not only the ports of the Persian Gulf but those of Western India,
Java, Mauritius, the Red Sea and East Africa, naturally directed
his attention first to his own colonies in Africa, where it was necessary
to obtain recognition of his sovereignty and make his authority felt
and respected.In the ensuing north-east monsoon (1750), he accor-
dingly despatched ships to the ports of Mombasa, Kilwa, and Zanzibar,
appointing men on whom he could depend as governors. Although
trade relations had no doubt existed between Oman and East Africa
from immemorial times, as the slave markets of Persia and Mesopo-
tamia could have been supplied in no other way, it was not until the
first half of the seventeenth century that the Arabs began to acquire
when, having been invited by the inhabi-

territorial possessions there,
tants of the country to protect them from their Portuguese oppressors,
expeditions were sent from Muscat to capture and occupy Kilwa and
Mombasa.
At this time the trade, though still quite undeveloped, was of
considerable importance and value, consisting chiefly of slaves, ivory,
copal and timber ; and a large number of vessels were engaged in
The Al-Bu Saeedi Dynasty. 267
taking from Oman cargoes of dates and other articles in exchange for
the commodities above mentioned.
The prosperity of Oman trade about this period was partly due
to the increased security open to navigatorsby the disappearance of
the most formidable piratical fleet then menacing commerce in the
Indian Ocean, viz., that of Toolajee Angria of Gheriah, from whose
depredations the Arabs and Persians had suffered very severely until
it had been finally crushed by Admiral Watson. As the Angrias
were of Arab extraction it may be as well to give a slight sketch of
the rise of these notorious pirates, who paralyzed commerce in the
Indian Seas for so many years. In the year 1643, a Muscat dhow was
wrecked off the Indian coast near Rajapore in the dominions of the
Sahujee Raja, The captain was killed and most of the crew made
captives. Among the latter was a half-caste Arab, named Sambhoo,
who, being a man of uncommon courage and ability, soon distinguished
himself and was able, after many adventures and exploits, to establish
himself on the coast in partial independence as a pirate. He was
killed in a fight with the Moghul's troops in 1675, leaving a son, Poora^
who successfully carried on his father's lucrative profession, and was
killed in 1686. Poora's son, Kanowja, was a very bold and spirited
leader and became the most noted of the Angria family. About
1713 he began persistently to harass the English, and on this account
several expeditions were sent against him from Bombay. He had,
however, by this time established himself in a very strong position
at Gheriah and was able to resist the efforts of the East India Company
with ease. Kanowja died in 1740 and left two sons, Sambub and
Toolajee, who were a terror to all traders. The end came in 1756,
when Gheriah was captured by Admiral Watson and Colonel Clive,
who with a squadron of fourteen men-of-war and a strong military
force utterly routed out and destroyed the pirate fleet. A full account,
no doubt, of this event reached Muscat shortly afterwards, and the
news was naturally received with much rejoicing by the merchants.
It is fair to conjecture that Hyder Naik, who throughout his
career had missed no opportunity of showing his enmity to the English
cause in India, was actuated by the same spirit in sending a diplomatic
VOL. II. A 2
agent to Muscat, as he might hope thereby to gam the Imam over to

the French and Mysore alhance. Ahmed bin Saeed was, however,
too prudent and sensible a man to allow himself to be entangled in
this way, though, as the course of events during the remainder of the
century proved, the Mysore agents were not without political in-
fluence inOman.
It was very soon after his accession to the Imamate that Ahmed
made known his intention to follow the policy of his Yaareba prede-
cessors, in refusing to allow the English to build a factory at Muscat.
Towards end negotiations had been carried on intermittently
this
for nearly a century between the English in Western India and suc-
cessive Imams, but to no purpose, as the Arabs remained firm on this
point. The decision was probably due to native experience of Por-
tuguese and Dutch encroachments in the Persian Gulf during the
seventeenth century. But it was not only the English who were
denied a factory the Dutch and even the French were treated in the
;
same manner and kept at a distance. The French do not appear to

have commenced trading operations in the Persian Gulf before the
early part of the eighteenth century, when they located an agent at
Busra ; touched at Muscat, however, during
their vessels constantly
this period, and their relations with the Oman Government were
always friendly. The first communications of a political nature
appear to have taken place in 1749, when Ahmed bin Saeed was
residing at Aufy, near Sohar, previous to his final contest with
Belarab.
About the month of February of that year three French
privateers from Mauritius entered the port of Muscat, avowedly
with the object of intercepting English merchant ships, although it
was well known that France and England were then at peace. The
largest of these vessels was the Conde. Finding a large English
merchant ship in the cove the privateers very unscrupulously
endeavoured to cut her out. The Wali Khalfan bin Mohammed
resented this breach of neutrality, opened fire on them with the
guns of the fort, and compelled them to sheer off. Thwarted in his
attempt on the English ship, the captain of the Conde sailed
for Gombroon, where he attacked and partly destroyed the English

factory. x\fter this exploit he steered for Sohar, where a correspond-
ence took place between him and the Imam Ahmed regarding the
affair at Muscat.
About the year 1758-59 the Imam, having consolidated his
power and gained complete ascendancy over the Oman tribes, was
able to undertake operations in Al-Sirr, generally known as the pirate
coast, in order to reduce to subjection the Joasmees and other war-
like tribes, who had hitherto remained entirely independent. The
Joasmees, who are a branch of the great Hawala clan, occupying the
Persian coast from Gombroon to Ras Berdistan, was so named after
Shaikh Kasim, the grandfather of the notorious Shaikh Rashid bin
Muttar, who ruled at this time and who resided at Julfar or Ras
al-Khyma. The Imam first marched against Khasab, when the
Shaikh Hassan bin Abdulla al-Shihoo at once submitted. Whilst
at Khasab the Imam heard of a Yaareba revolt in Al-Sharkiyah,
and having ordered Khalfan bin Mohammed to proceed to Julfar
with all his ships, started at once for Jaalan, where he gathered the
tribes and suppressed the revolt with a strong hand. On his return
to Khasab, the Imam found it advisable to replace Khalfan by a
more energetic officer, and he, therefore, summoned Seyyid Ali bin
Saif and dispatched him with four ships and ten dhows to Al-Sirr,
with orders to establish a strict blockade. These orders were followed
up so closely by stopping the pearl-fishery and intercepting trade
that in course of time he reduced all the ports on that coast and
made them, with the exception of Julfar, recognize the supremacy
of the Imam.
This satisfactory result took place in 1762, and in the following
year Shaikh Sakar, with his uncle, Abdulla, and Mohammed bin Ali,
proceeded to Rostak, where at an interview with the Imam it was
arranged that the blockading fleet should be withdrawn and that the
Joasmee port of Julfar should be considered independent of the
Imam's authority. The political state of affairs then outlined
remained unaltered for more than twenty years.
In the year 1761 another French privateering expedition, con-
VOL. II. A 3
sisting of the Boulogne, 14 giins, with a smaller vessel as consort,

arrived atMuscat from Port Louis. The Boulogne was com-
manded by Count D'Estaing, who had accompanied Count Lally to
India, and had been taken prisoner by the English at the siege of
Madras in November, 1758, and sent to England. Having been
liberated on parole soon after, he returned to France, where he
broke his parole and sailed for the Mauritius, and with the view of
taking his revenge on the English, fitted out a buccaneering expedi-
tion to injure their trade in the Persian Gulf.
At Muscat Count D'Estaing followed the example of the
Conde, by ignoring the laws of neutrality and attacking an
English ship, but the Wali Khalfan bin Mohammed saved the vessel
and avenged the insult to his flag by firing on the Boulogne and
driving her off.
Proceeding to Gombroon D'Estaing broke open and plundered

the English factory, took several prisoners and then sailed for
Sumatra, from whence he returned to the Mauritius.
About this time may be dated the commencement of the Muscat
trade with Mauritius, which had been taken possession of in 1715 b}^
the French. The first trading vessel from the island probably
dropped anchor at Muscat in the time of the Imam Ahmed, and the
trade continued without interruption for about fifty jêars, but it
never rose to any great proportions. The article chiefly exported
to Arabia was sugar, the island receiving in return salt fish, dates,
and coffee. The governor, M. Malartic, used to send acceptable
presents of cannon and gunpowder to the Imam, who dispatched
suitable gifts in exchange. In 1764 the famous traveller, Carsten
Niebuhr, arrived at Muscat from Bombay and remained for some time
collecting information Imam's dominions, though,
respecting the
as he tells us, he did not visit the interior his map, though of course
;
crude, is the first ever published of the country. The Imam had four
ships with which he traded with his own possessions in East Africa,
while the revenue derived from the Customs at Muscat was about a
lakh of rupees— Europeans paid five per cent, and Arab traders
paid six per cent.
At the Kereem Khan demanded from the Imam

close of 1769
Ahmed a large ship, which had been purchased by the latter from the
Governor of Hormuz, on the ground that it belonged to Persia, and
further required him to pay arrears of tribute which had not been
received for many years, but both these demands were peremptorily
refused. The Imam's reply as regards the tribute was to the effect
that it had been exacted from Oman by Nadir Shah, who could not
be denied, and that if Kereem Khan wanted it he must be prepared
to take it by force. In 1776 Ahmed sent a fleet with 5,000 men on
board to the Gulf to operate against Bush ire, to compel the restitu-
tion of certain property detained by the Persians, but the expedition
proved abortive as it never reached its destination and returned to
Muscat.
In 1772 Shaikh Rashid was in alliance with the Imam and co-
operated with Khalfan bin Mohammed, Governor of Muscat, against
the Persians, and did some damage in destroying galleots. The
Shaikh continued to assist the Imam war with Persia, which
in the
dragged on languidly until 1774, when Nasir Khan, Governor of
Bushire, was directed by the Shah to prosecute the campaign
vigorously or to make terms with the Imam. The Persian terms
offered were so preposterous that the Imam rejected them and again
refused tribute. It was while engaged in this war that the Imam
Ahmed undertook an expedition to Busra, which, though of little

avail, redounded much to his personal credit and renown.
Late in the year 1774 the Shah of Persia, Kereem Khan, becom-
ing jealous of the increasing opulence and importance of the city of
Busra, which was largely diverting to itself the trade of India
formerly flowing to Bundar Abbas and other Persian ports, and
alarmed also at the mutinous spirit of his soldiery, resolved to gratify
his ambition on the one hand, and give his troops employment on
the other, by making war on Turkey and in taking possession of
Busra.
Seeking a pretext for his action, Kereem Khan demanded the
head Wall of Baghdad, Omar Pasha,
of the who had offended
the
Persians by levying a poll tax on the Shihr pilgrims to Najaf and
VOL. II. A 4
p
Kerbela. Another pretext was the aid given by the Pasha of Bagh-
dad to the ruler of Oman in 1743, which, it was averred, prevented
the Persians from subduing that province. The head of Omar Pasha
having been refused by the Subhme Porte, which had itself issued
orders to him for the collection of the tax, the Shah declared war and
began to concentrate an army at Shiraz. Intelligence of the Shah's
intentions reached Busra in January, 1775, and the Mutasalim, or
governor, of that city, Suliman Agha, at once reported the matter to
the Wali of Baghdad, Omar Pasha, who being then in a critical posi-
tion was unable to afford any assistance. However, he addressed
an urgent appeal to the Imam of Oman for a powerful fleet to oppose
the Persians and protect Busra, and to this appeal the Imam sent a
favourable response, promising to bring a fleet to the aid of the Turks.
The Persian army, commanded by Sadik Khan, a brother of the
Shah, arrived at Howaza in March, crossed the Shat al-Arab in April,
and encamped near Marghil. Its strength is estimated at 50,000
men by Abraham Parsons, who was at Busra at this time, and who
gives many details of the siege. He tells us in his book of travels that
the English Resident, Mr. Henry Moore, was supported at Busra by
two of the East India Company's war vessels, viz., the Eagle,
14 guns, commanded by Captain Anderson, and the Success, ketch,
9 guns, besides two ketches of 14 guns each, built for the Pasha in
Bombay, commanded by an English midshipman under British
colours. At the request of the Mutasalim, or governor, of the town,
Suliman Agha, these vessels were ordered to prevent the passage of
the Shat al-Arab bj^ the Persian armj^ as far as lay in their power.
With this view they first proceeded to assist the Turks in obstructing
the passage of the Persian transports by laying a cable, part of which
consisted of an iron chain seventy fathoms long, supported on boats,
across the river. This cable, however, was soon broken by the tide
and proved of little avail. The Eagle and Success some
for
time acted vigilantly and fired on the Persian vessels coming up the
river, and in this way did some execution, but shortly after, under
verbal instructions given apparently to avoid complications, they
sailed to Bushire, where they found seven English ships at anchor.
On board the Eagle was Mr. Green, a former Resident at Busra,

who had been taken prisoner in the brig Tiger when it was captured
by the Persians about two years and had returned to Busra on
before,
parole to receive his property. While the siege and blockade of
Busra were proceeding, the Imam Ahmed, in fulfilment of his promise
to Omar Pasha, continued the preparation of his naval armament at
Muscat, and the middle of August, 1775, received reports of its
in
being ready for sea. It was composed of the Rahmani, on which
the Imam himself embarked, nine other square-rigged ships, seventy

galleots and trankies, and fifty dhows full of men. Passing Bushire
on September nth, the fleet anchored in the Shat al-Arab, off Deep
Water Point, a few days later. The motives of the Imam in under-
taking this costly expedition were partly to cement friendly relations
with the Turks, to whom he owed some gratitude for help afforded
during Taki Khan's invasion, and partly to strike a blow at the Per-
sians, with whom he was at war, and it was not without a feeling of
disappointment that he found the Turks much weaker and the Per-
sians much stronger than he had anticipated. After breaking through
the iron chain which the Persians had thrown across the river to bar
its progress, the fleet attacked and dispersed the Persian galleots
under Shaikh Nasir, the governor of Bushire, and was thus able to
pour supplies into the town, which was in dire straits from want of
food. But beyond this, little appears to have been done and Suliman
Agha's hope of being able, with the help of his Muscat allies, to compel
Sadik Khan to raise the siege, had to be abandoned. The Imam then
vainly endeavoured to mediate for peace between the two powers,
while Hyder Naik's envoy to Persia, who arrived at this juncture in
the Persian Gulf from India, seems to have been prepared to do the
same.
The Imam had serious thoughts of sending his second son, Saeed,
to Kereem Khan to make peace for the Turks, as well as for himself,
but this scheme was not carried out, and the Imam Ahmed returned
to Muscat with end of the year 1775.
his fleet at the
The unfortunate Omar Pasha had in the meantime been sacrificed
to the anxiety of the Sublime Porte to appease the Persian monarch.
—
having been beheaded in the month of July, 1775. As a sequel to-

the above narrative it may be mentioned that in 1778 Captain
Anderson of the Eagle was directed by the Resident at Bushire to
embark on board his ship to Muscat a Turkish envoy with a letter of
thanks for the valuable aid given by the Imam during the siege of
Busra, and promising that a subsidy should be paid annually to the
Oman Government for the service rendered. In the year 1775 the
Imam Ahmed and Shaikh Rashid bin Muttar, the Joasmee, were
again at war, the Joasmees having become more powerful than ever
both by land and sea. Two years later, however, in 1777, Shaikh
Rashid resigned the leadership from old age and infirmity and was
succeeded by his son, Sakar, between whom and the Imam Ahmed a
truce was made shortly after.
In July, 1775, H.M. Frigate Seahorse, 20 guns, commanded
by Captain Farmer, anchored at Muscat from Bushire and remained
about two months. It is interesting to remark that one of her mid-
shipmen on board was the future hero of the Nile and Trafalgar
Horatio Nelson. It was probably about this time that the Imam
Ahmed despatched his frigate, the Rahmani, to Mangalore to
enquire why the export of rice had been prohibited, as the want of it
was very greatly felt in Oman. The envoy sent in the Rahmani
was well received by the representative of Hyder Naik at Mangalore,
who explained the cause of the non-shipment of rice to foreign ports.
Some time afterwards Hyder Naik sent a return envoy to Muscat,
with instructions to sign a convention with the Imam, and to remain
there as Mysore political agent. For this agent a house was built at
Muscat, and exists there to this day under the name of the Bait al-
Nawab, or the Nawab's house. Salil bin Rizak, who gives the date of
thisvoyage as about 1776, states that after leaving Mangalore, the
Rahmani proceeded to attack a pirate nest and destro}^ it.
In May, 1778, a third breach of neutrality was committed by
the French : an English merchant ship bound to Bushire from Surat,
with a cargo of 500 bales of cloth on board, was chased by a French
privateer in the Gulf of Oman, and ran for shelter into Muscat. The
privateer followed and endeavoured with her boats to cut her out.
but the Wall Khalfan bin Mohammed protected her, and not only
sent a letter of protest to the aggressor but opened and the
fire,
Frenchman, after a loss of five killed, desisted from the attempt and
sailed away. About a month subsequent to this event, war broke
out again between the Imam and his persistent enemy the Joasmee,
who had taken some Persian ships on the plea that they had Muscat
property on board. They soon after joined Shaikh Nasir at
Bushire in trying to recover Bahrain from the Attoobees, and their
ships became very active in the Gulf at this time, committing acts
of piracy and insulting the Muscat coast. Shaikh Sakar, who,
as we have seen, succeeded his father in 1777, was indeed so bold and
troublesome in his depredations that the Imam soon found it neces-
sary to undertake operations against him. In November, 1778,
therefore, a fleet consisting of* twelve ships and a hundred smaller
craft were dispatched to Julfar. In consequence, however, of the
shallowness of the water preventing the larger ships approaching
within two or three miles of the shore, their guns could not reach
the town, and the demonstration failed in its object. In the follow-
ing month Shaikh Sakar marched with a large force to raid the Batineh
and besiege Rostak, but nothing resulted from this campaign and
he soon after returned to Julfar. It was while Shaikh Sakar was
engaged on this expedition that the first recorded instance of an
attack by the Joasmees on an English ship occurred. In December,
1778, an English snow (i.e. brig) with despatches on board and
manned by an European master and mate with a crew of Lascars,
was met in the Gulf by six Joasmee dhows, and after a stubborn fight
of three days, in which thirty Arabs were wounded, was captured
and taken into Julfar. The Resident at Bushire, Mr. Beaumont,
tried to ransom her, but the Shaikh refused to surrender her for
less than 4,000 rupees.
In January, 1779, the ketch Success on her way from Muscat
to Busra was attacked by eight or ten Julfar dhows, but luckily
repulsed her assailants and escaped. In the following month the
English snow Assistance, commanded by Captain Johnston, was
attacked by Julfar pirates, but having taken the precaution to take
in some Belooch soldiers at Muscat, she beat off the pirates and
arrived at Bushire in safety. The war between the Imam Ahmed
and Shaikh Sakar continued to be carried on with unabated vigour
at this time. The Joasmee piratical vessels cruised in the Persian
Gulf and Arabian Sea and Committed great depredations in spite of
constant efforts of the Muscat fleet to suppress them, and they did
not hesitate to attack European ships whenever they thought they
could do so with success. Great anarchy prevailed, as all the
various tribes in the Gulf seemed to be at variance and peace was not
restored until 1785. One of the serious troubles that befell the
Imam Ahmed and perplexed him in his old age was the ungrateful
and contumacious conduct of some of his sons, who at this period
began to quarrel among themselves and to intrigue with the more
powerful tribes about the succession.
The Imam's was now Wind and incapacitated
eldest son, Hilal,
for rule; Saeed, the second son, was a man of weak, indolent, and
—
voluptuous character his father had given him the Wilayet of
Nezwa, where he made himself very unpopular by his exactions and
oppressions ;Kais, the third son, was headstrong and ambitious and
inclined to give trouble, but as the Imam prudently presented him
with the Wilayet of Sohar, he did not concern himself much with
the quarrels between his brothers that disturbed his father during
the later years of his The next two, Saif and Sultan, were the
life.
most unruly of the Imam's children being descended through

;
their mother from the ancient and noble Jiboor tribe, they considered
themselves as having a higher claim to the succession than their
brother Saeed, of whom
they were very jealous and whom they had
long feared and detested. Apprehensive of the approaching end of
the old chieftain, they began an intrigue with the Joasmee, Naeem,
and other powerful tribes in order to gain their support in the coming
struggle. The first overt act of insubordination towards their father
occurred in the year 1780. Having obtained the assistance of a
small party from Nakhl, the two brothers made a night attack on
the fort of Burka on the Batineh coast.
In spite of a strong defence, in which the governor was killed.
an entry was forced, and possession gained. As soon as the news

reached the Imam, he set out to vindicate his authority and compel
the surrender of the offenders. The fort was bombarded and after
a long resistance the sons came out to crave forgiveness of their
father ; this was at once granted and the troops returned to
Rostak.
The fact of Saif and Sultan having been assisted in their adven-
ture by a party from Nakhl naturally caused the Imam to throw
the blame on the governor of that town, Mohammed bin Suliman
al-Yaarebi, who, it will be remembered, had been given that district
as an appanage on the death of Belarab bin Himyar in 1749.
Rejecting Mohammed's protestations and disavowals of his complicity
in the matter, the Imam collected an army to punish him and soon
appeared before the walls of the fortress. Mohammed, however,
had strong partisans in the Naeem and other tribes of Dhahireh,
and Nakhl was so well guarded that the attack proved a failure.
The Imam's force gradually melted away and he returned to Rostak
discomfited. He then turned his attention to the Batineh and led
an army to Hazm, where the Yaareba and other tribes had revolted,
and having obtained some success, he recovered his prestige to a
certain extent, and then returned to the capital.
In 178 1 three French privateers from Mauritius, one of 36 guns,
commanded by Captain De Cheny, one of 11 guns, and one of 14,
came to the Gulf of Oman, and having captured on the way an
English ship the Beglerbeg, commanded by Captain Peter Scott,
bound from Surat to Moocha, entered the cove of Muscat. After
a vain attempt to seize an English ship at anchor here, the privateer
sailed up the Gulf, and on June 15th captured off Sohar, after a
short engagement, the Imam's frigate Salih, of 50 guns, laden
with goods from a British Indian port to Busra. With a prize crew
on board the Salih was sent to Severndroog, and there sold to
the Mahrattas. One of the Salih's boats having escaped capture
brought the news to land, and a message was at once dispatched to
the Imam to inform him of the event. Two months later, one of the
privateers happened to return to Muscat for refreshments and the
Imam immediately ordered her to be seized and her crew made

was reversed and
prisoners in retaUation, but shortly after this order
the Frenchmen were sent to the Mauritius together with an envoy,
who was instructed to demand restitution of the Salih and her
cargo, which was valued at twelve lakhs of rupees. The mind of the
Imam Ahmed was deeply wounded by the action of the French,
for whom he had always felt much cordiality and for whom he had
always shown great consideration. This unjustifiable proceeding
almost caused a temporary rupture of friendly relations, and the
Imam immediately addressed strong remonstrances, not only to the
Mauritius, but the French Government, through the medium of his
friend, Monsieur J. F. X. Rousseau, the Consul-General at Baghdad.
This gentleman, who was born and brought up at Ispahan, entered
the French consular service and proved himself a good diplomatist
and linguist. He had been for many years in communication with
the Imam Ahmed and had much influence with him. He represented
the case fully to the French Government at Paris, who eventually
expressed regret at the occurrence and purchased a ship, called the
Courier de VIsle de France, to be sent out to Muscat to replace
the Salih. This was accordingly done, but the promised vessel
was taken on the way by an English cruiser, and it was not until
the year 1790 that a second small vessel, called the Escurial, but
re-named the was convoyed to Muscat by the La Thetis,
Salih,
frigate, commanded by Captain Macnamara and delivered to the
Imam Saeed. Captain Macnamara is said to have negotiated, under

instructions from the French Foreign Office, a convention with the
Imam, but it seems to have been confined to expressions of mutual
friendship and goodwill.
Going back to the month of February, 1781, we find that Saif and
Sultan, who were residing in the small castle of Naaman, near Burka,
being eager to put themselves in an independent position, resolved
tomake a desperate effort to possess -themselves of Muscat, and
made good plans which at first seemed to promise success. Having
Beni Jabir, they proceeded to Muscat with
solicited the support of the
a small party and requested permission to enter the town, and were
unsuspectingly admitted by the governor, who recognized them as

sons of the Imam Ahmed. The two brothers then no time
lost in
seducing the commandants of the two forts, Merani and Jelali, of
which they thus obtained possession. The Wali, finding himself
deceived, at once apprised the Imam of what had occurred, and
endeavoured to recover the forts, but Saif and Sultan opened fire on
the town and soon laid part of it in ruins.
Incensed at the news the old Imam quitted Rostak with a large
force to reduce his rebellious sons to obedience, and on arriving at
Muttrah ordered the merchants and inhabitants of Muscat to bring
their effects to the former town for security. He then demanded the
surrender of the forts, and on this being refused he commenced
hostilities. In the meantime Saif and Sultan despatched letters to
Shaikh Sakar, the Joasmee, to solicit assistance, which request was
readily complied with. Shaikh Sakar, however, instead of joining
the brothers at Muscat, deemed it more politic to march direct on the
capital, and gathering contingents from the tribes on the way, arrived
there in April, 1781. This diversion had its intended effect the ;
Imam, dreading the Joasmee invasion, made peace with his sons and
agreed that each of them should retain one of the forts, and further,
that there should be an amnesty to all concerned.
For some reason the Imam shortly after changed his mind and
retained Merani for himself, allowing his sons to hold Jelali between
them. Tranquillity for some months ensued, and then another and
more serious effort was made by Saif and Sultan. Having decoyed
their brother Saeed to Naaman Castle, they treacherously seized and
bound him, brought him down by boat to Muscat, and threw him into
a dungeon in Fort Jelali. Divining, rightly, no doubt, that Saeed's
life was in danger, the aged Imam hurried down from his capital at
the close of December, and passing Naaman on January ist, 1782,

arrived at Muscat, where he occupied the old Portuguese " gareza,"
or cathedral. On the refusal of his sons to surrender, the Imam
ordered the Commandant of Merani to open fire on the fort of Jelali,
and a vigorous bombardment ensued which was supported by the
Imam's ships of war lying to the eastward. The heavy crossfire to
—
which Jelali was then subjected would soon have compelled sub-
mission, but in the meantime, Saeed, having bribed his gaoler,
managed to escape by being lowered by a rope on to the
from the fort
rocks below during the night, and was able to rejoin his father in the
town. Having gained his end by the sudden deliverance of his
favourite son from the prospect of a cruel death, for the usual custom
among the Arabs in such cases is to let their victims come to a tardy
and lingering fate by starvation, the Imam at once put a stop to the
bombardment and offered terms to Saif and Sultan, who, after the
loss of their hostage, Saeed, had nothing to expect from prolonged
hostilities, and had no resource but to yield the fort. With a view
to prevent any further acts of rebellion on the part of his two sons,
the Imam, on leaving Muscat, took Saif with him in custody, and
detained him under surveillance for many months at Rostak.
The remainder of Ahmed bin vSaeed's active and stirring life was
calm and uneventful. He died at an advanced age at Rostak on
December 15th, 1783, after a reign of thirty-four years, and was buried
near the Great Mosque. His tomb bears a long inscription, of which
after quotations from the Koran, the following is a translation :
" This is the grave of our Master our Seyyid, the light of
our darkness, the Imam, the just, benevolent, the perfect, the
learned, the worker, the pious, the devout, the ornament, the
Imam of Mohammed, the administrator, of the Faithful, the
banner of fighter in the cause of religion, the Imam of Mussul-
mans.
" Ahmed bin Saeed bin Ahmed bin Mohammed bin Khalif
bin Saeed al-Boo Saeedi, the Azdi, the Omani, the Ibadhi. May
God have mercy on him and pardon him.
" His death occurred on the morning of Monday the nine-
teenth of the month of Al-Moharram in the year one thousand
one hundred and ninety-eight. 19th Moharram, 1198 a.h."
[A.D. 1783].
On the death of the Imam, the Kadhis and Shaikhs assembled at

Rostak, and in accordance with the expressed wish of their great
The Al-Bu Saeedi Dynasty.' 281
prince, elected his second son Saeed to succeed him. No opposition

was offered to this election at the time by any member of the family,
and Saeed, having taken quiet possession of the capital, Rostak,
assumed the administration. All the forts that were in the possession
of Ahmed submitted to Saeed unreservedly, the three forts of Al-
Hazm, Nakhl and Sohar, remaining in the hands of the Yaareba,
Mohammed bin Suliman and Kais respectively.
The change, however, that soon took place in the affairs of Oman
was lamentable the land that had been so well and firmly guided by
;
Ahmed fell now, in the hands of the weak and incompetent Saeed,
into a state of confusion and anarchy, and the fierce animosities
and jealousies of the tribes burst forth without restraint the most
;
prominent consequences perhaps of the change being the triumph of

political ascendancy from the Hinawa faction to that of the Ghafiris.
Though Saif and Sultan did not oppose the election of their
brother, they well understood the danger to which they were exposed
from that quarter, and lost no time in appealing to their friend,
Shaikh Sakar, the Joasmee, to help them in dispossessing Saeed of
the Imamate. The appeal was not made in vain. In 1784 Shaikh
Sakar, having gathered the Shemal tribes, declared war against the
Imam, and soon captured the towns of Hamra, Shargah, and Rams,
as well as Khor Fakan.
The Imam's operations against the Joasmees and their allies
were conducted with much vigour by land and sea, and the war con-
tinued for some time, but the towns taken by the latter were not
recovered the campaign terminated without any material success
;
having been gained by the Imam.

The failure of the efforts of the Joasmee Shaikh to overthrow
Saeed and to establish Saif as Imam in his stead was a bitter blow to
the two brothers, who now felt that it was placing their lives in
jeopardy to remain any longer in Oman. Saif accordingly sailed for
East Africa and landed first at Lamoo, where the Imam's government
was not represented, with the intention of subverting Saeed's autho-
rity on that coast, and forming for himself an independent kingdom.
His intrigues and influence advanced so rapidly that Saeed, becoming
VOL. II. B
alarmed, sent his son Hamed with a small force to counteract him,
but as Hamed learned on arrival that Saif had died shortly before, he
returned home.
Quitting Oman same time as Saif, Sultan sailed to Gwader
at the
on the Mekran coast, from whence he proceeded to Kelat to seek the
hospitality of Nasir Khan. The Belooch ruler not only received him
honourably and accorded him protection, but also presented him with
the town and harbour of Gwader, with permission to retain half the
revenue as appanage. This port remains in possession of the Muscat
government to this day.
On September ist, 1785, three French men-of-war arrived at
Muscat from the Mauritius, which place they had left in June of the
same year. The largest of these was the Venus, frigate of 44 guns,
commanded by the Count de Roselie the second was the Pr^-
;
voyance of 8 guns, commanded by Chevalier Saulnier, and the third

the Amphitrite, also of 8 guns, commanded by Captain Lambert.
In the interview with the Wall Mohammed Khalfan, Count de Roselie
announced that he had been entrusted with a mission to obtain the
Imam's sanction to the building of a factory at Muscat by the French
East India Company, for the furtherance of their trade. The Count
also, doubtless, conveyed the congratulations of the King of France
to Saeed on his accession, the news of which had been duly notified
at Paris by Consul-General Rousseau. The Count's request to erect
a factory was met, like all previous applications of a similar nature,
by a courteous but positive refusal, the Wall informing him that the
Imam's orders on the point were irrevocable and that it was useless
to press the question. On leaving Muscat the Venus sailed for
the Persian Gulf and visited Busra and Bushire.
As time went on the Imam's conduct became more obnoxious
to the people than ever. He took no pains to win their affection and
gradually estranged most of his friends and adherents. This dis-
content went so far that about the end of the year 1785 a number of
Khadhis and MooUas assembled at Mesnaah, on the Batineh coast,
and elected his brother, Kais bin Ahmed, as Imam. Notwithstanding
his election, Kais could claim but few partisans and looked round him
for further support. In hopes of obtaining the aid and co-operation

of Mohammed bin SuUman, Kais moved up without delay to Nakhl,
but found to his disappointment that Mohammed was averse to
joining in the enterprise against the Imam Saeed, and the revolt
consequently collapsed.
Soon after this event the Imam Saeed was induced to interfere
in a serious had taken place among the people of
quarrel that
Zikki, who were then, two hostile camps.
as they are now, divided into
Each faction occupied a separate Hujrah or walled town. In this
contest the Ghafiris were utterly defeated by the Imam and the
Hinawas, who were able to impose their own terms. On January
1st, 1787, an Arab ship cast anchor at Muscat, having on board
Captain Francklin and several other English officers on their way to

Persia. One of these, Captain Middleton, of the Madras army, died
here, and at his funeral a salute of nine guns was fired by the vessels
lying in the harbour, viz., an English snow and a Dutch ship,
commanded by Captain Stewart.
Captain Francklin gives a good description of the town and
remarks that it has a considerable trade with other countries, but
that the Arab government would not permit any European factory
to be established here. Although the efforts of Kais to supplant his
brother Saeed had proved a failure was manifest that the Imam
it
was unfit to rule alone, and that the main work of the administration
must devolve on others.
Hamed, the eldest son of Saeed, was the one who naturally came
forward to undertake this task, and being unable to induce the Imam
to abdicate, began during the year 1786 to have recourse to intrigue.
By a series of crafty and unscrupulous devices, the particulars of
which are given in Salil bin Rizak's pages, Hamed obtained posses-
sion first of the town and fortress of Muscat from Mohammed bin
Khalfan, and subsequently the deliverance to him of the fortresses
of Oman, one after another.
Within three years the Imam's temporal power in the state had
slipped completely from his grasp and became centred in the hands
of his son, who fixed his residence at Muscat and henceforth, as
VOL. II. B2
284 Country and Tnhesj)f the Persian Gulf.
Regent, carried on the administration with ability and firmness.

At this time the Joasmees were very active in the Gulf, being at
war with the Attoobees, who had recently taken the Island of
Bahrain from the Persians. Shaikh Sakar's efforts, however, to
recover the island, in co-operation with the Persians, were ineffectual.
In 1787 the Joasmees were again at war with the Imam, and Hamed
moved towards the Shemal, by land and sea, with a large force, the
fleet being commanded by Mohammed bin Khalfan. In this expedi-
tion Hamed was so far successful that he retook Khor Fakan,
Jezirat al-Hamra, and laid siege to Rams. He then appears to have
returned home, leaving the fleet to operate against Julfar. It is
worthy of note here that three years later (1790) occurred the first
capture of an English vessel by the Joasmees —this ship was the
Beglerbeg, bound from Bengal to Bushire, which was taken off
Mussendom, where she remained on the rocks for many years.
We must now return to Sultan bin Ahmed who, after an exile of
five or six years at Gwader, thought he might prudently venture
to return to Oman under the leaders of the Ghafiri faction, with
whom he had probably been in communication. Though Sultan's
tribe, the Al-Bu Saeedi, was the Yemen or Hinawi faction, Sultan
himself always mainly relied upon, and had been supported by, the
Nizar or Ghafiri faction, his mother being a relation of Mohammed
Nasir al-Jabry, who was one of the most prominent leaders of the
Ghafiris.
Gn landing in Oman Sultan bin Ahmed probably took up his
old residence at Naaman, near Burka, and gathered near him a
sufficient following to protect himself from the enmity of Hamed,
who was still as rancorous towards him as ever. As soon as Sultan
had ascertained the exact condition of affairs in the country he
arranged with the Beni Jabir and other Ghafiri tribes in the Semail
Valley to attack the fortress there and wrest it, if possible, from the
hands of Hamed, in whose possession it then was. Hamed quickly
collected a force and marched to Semail, but finding his uncle in an
excellent position and at the head of a force equal to his own, con-
tented himself with watching his enemy, and no collision took
place. Hamed then allowed his troops to disperse and proceeded

to Rostak, to see his father, while Sultan took the opportunity to
push down to the coast and plunder Muttrah. The loot was carried
to Darseyt, whither Sultan was pursued by Suliman bin Khalfan,
now Wali of Muscat, but the attempt to recover the booty was in
vain. No further desperate passage of arms arose between Hamed
and Sultan, and shortly after a reconciliation was arranged, which
was stedfastty and on each side.
faithfully observed
Hamed seems to have been a man of remarkable character with
a mind equally bold and subtle, and whose head was ever full of
ambitious and aggressive schemes. One of his mischievous plans
was to raid the Island of Bombay, by letting loose some thousands
of wild Arabs on the native town and bazaars this enterprise, if
;
carried out, might have led to curious results, but fortunately it

never went beyond Hamed's brain. Another scheme was to try
and recover Mombasa from the Portuguese, but this campaign was
reserved for Sultan. It appears certain that in 1791-2 Hamed's
mind was busily engaged in working out the plan of a military
expedition, and he was preparing ships and transports, as well as
collecting men from the tribes, when his career was terminated by
death ; he died at Muscat of small-pox in 1792.
The unexpected death of Hamed changed the whole aspect of
affairs and roused the Imam Saeed from his lethargy. Though
content to leave power in the hands of his son he had never tolerated
the idea of giving way to his brothers and now that the burden of
rule had again fallen on his shoulders, felt compelled to resume charge
of the administration. Sultan, however, who had been impatiently
watching events, now felt that the tide had turned in his favour,
and determined to seize the opportunity offered by the death of
Hamed, to obtain his long-cherished object and desire.
Calling on his relative, Mohammed Nasir al-Jabry, and other
friends and adherents to support him, he set out for Muscat, of
which he soon became master almost without resistance. Feeling
strong in his influence and prestige, and commanding the undivided
support of the Nizariyeh or Ghafiri faction, Sultan was now confident
VOL. II. B 3
286 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf. :
of success and spared no efforts in preparing to meet his brothers

and rivals, the Imam Saeed and Kais, in the field. The vigour and
promptitude of Sultan had excited the jealousy and fears of his
brothers who now made common cause, and uniting their forces
marched from Rostak and Sohar upon Muscat. But the way was
barred by the Ghafiri tribes, and a contest took place, which lasted
for some months, without any decisive action taking place. By the
end of the year the threatened upheaval of the country by a contest
for the succession was averted. Kais, despairing of success, retired
from the struggle, and at a conference of delegates assembled at
Burka, it was arranged that the Imam Saeed should remain at
Rostak as the religious head of the nation, that Kais should retain
Sohar as his appanage, that Sultan should have Muscat, Burka,
Mesnaah, with the entire control of political affairs, and that
Mohammed bin Ahmed should keep Sowaik. This compact, which'
was not unsatisfactory to the people generally, was accepted by all
parties and peace was then restored throughout Oman.
Sultan was born about 1755, probably at Rostak, and in his child-
hood was sent to Adam, where he passed the years of his youth among
the Bedouins in the neighbourhood. He is said to have been tall
and of a noble presence, undaunted in courage and of sound judgment,
not inferior in any way to his father, of whoni he was a worthy
successor.
Taught by experience during the Persian invasion the high value
of Muscat, the statesmen of Oman had by this time perceived that
its unrivalled position as a port and as a natural fortress against
external and internal foes made it a far more suitable capital than
Rostak, Nezwa, or Sohar, and Sultan, following the example of
Hamed, lost no time in estabUshing the seat of government in that
city. As a residence he fixed upon the gareza, or cathedral, a large
Portuguese building, and here he dwelt for about seven years, when
the present palace and seragUo were built.
One of Sultan's first acts after coming to power was to despatch
a trusted relative with a suitable force to Gwader to occupy that place
on his behalf and to build a fort. The officer was Saif bin Ali, who,
The Al'Bu Saeedi Dynasty. 287
in accordance with further instructions, subsequently surprised and

took possession of the village of Charbar, about 100 miles to the west
of Gwader.
With his ambition fed by this success. Sultan next sent an expe-
dition against the Beni Naeem of Kishm and Hormuz, who had given
him much provocation. This enterprise he commanded in person
and with such skill that his conquest of the islands was complete.
At this time, and for some years previous, the Shaikh of the Naeem
was the Governor of Bundar Abbas and its dependencies, the revenues
he had farmed from the Persian Government for a fixed yearly rental.
The result of the war was thus doubly advantageous to Seyyid Sultan,
for he now assumed the position of the Shaikh, as regards his relations
with the Persian Government, and after some negotiation obtained a
firman in his own name from the Shah, by virtue of which, on a
yearly rental of 6,000 tomans, Bundar Abbas remained a dependency
of Muscat for three-quarters of a century. As Persia and Oman
were at this time (1794) on bad terms, Seyyid Sultan had, no doubt,
to submit to pay heavily for this concession. Soon after Sultan's
return from this expedition a quarrel arose between Kais bin Ahmed
and some of the Shemal tribes, such as the Beni Yas, Kattab, and
Naeem, who moved up to threaten Sohar. Kais being unprepared to
meet them, implored Sultan's aid in this emergency, and Sultan having
rapidly concentrated a force, joined Kais and marched against the
enemy. A heavy fight took place at Dibba, on the same field as the
famous battle of a.h. ii [a.d. 632], and the victory remained with
Kais and Sultan, the Naeem being utterly routed and dispersed.
For some years tranquillity prevailed, not only throughout Oman
but in the Persian Gulf. Hitherto the rulers of Oman had observed
neutrality and had not materially interfered in Gulf affairs, but in
1796 a rupture occurred with Persia, where the vigorous hand of the
founder of the new Kajar Dynasty, Agha Mohammed Khan, was
being felt in every part. The Shaikh of Bushire now received orders
to embark a military force at Mohammerah for an attack on Muscat,
but the order appears to have been disregarded owing to want of
means.
VOL. II. . B 4
On May i8th, 1797, the Bassein snow, commanded by

Captain Torin, bound for Busra with despatches, was attacked off
Kishm by twenty-two dhows and carried by boarding. After

pirate
being plundered and detained for two days she was released and
allowed to continue her voyage.
About six months later, in October, a most flagrant case of
treachery and unprovoked hostility was committed by the Joasmees
against an English cruiser. The Viper, of 10 guns, was anchored
in Bushire harbour, where there was a fleet of Joasmee dhows lying
in wait to intercept some Sooree boats coming from Busra. The
Joasmee chief, Shaikh Salih, called on the Resident, and after many
protestations of friendship asked for a supply of powder and shot.
With incredible weakness the Resident consented and gave the order
to the Viper to furnish it accordingly. The Joasmees had no
sooner received the powder than they opened fire on the Viper
and attempted to board her. The officer in command. Captain Car-
ruthers, was struck down by a bullet in the head, but the midshipman,
Mr. Salter, continued to fight and eventually repulsed the assailants,
chasing them out of sight. But the loss of the Viper with thirt}^-
two killed and wounded out of a total of sixty-five, shows how severe
the action had been and how narrowly she had escaped capture. Still
more incredible is the fact that no notice of this treachery was taken,
no inquiry made, and no punishment on the Arabs was inflicted by
the Government of Bombay. The Resident of Busra, Mr. Manisty,
however, sent a strong remonstrance to Shaikh Sakar, but received
merely an evasive reply and disavowal of Shaikh Salih's action.
It appears to have been in the year 1797 that Saood, the Amir
of Nejd, who had embraced Wahabeism and had overrun and con-
verted the greater part of Arabia by the sword, began to encroach on
the northern coast of Oman and endeavoured to subdue the warlike
seafaring tribes there, namely, the Beni Yas, Kattab, and Joasmees.
The tribes, however, resisted valiantly, and for three years the contest
was stubbornly maintained, but in 1800 the Joasmees succumbed and
accepted the Wahabee doctrines.
During the greater part of 1798 Sultan was busily engaged in
directing the internal affairs in Oman, but in the month ofDecember

he sailed with an expedition against Busra to enforce his claims upon
the Pasha of Baghdad for arrears of subsidy. With the view of
preserving his territory from insult during his absence from Oman,
he made a truce with Shaikh Sakar, the Joasmee, who, being now en-
gaged with the Wahabees, was only too glad to be relieved from
hostilities with the ruler of Oman. The Pasha heard of the advance
of the Muscat expedition with apprehension, as he had no ships at his
disposal capable of contending with the Arab fleet. He therefore
solicited from Mr. Manisty, the Resident, the assistance of two English
cruisers in protecting his town from attack, promising in return
certain advantages in the way of trade. The Indian Government,
however, was at this time not in a position to forsake its attitude of
neutrality or to make enemies of any Gulf factions, and the Resident
was instructed to refrain from doing more than offering good offices
in bringing about an amicable settlement. Mr. Manisty accordingly
mediated between the Mutasalim of Busra and the Arab leader of the
Muscat fleet, which was th-en lying at Bushire, and effected a com-
plete reconciliation. Perhaps the most important act which Sultan
had to do at this period was to make his choice between the two great
European powers then contending for the mastery in India France —
and England.
Up to this time French influence had been predominant at Muscat
and since his usurpation Sultan appears to have acted in some degree
under the advice of his French physician. The prestige of France,
however, declined in the East during the French Revolution, until the
middle of the jêar 1798, when the sudden appearance of a French
army in Egypt, and the brilliant conquest of that country by the
young general in command, riveted the eyes of all nations on his
surprising achievements. In his dreams of Eastern glory one of
Bonaparte's plans was to march across the Syrian desert, then through
Mesopotamia and Persia, to the frontiers of India, and to conquer that
Empire for France or for himself. It was in pursuance of this. project
which he continued to cherish for years afterwards, that he despatched
emissaries and letters to various Oriental potentates, among whom
were Tippoo Sahib and the Imam of Muscat, with a view to gain allies
and assistance in the enterprise.

Twelve days before he started from Cairo on his Syrian expedi-
tion he wrote the following letters to the Imam
Muscat and Tippoo
of
Sahib. The letter to Tippoo was the favourable answer to his re-
peated requests to the French Government for aid against the English,
which the misguided Tippoo had been for so many years expecting.
But it came too late the opportunity had been lost. Tippoo was
;
now at the end of his career, and the letters, instead of reaching their
intended recipients, were by Captain S. Wilson, the
intercepted
British Agent at Mocha, who transmitted them to India.
" Cairo, 25th January,

1799.
" To the Imam of Muscat,
" I write you this letter to inform
you of the arrival of the
French army in Egypt. As you have always been friendly you
must be convinced of our desire to protect all the merchant
vessels you may send to Suez. I also beg you will forward the
enclosed letter to Tippoo Sahib by the first opportunity.
" (Signed) Bonaparte."
" Cairo, 25th January, 1799.

" To Tippoo Sahib,
" You have already been informed of my arrival on the
shores of the Red Sea, with a numerous and invincible army,
animated with the desire of delivering you from the iron yoke
of England. I hasten to inform you of my desire to receive
news with regard to the political position in which you find

yourself placed. I even desire you will send to Suez some com-
petent person who enjoys your confidence, and with whom I can
confer.
" (Signed) Bonaparte."
^ In the meantime the alarm by the Indian Government at

felt
the undoubted influence of the French in Oman, the dread lest this
would extend over the Gulf, and the apprehension everywhere in-
The Al-Bu Saeedi Dynasty. 2tî
spired by Bonaparte's military genius and restless activity, led the
Governor-General of India, the Marquis of Wellesley, to instruct

the newly-appointed Resident at Bushire, Mirza Mehdi Ali Khan,
to visitMuscat on his way and to enter into a political engagement
with Sultan, having for its object the exclusion of French influence
from Oman territory.
Mirza Mehdi reached Muscat in September, 1798, and the
treaty which he negotiated was signed on October 12th following.
It comprised seven articles and contained, besides the engagement to
exclude Frenchmen from the Imam's territory and French ships
from his ports, during the prevalence of war between England and
France, provision for the establishment by the East India Company
of a factory at Bundar Abbas with a guard of 700 or 800 Indian troops.
Though it was not mentioned in the treaty. Sultan further made a
special request —that an English officer should be sent to reside at
Muscat, on behalf of the Company, as his adviser. Sultan was thus
the first Prince in the Peninsula of Arabia to enter into political
relations with England, and it is satisfactory to note that the friendly
relations then initiated have from that day to this continued to
strengthen and increase.
During the year 1799 Sultan was engaged in consolidating his
power in Oman and in dealing with internal dissensions. Among the
tribes that were disaffected towards him were the Daroo of Al-
Sharkiya and the Beni Naeem of Al-Dhahireh, both of which he
succeeded in subduing, and bringing back to his allegiance. Having
at length tranquillized his country, he was able to turn his attention
to foreign enemies, and first of all he resolved to concentrate his
strength against the Attoobees of Al-Bahrain, who had refused to
pay any longer the tax levied upon all vessels passing from India to
the Persian Gulf. This sea tax had for one and a-half centuries been
paid to Muscat by all craft, foreign as well as home, sailing through
the Straits of Mussendom, and as the revenue it used to bring in was
considerable. Sultan was not inclined to allow the refusal of the
Attoobees to pay the impost to pass without chastisement. He
accordingly sailed in the Gunjava frigate, with three square
rigged ships and sixty bughlas to attack Al-Bahrain, and in a sea-

iight that took place shortly after, captured three of the Attoobee
vessels. In the meantime the Attoobees, being aware of their
inability to resist the naval power of Oman, had hastened to place
themselves under the protection of Persia, by paying the Shah the
tribute for Al-Bahrain for the preceding year.
Sultan heard of this action on the part of the Attoobees at the
time when he was preparing to land his troops on that island, and
he lost no time in entering into negotiations with Persia himself.
Being attempt on Al-Bahrain, he occupied the Island of
foiled in his
Karrack, which he offered to farm from Persia at a yearly rental and
pay five years in advance. This offer, however, was declined by the
Persians, who continued and Sultan
to take the part of the Attoobees,
eventually relinquished further operations against the tribe on
payment by them of a portion of the arrears of sea-tax due of this ;
tax we hear nothing further, and it appears to have been henceforth

abandoned.
Not long after the conclusion of the treaty by Mirza Mehdi in
1798 reports reached the Government of India to the effect that,

notwithstanding his engagements. Sultan had resumed friendly
intercourse with the and the interception of General
French,
Bonaparte's letter seems to have been looked on as affording proof
of this. The immunities in favour of Arab trade that had been
granted to Sultan were accordingly suspended for a time, and
Captain John Malcolm, who had been selected to conduct a mission
to Persia, was instructed to call at Muscat on his way thither, for the
purpose of renewing the Anglo-Oman alliance and concluding a
second treaty, confirming the provisions of the one of 1798.
Captain Malcolm sailed from Bombay in the Bombay frigate,
commanded by Captain Selby, and arrived at Muscat on January

8th, 1800. Besides the staff attached to the mission to Persia,
Captain Malcolm brought with him Assistant-Surgeon Bogle, of the
Bombay establishment, who, in compliance with the request made
by Sultan to Mirza Medhi Ali, had been appointed to act as Resident
on behalf of the East India Company at Muscat. On anchoring in
The Al-Bu Saeedi Dynasty: 293
the harbour the Bombay was visited by the Governor of the town,
Saif bin Mohammed, who came to call on Captain Malcolm, and
stated that Sultan was absent at the time on an expedition against
the Attoobees and that his return was uncertain. Captain Malcolm
returned the Governor's visit the following day, and then having
landed Dr. Bogle and installed him in his appointment set sail for
Hormuz in search of Sultan.

On January i8th Captain Malcolm sighted and boarded the
Gunjava off the island of Henjam, and having produced his
credentials and delivered his presents, proceeded at once to explain
the purport of his mission. He told Sultan how much the Indian
Government regretted he had leagued himself with the French,
pointing out that as all the ports of India from Surat to Calcutta
were in the hands of the English, Muscat could, without difficulty,
be excluded from all participation in the Indian trade if the British
Government were so disposed.
Sultan listened with deep attention ; being conscious of his
inability to maintain an attitude of strict neutrality in the war he
felt the full force of the arguments put before him, and he had no
hesitation in making his decision, replying to Captain Malcolm,

His Highness assured him that he desired nothing better than to
cement an alliance with the English, to the exclusion of their enemies,
and he offered to sign then and there the treaty that Captain Malcolm
had been empowered to conclude. The treaty thus entered into
bears, in fact, the same date, and consists of only two articles, one
confirming the convention of 1798 and the second providing for the
residence of a Political Agent.
In November, 1800, another engagement took place in Oman
waters between French and English cruisers. The Intrepid of
10 guns, commanded by Captain Hall, encountered a French
privateer of 12 guns off Muscat, and after a long combat succeeded
in beating her off and chasing her away ; Captain Hall and five men
were killed in the action.
It was in this year —1800— ^that the warlike tribes of Nejd, in
Central Arabia, were first seen in Oman. These tribes, impelled
by the fanaticism engendered by the doctrines of a religious reformer,

Shaikh Abdul Wahab, after whom they are now called Wahabees,
had already overrun and conquered nearly the whole of the rest of
the Peninsula, and the Amir Abdul Azeez, eager to expurgate the
heresy of Ibadheeism from the land of Oman, was now preparing to
turn his arms eastward and spread his views of the true religion by
the sword.
After completing the subjugation of the tribes on the pirate
coast, the Wahabees pushed on to Al-Beraimi. The leader of this
expedition, which consisted of a large camel force and 700 cavalry,
was Al-Harik, a bold and skilful general, who immediately began
the erection of a fort there, to serve as headquarters or as a base of
operations and campaigns against the people of Oman. This in-
vasion of their country by the dreaded Wahabees created intense
excitement throughout all Oman, and Sultan, with his usual energy
and spirit, hastened to assemble the troops and move up to oppose their
advance. He marched through the Wady Jezzi as far as Al-Beraimi,
but in the contest which ensued with the enemy Sultan appears to
have been unsuccessful in his attack on the fort, and finding that he
could not expel the intruders from Al-Jow made a truce with
Al-Harik and retired to Sohar, where he dismissed his troops.
In 1801 the island of Al-Bahrain, which has ever been, on account
of its rich pearl-fishery, the chief bone of contention for the peoples
round the shores of the Persian Gulf, was again the object of Sultan's
ambition, and was invaded, this time successfully, by a grand
naval expedition from Muscat, the Attoobees being driven out and the
island occupied by the Omani troops, and Saif bin Ali, who had
already done good service on the Mekran coast, was appointed
Governor and Commandant. An attempt was then made by Sultan
to capture the town of Kwait, where the Attoobees had taken refuge,
and homage was demanded from the Shaikh, but the enterprise was
a failure. Nor did Al-Bahrain remain long in the possession of
Muscat ; a few months later it was retaken from Salim bin Sultan,
then a boy of twelve, who had replaced Saif bin Ali, by the Attoobees,
who succeeded in surprising the garrison. In this year Assistant-
Surgeon Bogle was succeeded by Captain David Seton, of the Bombay

Army, who was appointed to act under the title of Resident at
Muscat, and who assumed charge of his duties towards the close of
the year.
The expulsion from Al-Bahrain was a disappointment to Sultan,
whose ardour for military enterprises appears to have been un-
quenchable, and who now resolved upon prosecuting the Attoobee
war in earnest. Saif bin Ali was again despatched with a strong
naval force to the island, which, in part, he succeeded in re-occupying,
but though he made good his footing, Saif could not entirely expel
the enemy, and Sultan, feeling his strength unequal to their subjuga-
tion, supported as they were at this time by the Wahabees, now
determined to call in the aid of Persia. With this object he
despatched as envoy, one Shaikh Ali, by way of Congoon to the
Prince-Governor of Shiraz, with costly presents, to procure the
co-operation of that ruler in a great expedition against the Attoobees.
Sultan wrote also to Shaikh Nasir, the Wall of Bushire, requesting
him to use his influence with the Prince in obtaining the required
assistance, and enclosing a blank sheet of paper with his (Sultan's)
seal on it, to be filled up with any conditions the Persians might impose
in return for the military assistance they were to give. Sultan,
however, did not wait for these reinforcements, but early in June,
1802, having determined on conducting operations in person, set
sail with a formidable fleet of ships and bughlas for Al-Bahrain.
Landing in force, he attacked the Attoobees vigorously, but without
gaining much success, until two months later, his appeal to Shiraz
having been favourably received, a body of 200 horse and 2,000 foot
embarked at Bushire to join him. The result of the combined forces
was that the latter were compelled to submit
acting against the tribe
and acknowledge the supremacy of Oman the aggressive attitude
;
of the Wahabees, at this time, and the consequent necessity of

withdrawing a large portion of his army for home defence, alone
prevented Sultan from prosecuting the war, until he had completely
expelled the Attoobees from the island. His navy, however, had the
satisfaction of so far destroying the Attoobee war-craft that by the
2g6 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
end of October, 1803, their piratical depredations were entirely at

an end.
In May, 1802, Captain Seton was compelled by ill-health to
return to Bombay on twelve months' leave, the Company's native
broker being left in charge of affairs until Captain Seton returned to
Muscat and resumed charge as Resident in June, 1803.
In 1803 the Company's brig Fly, 14 guns, commanded by
Lieutenant Mainwaring, was attacked off Kais by the La Fortune,
commanded by the famous privateer, Captain Lememe. The de-
spatches and treasure of the Fly were sunk and three of the
officers, Mainwaring, Arthurs, and Maitland, were taken to Mauritius.
The other having been released, succeeded in recovering the
officers,
despatches and sailed for Bombay, but were captured on the way
by a Joasmee Squadron, which carried them to Julfar. Here they
purchased their liberty by giving up the treasure at Kais, and then
set out for Bushire, which was reached by two survivors only, Pennel
and Jowl, after incredible sufferings and privations, the rest of the
party having died on the way. For their great hardships and risks
they were unrewarded by the Governor Duncan, who showed great
ingratitude and cold-heartedness. The La Fortune soon after-
wards also took the Viper, of 14 guns, belonging to the same
service. Lememe then proceeded to the Mauritius, but returned to
the Gulf early in 1804, and committed great havoc until November
of that year, when he was himself captured by the English frigate
Concorde, which had been sent out in search of him.

In January, Seyyid Sultan resolved on performing a
1803,
pilgrimage to Mecca, and embarked on board one of his frigates with
Shaikh Muhenna al-Yaarebi and others, and set sail for Jedda for
that purpose, taking with him presents of money and munitions of
war for the Shereef the regency appointed to act during his
;
absence was composed of his elder son, Salim, his relative, Mohammed
Nasir al-Jabry, and Mohammed Khalfan.
Soon nephew, Bedr bin Saif, who was
after his departure, his
then residing at Hibra, a village near Nakhl, proceeded to Muscat
with a few followers and concealed himself in the house of Majid
bin Khalfan, the brother of the Wall of the town, and endeavoured
to seduce the commandant of Fort Jelah from his allegiance. In
this intrigue Majid, who was disaffected, lent his aid, but the
attempt and Bedr, having been denounced, was barely able
failed,
to effect his escape. Tradition relates that he was being smuggled

into Jelali in a large box, when he was detected by one of the Hindoo
traders, who reported the matter to Salim. At all events Bedr got
clear off and made his way first to Ajman, from whence he proceeded
to Zobara in Katar, and sought protection from the Wahabees,
whose tenets he adopted and with their help he subsequently on
;
two occasions made an attempt on Muscat, but failing in this, he

at length determined to make a journey to Nejd, where, in 1804,
he had an interview with the Amir Saood, who gladly received him.
Some time previous to Sultan's departure from Muscat he had
responded to an appeal made to him by the Shereef of Mecca for aid
in repelling the Wahabees, who had invaded the Hejaz and were
threatening the Holy Cities. The despatch of this force to the
Hejaz was an unfortunate move on the part of Sultan, who had
reason too soon to repent his magnanimity. Its numerical strength
was not only much too small to be of any real service in checking the
Wahabee invasion, but when the news of its arrival at Mecca reached
the ears of the Amir Abdul Azeez, he became so exasperated at
Sultan's action that after his return from the campaign, he declared
war against Muscat, and despatched orders to Al-Bahrain, Kwait,
and Ras al-Khyma to fit out their fleets to scour the Gulf against
Omani commerce. To these orders the Attoobees and Joasmees
demurred, as the pearl-fishery season was now commencing and all
their men were engaged, so they represented to the Amir that they
could not abandon their occupation, but the commands were repeated
in soperemptory a manner that the tribes no longer hesitated to
obey and the pearl-fishery that year was abandoned in favour of
piracy.
The news extend his aggressions by
of the Amir's intention to
sea as well as by land induced the Persian Government and the
Pasha of Baghdad to ally themselves with Sultan against him.
VOL. II. C
In the naval war that followed Sultan personally took an active

part and did his utmost to protect his own coasts and commerce
from the insults and ravages of the piratical fleet, but his success
was not great his allies had, after some show of assistance, left
;
him in the lurch, and he was now threatened with an invasion

by land.
In this critical position Sultan deemed it best to try and
propitiate his enemy ; he therefore despatched a mission to Deraya
and purchased a truce for three years by the payment of a large
sum of money, the promise of a yearly tribute of 12,000 dollars,
and the establishment of a Wahabee Agent at Muscat. The Amir,
however, had no intention of relinquishing his grasp on Oman even
on these humiliating terms. He took advantage of the truce to
reinforce Al-Harik at Al-Beraimi, and shortly after perfidiously
broke it by ordering march. Al-Harik at once poured
his general to
down into the Batineh, where he committed unspeakable atrocities
and easily overpowered the resistance he met with from the disunited
tribes in his path.
Sultan had become apprehensive that the suspension of hosti-
litieson the part of Al-Harik was only temporary, and on hearing of
Al-Harik's movement, hastily gathered as large a force as he could
muster, and a battle took place in Wady Heimali above Sowaik in
which the Omanis were routed by the Wahabees. This was the first
great disaster experienced in Oman at the hands of these fanatics,
and Sultan was constrained by the alarm felt everywhere to call a
council of war at Burka, to discuss a plan of operations. The Shaikhs
of both factions assembled there, agreed to combine against the
common enemy, and arranged that each tribe should contribute
its quota and assemble at Khaboora on a certain day. Al-Harik,
after the affair at Heimali, retired towards Sohar, to which he laid
siege, and there quietly awaited the advance of the army of defence
Sultan was raising, and which soon numbered 12,000 men. At this
j uncture the news of the death of the Wahabee's Amir, Abdul Azeez,
who had been assassinated at Deraya in October, reached Al-Harik

at Sohar, and the advice he then received of affairs at home induced
—
him to raise the siege and retire without delay to Al-Beraimi.

Re-
Ueved from the presence of their exacting masters the
Joasmees
speedily made peace with Sultan, and the Omanis, unacquainted with
the real cause of the sudden disappearance of their foes, ascribed it
to their own superiority in numbers or to the success of the negotia-
tions that had been carried on by Sultan with Al-Harik.
Reverting now to events in Europe, we see that when the death
of the Emperor Paul dissolved the treaty for the joint Franco- Russian
invasion of India overland, Napoleon determined that the substitu-
tion of French supremacy for English in India should follow as a
natural consequence upon the subjection of England itself, for which
purpose he at once began to make preparations. With this scheme
before him, Napoleon, towards the close of the year 1802, while the
Treaty of Amiens was yet in force, selected one of his ablest generals,
Decaen, to be the Captain-General of the French possessions in the
East, and despatched him with Admiral Linoi's expedition, which
sailed from Brest on March 6th, 1803.
The mission of General Decaen was to observe closely the position
of the English in India in their relation to the native Princes, and to
prepare the way for the French conquest and occupation of India,
in procuring full information as to the state of affairs and extent of
armament required. After visiting Pondicherry, General Decaen
fixed upon the Island of Mauritius as his headquarters and post of
observation, and on establishing himself there immediately des-
patched M. de Cavaignac in the Atalanta frigate to his destination.
This M. de Cavaignac had been appointed by Napoleon Agent and
Consul for France at Muscat, and as his mission had the same object
in view as that of General Decaen, to whom he was subordinate, it may
be as well to transcribe here the concluding paragraph of the long
letteron instructions written for the General's guidance by Napoleon,
which indicates clearly enough that the scheme for the conquest of
India had not been relinquished, and that Decaen might possibly be
entrusted with the enterprise :
" The mission of the Captain-General is, in the first instance,

VOL. II. C 2
a mission of observation, political and military, but the first
Consul well informed by the Captain-General —upon whom he

relies for the punctual execution of these instructions —may
perhaps place it in his power to acquire a great glory which
prolongs the memory of men beyond the duration of ages."
The Atalanta frigate, a famous ship in her day, was painted a

bright yellow colour with white mouldings, and was one of the swiftest
and handsomest vessels of her class in the French navy. She sailed
from Mauritius on September 5th, 1803, and reached Muscat on
October 3rd. On anchoring in the cove she was boarded by the Wali,
who, on being made acquainted with the purport of M. de Cavaignac's
mission, informed that gentleman that Sultan was absent in the
interior, being engaged in operations against the Wahabees he ;
promised, however, that immediate intimation should be sent to him

of the Atalanta' s arrival, and meantime offered M. de
in the
Cavaignac the hospitality of a house on shore. At this time the
Resident, Captain Seton, was absent on duty, having sailed in the
Ternate in the beginning of September for another part of the
Gulf, and the French envoy therefore had a fair opportunity of
making friends with the leading Arabs, and of pressing the advantages
of a French alliance. It was in his favour, also, that the commercial
intercourse so long existing with Mauritius had caused the formation
of a strong French party in the town, as he was able to depend on the
influence of these partisans at the palace, and it was from them that
he first learned of the existence of the treaties of 1798 and 1800.
Congratulating himself, therefore, on the opportune absence
of his adversary, the English Resident, M. de Cavaignac entertained
for some days high hopes of procuring a favourable reception and of
succeeding in his mission. Sultan returned to Muscat on the morning
of October 12th, 1803. He had been engaged in contending and
negotiating with the Wahabee General, but on receiving his Wali's
letter, had started at once for Muscat, firmly resolved on the course
he would adopt with Napoleon's Agent. •
The captain of the Atalanta, on hearing of Sultan's arrival.

sent two of his officers to convey his respects and compHments, and
to ask for an interview. The officers were civilly received, and on
being questioned as to the object of the Atalantas visit, replied
that it was desired to establish a French Residency at Muscat, and
that an officer appointed to act as Consul by the French Government
was on board the vessel. The same afternoon Sultan sent two Arab
officials on board with instructions to acquaint the Captain and M. de
Cavaignac that His Highness could not receive a French Agent and
Consul on account of the engagements recently entered into with the
English, and that he declined an interview to discuss the subject, but
that, as hewished to remain on friendly terms with the French, his
harbours would always be open, as before, to their vessels, and that he
would be happy to listen to any proposals they had to make on com-
mercial matters. In dictating this diplomatic message. Sultan was,
no doubt, actuated by a keen regard for his country's interests.
While fearful of offending the French, the remembrance of Captain
Malcolm's arguments and the momentous events that had occurred
since his (Malcolm's) visit, such as the evacuation of Egypt by the
French army and the triumphs of Lord Lake in India, had created
a deep impression on the Prince's mind, and must have convinced
him more than ever as to the incomparably greater importance to
the Arabs of the English over the French alliance. The tone of the
niessage must have shown M. de Cavaignac the hopelessness of argu-
ment and representation on his part, as he does not appear to have
again sought an interview, but was a bitter disappointment to him,
it
for his Arab friends had made him sanguine of success, and he had,
doubtless, been anticipating in his mind the approbation of Napoleon.
Reluctant, however, to abandon so easily the mission with which he
had been charged, he waited in the harbour for one more day, and
then, under cover of the darkness of midnight on the 13th, the
Atalantas broad sails bore her out of the port, and by the morning
she was nowhere to be seen. This attempt closed for the time French
political intercourse with Muscat, and it was not renewed until Saeed
sent a mission to the Isle of France after the murder of Bedr in 1807.
But the French privateers, nevertheless, did not cease to make
VOL. II. C 3
Muscat a rendezvous and base for their operations against British

shipping in the Persian and Oman Gulfs, and great was the depre-
dation committed by them.
During the ten years of Sultan's reign,from 1793 to 1804, the
loss inflicted on British trade in the Indian Ocean was not less than
250 lakhs of rupees, or about three millions sterling. Sultan and the
Muscat merchants had agents at Port Louis specially to purchase
English goods and prizes, and many were the ships thus brought to-
the Gulf or taken to Calcutta for re-sale, for it was not until 1806 that
the Marine Insurance Offices in India interfered to check this traffic.
With regard and

to the proposed alliance between the Pasha
Seyyid Sultan, it does not appear that Sultan's mission to Baghdad
resulted in any joint action with the Turks. The Pasha was profuse
in his promises of assistance and co-operation, but though equally
desirous to see the Wahabees crushed, he preferred to wait and see
the Omani Prince exhaust himself in opposing them. Sultan's
appeals to the Government of India were similarly unsuccessful ;
he was left to bear the brunt of the war alone.

Under a weak ruler, Oman would almost certainly have
succumbed to the invader, but Sultan never relaxed his efforts nor
spared his resources in the defence of his country, and his indomi-
table courage and activity infused a spirit of resistance into his
countrymen that enabled them for years to keep their foes in check.
Until his untimely death in the following year, Sultan seems to have
been engaged in an almost continual struggle with Saood's troops,
and though he was able to prevent their advance up to the capital,
he could never dislodge them from their main post at Al-Beraimi
nor expel them from the country.
It was in September, 1804, that he left Oman, for the last time,
on a naval expedition in the Gulf. He then sailed for the second
time to Busra, where he wished to ascertain the extent of the military
preparations being made by the Turkish Pasha, in accordance with
his promise for operating against the Wahabees. Disappointed
and indignant, however, at his reception there, he did not remain
long, but turned his face homeward and set sail down the Gulf.
The Al-Bu Saeedi Dynasty, 303.
On his way he transferred himself to an Arab boat or bateel, in order

to land at Bassidore, and while in this almost defenceless position
was attacked by three piratical dhows belonging to Ras al-Khyma,
before any of his fleet could discern his danger or come to his
assistance. His assailants were Joasmees, at this time in league
with the Wahabees, and, as usual, at war with Muscat, but that
they attacked with the set purpose of taking the life of the Omani
chief is more than doubtful. Sultan fell at the first onslaught, with
several of his attendants and the pirates, on finding what they had
;
done, fled at once to escape the vengeance of the Muscat fleet. The
various dates mentioned for this event are November 14th, 17th,
i8th, and 20th, 1804, but the exact date is not of importance. He
is have been buried at Lingah.
said to
The news of Sultan's death caused, as may be imagined, intense
dismay throughout Oman. Threatened as the country was by
external foes the people seemed to be stunned by the loss of their
great leader, and for some little time the attitude of all parties was
one of expectation. Sultan's death, however, affected not only his
own country, it created a great alteration in the state of politics over
the whole Gulf. The general consternation at the disappearance
of the warrior, who had alone actively opposed the common foe and
disturber of public peace, caused every chief to defend himself, not
knowing his friends from his enemies, while the Joasmees and
Attoobees, being no longer held in check, became more audacious
than ever.
Within a month the pirates, whose fleet at this time was very
large,captured two English brigs belonging to Mr. Manisty, the
Resident at Busra, viz., the Shannon, commanded by Captain
Babcock, and the Trimmer, commanded by Captain Cummings,
and carried them into Julfar, the Persian name of which about this
period was changed to Ras al-Khyma. Part of the crews were put
to the sword, and Captains Babcock and Cummings, after being
cruelly treated and mutilated, were released. This outrage was
followed up a few days later by an attack on the \Mornington,
a cruiser of 24 guns, by a fleet of forty dhows, which were, however,
driven off by a sharp cannonade.
VOL. II. C 4
When starting on the expedition to Busra, in which he lost his

life, Sultan had appointed Mohammed bin Nasir bin Mohammed
al-Jabry guardian of his two sons, Salim and Saeed, as well as Regent
for the conduct of affairs on their behalf.
Mohammed's first impulse was to send Sultan's younger son,
number of dhows to the Island of Kishm
Saeed, with four ships and a
to attack the Joasmees and avenge his father's death, while a con-
siderable force would proceed to Julfar for the same purpose, but
rumours of impending troubles at home prevented the realization
of this project.
Kais bin Ahmed, who, as we have seen, had been given the
appanage Sohar by his father, deeming it a fit opportunity for
of
securing theGovernment for himself, lost no time in collecting the
tribes under his influence, and in conjunction with his brother
Mohammed marched along the Batineh coast early in 1805 to
Muttrah, of which he took possession without difficulty.
In the meanwhile Mohammed bin Nasir, who had summoned

some of the Ghafiri tribes to his aid, stood on the defensive, but
finding he was unable Muscat against Kais, who daily
to retain
gathered strength, sued for terms and offered to rehnquish Khaboora
to Kais and grant him a month's allowance of 2,000 dollars if he
would retire. Kais, however, feeling confident of success, refused
the terms and continued the siege of Muscat.
After taking council with Sultan's sister Moza and other
adherents, Mohammed bin Nasir determined to call in the aid of
Bedr bin Saif, who was then absent Bedr appears to have
in Nejd.
inherited his father's stern and ambitious character, and no sooner
had he reached manhood than he began to intrigue against his
uncle.
In 1803 while Sultan was absent on pilgrimage, Bedr entered
Muscat and endeavoured by stratagem to get possession
in disguise
of Fort Jelali (as already narrated) He had subsequently proceeded
.
to Al-Deraya, the Wahabee capital, to solicit aid from the Amir

in his enterprise against Sultan, and he was returning to Oman with
promise of support when he heard of his uncle's death, and at the
—
-same time received Mohammed Nasir's invitation to join him at

Muscat. The invitation fell in so harmoniously with Bedr's plans
that he did not hesitate for a moment, and feeling sure that he could
soon get the ascendancy over his cousins, set out at once for Julfar,
from whence he proceeded to Muscat. He arrived at a critical time ;
Mohammed Nasir and Sultan's sons were on the point of surrendering

when Bedr came to their aid and reversed the situation. He had
no sooner learned the position of affairs than he applied for help to
his friends the Wahabees, who, in accordance doubtless with instruc-
tions from the Amir, were ready and eager to support him, and who
immediately dispatched a force to threaten Kais's capital Sohar —
and thus create a diversion. The plan succeeded Kais agreed to
;
raise the siege of Muscat on condition of receiving Khaboora, with

part of the Batineh, and then hastened home to repel the Wahabees.
A month later Kais found a pretext for renewing hostilities and
marched on Muttrah, which he again captured. The approach of
large Wahabee reinforcements by sea, said to consist of fifteen dhows
and 4,000 men, put an end to the contest, and again compelled Kais
to withdraw.
But the Amir Saood, in making this demonstration in favour
of Bedr, had no intention of giving his protege too great an ascen-
dancy. His object was rather to let the two rivals, Bedr and Kais,
exhaust their strength in contending with each other, until he could
find leisure to establish his own despotism. The Wahabee force,
therefore, sailed away again, apparently without landing, and

Bedr made peace with Kais on the understanding that Kais should
receive Muttrah in addition to his other acquisitions and a subsidy
of 1,000 dollars a month.
The Joasmees at this time were very active at sea, and it is
recorded that the Company's cruiser Queen was attacked, on
April 30th, by a very large bughla near Muscat on her way up the
Gulf. The bughla had ten guns and was strongly manned, but
after a severe struggle was beaten off.
The Resident at Muscat, Captain David Seton, was actively
engaged at this time in prosecuting measures in conjunction with.
3t)6 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
the Muscat Government against the Joasmee pirates for the

outrage committed by them in taking the Shannon and Trimnfer.
Having sailed to the Island of Kishm in the Mornington, he
blockaded the Joasmee fleet, until, by the combined operations, the
pirates were reduced to seek for peace, and a truce was granted by
Captain Seton until he could refer to the Bombay Government on
the question of terms. From Kishm Captain Seton appears to have
sailed in company with the Minerva, early in June, to Bundar
Abbas, where he was joined by Bedr bin S'aif with the Muscat fleet.
On the death of Sultan advantage had been taken of the general
confusion resulting therefrom, by MooUa Hoossain al-Maeeni, Shaikh
of Kishm, to assault and capture Bundar Abbas, which had been
leased to the Oman Government some years previously.
In this which the English ships gave moral support to
affair, in
the allies, but did not fire on the fort, the exertions of the Muscat
Arabs were successful in driving out a Kishm garrison and in re-
establishing their authority. In return for the support thus afforded,
Captain Seton obtained from Bedr bin Saif permission to erect a
factory and other concessions.
Bedr bin Saif 's return to Muscat in July was hastened, apparently,
by the news that his uncle Kais, having broken his engagement, had,
in coalition with the Joasmees and Moolla Hoossain of Kishm, left
Sohar to attack the capital. By the time Bedr had arrived at Muscat,
Kais had already been able to raid the environs unopposed and was
preparing to besiege the town. Bedr at once renewed his appeal to
the Wahabees to threaten Sohar, while the young Saeed bin Sultan
attacked and recovered Bidbid and Fanja in the Semail Valley. The
result of the campaign was disastrous to Kais's hopes. He found
that he had miscalculated his strength and had no alternative but to-
purchase peace, by surrendering Muttrah and his subsidy of 2,000-
doUars. On the other hand, Bedr had, by his frequent recourse to
the Wahabees for military aid against his rival, shown how dependent
he was on them for maintaining his position, and how much he had
fallen under their influence and tutelage.
The people of Oman beheld with dismay the humiliating and
increasing submission of Bedr to the dictates of the Wahabee Agent

at Muscat, and contrasted his conduct with the patriotic loyalty of
Ahmed, who had always done his utmost
their late ruler, Sultan bin
to check Wahabee pretensions and aggressions, and had not been
unsuccessful. In addition to payment of tribute and the mainten-
ance of 400 Wahabee cavalry at Burka to overawe the country,
the observance by all ranks of Abdul Wahab's doctrines, with regular
attendance at prayers, were strictly enforced, while the minarets of
the Ibadhi and Sunni mosques were everywhere broken down
and removed.
In this state of affairs the discontent and indignation of the
Omanis became daily more widespread and intense, and Bedr, who
was looked on as the chief cause of their prostration under the hated
invader, became very unpopular.
On July nth, Captain Skinner arrived at Muscat to take com-
mand of the ships in the Gulf to act against the Joasmee pirates.
At the end of August, 1805, the French ship Belle Poule, of 42
guns and 320 men, a long, low corvette with rakish masts, captured
the English ship Endeavour, commanded by Captain Robson, and
brought her to Muscat she afterwards proceeded up the Gulf to
;
Busra.
In October, 1805, MooUa Hoossain deputed an Agent to Muscat
on behalf of the Joasmees, to continue the negotiations for a peace
with the English, which had been commenced at Kishm in June.
Captain Seton found that the Joasmees were now more desirous -than
ever to relinquish pirating English vessels, and he again submitted
proposals to the Bombay Government, which in reply insisted that the
treaty should include the whole Gulf, and that full indemnification
should be given for These terms were found quite imprac-
all losses.
ticable by Captain Seton without having recourse to hostilities, but

eventually a teaty was entered into with Sultan bin Sakar on
February 6th, 1806, by which the Joasmees agreed not to molest
English ships in future, and to give three months' notice in the event
of their being coerced by the Wahabees into doing so. On the other
side, the Joasmees were to be allowed to trade with English ports
frorr Surat to Bengal.
In the same year (1806) the Joasmees co-operated with Bedr bia
Saif in an attack on his uncle Kais at Sohar, and a desultory war
followed without much result, as the same year we find Bedr and the
Joasmees again at variance, Bedr having sent a secret expedition to
Kishm, seized Moolla Hoossain by surprise and brought him to
Muscat, where he was held to ransom. In 1807 he was sent back by
Mohammed bin Nasir, on his agreeing to hand over Hormuz and
Kishm, but in the meantime the Wahabees, exasperated at the news
of Bedr's assassination, and eager to strike a blow at the Government
at Muscat, threw a force into Kishm, and when the Muscat ships
arrived with Moolla Hoossain on board, refused to receive him or to
allow the island to be restored. Not content with thwarting Mo-
hammed Nasir at Kishm, the Wahabees despatched a Joasmee fleet
of 22 dhows and other vessels to Soor to surprise the fort there, but
met with so spirited a resistance on the part of the Jenebeh and Beni
Bu Ali, that the attack failed and the Joasmees were driven off with
heavv loss.
Reverting to the year 1806, we find that Bedr bin Saif had begun
to undermine the rights and claims of his cousins, Salim and Saeed,
by excluding them from any share in the government of Muscat.
With this view, he had sent Salim as Wall to Mesnaah, and Saeed to
Burka, to be out of the way. His designs in all probability were
not penetrated by Salim, who seems to have accepted his position
contentedly enough, but the more subtle and ambitious Saeed grasped
the meaning of his treatment and awaited his opportunity.
At length in 1807, prompted by these feelings of resentment and
urged on, doubtless, by his associates, Saeed resolved to make an
effort to recover possession of Muscat and to rid himself and country
of one who was now a rival and an enemy. To oppose his cousin in
the field, however, was out of the question ; it offered no prospect of
success, and no alternative appeared to remain but assassination.

Mohammed bin Nasir al-Jabry was the person to whom Saeed
naturally turned for aid in the affair, and it was proposed that Mo-
hammed should proceed to Muscat and dispose of Bedr as best he
could. Mohammed, however, was fearful of incurring the vengeance
of the Al-Bu Saeedis, and declined the enterprise, but he did not
refuse to assist in arranging the plot that led to the tragedy of Bedr's
death.
There are four or five versions of this transaction, but it
seems clear that Bedr was enticed to Burka and was attacked
by Saeed during an interview at Naaman, a village about four miles
distant. Supported by Mohammed Nasir and his guard, Saeed
stabbed Bedr, who defended himself bravely and managed to escape
from the house and fled towards the Wahabee lines, but was overtaken
and slain.
The Wahabee force at Burka was indignant at the murder and

demanded the punishment of the offenders, and Saeed was mean and
ungrateful enough to throw the blame on Mohammed Nasir. The
Wahabees, however, were in danger of being attacked by the excited
people and deemed it prudent to quit the country and retire to
Beraimi. Saeed immediately set sail for Muscat, sending word of
the occurrence to his brother Salim, who had remained quietly at
Mesnaah and had not been concerned in the crime. This event,
which occurred in March, 1807, was the turning point in Saeed's
career, and placed him at once above all competitors. The deed,
so far from being reckoned a crime and reprobated, was applauded
throughout Oman ; Saeed was recognized and acknowledged on all
sides as gifted with true Arab courage and instincts, and as one well
fitted to hold the reins of power. He was hailed as the deliverer of
his country from the hand of one who had turned renegade and had
been in league with their invaders. Among the first to approve the
deed and acknowledge Saeed's fitness to govern was Kais, who hence-
forward admitted his supremacy. Saeed was soon joined by Salim,
and it was agreed that the two brothers should rule conjointly an —
arrangement that was carried out with fraternal affection and without
rivalry until Salim's death.
Salim was now eighteen, having been born in 1789 ; he was of a
mild and studious disposition and had little energy, but was not
wanting in courage and capacity. Saeed was a year younger his ;
mother was" Ghanee, a daughter of Khalfan bin Mohammed al-Wakeel

s
al-Bu Saeedi, and besides his having thus a better title by descent
than Salim, whose mother was of a different tribe, his high spirits
and energetic character indicated him as more pecuUarly fitted to take
the lead. This he did from the first, as we shall see, and he must be
looked on hereafter as the ruling spirit in the government.
The first act of Saeed, who dreaded the vengeance of the
Wahabees for the murder of their ally, Seyyid Bedr, was to write
to the Amir Saood and exculpate himself from the suspicions that
attached to him. He accused Mohammed Nasir of the crime, de-
clared him a and requested the Wahabees' aid in attacking him.
rebel,
Saeed promised to fulfil all the engagements entered into by Seyyid

Bedr as to tribute, etc., to receive again the Wahabee guard of 400
men at Burka, and to observe the Wahabee tenets. This letter,
which was accompanied with handsome presents, was despatched by
a special messenger. The Amir Saood was not deceived by Saeed'
words he had been fully apprised by his agents at Muscat of the
;
particulars of the transaction, and of the part that Saeed had played
in it. Saood, however, to conceal his intentions, wrote a pacific
reply, apparently accepting Saeed's excuses and deprecating action
against Mohammed Nasir.
The dynastic change and the conduct of Saeed appear to have
been viewed with disfavour by the British authorities, and Saeed
began to dread lest he should be left alone in the encounter, which
he knew was to come with the Wahabees. Saeed, who had been
impressed by the Napoleonic wars and successes in Europe, was thus
led to turn his attention to the renewal of political relations with
the French, which had been relinquished by Sultan, at the request
of the British Government.
Since the futile mission of M. Cavaignac in the Atalanta
had been the occasional purchase
frigate in 1803, the only intercourse
by Sultan and Bedr of English prizes, captured and sold at Mauritius
by the French. Saeed, determined on seeking French alliance, now
despatched Majid bin Khalfan as envoy on a mission to that island
to renew the relations which had formerly existed. This mission
resulted in a treaty being concluded between Saeed and General
Decaen, on June 15th, 1807. French influence was now in the

ascendant at Muscat for a brief period. In July, 1808, a fresh treaty
with the French was concluded, the .first one not having been found
satisfactory,and M. Dallons was sent to Muscat as Consular Agent.
By this time the audacity and power of the piratical Joasmees
had increased to such an extent that they had become as great a
scourge to Oman by sea as the Wahabees were by land, and the trade
of Muscat was seriously interrupted. With the object of checking
them in some degree, Saeed, in concert with his uncle Kais, undertook
an expedition against Khor Fakan, where the Joasmees had formed
a piratical station.
In May, 1808, Saeed sailed with a flotilla for that fort, where
he was joined b}/ Kais, and after a sharp conflict the fort was carried
bj^ assault and the garrison put to the sword. News of Saeed's
proceedings, however, had been rapidly carried to Ras al-Khyma,
which is about twenty miles distant, and Shaikh Sultan hastened
to the relief of the place, where he arrived after the massacre of the
garrison. He had but a small force with him, yet he easily van-
quished Saeed's troops and compelled them to fly, and Kais was
killed in the fight.
The troubles of Saeed were now gathering thick upon him,
young and inexperienced as he was, for he was now only in his
nineteenth year he would have succumbed before the prospect of
;
carrying on the struggle with such formidable enemies as now

surrounded him had he not been sustained by an indomitable spirit
of self-reliance.
The Wahabees had now arrived at the zenith of their power ;
the 'Amir Saood had determined upon completing the conquest of

Oman and had announced his intention of personally leading an army
to Muscat, while the system employed hitherto by him in Oman was
one of terrorism. He maintained a Political Agent at Muscat and a
strong garrison at Beraimi, the frontier town towards Nejd, and it
was from this point that his expedition started when hostilities arose
in Oman. These excursions were invariably attended by ruthless
massacres and barbarities, and the dread they inspired was sufficient
usually to keep the whole country in a state of abject prostration.

In this plight the cup of humiliation for the Omanis was, therefore,
nearly full, but they were now threatened with yet greater evils,
namely, the complete occupation and direct administration of the
land and the effacement of the Ibadhi doctrines in favour of those of
their oppressors. Saeed well knew that the Oman tribes had no
intention of tamely abandoning their religion, and were ready to
respond to any call he might make on them.
At this time, an episode occurred which enraged Saeed's
enemies, and gave the Wahabee Amir the pretext he sought for
re-opening hostilities. Mohammed Nasir, whom Saeed had de-
nounced to Saood as the murderer of Bedr, and who was now in
possession of Semail, was lured to Muscat and treacherously
imprisoned. Saeed's object in this was the recovery of the forts of
Semail and Bidbid, which he wrested from Mohammed Nasir as the
price of his liberty. Bitterly resenting this treatment, Mohammed,
who was now had formerly
as full of animosity towards Saeed as he
been full of loyalty and devotion, made his way to Al-Deraya, where
he sought the aid and protection of Saood. The latter had already^
as we have seen, contemplated leading a force to act against Muscat,
and now adopting Mohammed's cause with alacrity, he despatched
his best general, Mutlak al-Mutairy, with the advance of his army to
Oman.
In the early part of 1807 the political situation in Europe
necessitated orders being sent to Bombay for the despatch of
H.M.S. Fox, commanded by Captain Cochrane, with eight
Company's cruisers to the Persian Gulf, as a demonstration against
Turkey, which had lately declared war against Russia. The frigate,
with the Persian Ambassador on board, sailed first to Bushire, and

thence proceeded to Kwait, where an interview took place with the
Turkish Governor, after which the Fox returned to India.
Enriched by the plunder of peaceful traders the Joasmees at
this time greatly augmented their fleet, which, it was calculated,
now consisted of 876 vessels, of which 63 were large dhows and
bughlas, carrying altogether 19,000 men. In violation of the treaty
The Al-Bu Saeedi Dynasty. 3l-j
they now re-commenced their attack on Enghsh vessels, and even

ventured to visit the coasts of Sind, Cutch, and Western India,
which they now harassed for the first time.
In April, 1808, the Lively, a schooner, commanded by
Lieutenant Macdonald, fell in with four pirates, and after a sharp
conflict beat them off. Three of these dhows were soon after
discovered at Surat and sent to Bombay, but though found guilty,
were most unaccountably released to continue their depredations.
About twenty puttimars, or native craft, were, it is said, captured
in this cruise by other Joasmee dhows, and on these rich prizes being
taken to the Gulf, a further squadron of fifty dhows was despatched
to the Indian coast.
We next hear of two of the largest of the Company's cruisers,
the Mornington, 24 guns, and the Teignmouth, 18 guns, being
successively attacked in the Gulf by these pirates, who were, how-
ever, compelled to retire.
Another cruiser, the Fury, 6 guns, commanded by Lieutenant

Gowan, was then attempted, as being a small vessel likely to
become an easy prey, but the pirates again failed of success. For
his conduct and high sense of duty, however, in defending his ship
and crew, the commander received unmerited censure at Bombay.
A fitting commentary on the above action of the Bombay Govern-
ment took place a month or two later in the tragedy of the
Minerva, a large trading-vessel belonging to Mr. Manisty. This
ship was attacked by the Joasmees on her way up to Busra, and
after a running fight of several days was carried by boarding. The
Minerva was then taken to Ras al-Khyma, where the crew were
nearly all massacred one after another in cold blood, the captain
being literally chopped to pieces. A lady passenger, the wife of
Lieutenant Taylor, afterwards Resident at Baghdad, was detained
by the pirates until a heavy ransom had been paid for her release.
In September of this year the mission to Persia of Sir H. I.
Brydges, who had been appointed Ambassador, embarked at Bombay

on board the La Nereid frigate, 36 guns, commanded by Captain
Corbett, with the Sapphire, commanded by Captain Davis, and
VOL. II. D
Sylph in company. The La Nereid arrived at Bushire on

October 14th, but the Sylph, a small vessel of 78 tons, which
had been outsailed by the others, was attacked on October 20th
by a flotilla of pirates, who carried her by boarding. The Joasmees,
as usual, murdered the crew, twenty-two in number, by cutting
their throats over the side of the ship in the name
of God, but the
captain, Lieutenant Graham, though wounded, managed to
terribly
hide below. A few hours later, however, the Sylph was recovered
by the La Nereid on her way down the Gulf. Within three days
of this event, the Company's cruiser Nautilus, of 14 guns, com-
manded by Lieutenant Bennett, was menaced off Hen jam, by four
dhows, which came close up in order to board, but were driven off
by a broadside and chased out of sight.
The increased influence of the Wahabees, however, naturally
irritated the Joasmee leaders, the chief of whom. Sultan bin Sakar,
fell under their displeasure and was carried by force to Nejd. But
subsequently escaping to Jedda, he besought the intervention of
Ibrahim Pasha, through whose mediation he was entrusted with a
mission to Seyyids Salim and Saeed by Mohammed Ali, Viceroy of
Egypt, proposing an alliance against the Wahabee Amir. On
reaching Muscat, Sultan bin Sakar communicated the proposal to
Seyyids Salim and Saeed, who flattered by this notice, and willingly
adopting it, wrote to Toosoon Pasha, promising co-operation.
Putting this offer into action, the Seyyids at once despatched a
squadron with Shaikh Sultan bin Sakar on board to Ras al-Khyma,
but the object of the enterprise was not accomplished and the
squadron returned to Muscat.
In the meantime, Saeed had undertaken an expedition against
the Joasmee pirates, and in April, 1809, had set out with a fleet to
Ras al-Khyma, to act in conjunction with a force from Bushire.
Saeed's allies in the Gulf, however, failed to co-operate, his fleet
became dispersed, and he was at one time in a critical situation.

With a view to assist the government of Oman at this period orders
were sent from Calcutta for the Cornwallis and another frigate
to be stationed off Cape Mussendom, and many piratical craft were
captured by them and sent to Bombay, only, however, to be

immediately released. Saeed returned to Muscat, unable to boast
of any satisfactory achievement.
About May of this year Captain Seton, being required for political
service in Sind, relinquished his post at Muscat and returned to
India. At this time Major-General John Malcolm, who had proceeded
in the brig Psyche on his second mission to Persia under orders
from Lord Minto, and who had been entrusted with powers of
superintendence over the Company's affairs in the Gulf, concurred
with Captain Seton that unless the British Government interfered
to save Muscat that port would be destroyed as a port of commerce
and the Omanis driven to join the Wahabees and Joasmees, and thus
swell the ranks of the enemy.
The height of audacity reached by these Joasmee ruihans, who
were as bloodthirsty as they were rapacious, and who within a
twelvemonth had attacked no less that eight armed English vessels,
had come to be regarded as foreboding the extinction of British
trade in the Gulf, and protective measures could no longer be delayed.
That the increase of piracy was due in no small degree to the
wavering and infatuated policy of the Bombay Government in tying
the hands of its naval officers and in regarding the pirates as innocent
—
and unoffending Arabs to use the Governor's own words by which—
so many lives had been sacrificed and so much valuable property
surrendered, is undeniable, as the Joasmees naturally looked upon
the action of the English as sheer pusillanimity.
But though this was the main cause of their insolence, other
circumstances, doubtless, contributed to their overweening self-
confidence and boldness, such as the configuration of the coast,

which was remarkably well suited to aid their operations. At Ras
al-Khyma, for instance, there was a commodious backwater behind
the town, where dhows could lie in safety far out of reach of gun-
shot, but more important still, there was Khor al-Shem, a capacious
inlet, eight miles in length, the existence of which was absolutely
unsuspected by the English at that period. A dark, narrow gorge

between black, basaltic rocks, precipitous sides, formed the entrance,
VOL. II. D 2
which was invisible outside to those unacquainted with it, and the
pirate dhows, when chased, often suddenly vanished by passing into
the inlet, leaving their pursuers bewildered at their disappearance i
concealed in this obscure and safe retreat, in which no European

ship had and no boat had ventured, the buccaneers could lie
sailed,
in security, ready to sally out and swoop down upon any luckless
merchantman descried on the horizon.
The attention of the Supreme Government at Calcutta had long
been drawn to the insult to British prestige and commerce in the
Arabian Sea, but it was now felt that the policy of inaction had been
carried too far and that it was now time to assist the Muscat Govern-
ment in resisting the Wahabee power and in suppressing piracy.
The Governor-General, Lord Minto, accordingly directed the
Bombay Government to prepare an expedition for service in the
Gulf. The force assembled for the purpose consisted of the frigate
La Chiffone, 36 guns, commanded by Captain Wainwright the ;
Caroline, frigate, 36 guns and nine of the Company's cruisers,

;
with several transports carrying the 65th Regiment, under Colonel

Lionel Smith, who was in command of the expedition ;
part of the
47th Regiment, and about a thousand native troops. Captain
Seton was appointed to be Political Officer to the expedition, from
his great experienceand knowledge of the country.
The instructions issued by the Bombay Government to Colonel
Smith on September 7th, 1809, were of so lukewarm and conflicting
a character that the operations of the expedition were rendered
practically fruitless, and little or no advantage resulted from them.
The fleet sailed first to Muscat, where the leaders of the force
consulted and discussed plans with the rulers of Oman, Seyyids
Salim and Saeed. The fleet then moved on to Ras al-Khyma, where
it arrived on November nth. This place was captured and burnt
and all its war vessels destroyed. On the expedition returning to
Muscat, Salim and Saeed solicited the aid of Colonel Smith against
Shinas and Khor Fakan, in co-operation with his own troops. The
two forces, accordingly, sailed together, and on January 4th, 1810,
stormed and captured Shinas after a desperate resistance.
.
During this campaign Mutlak al-Mutairy, who had been des-

patched from Nejd with the advance of the Wahabee army, had
arrived with Mohammed Nasir at Beraimi, from whence, on hearing
of the British expedition, he hastened to the aid of the Joasmees at
Ras al-Khyma. Being too late for that affair, he moved across to
Shinas, which he reached just after its fall. For three days the
small British force awaited the Wahabee onslaught, but Mutlak
declined an engagement until Colonel Smith had
embarked his troops,
when he immediately attacked the Omanis, and with such vigour
that he completely routed them.
The position of Salim and Saeed, therefore, now became more
precarious than ever, and their powerful enemy, the Wahabees,
instead of being dismayed by the English operations, were only
exasperated and rendered more vindictive against the rulers and
people of Oman.
On the departure of the British, Saeed remained at Sohar which
Mutlak, after pillaging the country round and massacring the in-
habitants, began to invest. Saeed attempted negotiations, but
failed he was, nevertheless, soon able to compel Mutlak to raise
;
the siege, and the latter then proceeded with Mohammed Nasir to
Semail, which very shortly surrendered to him.
Saeed, returning to Muscat, strengthened the forts in the
Batineh, still remaining to him ; but the Wahabees were expecting
reinforcements and were, indeed, already masters of the position.
In these straits he was strongly advised by the French Consul,
M. Dallons, to compromise with Mutlak, but, trusting in eventual
aid from Bombay, Saeed declined this advice.
The Wahabees now raided Oman and harried the inhabitants
at will, butMutlak evidently found their subjugation a tougher task
than he anticipated. On the other hand, Saeed's endeavours to rid
the country of its foes were unavailing his utmost efforts were
;
only equal to maintaining his own independence, and when in April

of the following year, 1811, Saeed, after repulsing Mutlak from the
walls of Muscat, ventured to give him battle in the Maawal Valley,
he suffered a disastrous defeat.
VOL. II D s
Saeed sent an appealing letter to the Bombay Government in

1810, praying for armed intervention and support against his enemies,
representing that his alliance with the British in the late campaign
had incensed the Wahabees against him and made them implacable
in their enmity. The request, however, was not complied with, as
the Government considered it impolitic to undertake hostilities
against the Wahabees. Saeed then turned his attention to Persia.
It was arranged that his brother Salim should proceed to Fars and
request aid from the Governor-General of that province. Provided

with suitable presents, Salim accordingly made his way to Shiraz,
where the influence of Pishkush procured him the promised assist-
ance of 1,500 men.Accompanied by this auxiliary force, under the
command of Saadi Khan, Salim returned to Muscat and operations
were at once renewed against the Wahabees. In the meantime,
Saeed, taking advantage of the Egyptian successes over the
Wahabees in Western Arabia, which had compelled the latter to
concentrate their forces, despatched his cousin, Hilal bin Hamed,
against Zobara and Al-Bahrain. The expedition was partially
successful and the Wahabee agent, Abdulla bin Ufeysan, was taken
prisoner, but no advantage resulted to Saeed.
The operations undertaken against the Wahabees, on the arrival
of the Persian contingent, were conducted by Salim, who, in conjunc-
tion with Azzan bin Kais and Saadi Khan, marched against the
Wahabees at Nakhl and obliged them to retire to Zikki Semail also
;
fell, but unadvisedly pursuing their successes too far, Salim and his
Persians were completely routed by Mutlak at Zikki and driven back

to Burka. Mutlak took his revenge by raiding and devastating the
Sharkiya as far as Ras al-Had, leaving a bloody track behind him.
Towards the end of 181 1, the change at Bombay, where a new
Governor, Sir Evan Nepean, had been appointed, awakened hopes in
the mind of Seyyid Saeed of receiving from India that assistance
which he had been long and vainly soliciting, and he determined to
send another envoy to Bombay to request that a force of 2,000 troops
should be despatched to hold the Wahabees in check and to prevent
the occupation of that town and port. The enemy reached Bombay in
'
one of the Omani ships in June, 1812, but was unable to obtain a,
favourable reply from the Government, and returned at once to repor
to the Seyyids the ill-success of his mission. Mr. Bruce, the Resident
at Bushire, who happened to be at this time at Bombay, was instructed
to call at Muscat on his way back to the Gulf to communicate with'
the Seyyids on the state of and to appoint a native agent there
affairs,
on behalf of the Company, who was to act in subordination to the

Bushire Residency, which thus from the early part of 1813 was.
authorized to assume sole charge of Persian Gulf matters.
Before leaving Muscat Mr. Bruce was desired by Seyyid Saeed to
accompany him to the Pirate coast and give moral support to the
operations he was about to undertake in order to reinstate Shaikh
Sultan bin Sakar at Ras al-Khyma, and as Mr. Bruce had instructions
to renew Captain Seton's treaty of 1806, he agreed to do so.
The expedition sailed accordingly, but as Shaikh Shakboot of
the Beni Yas, who was expected to join in the affair, failed to give any
effective aid, Saeed did not succeed in his enterprise, and returned to
Muscat discomfited.
This espousal of Sultan bin Sakar's quarrel and subsequent
operations against the Wahabee nominee at Ras al-Khyma naturally
gave fresh offence at Al-Deraya, and Mutlak, who had for some time
suspended hostilities and had been residing at Beraimi, received
orders to move against Muscat. He accordingly gathered his forces,
quitted Beraimi, and marched along the Batineh as far as Mesnaah.
Azzan bin Kais made terms with him en and Saeed, unable to
route,
offer opposition, arranged a personal interview and induced him to
retire, by the payment of 40,000 dollars. With this amount Mutlak
returned to Nejd, where his action in abandoning the campaign
would appear to have been disapproved of by the Amir Saood.
Another general named Al-Azdakah was appointed to succeed him
and started for Oman, but was murdered on the way. Mutlak was
then again despatched in command with orders to renew hostilities
and chastise the Omanis. In the month of November, 1813, Mutlak
set out on his last campaign he marched through the Al-Dhahireh to
;
Al-Sharkiya, intending to direct his operations against the tribes of

VOL II. 04
this province. He reached, almost unopposed, the country of the

Hejrieen, but here he met with a resistance he had hardly looked for,
as the tribes had gathered in great force. In the first encounter

Mutlak was shot in the breast by a musket ball and fell dead, and the
Wahabees immediately fell into disorder, became dispersed, and
retreated hastily to Al-Beraimi. Mutlak's arms and coat-of-mail
were carried to Muscat, and the dark cloud of Wahabee domination
over Oman was scattered, while the hopes of the Wahabee Amir
attaining the conquest of Oman were lost. To his able and dashing
generalship the success of the Wahabee invasions had been chiefly
due, and the Amir had no one of similar capacity to replace him.
Saeed's fortunes were now in the ascendant he had passed
;
through the period of adversity, and his career henceforward, though

not marked by uninterrupted success, was brilliant and prosperous.
Early in 1814 the death of Azzan bin Kais at Mokha, in the Red Sea,
while returning from pilgrimage, gave Saeed the possession of Sohar,
and three months later the death of the Amir Saood from fever
at Deraya was a still more decided turn of fortune's wheel in his
favour.
The lull in by
the piratical operations of the Joasmees, caused
Lionel Smith's attack on Ras al-Khyma, was of short duration. Not
twelve months had elapsed since its departure before they had
reorganized their fleets, recruited their strength, and raised their
heads in maritime supremacy in the Gulf.
Early in 1811 H.M.S. Lion, 64 guns, commanded by Captain
Heathcote, with the Ambassador to Persia, Sir George Ousely, on
board, learned that a pirate fleet of twenty-six dhows was cruising
off Lingah, and that other vessels from pirate ports were moving
about. Their depredations continued to increase and extend more
widely, even the Indian and Mekran coasts not being left unmolested
by them.
Relieved from foreign pressure, Seyyid Saeed in this year started
on a second expedition for the purpose of establishing Shaikh Sultan
bin Sakar in his old stronghold, Ras al-Khyma, but the supineness
of his allies caused the failure of the chief object of the enterprise.
The Al-Bu Saeedi Dynasty. 32I
but he succeeded in giving Shaikh Sultan possession of Shargah, a
town a few miles to the westward, and before quitting the Pirate coast
concluded a truce with the Joasmee tribe.
Some Indian under British colours had been

vessels navigating
pirated off the Kattiawar coast in August, 1814, and Mr. Bruce called
on Hassan bin Rahmah, the Joasmee chief of Ras al-Khyma, for
explanations, but the boat by which the letter was sent was seized
and the messenger ill-treated. This was followed by the capture of
a vessel containing remounts for the 17th Lancers, and by the seizure
of six boats off the Sind Coast.
The Joasmees now, in 1815, turned their attention to the Red
Sea having raided Hasek and Dhofar and other ports, they began
;
to intercept the trade between India and Mocha, and on one occasion
four Surat pattimars, with cargoes valued at twelve lakhs of rupees,
were taken and their crews massacred. About the same time the
pirates encountered the Muscat frigate Caroline, of 40 guns,
commanded by Seyyid Saeed in person, off Kuriyat, and nearly
mastered her. His Highness was wounded in the affair and escaped
with difficulty.
an English merchant ship was taken off

Shortly afterwards
Muscat and her crew massacred as usual. This was followed by an
attack on the Company's cruiser Aurora, and on the American
vessels Persia and C intra. In 18 16 the fortunes of the Joasmees
continued to rise. In the beginning of the year Seyyid Saeed con-
ducted a third expedition against Ras al-Khyma and blockaded this
port for four months, but without effecting any result.
In September an expedition was despatched from Bombay
consisting ofH.M.S. Challenger, 18 guns, and the Company's
cruisers Mercury and Vestal, to demand satisfaction for the
piracies on the Surat vessels in the Gulf of Aden. Mr. Bruce joined
this squadron at Ras al-Khyma in November, but the negotiations
entirely failed. Shaikh Hassan not only refused redress, but claimed
the right to pirate Indian vessels, saying that if the English were
going to protect them there would be nothing left for the Arabs to
plunder.
The Amir Abdulla, who had succeeded his father Saood at

Deraya, now appointed a new agent at Muscat, with instructions to
adopt a more concihatory attitude towards the Oman rulers and to
endeavour to bring about a permanent peace, the reverses sustained
by the Wahabees at the hands of the Egyptians having compelled
them to concentrate their strength in Nejd. The Agent's efforts at
negotiation at Muscat at first promised success, but the question of
Ras al-Khyma proved an insurmountable obstacle, and hostilities
recommenced.
For some time after this His Highness's attention was engaged
athome in repressing internal disorders in the Nakl district, where
Himyar bin Suliman al-Yaarebi, the leading representative of the
last dynasty, had, in league with Mohammed Nasir al- Jabry, seized the
fort and revolted against Saeed's authority. Saeed attempted to
dispossess Himyar, but was defeated in the field he succeeded
;
eventually by treachery in getting Himyar into his power and putting

him to death.
Saeed had no sooner returned from his expedition against
Ras al-Khyma, in April, 1816, than he projected a campaign against
Al-Bahrain, an object on which he had long set his heart. The
Muscat armament proceeded to the Gulf in June, and together with
His Highness's Persian allies landed on the Island of Arad, but
were attacked and routed by the Attoobees with great slaughter,
Saeed's younger brother, Hamed, being slain in the fight. The
Resident, Mr. Bruce, who had quitted Bahrain in H.M.S. frigate
Favourite, commanded by Captain Maud, shortly before the
expedition arrived, did his utmost to dissuade Saeed from his enter-
prise, and offered to mediate and endeavour to make terms of peace,,
but His Highness declined his assistance, and after suffering defeat,
as above stated, and which was due in great measure to the treachery
of his allies, sailed away to Congoon to embark a force which had
been promised him, to act against the Wahabees. He fortunately
discovered in time that he was being led iiato a snare by the Persians,
who intended to carry him a prisoner to Shiraz, and abandoning his
project against Bahrain, returned to Oman.
It was at this time that Mohammed AH, Viceroy of Egypt, was

contemplating the final destruction of the Wahabee Empire, and the
Amir Abdulla, foreseeing the coming blow, had need of every
available man and not only was
to aid in the defence of his country,
every Nejdian soldier withdrawn from Oman, but the Arab spirit
of clannishness, or perhaps the ingrained hatred of Arab against
Turk, induced a large contingent from the Ghafiri or Maaddic tribes
of Al-Dhahireh to flock to the standard of the Amir at Deraya.
In September, 1817, communications were received from the
French Governor of Bourbon, proposing a renewal of commercial
relations between that island and Muscat, and a favourable reply
having been returned by Saeed, a brisk trade sprung up, for the
better regulation of which a new convention was signed by Saeed on
March 30th, 1817. This convention appears to have remained in
force until the negotiations of the French Commercial Treaty of
1844.
During year (18 17) and the next Saeed was entirely occupied
this
with intertribal disputes and in contending with his naval enemies,
the Joasmees, who attacked and made themselves masters of Khor
Fakan. But this was almost their last act of aggression, as the career
of Arab piracy was now doomed. It was high time that proper
measures were taken against it, for in this year the Joasmees were
actively marauding the Indian Coasts and intercepting all trading
vessels. They had captured many rich prizes and murdered their
crews, some of them within seventy miles of Bombay. It was
estimated that the pirates had sixty-four war dhows, besides smaller
craft off the Indian Coasts, manned by about 7,000 men and cruisers
in squadrons of four to ten. The large dhows were built with high
sterns reaching above the bulwarks of a frigate and enabling them to
capture large vessels by their favourite method of boarding. Many
of them were provided with a long gun on the upper deck traversing
in every direction, and thus became, with their strong complement
of men, very formidable opponents.
After six years of warfare Mohammed had entrusted his son
Ali
Ibrahim Pasha, with the task of subduing the Wahabees by seizing
their During the year 1817 Ibrahim toiled across the

capital.
Arabian desert, and in April, 1818, began the siege of Deraya, which
was captured and razed to the ground in September, when the
victorious General returned to the Red Sea. The overthrow of
these fanatical puritans,by whom the Joasmees had been so long and
persistently supported and controlled, gave the Indian Government
the opportunity for which they had so long waited, of striking a
mortal blow at them and putting an end once and for ever to the
insults and depredations to which commerce had been subjected for
so many years and a naval and military expedition for the reduc-
;
tion of Ras al-Khyma and the consequent annihilation of the piratical

fleets was resolved on. Previous^, however, to the despatch of the
force, it was deemed advisable to send an envoy to confer with the
Oman Government on the subject, and to push on to Nejd to propose
to Ibrahim Pasha that the English and Turkish troops should act
conjointly in attacking the Joasmee stronghold Captain Sadler,
who had been selected for the mission, arrived at Muscat on May 7th,
1819, in the Thetis, 14 guns, and was well received by Seyyid
Saeed, who promised to co-operate by land and sea, but declined to
join the field with the Turks, whom he detested as much as he did the
Wahabees. Captain Sadler then proceeded to Kateef, and traversed
Nejd to meet Ibrahim Pasha, whose camp he reached near Medina
in September, 1819. The mission proved abortive, as it had started
too late, and Mohammed Ali, having already accomplished his object,
refused any participation in the Indian Government's enterprise.
The expedition, now organized at Bombay under the command
of Sir W. Grant Keir, consisted of the Liverpool, 50 guns, com-
manded by Captain Collier the Eden, 26 guns, commanded by
;
Captain Loch the Curlew, and six Company's cruisers, together

;
with a land force of 1,600 European and 1,400 native troops

embarked in transports.
The fleet sailed from Bombay in November, 1819, and rendez-
voused at Kishm, but the General, Sir W. G. Keir, proceeded to
Muscat, where H.H. Seyyid Saeed agreed to furnish three ships
and 4,000 men and to accompany the expedition himself. Early
in December, after a short bombardment, the troops were dis-
embarked, Ras al-Khyma was taken and the ports destroyed. The
town was found to be empty, as the Arabs had removed everything.
Shaikh Hassan and his tribe then submitted to the General. About
eighty vessels, large and small, fell into the hands of the force, but
the greater number escaped capture, having probably sought con-
cealment in Khor al-vShem.
The General having arranged by treaty with Shaikh Hassan bin
Rahmah, Shaikh Sultan bin Sakar, Shaikh Shakboot, and the Chief
of Debaye for the good order and tranquillity of the Gulf, sailed in
H.M.S. Liverpool for Bombay in March, 1820, but to ensure the
observance of the treaty, Ras al-Khyma remained in the occupation
of the English until the following July.
After the reduction of Ras al-Khyma piracy for some years
remained in abeyance, but much vigilance and care were required to
prevent the tribes on the Arab littoral from again resorting to their
former practices, as the jealousy between them, and pugnacity towards
each other, were so great that they were constantly in collision, and
it may be as well to record here the few instances of piracy that took
place in following years, until was quite extinguished.
it
In 1824 a vessel belonging to Al-Bahrain was pirated by two

.
boats from Shargah, with the connivance of Sultan bin Sakar, but
the Commodore in the Gulf, on hearing of it, demanded and obtained
full satisfaction.
In 1828 a piracy was committed Sohar by the Joasmees,

off
who massacred the crew, fourteen in number, of the captured vessel.

The aggressor in this case, Muslim bin Rashid, was put to death and
the cargo recovered.
In 1 841 another outrage occurred off Bidda and Commodore
Brucks proceeded thither to obtain redress, but it was not until
Bidda was bombarded that the pirates submitted and complied with
demands.
In 1845 one Hamaid bin Majdal established himself on an
island and commenced piracy on his own account with three dhows,
but he was soon after attacked by Commodore Hawkins in the
Coote and reduced to submission. Nine years later Hamaid bin

Majdal, having gathered 2,000 men near Kateef, renewed his
piratical depredations, but Commodore Robinson operated against
him with gunboats, and after much trouble succeeded in seizing his
vessel and scattering the band.
A few months later a joint expedition was undertaken by the
English and by Saeed against the Beni Bu Ali tribe in Jaalan, the
immediate cause of which, so far as the British were concerned,
was the murder of the interpreter of the Mercury brig which had
been despatched to Al-Askhara to enquire into certain piratical
acts committed by the tribe. Part of the force, stationed by
Sir W. G. Keir in the Gulf, consisting of six companies of Native
Infantry and six guns, was now embarked by the Political Agent,
Captain Thompson, who had resolved on immediate hostilities, and
taken from Kishm to Muscat.
Saeed had for some years been at variance with the Beni Bu
Ali tribe, on account of their having coalesced with the Wahabees
and adopted their tenets in 181 1, and he had since been seeking for
an opportunity to crush them. The expedition was undoubtedly
due in part to Saeed's instigation and encouragement, and he had
been allowed to join it with about 1,000 men. Captain Thompson
sailed from Muscat to Soor and the combined force marched from that
port to the Beni Bu Ali country on November ist, 1820. The
tribes were summoned to surrender, practically unconditionally,
by Saeed, but refused to give up their arms, and a contest ensued in
which the British force was completely defeated with a loss of six
officers, 270 men, and all the guns. The survivors retreated by way
of Al-Sharkiya and Oman, through the Wady Akk to Muscat, where
they arrived on November 17th. Saeed displayed great gallantry
and coolness throughout the affair, and was wounded while endea-
vouring to save a British soldier. In acknowledgment of his services
a sword of honour was presented to him by the Governor-General,
who in 1821 despatched Dr. Jukes to Muscat to deliver it.
To retrieve this disaster a large force was despatched, under
General Sir Lionel Smith, from Bombay in January, 1821. The
The Al-Bti Saeedi Dynasty. 327
<ieneral attacked the Beni Bu Ali in March, and after severe fighting,
destroyed the forts and almost annihilated the which to thistribe,
day has never recovered its Saeed

former strength and prestige.
was not permitted to take part in this campaign, though he per-
sonally accompanied the troops. It was during his absence from
Muscat on this occasion that he had to mourn the death of his elder
brother Salim, who died of paralysis in February, 1821. A large
number of prisoners of the Beni Bu Ali were carried to Bombay by
General Smith, where they were detained for about two years, when
they were released and sent back to Oman with a sufficient sum to
enable them to rebuild their houses and aqueducts.
It was subsequent to, some extent in connection with,
and to
the expedition under Sir W. G. Keir that the Survey of the Persian
Gulf and Oman coasts was undertaken by the Court of Directors,
who had at length begun to understand the necessity of acquiring ,
information regarding the navigation of these seas. In 1820 the

ship Discovery and the brig Psyche, commanded by Captains
Morgan and Guy respectively, were sent from Bombay with orders
to commence the survey along the western side of Cape Mussendom
and the Pirate coast, and it was at the very outset of their operations
that the remarkable creek, Khor al-Shem, which had been of such
importance to the pirates as a hidden port, was discovered. It was
named by the surveyors Elphinstone Inlet, after Mr. Mountstuart
Elphinstone, then Governor of Bombay. Captain Morgan soon retired
from ill-health, and was succeeded by Captain Guy this officer ;
shortly afterwards gave place to Captain Brucks, who continued to

conduct the survey of the Gulf until its completion. In 1828-9 tîe
Discovery, with the schooner Inspector, began the survey of the

Oman coast from the Eastern side of Cape Mussendom from Malcolm's
Inlet to Lima, Dibba, Khor Fakan to Sohar, and thence along the
Batineh coast to Muscat and Muttrah, which were first surveyed in
1828. The Discovery, proving unseaworthy, had been replaced
very early in this work by the Benares, commanded by Captain
Haines, who subsequently surveyed the South Arabian coast as far
as Aden.
In 1822 Captain F. Moresby, R.N., in His Majesty's ship

Menai, was ordered to Muscat to conclude a treaty with Saeed for
the suppression of the slave trade. Saeed granted all concessions
asked for, which would, if strictly enforced, have caused him a loss of
;f5,ooo or £6,000 a year.
Relieved from all troubles, foreign and domestic, and feeling that
he had securely consolidated his power, Saeed now undertook a
pilgrimage to Mecca. He appointed his nephew, Mohammed bin
Salim, Regent during his absence, and sailed in the Liverpool,
74 guns, which had been specially prepared for the voyage in Bombay,
in March, 1824. This journey was performed with great lavishness
of expenditure. The Pasha of Egypt, Mohammed Ali, sent officers to
meet him, and nothing was omitted by them and the Turkish Go-
vernor to give Saeed a fitting reception on his arrival at Jedda.
On the way to Mecca and Medina he was accompanied by a large
escort and entertained with great sumptuousness. He created every-
where an immense sensation, and his popularity among the people
was not lessened by the generosity of his gifts. Notwithstanding his
being a Kharejite or dissenter, Saeed was received with the greatest
respect and honour by the Shereef and on his departure was presented
,
with splendid gifts by Mohammed iVli. Saeed was received on his

return to Muscat with loud acclamations, and the rejoicings lasted
several days.
In July, 1826, Saeed sent a fleet to blockade Bushire in the
absence of the Governor, Shaikh Abdul Russool, though at the
request of the Resident, he refrained from attacking the town. The
Shaikh himself was captured at sea on his way home shortly after,
and detained a prisoner until the following year, when he paid a
ransom and agreed to surrender a Persian princess,
of 80,000 dollars
a granddaughter of Fath Ali Shah and a sister of Reza Kola Mirza,
who had been promised to Saeed, but had been delayed at Bushire by
the Governor, who was desirous of marrying her himself. In Novem-
ber of the same year, Saeed, having been unable to prevail on the
Government of Busra to pay the stipulated subsidy, the arrears of
which had amounted to 104,000 dollars, equipped a fleet to enforce
c/)
>s.
l-H
o
H
Q
The Al-Bu Saeedi' Dynasty. 339
his demand. In an engagement that ensued the Turkish fleet was

defeated and Busra was blockaded until the Pasha made terms. \.
The was spent by Saeed in a fruitless war with

following year
Al-Bahrain, for which he had made long and expensive preparations.
With the object of taking the Attoobees by surprise, Saeed contra-
dicted the rumours prevalent of his intentions and assured the Shaikh
of his pacific feelings, until about a month before his arrival there
with his fleet, November, 1828. In his attack on the
which was in
island, however, his force was completely routed and many slain,
while he himself was slightly wounded. Being thus discouraged in
his enterprise, he abandoned its further prosecution and returned to
Muscat. A peace was concluded between the belligerents on terms
not unfavourable to Saeed in December of the following year.
In 1829 the Chief of Dhofar, Mohammed Akil, was murdered at
Merbat, and Saeed immediately despatched a force to take possession
of that district. This force only remained a few months, as it was
required for service in East Africa, whither Saeed was about to proceed
with the object of subduing the district and island of Mombasa.
Having arbitrarily seized and imprisoned his cousin, Hilal bin Hamed,
with a view to prevent his intrigues with the tribes, and leaving
Mohammed bin Salim in charge of the Government, he sailed on
December 15th, 1829, for his East African dominions, which were to
occupy his chief attention for the next fifteen years.
The first occasion in which Saeed had interfered in Zanzibar
territory had been in 1812, when he sent a Wali named Khalaf bin
Nasir, and built a fort &,t Lamoo. Ahmed bin Mohammed died in
1814, and was succeeded by his son AbduUa, a brave and enterprising
chief, who, resolving to separate from the mother country, refused
to send any tribute to Muscat. Being conscious, however, that this
course would inevitably lead to a contest, Abdulla sailed to Bombay
and endeavoured to secure the alliance of the Indian Government.
Some time later internecine broils at Patta, the suzerainty over
which was claimed by the Wali of Mombasa, compelled one of the
parties to call in the aid of Saeed. A small force, under Abdulla Ali,
was sent from Muscat, which established Bwana Shaikh as Saeed's
VOL. II. E
vassal. The Wali of Mombasa, however, soon recovered his predomi-

nating influence, and matters so remained until fresh dissensions arose,
when Saeed again invited him to interfere, and, burning with jealousy
against the Mezeri Chief, sent a second expedition in 1822 under
Hamed bin Ahmed, who received the submission of Brava, Patta,
and Wali at Zanzibar, hearing of Ahmed's pro-
Siwi, while Saeed's
ceedings, seconded him by attacking Pemba and expelling the Mom-
basa garrison.
Abdulla bin Ahmed died in 1823, and, as the succession was
disputed, the people elected Suliman bin Ali, the ex-Wali of Pemba,-
to act as Regent temporarily. Saeed was at this time getting ready
another fleet at Muscat, and had issued orders that his people were
not to trade with Mombasa, a measure which, in connection with the
recent loss of Pemba, the source of its food supply, did much to
weaken Suliman's position. Apprehensive of the result of a contest
with Muscat, Suliman bin Ali had written to the Government of Bom-
bay but no answer was received to this appeal.
soliciting protection,
It happened, however, that on the 3rd December, 1823, the
ten-gun brig Barracouta, which had left England in 1822 in concert
with the frigate Leven, 28 guns, commanded by Captain Owen,
who had been commissioned to survey the coasts of East Africa and
Madagascar, sailed into port. Taking advantage of the opportunity,
Suliman immediately sent his nephew on board to explain the position
of affairs and to request Captain Vidal's permission to hoist the British
flag and to place the town and fort in the hands of the King of
England, in order to avoid its subjugation by the ruler of Muscat.
Captain Vidal, who was indisposed, took time to consider his reply,
and the next day sent Lieutenant Boteler on shore Wali to inform the
Suliman that he declined to accord British protection to Mombasa,
but would be happy to forward any letters on the subject from the
Wali to the Government of Bombay or the Cape of Good Hope.
The Barracouta sailed from Mombasa on December 7th, and
a few days later the Muscat flotilla, commanded by Abdulla bin
Suleyyim, arrived in port. On sighting the fleet, the Wali Suliman,
notwithstanding Captain Vidal's refusal to comply with his request,
had hoisted the British flag, hoping thereby .to deter Abdulla bin.
Suleyyim from commencing hostiHties. The ruse, however, com-
and the blockade had continued for two months when,
pletel}^ failed,
on February 7th, 1824, the frigate Leven anchored in the harbour.

A similar application was immediately made for protection by the
Wali to Captain Owen, who, taking a different view from that of his
subordinate, Captain Vidal, agreed to a convention, accepting the
sovereignty over Mombasa from Melinda to Pangani, on the part of
England, on condition of the abolition of slavery. The Arab com-
mander, Abdulla bin Suleyyim, at once placed himself under the orders
of Captain Owen, and agreed to give up the blockade. Captain Owen
appointed one of his officers, Lieutenant Reitz, as Governor, with a
midshipman, Mr. and four men as guard, and sailed on
Phillips,
February 13th for Pemba and Zanzibar, where the Governor, however,
Saeed Mohammed al-Akhabari, refused to surrender Pemba, which had
been a dependency of Mombasa previous to present hostilities.
In September following, the Andromache, commanded by
Commodore Nourse, arrived at Mombasa, and appointed Lieutenant
Emery as Governor in the place of Lieutenant Reitz, who had died
of fever on May 29th.
Captain Owen revisited Mombasa on November 2nd, 1824, and
on December 2nd the Leven and Barracottta sailed again to
continue the survey, after according to Brava British protection
on similar terms, and Captain Owen made an arrangement with the
Wali of Zanzibar that no interference should take place on the Wall's
part with the East African coasts until the decision of the Govern-
ment became known.
In 1826 Suliman bin Ali was deposed by Salim, the brother of
the late Wali Abdulla bin Ahmed ; Lieutenant Emery, the Governor
at Mombasa, not interfering in the matter. It was not until two
years after Captain Owen had agreed to the protectorate that the
English Cabinet, at the instance of the Indian Government, dis-
avowed Captain Owen's proceedings, and the British commandant
was removed from Mombasa, which was left with Pemba and Brava
to settle its own quarrel with Saeed. Saeed lost no time in writing
VOL. II. E 2
to Salim and summoning him to surrender. Salim in reply

offered to acknowledge a nominal sway and to remit a tribute, but
refused to yield the fort. This did not satisfy Saeed, who, however,
was too much engrossed in home affairs to be able to pay much atten-
tion to Mombasa, and it was not until 1829 that, having completed
his preparations, he sailed in the Liverpool with a large fleet and
1,200 men from Muscat, expectant of an easy victory. The sight of
this imposing force riding at anchor before his little island did not
terrify Salim ; he refused defiantly Saeed's demand for submission,
and declined to accept his invitation to an interview, stating he was
prepared for defence. A made by Saeed,
general assault was then
but was repulsed with heavy loss, and after several ineffectual
it
attempts Saeed deemed it prudent to raise the siege and to retire to

Zanzibar.
In the meantime serious disorders were taking place in Oman,
Incensed at her brother's imprisonment, Jokha, the sister of Hilal,
seized the fort ofSowaik and razed the Batineh. Hamed also joined
in the insurrection, made himself master of Sohar, Khaboora and
Shinas, and prepared to march on Muscat. Mohammed bin Salim,
seriously alarmed, sent a vessel to recall Saeed from Zanzibar, and
appealed to Bombay for help. Two cruisers were ordered to support
him and to prevent an attack being made on Muscat. The Resident
of Bushire, Captain Hennell, also kept other vessels ready and
warned Hamed not to attempt an attack. Saeed returned to Oman
in May, 1830, and pretended to think that the rebellion had been
of an insignificant character, and that he had been recalled without
reason. Nevertheless, he was unable to recover either Sohar or
Khaboora from Hamed, and had to content himself with the restitu-
tion of Shinas. In an expedition against Sohar, in February, 1831,
undertaken by Saeed, he was disastrously defeated by Hamed, with
a loss of 400 or 500 men, and had to retreat with his finances and
reputation reduced to a very low ebb.
Early in the next year, Saeed set out on a fresh expedition to
East Africa in the Liverpool, with the intention of again besieging
Mombasa, but this time he deemed it advisable to strengthen the
^
V
Regency, which was to rule Oman in his absence, by associating his

eldest son Hilal and Saood bin Ali of Burka with Mohammed bin
Salim. Saeed's force consisted of 1,400 men in four ships and six
bughlas, and, having on arrival spent three days in fruitless negotia-
tions, commenced to bombard the town and forts. This proved
unavailing and overtures were again resorted to. Salim bin x\hmed,
on receiving hostages, came on board the Liverpool and a con-
vention was concluded to the effect that Salim should recognize
Saeed's sovereignty, and should continue to hold the governorship
of Mombasa as hereditary in his family, that he should also hold and
which was, however, to be garrisoned by fifty men
reside in the fort,
appointed by Saeed, and that the customs should be equally divided
between His Highness and Salim. Saeed then entered and formally
took possession of the fort, and appointed Saeed bin Khalfan as
Akeed or Commandant. Instead of fifty, however, Saeed introduced
a garrison of 200 men, and then ordered Salim to quit the fort and
reside in the town. Before leaving. His Highness repaired the fort
and stationed a garrison of 350 men, Belooches and Arabs, in it, and
then set sail for Zanzibar.
Saeed appears to have already resolved to fix his residence at
Zanzibar, for he began to build a palace at Mentony, and to lay out
clove and rice But he was not destined to enjoy
plantations.
tranquillity long, for he had, in fact, no sooner left Muscat than
disturbances of a serious character broke out, and the integrity of
his dominions was threatened these disturbances were due chiefly
;
to harem intrigues and to the existing jealousy between Saood bin

Ali and Mohammed bin Salim.
Taking advantage of the arrival of Hilal and Mohammed at
Burka, whither they had proceeded en route to Rostak, which had
been made over to Hilal, Saood seized and imprisoned both of them
and then laid siege to Mesnaah. Hamed bin Azzan, Hilal bin
Mohammed, and Sultan bin Sakar, also took up arms, the last
seizing Khor Fakan and Dibba, and the two former beleaguering
Rostak. The Moza took the lead on behalf of Seyyid Saeed, and
was joined by Talib and Mohammed Nasir al-Jabry, with 1,500
VOL. II. E 3
Ghafiris, at Muscat, while the Beni Naeem, at their request, made a

diversion against Sohar. To support vSaeed' s rule the Resident at
Bushire wrote a warning letter to the insurgents, and despatched his
assistant with a naval force to Muscat, but in the meantime Saood
had released his prisoners on payment of 8,000 dollars, and on the
arrival of the Assistant-Resident at Burka, Saood withdrew his
pretensions and exculpated himself by saying that he had only acted
in self-defence.
The and the restoration of tranquillity
quelling of this rebellion
was attributed solely to the prompt support afforded to Saeed's
authority by the British Government, which encouraged and brought
forward His Highness's friends, while it effectually checked and dis-
mayed the insurgents.
Saeed returned from Zanzibar on September loth, 1832, and
after appointing Saood to Rostak, on condition of his giving up
Burka, solicited aid in recovering Khor Fakan and Dibba, but this
was refused by the Government, and he was advised to remain at
home in future and protect his Arabian dominions. Saeed, when
starting from Zanzibar, had ordered Hamed bin Ahmed, the Wali
of Zanzibar, to reduce Magdesho with the Mombasa fleet Hamed ;
bombarded Magdesho, which submitted, and his sailors sacked the

town. Abdulla bin Sulejyim was killed on this occasion. His old
foes, the Wahabees, had b}^ this time again turned their attention
towards Oman, and their attitude caused Saeed much anxiety.

He was not in a position to offer any effectual resistance
to their encroachments, and, under the advice of the British authori-
ties, deemed it his best policy to enter into friendly relations with
them. He accordingly agreed to pay them an annual subsidy of
5,000 dollars on condition of the integrity of his dominions being

respected ; a stipulation was also made that each party should assist
the other in quelling rebellions in their respective countries, but this
latter engagement was considered impolitic and was disapproved of
by the British, as leading to possible embarrassments.
The arrival at Muscat at this time of the United States sloop
of war Peacock, with Mr. Roberts, who had been appointed
Plenipotentiary to negotiate a treaty of amity and commerce with

the kingdom of Oman, was a notable event in the life of Saeed.
The growing importance of Muscat and Zanzibar as commercial
depots had begun to attract foreign merchants, and improvements
in the Customs regulations soon became a necessity. The chief
part of the trade and customs farm was still, as it had been for cen-
turies, in the hands of Indian traders, whose position was well known
and assured, and in whose favour no cause had arisen for England to
interfere. The American merchants, however, were in a different
position ;they had only begun to trade with Zanzibar some ten or
twelve years previously, and had already suffered so much from the
exactions and obstructions to which they had been subjected by the
Farmer of Customs. They compelled them to make representations
to their Government, which thus took the lead in entering into
engagements with Oman to remove grievances and place its commerce
on a secure and satisfactory basis.
The treaty, which was concluded in September, 1833, was of a
comprehensive character and well considered in its details, and formed
the prototype on which the English and French treaties were sub-
sequently drafted. Saeed's engagements with foreign powers had
heretofore been confined to conventions with British India and French
colonies, and it was with unconcealed pride and gratification that he
now for the first time found himself placed on a level with the rulers
of civilized states, and, though the capitulations he had bound himself
to observe complicated his former relations, the treaty, as he probably
foresaw and understood, had the effect of raising his position and
increasing the trade and prosperity of his country.
It was not in accordance with Saeed's character that he should
allow the opportunity to slip without intriguing to gain some advan-

tage for himself, and as the conquest of Mombasa was the matter now
uppermost in his mind, he offered to allow the Americans to erect
factories where they pleased, at Zanzibar or on the East African coast,
on condition of their rendering him armed assistance in the prosecu-
tion of his plans. It does not appear that the United States Govern-
ment reciprocated Saeed's views, nor is it likely they would have

VOL. II, E 4
33^ Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
consented to engage in such an enterprise, but the news of the proposal

was received in India with the reverse of pleasure, and His Majesty's
ship Imogene was soon despatched to observe the state of affairs.
Captain Hart reached Zanzibar in 1834 ^"-d was able not only to
frustrate the proposed scheme but to obtain Saeed's consent to the
negotiation of a similar treaty with England.
To return to Africa : Saeed had no sooner quitted Zanzibar in
August, 1832, than a rupture broke out at Mombasa, the result of
which was the restoration of Mezini independence. Saeed had
instructed the Wali of Pemba, Nasir bin Sultan al-Meskeri, a bitter
enemy of the Mezini, to proceed to Mombasa and assume the Waliship
from Salim. In this demand he was supported by the commandant
of the garrison, for whom he had probably brought written orders.
Salim, however, refused to submit to this violation of the treaty, and
ordered Nasir to quit the place in twenty-four hours. Nasir then shut
himselfup in the and commenced to bombard the town, which
fort,
had no means of replying. The whole population, however, siding

with Salim, blockaded the fort, and cut off the supplies, and the
garrison, being at length reduced to extremities, were compelled to
capitulate after a siege of seven months. The commandant and his
men were allowed to leave Mombasa unmolested, but Nasir was
detained and kept in irons. An abortive attempt to relieve the place
was made by Saeed, who sent Hamed bin Ahmed in the Shah
Allum to assist Nasir, but he arrived too late.
It was not until about November, 1833, that Saeed, having ar-
ranged terms with the Wahabee General, Saeed bin Mutlak, was able
to devote his energies to the re-conquest of Mombasa. Having
appointed his third son, Thowaini, his deputy at Muscat, His High-
ness set sail in the Rahmanee, with the Liverpool, 74 guns, two
corvettes, and 1,400 men, and anchored off Mombasa Fort. Salim
and the Mezinis, fearing the vengeance of Nasir, should the latter
ever gain power over them, strangled him in prison, and Saeed,
enraged at this action, immediately commenced a bombardment.
His attacks, however, were repulsed by the Mezinis, who captured and
destroyed two bughlas, and Saeed, after eight days' ineffectual war-
The Al-Bu Saeedi Dynasty. yyj
fare, had recourse to negotiations. Saeed pretended to regret his

precipitate hostihties,and proposed peace on the basis of the last
treaty. This was accepted by Sahm, who agreed to acknowledge
Saeed's sovereignty, but made proviso that the citadel was not to be
occupied by Saeed's men. Saeed induced two of Salim's relations
to accompany him, and with this appearance of victory he proceeded
to Zanzibar in triumph.
Almost from the time of his first stay in Zanzibar, Seyyid Saeed
bad been in correspondence witli Radama II., King of Madagascar,
and about six years after the death of that great ruler in 1828, His
Highness sent an envoy in the frigate Piedmontese to Ranavolana
Manjaka, Radama's widow and successor, to request her hand in
marriage. His matrimonial proposals were slighted by the Queen,
who does not appear to have treated the ambassadors with particular
distinction she offered him, however, a young princess as wife
;
instead of herself.
Soon after, Saeed sent an expedition against Siwi, which had
revolted. Salim assisted the people of Siwi, and Saeed was defeated
with immense loss. At Patta and Siwi, again, further aggressive
movements were equally unsuccessful.
Saeed's stay at Zanzibar was again of short duration, his ambi-
tious schemes had no sooner led him to distant shores than internecine
troubles at home
recalled him to restore order. The breaker of the
peace on this occasion was Hamed bin x\zzan, who, taking advantage
of the murder of Saood bin Ali by his cousin, Sultan bin Ahmed,
marched on Rostak and took it, and then prepared to attack Semail,
the Wall of which, Mohammed Nasir al-Jabry, had lately died. It
was feared that Hamed, by the acquisition of these forts, might be

in a position to overawe and seize Muscat, and the British Resident,
in July, 1834, with a view to support Saeed's government and autho-
rity, moved down to Muscat and informed Hamed that his persistence
in rebellion would lead to his being considered an enemy of the British

Government. This intervention was effective in checking Hamed's
designs for a time, but a few months later his irrepressible ambition
prompted him to take up arms again and seize Sowaik, from which
fort, however, he was very quickly dislodged by a force despatched

from Muscat. Hamed's popularity in the country, nevertheless^
continued to increase, and although Thowaini called in the Joasmees
and the Beni Yas tribes to his aid, he was able to effect nothing
against his cousin until the return of Saeed from Zanzibar in April,
1835. Saeed immediately took the field and proceeded against Sohar,
but although this expedition returned with only a bare semblance of
success, his presence at home was sufficient to re-establish his autho-
rityand put an end to Hamed's hostilities.
It was in November, 1835, that Lieutenant Wellsted, of the
Indian Navy, the pioneer and foremost explorer of Oman, arrived at
Muscat in the schooner Cyrene. To his pen we are indebted not
only for the best description of Eastern Arabia, but the first correct
map of the country, taken from personal notes and scientific obser-
vations. Lieutenant Wellsted spent several months in traversing
the various provinces, receiving every aid and protection from His
Highness Seyyid Saeed.
The famous experimental voyage to test the navigability of the
River Euphrates as an alternative route to the Red Sea was carried
out by Colonel Chesney with two steamers built for the purpose at
Laird's. The expedition started from Bir, on the Euphrates, in
March, 1836, and the surviving steamer Euphrates (the Tigris
having been on the way) arrived at the Persian Gulf in June.
lost
Colonel Chesney, having completed his work, left for Bombay in the
following November in the steamer Hugh Lindsay. It may here
be noted that it was in this vessel, the Hugh Lindsay, of 411 tons,,
that Captain John Wilson had, six years before, performed the re-
markable feat of steaming to Suez from Bombay in thirty-two days
and had subsequently performed the same voyage on several occasions.
In visiting Busra this year he thus became the pioneer of steam navi-
gation in the Persian Gulf as he had been in the Red Sea. One of the
medical officers attached to Colonel Chesney 's expedition was Dr.
Heifer, who, with his wife, on arrival at Bushire, embarked on board
the George Bentinck, and on the way to Calcutta touched at Muscat,
where Madame Heifer took the opportunity of visiting His Highness's
The Al-Bii Saeedi Dynasty. 339
liarem, of which, as well as of the town, she gives a graphic description

in her Travels.
Affairs in Omansome time occupied Saeed's attention, but,
for
although pining to return to Zanzibar, he was fearful to leave
Muscat while Hamed was unsubdued, as the latter would be certain
to take advantage of his absence. His Highness, therefore, in 1836,
entered into an arrangement with Saeed bin Mutlak to unite in

expelling Hamed from Sohar and Rostak. Saeed bin Mutlak
accordingly besieged Sohar by land with 2,000 men, while the
Muscat fleet blockaded it by sea. Hamed's position was getting
desperate, when he succeeded in rousing His Highness's suspicions
as to the intentions of theWahabees, and operations having been
abandoned, the fleet returned to Muscat. Soon after this a vessel
of the Indian Navy, under instructions from the Government, who
were desirous of promoting a reconciliation between Saeed and
Hamed, proceeded to Sohar, and having received Hamed on board
returned to Muscat, where a written engagement was entered into
by the latter that he would not again rebel against Hilal bin
Mohammed of Sowaik.
The Wali Mombasa, Salim bin Ahmed, died in March, 1835,
of
and his death was the signal for rivalry and dissensions between his
brothers, Khamis and Nasir. After more than a year spent in con-
tention the succession was obtained by Salim's son, Rashid.
A deputation from some of the tribes at Mombasa, tired of these
wars and quarrels, found Saeed preparing a third expedition, and
encouraged by this invitation he hastened his arrangements and
sailed from Muscat in November, 1836, arriving at Mombasa about
the close of the year. He at once summoned Rashid to surrender,
but receiving no reply, Saeed landed his troops and batteries on the
north side of the creek and commenced a bombardment. Taught by
experience, however, of the futility of this method, he founded his
hopes upon intrigue, and by lavish expenditure soon gained over a
large proportion of those opposed to him, including Khamis an(i
Nasir, the uncles of Rashid. Rashid, seeing the gradual deflection
of his adherents, and finding himself unable to hold out against the
power of Saeed's purse, opened negotiations, and in February, 1837,

a convention was concluded in the terms of the original pact, by
which the fort was to be garrisoned by Saeed's men and the Wali
was to reside in the town. Saeed then appointed AH bin Munsoor
to command the fort with a garrison of 500 men, and sailed for
Zanzibar. Shortly after, at Saeed's invitation, Rashid paid a visit
to Zanzibar, and was then offered the Wahship of Pemba, or a liberal
pension, if he would relinquish his title and claim to the Waliship of
Mombasa, and quit the place with his family for ever. Rashid
declined the proffered baits and maintained his hereditary claim to
Mombasa, and Saeed, failing in his attempt to get final possession
.
of the coveted fort by purchase, devised a plan for the extermina-
tion of the family of the Mezini chief. Rashid was now honourably
treated and sent back to Mombasa with presents, but two months
later, Khalid, Saeed's second son, was despatched to that fort with
secret orders, which he carried out with great precision and success.
On arrival at Mombasa, where he was received with due respect,
Khalid landed and held a durbar in Arab fashion at the fort gate.
Rashid and the other Mezinis attended the levee, and on making
their salutationswere desired to enter the fort for the discussion of
business. On passing in they were seized one by one and thrown into
prison, to the number of thirty. Suspicions then arose, the alarm
spread, and the remainder of the Mezinis fled to the mainland. The
prisoners were immediately put on board and carried by Khalid to
Zanzibar, whence Saeed shipped them Bundar Abbas in one of
to
his frigates. Some were thrown overboard on the way and the
rest were immured and starved to death.
Saeed's wars at Mombasa had been marked throughout by a
series of perfidies, and this cruel murder of the gallant Rashid and
his companions fittingly completed his conquest. With their death
the Mezini Dynasty, which had lasted for over a century, and which
neither the Imam Ahmed nor any of his descendants had been able
to overthrow by force of arms, came to an end.
The accession of Her late Majesty Queen Victoria was an oppor-
tunity for Saeed to display his loyalty to England, which was not
The Al-Bii Saeedi Dynasty. 341
neglected by him. In 1838 he despatched Ali bin Nasir as envoy to

offer his congratulations with presents of great value, and Captain
Cogan, who brought back the mission to Zanzibar, was
empowered
to negotiate a commercial treaty, which was concluded and signed,
in May, 1839. Consequent on this treaty Captain Hamerton, of
the Bombay army, was appointed Political Agent at Muscat in 1840,
and in the following year sailed to Zanzibar, where he took up his
residence. He was subsequently instructed to accompany His
Highness on his return to Oman.
At this period (1838), it must be noted, Oman was visited by
the indefatigable French traveller and botanist, M. Aucher Eloy,
who arrived at Muscat in March, and after exploring Jebel Akhdai*,
returned to that port by the Wady Semail in the following April.
In 1838 the mind of the Indian Government was greatly exercised
at the siege of Herat by the Persians, under the instigation of Count
Simonovich, the Russian Envoy, and Lord Auckland ordered the
Bombay Government to despatch a force to the Persian Gulf to make
a counter demonstration. The steam frigate Semiramis, com-
manded by Captain Brucks, left Bombay with about 400 Sepoys
and proceeded to Muscat, from whence, after a short stay, she
steamed to Karrack, where she landed the troops under Colonel
Sheriff ; the steamer Hugh Lindsay subsequently brought rein-
forcements, and the force was supported b}/ a squadron of ships of
the Indian Navy, and the Persians appear to have been somewhat
dismayed at the arrival of the British expedition. Orders were at
once given for the city walls to be repaired, a work which was carried
out with much haste in September the Shah raised the siege of
;
Herat and the force was then withdrawn.

Sometime in 1839 Saeed received letters from the Governor of
Bourbon, who had been moved by representations from French
merchants of commercial requirements at Zanzibar, requesting him
to receive a French Consul on the same footing as the Americans,
and making overtures for a fresh treaty. Saeed, however, demurred
to granting an exequatur to the Consul, who had, in fact, already
been appointed in anticipation, until the treaty had been concluded,
and the appointment was consequently postponed.
Saeed returned from East Africa to Oman

September, 1839,
in
and had no sooner arrived than he was forced to turn his attention
to the adoption of measures for resisting the advance of the
Egyptians. Mohammed AH had at this time embarked on his vain
and Arabia, and his General, Khoorshid,
career of aggression in Syria
had in December despatched Saeed bin Mutlak with a large force
and two guns to Beraimi. There was reason to believe that Saeed
had been engaged in a secret intrigue with Mohammed Ali for aid in
obtaining possession of Bahrain in return for the payment of tribute
to Egypt. But under the advice of the British Government Saeed
dropped these schemes and evinced proofs of his determination to
act loyally in accordance with the policy of the Government in
opposing the invasion of the Egyptian troops. In one of his
interviews with Mohammed Ali, in April, 1840, Colonel Hodges, the
Consul-General at Cairo, desired explanations as to the object of the
force under Saeed bin Mutlak ;
professions of ignorance and evasions
were at first resorted to, but the Pasha subsequently admitted that
the force was part of Khoorshid's army, and was intended for the
axmexation of Oman ; he was then informed that the British
Government would allow no interference on his part with Oman, and
would punish any attempt at encroachment. A few months later,
the vigorous measures taken by Lord Palmerston and the expulsion
of Ibrahim Pasha and his troops from Syria by the combined English
and Turkish forces, resulted in Mohammed Ali's evacuation of
Arabia in 1840, whereby Oman was relieved from further danger in
that direction.
In 1840 Hamerton, who had been nominated as
Captain
Political Agent at Muscat, was ordered to visit Al-Beraimi from
Shargah, to take note of the Wahabee position. In 1841 he sailed
for Zanzibar, and in the following year received instructions to
accompany His Highness Seyyid Saeed when he returned to Oman.
The restless activity of the French in East African waters now
greatly troubled the mind of Saeed, and writing to Lord Palmerston
from Zanzibar, whither he had again proceeded in 1840, he did not
conceal his fears that that nation had aggressive designs on his
mainland possession Saeed's fears were probably not ill-founded.

;
The brig De Messager was dispatched from Bourbon on three

occasions to obtain concessions of various kinds, and other indica-
tions were not wanting to show that the French were anxious to
obtain a footing on the coast, but Saeed had the sense and manliness
to resist these demands and to decline to enter into any engagements
against his interests. In his complaint, however, concerning the
French occupation of Nosse Be, which belonged, as he averred, to
a Sakalava queen, who had put herself under his authority, Saeed
was no doubt actuated by jealousy. He had probably not altogether
withdrawn his gaze from that quarter and did not look on the French
proceedings with equanimity.
Very soon after Saeed had sailed for Zanzibar, his rival, Hamed
bin Azzan of Sohar, who, to show his loyalty and amicable feelings
towards Saeed, had latel3^ accompanied the latter on a tour of his
possessions in the Gulf, seeing in his absence a good opportunity to
make another move for the supreme power, set out for Bombay to
solicit the neutrality of the Government in the forthcoming struggle.
Though accorded a courteous reception in Bombay, the reply he

received appears to have effectually discouraged him from further
hostilities against Saeed and soon after his return to Oman he
;
retired from public life and assumed the garb of religion, appointing,
at the suggestion of the Lady Moza, his son, Saif, Governor of Sohar,
and the since famous priest, Al-Khalelee, Governor of Rostak.
Hamed 's ascetic habits were utilized by Khalelee to ferment an
intrigue among the Batineh tribes, having for its object the election
of Hamed as Imam, but it was not generally supported and fell
through.
The situation of affairs at Bahrain in 1843, where civil war had
broken out, revived Saeed's long cherished hopes of including that
island in his dominions, and Thowaini began to make preparations
at Muscat for an expedition. Before embarking on the enterprise,
however, Saeed had the prudence to refer to the Indian Government
for an expression of their views in the matter, and as it was con-
sidered desirable that Saeed should, for fear of bringing on complica-
tions with the Wahabees and Persians, preserve an attitude of neu-

traHty, the scheme was abandoned by him.
Oman was at this time again threatened by its old enemies the
Wahabees. The Ameer Faisal having made terms with Mohammed
Ali and returned to Riadh, announced his intention of undertaking
the conquest of Oman. Saeed bin Mutlak was despatched to
Beraimi with a large force, and a demand was at the same time made
upon Thowaini for 25,000 dollars. On receipt of this news the
Resident of Bushire advised Thowaini to maintain a friendly under-
standing with the Wahabees, and to accept any terms compatible
with his father's dignity. Thowaini at once requested a tnice,
desiring time to refer to Zanzibar for orders. Saeed bin Mutlak,
however, notwithstanding his compliance with the request, im-
mediately after marched into the Batineh and commenced hostilities.
Remonstrances against this action were sent by the Resident to

Faisal and to Saeed bin Mutlak, and this intervention, coupled
with the fact that the Oman tribes were gathering in formidable
numbers to oppose him, induced Saeed bin Mutlak to accept terms,
and he eventually withdrew his forces for an annual tribute of
5,000 dollars, the authorization for which Thowaini had received
from Zanzibar. The invasion thus terminated in a manner more
favourable to Saeed than might have been expected. The increasing
indifference to home affairs on Saeed 's part was exemplified on this
occasion by his not returning to guide his people in their defence
against aggression ; he was, moreover, exhausting his resources
campaign against the town of Siwi in East Africa.
at this time in his
For he had made extensive and costty preparations,
this enterprise
and his force of 2,000 men was despatched in March, 1844, under
the command of Hamed bin Ahmed al-Samar. It ended in a
terrible disaster the attack was badly planned, and the Arab
;
army was routed and almost annihilated by the natives, who killed
many of the leading Shaikhs, including the commander, and

captured the whole of the artillery and stores ; the remainder of the
army fled back to Zanzibar, and His Highness never again attempted
to interfere with Siwi, where he had already suffered so many
reverses.
The At-Bu Saeedi Dynasty. 345
It was in this jêar that Saeed had the felicity to conclude his
third treaty with a great Power. On November 4th, 1844, the
French Commodore on the East Indian station, Captain Romain
Desfosses, arrived at Zanzibar in the Crocodile, with a draft
treaty of friendship and commerce. Saeed had previously com-
municated the proposals of the French Government in this matter to
the English Foreign Office, and it was with the approval of the
Secretary of State that he consented to negotiate. The treaty was
signed on November 17th, and on the same day the first French
Consul, who had been accommodated with a passage in the
Crocodile by the Commodore, entered on his functions, although
the treaty was not ratified until a year later.
The treaty was followed the next year by the despatch of a
French surveying expedition to Madagascar and East African waters,
under the command of Captain Guillain, who had visited those
waters some years previously in command of the sloop Dordogne.
This survey was carried out by him in the brig Ducovedic, 18 guns,
during the years 1846-7, and his intelligent and zealous labours
resulted in the acquisition of much valuable knowledge respecting
the Zanzibar coast and its people. One of the chief objects of this
enterprise appears to have been the acquisition of a strategical point
on the mainland might act as a counter-
coast, that, like Mayotte,
poise to the new British settlement at Aden, and with this view
Captain Guillain, about 1847, endeavoured to induce the native chiefs
of Lamoo and Brava to sell those ports to the French Government.
Saeed, however, to whom the ports belonged by conquest, had early
news of the intrigue and was able to frustrate it.
Itwas at this time that Hilal, Saeed's eldest son, proceeded to

England to beseech the intercession of Her Majesty's Government
with his father, and it may be convenient here to turn aside from
political events a little and glance at the relations in which Saeed
stood towards his sons. Saeed's family now consisted of twelve,
of whom the first was Hilal, who was bom in 1815. He is described
as tall, fair and handsome, noted for his courage and revered by th6
Arabs, who deemed him the most shrewd and energetic of all the
VOL. II. r
sons. He was so much a favourite that he would, have

it is said,
proved a very formidable rival to his father had he chosen to head
a rebellion. The knowledge of this by Saeed had not improbably
something to do with the continuance of that deep-rooted dislike
and aversion which had been manifested towards Hilal from child-
hood. The estrangement continued to increase until Hilal's twenty-
sixth year, when his father, having determined to disinherit him,
recalled him from Burka, where he had been Wali for some years, to
Zanzibar, and never again entrusted him with any position of
authority.
In July, 1844, Saeed, with the express object of finding out
whether he would be upheld in disinheriting Hilal, had written to
Lord Aberdeen, saying that it was his wish that Thowaini should
succeed him in Oman and Khalid in East Africa. The reply, how-
ever, was a diplomatic one, expressing hopes that Saeed would restore
Hilal to favour. The supercession of Hilal by his father appointing
Khalid to act as Regent at Zanzibar, and Thowaini at Muscat,
during his absence from either place, was a cause of many quarrels,
as Hilal was always insisting on the governorship of one or other
of these capitals as being his by birthright, and indignant at length
at what he considered his father's unjust treatment of him, he
proceeded to England in September, 1845, to represent his condition
to Her Majesty's Government. Having kept his father in ignorance
of his intentions, Hilal was not afforded an official reception in
London, but he seems to have gained much sympathy, and strong
letters were written in his favour. Saeed, however, was exasperated
by this visit and consequent exposure of his conduct, and though for
a time more indulgent outwardly, became really more bitter in his
dislike, and in November, 1849, Hilal was exiled from Zanzibar for
ever. Hilal retired first to Lamoo, and thence moved on to Aden,
where he arrived in a destitute condition. He had, however, long
been in faiUng health, and disease accelerated by mental worry soon
brought his life to an end. Surrounded by all his family his sad
story closed on September 28th, 185 1.
The causes of Saeed's hatred of his eldest son are obscure and
will probably ever remain so. Scandal rumoured that Hilal had
violated his father's harem, but the story is more
doubtful, and it is
probable that the estrangement was due to harem intrigues and

to jealousy, as Hilal' s mother, an Abyssinian, died when he was an
infant, while Khalid's mother was an especial favourite, and would
naturally endeavour to prejudice her lord in favour of her own son.
Khalid was born in 1819 of a Malabar concubine, who had great
influence over Saeed, and did not scruple to use it he was of a mean
;
and penurious disposition, and was much despised by the Arabs as

he was petted and indulged by his father. His energies were entirely
absorbed in trade, by which he amassed a large fortune, and on
account of this he was generally known and spoken of as the
" Banian." Saeed was very anxious that Khalid should succeed
him, but fate decreed otherwise, and Khalid, after a long illness,
died on November 7th, 1854. Two years younger than Khalid,
and born of a Georgean mother, Thowaini was brave and generous,
and much respected by the Arabs. He was greatly superior to
Khalid, but could never have held his own against Hilal in Oman,
and it was for this reason chiefly that the latter was recalled to
Zanzibar in 1841. Saeed had much faith and confidence in Thowaini,
and had publicly announced that he wished him to succeed as ruler
at Muscat.
The next few years of Saeed's life were tolerably uneventful,
and were spent in the relaxing climate of Zanzibar, where his sensual
habits must have tended to unfit him for the active government of
his Arab dominions. During his long residence in East Africa
Saeed's main employment was to look after his estates and trading
ventures and to continue to add to his already large and unwieldy
navy.
Reverting now to affairs in Oman, we see that a treaty for the
suppression of the slave trade was concluded by the Resident with
Saif bin Hamed, Chief of Sohar, in June, 1849. Saif's position,
however, was at this time very precarious, and the treaty never
actually came into force. As previously stated, Hamed had some
years before become a religious recluse and retired into Rostak
VOL. II. F 2
with the intriguing Metowwa Khalelee, leaving Sohar to Saif, who,

though nominally independent, was held in check by a number of
fanatical Metowwas or priests. Saif, finding his position intolerable,
endeavoured to dispossess these priests, who had gradually usurped

his authority, but do so, was himself seized in the fort and,
failing to
together with his uncle Kais, thrown into prison, where they remained
for some time, while the priestly faction exercised full power over the
town and district. Escaping from confinement, Saif called in the
aid of Khatan bin Saif, Wall of Shinas, and having recaptured
Sohar, rooted out the Metowwas and resumed sway over it.
Fully recognizing the power of the intriguing priests, Saif now
made friends with Seyyid Thowaini, with a view to strengthening
his position against them, but with Khalelee he was dealing with
a foe as subtle and vindictive as St. Dunstan. Having obtained the
reluctant consent of Hamed, who had long been inextricably in the
toils of the religious party, Khalelee procured the assassination of
Saif by the hand one of the attendants, and Hamed was then
of
induced to return to Sohar and resume the government. Partly
in connection with the Joasmee designs on Shinas and Khor Fakan
and also in obedience to orders from his father at Zanzibar to capture
Sohar and seize Hamed, Thowaini despatched a force to the Batineh
by land, whilst he himself proceeded thither by sea in the frigate
Faiz Allum, in the beginning of 1850. On arrival at Sohar,
Thowaini, under the mask of friendship, invited Hamed to renew the
former treaty and to discuss plans for joint operations against the
Wahabees ; several interviews took place, and at one of these near
Shinas, Hamed was suddenly seized and carried prisoner to Muscat,
in the Faiz Allum, where he was confined for some time in Jelali
fort and put to death on April 23rd, 1850, by starvation or poison.
The main purpose of Thowaini, under instructions from his
father, had been to gain possession of Sohar, but in this enterprise
he was foiled by the energy of Kais bin Azzan, who on the return of
Thowaini to Sohar, in May, 1850, at once applied to Shaikh Sultan
bin Sakar, the Joasmee, for assistance. Thowaini's siege operations
were ineffective, and the combined efforts of Kais and the Joasmee^
at length compelled Thowaini to raise the blockade and return to

Muscat. Kais, moreover, Khor
succeeded in capturing Shinas,
Fakan, and GhuUa, but not content with this, he arrested Khatan
bin Saif, who had been concerned in the seizure of Hamed, and
cruelly murdered him by decapitation with a blunt sword.
The removal of the restless and ambitious Hamed from the
scene was a great relief to H.H. Seyyid Saeed, especially as the
religious party, at the head of which Hamed had put himself, was
now gathering strength in Oman, and Thowaini received the
unqualified approval and support of his father for his conduct of
the matter. was recognized throughout Oman, indeed, that
It
Thowaini had acted in the true spirit of Arab policy, and it was
believed, moreover, that the treachery had not been carried out
without direct authority from Zanzibar.
On the news of these events reaching India, however, the action
of Thowaini was viewed with disapprobation by the Government,
his conduct towards Hamed being characterized as a violation of
the treaty. Saeed, after much urging, at length realized the neces-
sity of his presence inOman, where he arrived on May i6th, 185 1,
and he at once began to prosecute war against Kais bin Azzan and
the Joasmees. He moved first against Khaboora, which soon
submitted, and then with little difficulty recaptured Shinas.
Ultimately, deserted by the Joasmees, Kais made terms and retired
to Rostak with a pension of 200 dollars monthly, Sohar being
surrendered to Saeed, who thus for the second time became its
unquestioned possessor. By his success in this campaign and his
subsequent judicious arrangements with the leading Shaikhs and
Chiefs of Oman, Saeed greatly increased his reputation, and his
authority became more firmly established than it had been for many
years previously.
Eager to be relieved from the cares of ruling his contentious
people. His Highness set sail from Muscat in November, 1852, but
the appearances of tranquillity were deceptive and his departure
at this juncture was most inopportune he had hardly quitted the
;
shores when Thowaini was confronted by an unforeseen and formid-

able invasion.
VOL. II. F 3
A large Wahabee under AbduUa, the son of the Ameei

force
Faisal, appeared on the threshold of the country and re-occupied
their former base at Beraimi, with the object of finally annexing
Oman to the Nejdian Empire. AbduUa bin Faisal began by sum-
moning the principal Chiefs and Shaikhs to
camp, and by demand-
his
ing from Thowaini the surrender of Sohar and the payment of an
exorbitant tribute. Alarmed at these terms, Thowaini moved up
to Sohar to prepare for defence against aggression meanwhile ;
Captain Kemball, the Resident in the Gulf, at the request of

Thowaini, proceeded to the Pirate coast in the Company's cruiser,
Clive, and by his vigorous remonstrances induced AbduUa bin
Faisal to alter his tone and abate his pretensions. An agreement
was then come to, by which the Muscat Government was to pay an
annual tribute of 12,000 dollars and arrears to the amount of
6,000 dollars, the Ameer's son binding himself to support Thowaini
in all his political difficulties. In these negotiations the Resident
had been much assisted by the firm stand made against the Ameer's
son by Saood bin Tahnoon, Shaikh of the Beni Yas at Abu Thabee,
who had refused to be intimidated by the Wahabees. In the latter
part of 1853 AbduUa bin Faisal returned to Nejd, leaving Ahmed
al-Sideyree in command of the force stationed in Oman territory.
Elated by his success against Kais, Saeed, on quitting his native
country in 1852, had indulged the fond hope that he might be
suffered to spend the remainder of his daj^s in peace in the beautiful
island he had chosen for his residence. His health and strength,
it is said, had given way greatly in the last few years, and it was
natural enough at his age and with his enfeebled constitution that he
should seek repose. The recent invasion of the Wahabees and the
offensive treatment of the Arab Governor of Bundar Abbas by the
Persians, forced him to turn once more to Muscat. On April 15th,
1854, His Highness paid a visit to the Residency together with his
and placing the hand of his son Khalid in that of
principal officers,
Colonel Hamerton, expressed a desire that the latter should remain
at Zanzibar during his absence, and that he, Hamerton, would guide
his son with advice in all doubts and difficulties, especially with
reference to foreign designs on his dominions, and Colonel Hamerton,

having consented to comply with His Highnesses wishes, received the
homage Arabs present, in token of their loyal submission to
of the
their ruler's commands. Saeed then embarked on the Victoria
frigate on the i8th, and sailed for Muscat, where he arrived some
days later.
Two months after Saeed's departure, Captain Fremantle,
of H.M.S. Juno, who had been sent on a mission to obtain the
cession by purchase of the Kooria Mooria Islands, on which were
valuable guano deposits, arrived at Zanzibar. The French had on
several occasions endeavoured to get possession of the guano, but
their negotiations had always failed. Captain Fremantle's efforts,
however, were more successful. Having proceeded on to Muscat,

he had no sooner intimated the desire of the Government to acquire
the islands than Saeed, at once refusing the offer of purchase, agreed
to their transfer, and made them over by a deed of gift dated July
14th, 1854.
The Bundar Abbas, who,
hostile proceedings of the Persians at
under the belief that the town and strip of coast had been farmed to
the Arabs on terms much too lenient, had insulted and expelled the
old Governor, Saif bin Nebhan, and his garrison, and had resumed
possession of the district, had greatly mortified and incensed His
Highness, whose first attention was directed to the recovery of his
rights. Having without loss of time equipped an expedition, he
despatched it under Thowaini to Bundar Abbas, which was soon
re-occupied. Fresh troops, however, were marched down from
Shiraz, and reinforced by these, the Persian commander again
expelled the Arabs, and Saeed, after an ineffectual blockade, was
compelled to abandon the hope of recovering his supremacy over the
Persian coast by force of arms. Negotiations were then opened,
and a convention was eventually concluded in April, 1856, by which
the lease was renewed to Saeed by the Shah for twenty years, at an
increased rental of 16,000 tomans, under several stringent conditions,
which were very derogatory to Saeed's pride. Unfavourable as the
terms were, however, Saeed gladly accepted them rather than
VOL. II. F 4
relinquish the farm, and he at once re-took charge of Bundar Abbas

and appointed a Wali and Customs farmer to resume control over the
territory.
One Saeed on his arrival at Muscat had been
of the first acts of
to appoint his fifth son, Toorkee, as Wali of Sohar, a post which he
continued to hold for some years.
At the time of Saeed's departure war had broken out between
England and Persia in consequence of the Shah's designs on Herat,
which was captured on October 25th. Lord Dalhousie's declaration
of war was followed by the despatch of an armament from Bombay
in November, 1856, and the naval commander. Admiral Sir H.
Leeke, having embarked in the Company's frigate Assay e, arrived
at Muscat in the same month and thence proceeded up the Gulf.
Bushire and Mohammerah were soon after taken and occupied, and
by the Treaty of Paris in March, 1857, Persia abandoned all claims to
Herat and agreed to evacuate that fort.
His Highness Seyyid Saeed, finding his presence no longer
urgently required inOman, only remained there until the change of
monsoon enabled him to turn his face southwards, and then, having
appointed his son Thowaini his Deputy in Arabia, and taking leave
of his aged mother, whom he never expected to see again, he set sail
on September 15th, in the Victoria frigate, accompanied by the
sloop Artemise, with his son Burgash on board. After touching
at Soor to transact business, Saeed continued his journey, but on
September i8th, was taken ill with swelling of the legs he continued
;
to grow gradually worse until October 13th, when dysentery set in,
and on Sunday, the 19th, at 8.30 p.m., his life passed quietly away.
The Victoria was passing Coctivi Island at the time, and six days
after arrived off Chumba Island, in Zanzibar harbour, where she
anchored with the Artemise.
The corpse was landed the same night, and in the presence of
the sons and Arab notables was interred in the little cemetery near
the palace, where a plain horizontal slab of white marble, without
inscription, now marks the grave of Oman's famous prince. At
the age of 66 years and 7 months, and after a reign of nearly 50 years,
Saeed thus closed a career which can only be described as remarkable.

Left an orphan when a mere youth, his restless and enterprizing
urged him to step over a cousin's body to seize with avidity
spirit
the reins of power, at a time when his country was harassed by

foreign invaders and torn by internecine commotion. At such a
time an abler and more experienced prince might well have shrunk
from accepting the burden, but Saeed apparently felt himself equal
to the position, and proved himself to be so.
In character Saeed was a worthy and typical example of the
Arab race. He was very courageous, and on many occasions dis-
played exalted personal bravery. He was sagacious and shrewd,
courteous and dignified, magnanimous. But he
generous and
possessed also the antagonistic qualities of the Arab, for he was too
often vindictive and cruel, perfidious and covetous. He was
beloved by all his people and was a man after their own heart.
Saeed was admittedly unrivalled in the tact and discrimination he
exhibited in dealing with the Arab tribes. His Highness can claim
the distinction that he was the first Arab prince to effect the
pacification of the East Coast of Africa, and that by his encourage-
ment and protection of commerce, he made his capital the emporium
of trade between India, Persia, and Arabia, and immensely increased
the wealth of his country. Attracted by the equity of Saeed's
government and the superior security of Muscat from piratical
neighbours, these merchants soon flocked to the port, which thus
became an important entrepot.
The rapid development of East African commerce was due to
his fostering care and protection, and the wisdom and foresight he
displayed in this matter were rewarded by the increase of his revenue,
which was mainly derived from Customs dues, which rose from
200,000 dollars, when he first assumed power, to five or six times
that amount in his latter days. On nothing did Saeed lavish more
money and attention than in acquiring ships and fitting them out
as men-of-war. The largest vessel he ever possessed was the
Liverpool, a two-decker of 74 guns, launched in 1826, which was
presented by Saeed to the British Government, by whom it was
—
re-named the Imam. In 1847, when navy was somewhat

his
reduced, it is said to have consisted of nine frigates and corvettes,
of which the largest was the Shah Allum, of 54 guns, and half
a dozen sloops and brigs.
Saeed's relations with the British Government were from almost
the commencement of his career of the most friendly description,
and though this was, of —
course, in part the dictate of policy for on
several occasions his rule only escaped collapse by our intervention
yet he was unquestionably well disposed to us at heart; and the son
who has followed closest in his father's steps in this respect, Toorkee,
has been heard to say that Saeed repeatedly counselled his children
to stand at all times loyally by the British Government, and never
to refuse any request that might be made by them.
355
CHAPTER II.
HISTORY OF THE COMMERCE OF THE PERSIAN GULF.
The history of the early colonization of Eastern Arabia and the

trading intercourse of the people with foreign nations is plunged
in obscurity, and our ideas concerning them must be necessarily
based on conjecture and inference. From time immemorial the
products of the ground were circulated among people in distant
regions, and there seems to have been no bounds to this intercourse,
as when history opens it was in full swing.
The propinquity of Oman to India and the commercial position
of the Persian Gulf, which washes the shore of the earliest civilized
countries, its incomparable position and its convenient ports and
creeks for native craft, as well as its prolific fishing grounds, com-
bined to make it a cradle of navigation, and the Omanis became
the pioneers and chief carriers of commerce by sea in the Oriental
World. The great feat of supplying the first link of commerce
between the East and West was the work of the Cushites or Omani
Arabs of that period.
The trade of the Arabian Sea must, in fact, have been coeval
with the dawn of civilization. The early inhabitants of South and
East Arabia were in all probability the first navigators of the Indian
Ocean and the first to import Oriental produce to other parts. In
the early days of their adventures on the sea they rowed from point
to point, with timid and tentative efforts, along the shore in their
small frail them for safety on the approach of bad
boats, beaching
weather. Taught by observation how to guide themselves by the
stars the Arabs soon abandoned the primitive method of creeping
along the coast and boldly struck out for distant shores, being much
facilitatedby the monsoons.
The reason why Oman became less famous than the Yemen was
because there was no direct communication by land between it and
the West. If Oman had been in a more advantageous position to
send caravans across Arabia herself ; if, was as admirably
in short, she
placed by land, as she was by sea, there can be no doubt that she
would, in those early times, have engaged the whole of the Oriental
trade and would have become a most wealthy and powerful kingdom,
but the great sand desert behind her was an almost insuperable
barrier to communication by land, and in her isolated position she
was impelled to take up the role of a commercial nation and to
maintain the oversea traffic with India. But the predominant part
taken by the Omanis in ancient navigation was never sufficiently
recognized and passed gradually into oblivion, though they had
done more than the peoples of India, Egypt, and Mesopotamia to
develop and build up the important trade between the East and
West. The most ancient indications we possess of this intercourse
are in the monumental records of Nineveh, Babylon, and Egypt,
which take us back to about 5,000 years B.C.
From the time the two earliest seats of civilization, Egypt and
Mesopotamia, began to receive the valued products of India and the
Far East, about 5,000 years B.C., the Arabs were the sole
mediaries of commerce by sea, and the Indian commodities were
carried up the Persian Gulf to the Euphrates for Babylon, and to
Gherra or Kwait across the desert to Palestine and Egypt.
The mighty cities of the Tigris and Euphrates Valley, on the
one hand, and the great cities of Egypt, Thebes, etc., on the other,
were the recipients, demanders, and instigators of this traffic, which
fed the luxurious and civilized inhabitants of those regions with spices,
incense, etc., and enriched the Arabs. Incense for offerings in the
temples, myrrh and spices for embalming the dead in Egypt were
among the earUest items of trade, and were followed by precious
stones, perfumes, and other things.
Herodotus tells us that the embalmers of the dead used the
History of the Commerce of the Persian Gulf. 357
finest bruised myrrh, and every kind of spice except frankin-

cassia,
cense in their art, and as mummies were embalmed at a very remote
period the Indian and Arabian trade must have been at least of the
same age.
Job, it seems, was not unacquainted with the Yemen, and
allusions to tradeand manufactures are to be found in his book.
The Indian trade was in full vigour across Arabia to Egypt in the
time of Abraham's travels and of Joseph's sale into Egypt. The
latter's story proves a trade with India, as Arabia has no spices.
The had very hazy ideas as to the source of their precious
ancients
Eastern wares and supposed that not only frankincense, myrrh,
and balm, which do really come from Arabia, but also cassia,
cinnamon, and other imported articles were indigenous there.
The first caravan on record was that to which Joseph was sold,
conducted from Gherra to Gilead. Gherra from the earliest times
carried on an extensive trade with the Phoenicians and with Petra,
as well as with Babylon, in spices and in cotton, also with Bahrain
where cotton had been early imported from India. Gherra was a
place of active trade and as old a depot as any in history, though it
has left no architectural remains. Its merchants not only collected the
precious commodities of the East but transported them to distant India.
It is probable that the Omanis may claim priority over all as
navigators, but meanwhile we must not omit to mention the
Phoenicians, a Cushite race, who migrated from Africa and travelled
round Arabia to the Persian Gulf, resting on the way, probably in
Oman, where they founded the town of Soor or Tyre, which was the
original, and built long anterior to the Tyre in the Mediterranean.
The names are identical, having the same spelling in Arabic, and the
position of each on a rock is similar. From the Gulf the Phoenicians
moved westwards towards the Mediterranean, where they are found
dawn of authentic history. As Arabia was not only the sole
at the
medium through which the spices, precious stones and valuable
fabrics were procured, and the Indian market reached, but also
itself of many important products, the Phoenician
was the source
merchants found the peninsula a very lucrative field. The articles
S
35 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulj.
disposed of by the Arabs to the Phoenicians are well known, but

those received in exchange are matters of conjecture, probably
manufactured goods and hardware, cotton and linen clothes, pottery,
metal implements and utensils, beads and ornaments, toys and
trinkets. Oman thus becoming rich by commerce would have
gladly taken the beautiful jewellery, clothes, and metal work of
Tyre and other refined elegancies. Pliny tells us that when the
Phoenicians lived in their old abode, the Persian Gulf, they moved
about from island to island by means of rafts. Herodotus says the
Phoenicians freighted their ships in the Mediterranean with the wares
of Egypt and Assyria, which shows that the wares of India were taken
to Egypt and Assyria by the Arabs. They had, however, no ships
or colonies in the Persian Gulf or Arabian Sea for certain and must
have obtained most of their goods from Muscat Arabs at Gherra,
or Teredon.
In the time of Moses trade with India was very brisk and the
Phoenicians were pouring into Egypt the spices they had obtained
from the Muscat Arabs.
Ur now known as Mugheir, was a strong and
of the Chaldees,
compact city on the right or west bank of the Euphrates, which
was admirably placed for concentrating foreign merchandize in its
bazaars. It had a great trade with the emporia of the Persian
Gulf, and its commerce must have been co-extensive with the
Empire of Babylon.
Eridu, being lower down, was better placed and absorbed much
of the frankincense brought thither by the Omanis, while the
merchants of Ur received pearls from Bahrain, diorite from Muscat,
and incense from Dhofar and Guardafui.
The Muscat Arabs must have begun their maritime trade and
dispersed it Eridu prospered by trade as it
at a very early date.
dominated South Chaldea, and its first king, Urban, reigned 2900
B.C. At that time the country was highly civilized and must have
been supplied by the Muscat and Bahrain Arabs with Indian goods.
Gherra was the most celebrated port in the Persian Gulf, but
Muscat, Kais and Sohar were famous marts. At the time of King
Nebuchadnezzar the Phoenicians drew most of their Eastern trade

from the Yemen by the Red Sea, and it was to counteract this and
increase the wealth of his own dominions that he carried out greater
public works and undertook military expeditions and built Teredon
as a commercial depot. Having thus encouraged the Persian Gulf
route to Babylon, he attacked and ruined Tyre in 585 B.C., and
tried to obstruct the trade route by Western Arabia. Gherra and
its neighbours, Bahrain and Kateef, were more favourably situated
as termini for the Oriental trade than the better harbours of Oman,
as they were nearer to the great cities and marts of Syria and Mesopo-
tamia, and the land routes from Oman were difficult and dangerous.
They were the first places on the western shore suitable for depots
after entering the mouth of the Gulf, and it is thus easy to divine
why they were selected. It is equally easy to discern how it was
that Gherra became more notorious in the west than Muscat or
Sohar, where foreign goods were largely landed and shipped.
Gherra was not only nearer to the Levant but it was the mart of
Greek and Phoenician merchants, who, of course, helped to spread
its fame, while the other Arab ports, equally active and wealthy^
perhaps, remained unknown.

Job, Isaiah, Ezekiel, and other prophets have drawn from the
animal and vegetable productions of Arabia, and from the customs
and manners of the Arabs, some of their most remarkable similes,
allusions, and metaphors and most eloquent passages. Ezekiel's
notion of Arabian geography is extremely vague and it is curious
how he mixed up places. He mentions no place between Dedan and
Kane, except Rameh, which is unknown. Ezekiel mentions gold as
an article of trade from South Arabia, but it was no doubt imported
from Africa and India, though Hamdani in the Iklil gives a list of
gold mines in the Yemen. Frankincense was the chief export, most
of which came from Somaliland, as very little was obtained from
Dhofar. We know from the narratives about Abraham and Joseph
in Genesis, that about 2000 B.C. caravans of merchants were in the
habit of traversing Arabia to supply Syria and Egypt with spicery
and merchandise, and we may safely infer that the system was of
360 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulj.
ancient fashion and had been going on, perhaps, for thousands of
years. There are no spices produced in Arabia, and the three
indigenous articles she had to export, and with which she freighted
her first caravans, were dates, frankincense, and pearls. One of the
earliest caravan routes was doubtless that from Hadhramaut. The
camels were loaded with frankincense and myrrh at the capital,
probably Sabot ha, and despatched in two directions, one by Mareb
and Mecca to Edom and Egypt, and the other by Yemama to Gherra
or Kateef, where it was joined by others and proceeded to Babylon.
Arabia produced gold, ebony, precious stones, ivory and wrought
iron. The ivory and ebony are not indigenous and come from India
and Africa. The gold, silver, iron and gems possibly come from the
Yemen. Steel probably came from India, as both the Yemen and
Oman were famous for sword blades, spearheads and other steel arms.
Maceta was a mart for cinnamon and similar articles. The staple of
the spice trade, says Heeren, was probably Soor, and he adds that an
emporium like this at the entrance of the Gulf strengthens our idea
of an ancient Indian trade with the Oman coast. He thinks
cinnamon was the sweet cane of Jeremiah, and took its name, doubt-
less, from Kane, as also did mace from Maceta.
The exports from Broach to Persia went in large ships and

included copper and valuable woods, such as sandalwood, teak, black-
wood, ebony, and aloe, the Omani Arabs carrying back in return pearls,
wines, purple cloths, dates and slaves, the Arabs using small wooden
-
boats sewn or tied together.
^
Though the antiquity of the Persian Gulf route exceeds that of
the Red Sea by thousands of years, probably, the two lines afterwards
became and competitors, " soaring above each other alternately
rivals
like Castor and Pollux," as Stanley says. The magnificently advan-
tageous position of the Arabs, halfway from Egypt and India,
allowed them to usurp the trade and become the first people to civilize
the world, from their being the pioneers of navigation. This mono-
poly of the trade put it in their power to demand their own terms,
and thus the power of acquiring great riches. The Persian Gulf route
was well established before the trade crept along the South Arabian
coast to Hadhramaut and Aden and thence up the west coast of

Arabia to Egypt and Syria.
The founding of Palmyra and other emporia by .Solomon [?] was
followed by a great development of traffic to Babylon and the Persian
Gulf. Solomon made great efforts to encourage this trade, whilst the
same time exploring the Red Sea line. This commerce flourished and
the Muscat Arabs prospered, as the great carriers and intermediaries
of Oriental commerce, until Nineveh fell before Cyaxares in 625 B.C.
and Babylon before Cyrus in 559 B.C. During the 700 years that
Palmyra was in its grandeur (1000-500 B.C.) the whole of Syria was
intersected by a network of roads and overspread with serais or khans
for the benefit of the Arab caravans.
After the great emporia on the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates
had come to know the nature and value of Indian and African pro-
ducts the Cushite Arabs of Southern and Eastern Arabia continued
to supply them with the commodities of those regions, and a pre-
carious trade was developed into a regular and systematic commerce,
which remained in their exclusive possession probably for thousands
of years, until the passage by the Red Sea was undertaken as a rival
trade route to India by the Egyptians. Though a small portion of
the Indian traffic had no doubt been carried on up the Red Sea for
centuries previously, it was not until about 500 years B.C. that the
Red Sea route began seriously to compete with the Persian Gulf
Channel, this traf&c of the Egyptians, Jews, and Phoenicians being
only intermittent and spasmodic on account of the dangers on the
way.
In treating of the great commerce which existed in ancient times
between the East and West, a most important part must be assigned
to the caravan routes, which intersected Arabia in all directions and
performed a most indispensable service to the merchants. Arabia
was beyond all countries the land for caravans, and whether the inter-
course was up the Persian Gulf or by way of Aden and Kane the ship
of the desert was absolutely indispensable for the transport of the
merchandize. The chief roads must be described in detail. Palmyra,
Petra, Aden, Moosa, Kane, Dhofar, Sabota, Sanaa, Mareb, Soor,
VOL. II. G
Muscat, Sohar, Gherra, Kwait, and Babylon, were among the chief
depots and emporia of the Indian trade, where immense numbers of
merchants, slave dealers, travellers, buyers, agents, peddlers, etc.,
congregated to and procure the much-prized luxuries and

traffic
curiosities of India. The caravan was under the command of the

Ameer or Captain, who, with his subordinate, guided and arranged
camps and controlled the movements of the travellers, and whose
word was law. The organization was quite complete in itself and
carried its own food. Except on lines of route where water was abun-
dant, the caravans were made up in small parties and if the merchan-
dize to be transferred was in a large quantity the caravans followed in
quick succession, as it was dangerous to send large companies where
water was precarious, but on some lines a caravan would comprise
many thousands of travellers and camels. Strong escorts were rarely
needed in Arabia ; in dealing with the question of protection against
human were two methods then as there are now. One
foes there
was by subsidizing the predatory tribes the other was by placing
;
the caravan under the protection and tutelage of one or more strong
powerful tribes, who had the power and authority to conduct it in
safety, and who received their compensation in the hire of the camels
which they had the right to provide. The post of captain of caravans
was, however, an onerous and perilous one, and for so weighty a res-
ponsibility it was necessary to select a man fully responsible for the
care of the lives and property of so many of his fellow creatures.
The caravans had regular places of rest and refreshment in the wadies
and it was the business of the captain's officers to select encampments
with sufficient water, dates, wood, herbage, etc.
Sketch of Arab Trade.
It was Emperor Heraclius that the prophet

in the time of the
Mohammed fled from Mecca to Medina, and the world soon became
acquainted with the fact that the Arabs had arisen as a conquering
race to spread the new faith, to subdue the surrounding nations, and
to lay the foundations of a new empire and civilization. One of the
movement was to change the course of trade

earliest results of the
between the East and West back into its oldest and most legitimate
— —
channel the Persian Gulf and to Mohammed must we give the
wisdom to encourage commerce and who preached it as a religious
duty in the Koran. Damascus became the new entrepot of Syria,
while in Mesopotamia, Koofa and Wasit, Busra and Rai, Mosul and
Hamadan, Ispahan and Shiraz became great commercial centres and
depots. Commerce, however, did not rise to its full volume all at
once the Arabs were too much engaged in conquest, and the clash
;
of arms was too great to give them leisure for this pursuit but as ;
the seat of government changed from place to place, from Medina

to Damascus, from Damascus to Koofa, from Koofa to Baghdad, a
number of magnificent cities sprang up in every direction, and their
splendid bazaars soon encouraged and extended commerce, which
throve and multiplied amazingly. Baghdad was founded in 144 a.h.
[a.d. 761], on the west bank by the Khalif Mansoor on a site selected
by Nebuchadnezzar, but his son, afterwards the Khalif Mahdi, soon

started the city on the east bank, which in time surpassed that on the
west. It was called Medinat al-Salaam, because it had been pro-
phesied that no Khalif would die within its walls,and very curiously
thirty-seven died outside of it, while from the time of Mansoor science
and literature flourished. The Arabs turned their attention to every-
thing, and Mamoon's translation from the Greek gave a great impulse
to study, and the glory of this epoch vied with and surpassed the
brightest days of Greece and Rome. As Humbolt says, " Their
unexampled intellectual activity made a distinct epoch in the history
of the world."
The Arab merchants and agents eagerly sought curiosities and
objects of antiquity, books, etc., for presentation to the Khalif s.
Others, either merchants or travellers, obeyed the injunction of the
Prophet, and wandered from country to country to improve their
knowledge. At the time when Europe believed in the flatness of
**
the earth and was ready to burn those who had views of their own,
the Arabs were teaching geography by the use of the globes." The
progress of the Arabs in the arts of civilization and the glorious pur-
VOL. II. c 2
suits of science was as rapid and astonishing as their miUtary con-

quests and their maritime exploration and commerce.
To the Arab is due the and courage of facing the
originality
appalling dangers of the vast unknown and of pushing maritime
discovery and exploration to the very confines of the terrestrial
globe, thus making commerce co-extensive with the limits of the
three colligated continents, Europe, Asia, and Africa.
The earliest notice we have in Arab literature of the maritime
supremacy and predatory instincts of the Muscat Arabs is in the
Koran Soora, " The Cave." The king here alluded to is supposed
by some commentators to be Julanda bin Kerker or Minmar bin
Julanda, one of the Julanda family of Azdites then ruling in Oman.
Beidhawi and others were probably acquainted with the same
tradition and legend as related by Mohammed and were well aware
that the event took place in Oman. There is thus no reason to doubt
that Beidhawi's ascription of it to Oman had a sound basis the ;
story shows that the Muscat Arabs were strong at sea before Islam
and that they had no naval rivals to fear.
The reduction of Egypt in a.d. 630 gave Alexandria up to
pillage, dispossessing the Greeks of their Indian trade, and struck a
mortal blow at the Red Sea line, which for a time was almost com-
pletely closed by the Arabs. The Greek and Byzantine merchants
were for a time ruined, and Omar, still further to establish the sea
traffic of the Persian Gulf, founded Busra in the Shat al-Arab in
A.H. 15 [a.d. 636]. This town soon attracted settlers from all parts
of Arabia ; Koofa, which was founded about the same time, rising
in the same manner, and followed it up by naval expeditions from
Muscat, and Sohar to the Bombay coast, Tanna, and the mouth of
the Indus, although it is true that these attempts were not so much
mercenary as religious and political.
Four years after founding Busra, Omar sent Saeed to Persia,
and after the Battle of Cadesia, in which the Sassanian monarch
was routed, that general laid siege to the walled cities of Media and
carried them by storm. The plunder of these rich and magnificent
cities enriched the Arabs beyond their most avaricious dreams and
opened their eyes to the extent, variety, and costHness of the Persian
Gulf trade with India.
In the time of the KhaHf Waleed the governor, Hejaj, sent an
expedition against Sind (a.d. 712) to avenge an insult to Moslem
pilgrims, and the success of this incited the warlike and commercial
Arabs to further efforts both in conquest and trade. From this
time rapid strides were made by the Muscat and Busra Arabs, the
former of whom had never ceased to continue trading operations
with India, in extending commercial intercourse, and colonies soon
sprang up at Malabar, Ceylon, the Eastern Islands, and China, and
commerce are to be found in the Arab writers.
details of this
The Arab rulers soon perceived the great importance of the
Indian trade, and following the system of the Sassanians, only with
much greater spirit and energy, encouraged the merchants and
seamen to proceed beyond their former bounds, and to bring the
products of China direct to the markets of the Persian Gulf, and the
richer and rarer articles were thus landed in Arab and Chinese ships
at Sohar and Busra at a far cheaper rate than had ever been known
before. By this the Persian Gulf thus became the seat of a great
maritime commerce, and as the Khalif now held all the highways
of Syria, Mesopotamia, Persia, etc., the traffic thus far exceeded
probably that of Alexandria or Tyre at the height of their glory.
Before the ninth century the Muscat Arabs were again trading
at Canton, and not a few trading agents and shipowners had settled
at Siam as well as Java, Sumatra, and other islands. As the Arab
merchants took native wives and formed harems, their language
was soon introduced and became the lingua franca of all the inter-
vening ports between Muscat and China, and one of the chief articles
sent and taken to China in those days, as it is at present, was shark
fins for soup they also took pearls, carpets, gems, and woollen
;
cloths, bringing back silks, porcelain and Chinese girls.

The Arabs' boldness and enterprise had a remarkable effect on
the hitherto exclusive and apathetic Chinese, who built sea-going
junks, and shipping their own commodities followed up the Arabs
to their own homes and landed cargoes at Siraf and Muscat where
VOL. II. G 3
they had an anchorage long called Moculla Chini ;

previous to this
time they had not ventured further west than Ceylon, but they
now weathered Cape Comorin, and the more adventurous even
sailed up to Busra. The Chinese rebellion, however, of 264 a.h.
[a.d. 8yy] put an end to the Chinese vessels coming to Muscat and to
the Muscatis going to Canton, and thenceforward for some time the
Arabs and Chinese met at Ceylon.
In the time of Al-Mutazz, 252-256 A.H. [a.d. 866-69] the Arabs
investigated the subject of commerce scientifically and wrote many
books upon it. Jahiz, who died in 255 a.h. [a.d. 868] composed the
" Nadir fi al-Tajarah," which and Al-Madaini wrote another.
is lost,
The desire of travel followed the progress of civilization, and both

geography and commerce were much advanced, while mooUas,
literary men, historians like Masoodi travelled from place to place,
often combining the business of merchants, and while exchanging
the products of the different climates of the vast empire exchanged
also ideasand knowledge on all topics. The Arabs in their voyages
show much skill and daring, while it is possible that they had astro-
labes, which had come from the Greeks, and could take latitudes
roughly, and their knowledge of Eastern geography was perhaps
better than we imagine, but their great treatise on the subject,
the " Rasm al-Ardh," is lost.
The Arabs simplified cosmography by dividing the Indian Ocean

into seven seas. They called the first (their own sea, the Persian
Gulf) Bahr which lay five ports of great fame
Faris, in Busra, :
Bahrain, Siraf, Sohar, and Muscat. From Busra or Siraf the first
stage sailed by the ship was to Muscat in Oman, at the south end of
the Gulf, and from thence started on her voyage in the second sea,
Larewi, which is the Arabian Sea or north part of the Indian Ocean.
The next stage was to Kosham Mali, and from this port they voyaged
for a month, when they arrived at the Nicobar Islands from —
Ceylon to the Nicobar and Andaman Islands the sea was Hor called
Kand. From the Andamans they sailed to Kalah (Kalahbar), the
great Malaccan port and mart which Abul Feda, 732 a.h. [a.d. 1331],
indicates as the chief emporium between Muscat and China, and where
—
many foreign traders —Arabs, Chinese, Persians, and Indians

resided. It belonged to Java or Zabej ; Java was very wealthy and
had a large population. The position of the fourth sea (Shalahat) is
confused and not easy to determine and so is the fifth sea, Kidrong.
The sixth sea (Sunt) was beyond Cochin China and included the
Gulf of Tonqain. It was divided from the seventh sea (Saiji) by the
Straits of Hainan, the gate of China. The sea of Saiji was that on
the east coast of China, in which were many ports, especially the
Arabo-Chinese one called Gampoo, or Khongee, celebrated by Arab
authors and which was known in the Middle Ages as Khansa or
Quensai and which is now known as Hangchen fu.
That the Arabs traded very largely in the Indian and Chinese
commodities, and that they far surpassed all others in these opera-
tions is beyond question. Nearly the whole of these Eastern products
were poured into Mesopotamia, Syria and Persia, as the Christian
nations werenow cut off from any participation in the trade by the
hostile and jealous Arabs, whose harems demanded and absorbed
all the merchants could bring, and who could spare nothing for others.
The early Abbasides built Baghdad, which soon became one of

the greatest and wealthiest cities in the world, and here Mansoor
patronized literature and raised Arab civilization to a higher pitch than
existed anywhere else in those times. The extraordinary magnifi-
cence, pomp, and luxury of some of the Khalifs of Baghdad show what
a brisk commerce there was then, and what an inundation of foreign
produce must have been poured into the capital. The splendour
and opulence of Baghdad would be best shown in the marvellous
richness of clothing and jewellery lavished on the women, their
gorgeous dresses, scarves, girdles, gold and silver embroidered clothes,
silken raiments, finery, trinkets, ornaments, gold and silver vessels,
china and porcelain vessels, and many things of the greatest beauty
and curiosity were displayed in the harems of the rich. Islam sent
out slave merchants who penetrated to Denmark in the north,
Spain in the west, China in the east, and Africa and Madagascar in
the south, ransacking the whole world for female slaves, interpreting
the Koran's attitude towards infidels as an order to " Put the men to
VOL. II. G 4
the sword and their women in your harems." Khordadbeh describes

the routes taken by the Jewish slave-dealers to Baghdad and India.
Many European girls were thus transported to Eastern harems, either
by the Red Sea, by Aleppo, and the Euphrates, and by Syria to
Baghdad, through Arabia on to India, but the girls, it is certain,
never passed the Persians or Arabs. In Denmark, where northern
slave-girls were purchased, gold dinars of Baghdad have been found
in plenty. Warsae says that the immense quantity of Arab coins
and silver ornaments found recently on the Baltic coast and in England,
etc., shows that a most extensive trade with Arabia must have taken
place in the eighth and tenth centuries of our era. In the Stockholm
Museum there are more than 20,000 coins, minted at about seventy
towns in the north and east of the Arab Empire, and more than three-
fourths struck in the ninth and tenth centuries. Gothland, in par-
ticular, appears to have been the great slave market and the seat of a
very lively trade. The road generally taken by the Arab traders
with their white slaves, after leaving Visby, was along the Russian
rivers to the Caspian Sea and Baghdad. The extraordinary activity
of this traffic is proved by the mention of it in the sagas and in Arab
literature. The Vikings and Danes were not only warriors, they were
also active traders, and brought their own and Arab wares in the
vessels to England.
As the Arabs were intent on procuring the luxuries and valuables
of India and China for themselves, the Greek and Roman merchants
were at their wits' end to find sufficient merchandize to satisfy the
cravings of European luxury and refinement, and the price of silks,
pearls, and other precious commodities rose to a fabulous height at

Rome and' Constantinople. The high prices were a great incentive
to enterprizing merchants, who began to seek out new routes for the
Indian trade. Alexandria was now under Moslem rule, who put such
heavy customs dues and other exactions on the Christian traders
that they had to overcome obstacles and seek alternative routes. A
caravan route was organized from Constantinople to the Caspian,
thence to the Oxus, and so on to the Indus, and back by the same
route, but even this had to pass through Moslem territory, with
hostile tariffs, and wars and dynastic struggles was

in face of constant
very precarious, as were other similar routes exploited and laid open
by traders in the greed of gain. This traffic overland made Christian
Constantinople the rival of Moslem Alexandria, and the former became
for a time the great mart for European merchants in Indian goods,
gradually absorbing the chief part of the merchandize by the Red
and
Sea, Persian Gulf, overland routes.
The splendour, too, of Arab luxury and opulence gave an
immense impetus to the commerce and refinement of the nations on
the northern shore of the Mediterranean.
To the eastward Balkh, Nishapoor, Merv, Herat, and Samarcand
grew wealthy by commerce, which was fully protected by the Arab
rulers in a way unknown before. and manufactures
Industry
flourished, the productions of the smaller towns was collected by
merchants for sale in the cities, and so trade increased and merchants
were honoured. The great pilgrim caravan to Mecca also helped
trade, and Mecca became large and rich it was a great rendezvous
;
where the Mohammedans of Eastern Asia and Africa met together.

Furthermore, the Crusades had an enormous influence in. promoting
and developing the civilization of Europe, in making the eastern and
western nations acquainted with each other, in increasing and dis-
seminating knowledge, in removing prejudice, in teaching one to
respect the other, and in forming mutual friendships.
The Arab is trained from early youth in the observations of the
stars, and soon learns to find his way by their unerring guidance over
the pathless desert and the trackless sea. In the pure clear atmos-
phere of these regions the stars that shine so brilliantly are truly
invaluable in enabling him to direct his nightly course, and he never
deviated from it while crossing the broad ocean, as he had but to
maintain during the day the direction he had fixed during the night.
It seems to be generally admitted now that the honour of the discovery
of the mariner's compass is due to the Arabs, who at the time it is
first mentioned were the masters of Europe in science and art. The
first definite mention of it is in two books in the twelfth century. In
the first it is said that sailors use a needle which, when to assume its
yjo Country and Tribes oj the Persian Gulf.
own position on water shows them their course when the North Star
is invisible. If the compass had been invented by the Europeans we
should unquestionably have heard all about the invention, but as it
was derived from the Arabs through mercantile and marine inter-
course its origin has remained obscure. Primarily it was used, not
for the benefit of the mariner, but for what was much more important
in Moslem eyes, the true direction of the Kibla, to which they turned
in prayer, and one of its commonest titles still is the " Kibla Numa.'*
Not one of its Persian names has any reference to its value to
seamen.
When the astonishing progress made by the Arabs in science is
remembered, their invention of algebra, spherical trigonometry,

quadratic equations, sines and cosines, etc., and their advance in
optics, mechanics, and mathematical geography, it is not surprising
that they should have discovered the magnetic needle, and the found-
ation of the physical sciences is ascribed by Humbolt to the Arabs,
especially chemistry. To the Arab belongs the honour of having
invented paper and gunpowder as well as the compass, and as they
taught the Chinese the use of coins, so they taught the Western nations
the three or four remarkable discoveries which have gone far to spread
literature, to revolutionize the art of war, and to enable us to discover
and map out the world by the compass it is probable that they also
;
invented clocks. Silk paper was first made at Samarcand and Buk-
hara in 30 A.H. [a.d. 650], but in Spain paper was made of linen and
hemp, and is mentioned by Idrisi as made at Shativa, and in the
thirteenth century of our era Arab paper had reached France, Eng-
land, Germany and Italy. Arab manuscripts were imported and
admired for the beauty and splendour of the paper in those days the ;
Arabs were ahead of Europe and have been our masters in many
things. In the mechanical arts the Arabs were famous in the world
as carvers, cutlers, founders, tanners, and weavers. Their coats-of-
mail, sword blades, their carpets and woollen stuffs, of which the
modern cashmeres are only an imitation, were quite unequalled in
Europe.
The Persians have always been celebrated for their industries
—
and highly artistic manufactures, the exquisite taste and beauty of

some of their work being surpassed by no other nation, ancient or
modern, silk and cotton cloths, enamelled gold and silver and copper
ware, china and glass, gold and silver brocade, arms and armour, fine
woollen shawls and carpets, gold and silver ornaments.
With Africa everything was done by barter, not with coin as with
other countries. With that country cotton cloths, girdles, salt,
silver, and brass were given in exchange for ivory, slaves, cowries,
etc. Baghdad paid for most foreign articles in cash (which was
plentiful), but had also many manufactured things to dispose of
cotton and woollen cloths of sorts, Baghdad carpets, and glass made at
Kadesiyeh in Mesopotamia, etc. the striped cloths of Yemen, the
;
frankincense of Hadhramaut, and the embroideries of Oman, were

much in request. Sail and tent cloths of Bahrain were famous, Fars
exported woollen cloths, and Obolla turbans, while Egypt exported
the papyrus reed for paper, and it may be mentioned that muslin
took its name from Mosul, damask from Damascus, and calico from
Calicut.
The demands wealthy and luxurious led to a great many
of the
new and articles being invented and made, and encouraged
fabrics
industry, but merchants were not permitted to export the celebrated
Arab swords. The embroideries were a special trade and were mostly
in the hands of the Persians, who often depicted figures and scenes
like tapestry. The entire property in the
palace of the Khalif
Mustansir in 656 a.h. [a.d. 1258] was sold by the Turks, and was,
perhaps, the greatest auction scene the world has ever witnessed.
Here were sold 1,000 silk carpets, representing as many kings of
and on one huge silk piece of stuff were portrayed
different countries,
all the countries of the world with their physical features and names
of cities in gold and silver.
The city of Baghdad, the capital of the Empire, was in the
ninth century of our era the centre of commerce and the mercantile
emporium for all parts of the world. Its merchants had trade
relations with the most distant countries and its spacious and
extensive bazaars were the greatest repositories of varied merchan-
—
dize in Asia. The aspect of an Oriental bazaar has been too often
described to need repetition and the pages of the Arabian Nights
convey a faithful picture of the Baghdad society of that period,
giving us a clear insight into the character of the trade in the city
of the Khalifs. The shops —druggists or perfumers
of the attar
were filled with Eastern materia medica Sind loaded the with the air
fragrance of spices from the Archipelago —the odoriferous ambergris,
frankincense, aloes, wood, myrrh, rose-oil, musk, etc., regaling the
sense of smell with a blend of aromatic odours. The cloth merchants
displayed the silks of India, China and Persia, the muslins of India,
the cotton fabrics of Oman and Yemen, and the brocades and tissues
of Persia. The jeweller could show the pearls of Al-Bahrain, the
precious stones of Seremdeb or Ceylon, the diamonds of Golconda,
and the rubies of Burmah and Badakshan ; other shops had the
porcelain of China, the shawls of Cashmere, the manufactures of
India, the carpets of Persia, the ivory of Africa and India and the
gums of Adel.
We may fairly suppose that the bazaars of Eastern cities in the
early days of Islam presented much the same appearance as they do
now, being filled with bustling crowds and streams of brightly and
gaudily costumed human beings of various hues and of the most
heterogeneous description. Itinerant vendors, water-carriers,
camels, asses with water-skins, mules, customers, slaves (black and
white), shaikhs on horseback, sellers, buyers, soldiers, etc., all mixed
together in a jostling, hustling, hurrying throng, passing before the
eye in the dark narrow passages of the extensive and vaulted bazaar,
such as at Baghdad, Busra, Siraf or Sohar, Mosul or Damascus.
Every nation, race, and religion has its own
and charac- distinctive
teristic dress and appearance, and a stranger must have been
bewildered at the ever-changing and curious scent. No doubt

the shopkeeper then as now sat motionless and dignified in his stall,
silently exhibiting his wares, and asking, as he does at this day, a
much higher price than he expects to get. Courteous and obliging
he produced what you wanted without comment and did not pester
you with anything about the next article.
It was the universal belief among the Arabs that in the Indian
Ocean were one or more huge loadstone rocks under the sea, which
has so strong a magnetic attraction for iron articles floating on the
surface that a ship fastened with iron nails would, on sailing over it,
be sure to be drawn down to the bottom, or the nails dragged out and
the vessel go to pieces.
It is supposed that the story of the loadstone at the bottom of
the sea, which drew the nails out of ships, was the cause of Eastern
vessels being sewn with cordage, a story which the Arabs learnt from
the Chinese, but I believe that the cause was different, and that
Indian and Arab ships were built in this way perhaps thousands of
years before maritime intercourse with China began. It was, no
doubt, introduced to give the sides and timbers of the ship more
play, as there is a much greater strain on a bughla, with its single
huge lateen sail, than on a European sailing ship.
This story was carried to Europe during the Crusades and is
found in a Latin poem, according to Yule. If this myth emanated
from China it is obvious that the locality of the loadstone would be
in that sea, and that the Arabs would not have constructed their
vessels, navigating the Arabian Sea, Persian Gulf, and Indian Ocean,
expressly to meet a danger that only existed in China, several
thousand miles away to the east. The loadstone mj^th as the cause
of ships being sewn together instead of nailed must be given up as
absurd.
374
CHAPTER VII.
DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY AND THE PEARL FISHERIES.
Arabia was divided by the older Greek writers, who produced works
on geography into two parts, Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix,
while Claudius Ptolemy, the last and greatest, about a century after
Christ, added a third division, which he called Arabia Petraea. By
the term Felix the Greeks apparently intended to include all that
part of the Arabian peninsula lying southward of a line drawn from
the Gulf of Akabar to the Persian Gulf. It is clear, however, that
their information regarding the configuration of the coast line, as
well as the physical features of the interior, was extremely vague and
confused, and it is problematical whether they knew of the existence
of the great sandy desert known as the Roba al-Khali, which covers
nearly half of the entire peninsula, and we may assume that they
referred only to the provinces with which they were best acquainted,
namely, Al-Hejaz, Al-Yemen, Hadhramaut, and Oman. Of these
provinces by far the best known to them was Al-Yemen, to which the
name of Arabia Felix has been more particularly applied, and in
this restricted sense the epithet is not only very appropriate but has
survived to the present day. At the same time it may be remarked
that the term is not a translation of Al-Yemen, which means " Right
Hand," but is a rendering of the word Al-Khadhr, " The Green or
Fertile," by which the Arabs sometimes designate it.
Originally, no doubt, the four divisions of Arabia Felix were
separated from each other, partly from geographical and partly from
political considerations. The boundaries of three, Al-Hejaz, Al-
Yemen, and Hadhramaut, remain indeterminate to the present day,
Description of the Country and the Pearl Fisheries. 375
but the last of the four divisions mentioned above is the one with
which we are now concerned, viz., Oman, which Ues contiguous to,
and conterminous with Hadhramaut to the eastward, but the point
on the coast at which contact takes place has varied in different ages.
Most of the classic authorities agree in making Hadhramaut
end at Cape Suagros or Ras Fartak, and place the frankincense
region in Oman, but Ptolemy appears to prefer locating the limit of
Hadhramaut at the Island of Serapis or Maseera, thereby meaning
probably the Wady Halfain, which debouches near Mahot, though
it must be noted that he rather inconsistently places the Moon
Bay (Ghubbet al-Kamar) in Oman.

From the time of Ptolemy our knowledge of this part of Arabia
is overspread by an almost impenetrable veil which is not uplifted
until the early centuries of Islam, when the Arab geographers begin
to throw light upon the subject their accounts, however, are
;
unfortunately very lax and discrepant, and it is difficult to derive

any precise data for ascertaining the limits of Hadhramaut toward
Oman.
Many of the Arab geographers consider these limits as coincident
with the extension of the great Mahra tribe towards the east, but as
they give no indication as to the spread of this tribe they leave the
question practically unsolved.The Mahras have for centuries roamed
the desert to the north and east of theSamhan (or Crescent) range,
and some may have occasionally wandered into Oman, as far east
as the Meridian of Ras Jezaniyya or Showamiyya, but do not appear
to have ever touched the coast further east than Ras Ahmar. Ibn
Haik al-Hamdany, who died 348 a.h. [a.d. 959], wrote a valuable
description of Arabia but does not inform us much on this point.
Mukuddasi, the author of the best geographical work in Arabia,
and who wrote about half a century later, puts the boundary at
Dhofar, as does also Abul Feda. Al-Bekri, a native of Spain, who
died in a.d. 1094 makes Hasek (meaning thereby the Wady Rekot)
the boundary of Oman, and thus includes Dhofar in Hadhramaut.
Edrisi seems to follow Al-Bekri in excluding the Mahras from Oman,
while Ibn Mojawi, who travelled much in South Arabia, plainly
considers Dhofar as pertaining to Oman. Yakoot tells us that in his

time Dhofar was subject to Bahrain. We may therefore conclude
that the fertile and interesting little district of Dhofar, of which
we speak more particularly further on, has ever been under
shall
the dominion of Oman, with a few short intervals of independence,
or of subjection, to other powers such as the Yemen, Persia, and
Al-Bahrain. The limits of the coast are, however, no longer vague
and uncertain, as it extends to Ras Shajr, and may be said to
embrace geographically, if not politically, that part of the peninsula
eastward of an imaginary line drawn from Ras Shajr across the desert
to the Sabkheh Matta, and bounded on all other sides by the sea.
Under this view we see that Oman occupies that portion of the
peninsula which, projecting towards the east, interferes with the
symmetry of its quadrilateral shape and may cover an area of about
150,000 square miles. By some Oman has been restricted to the
mountainous region only, but more correctly the appellation bears
the wider signification described above. Stretching away to the
westward the great sandy desert forms an almost insurmountable
natural barrier to political and commercial intercourse, isolating
Oman as if it were an island and giving it a unique position in Arabia.
The most remarkable physical feature of the country, the one
which demands our first attention, is the long mountain chain,
extending from end to end, forming the backbone of the land,
which presents a strange contrast to the desert behind. An
accurate knowledge and examination of this chain is needful to
understand adequately the disposition of the provinces, the natural
features of Oman, and the highways by which, the Arabs hold inter-
course with each other. This chain begins at Cape Mussendom,
where the peaks rise to a height of over 6,000 feet and trend thence
in a south-easterly direction at a depressed elevation to Jebel
Akhdar, or The Green Mountains," which forms the culmination
'*
of the range. At this point the chain becomes somewhat compli-

cated, and the grand cluster of Jebel Akhdar radiates out into several
spurs, while the chain continues in a north-easterly direction to
Kuriyat, where it begins to approach the sea and thence on to
Description of the Country and the Pearl Fisheries. 2>77
Ras al-Had. The whole by reason of its geological

of this range is,
formation, characterized by aridity, the more elevated parts

especially being very scantily clothed with verdure, intersected by
fertile and well-peopled valleys and narrow defiles, which provides
copious springs and streams to irrigate the maritime plains. From

the watershed of this range the natural drainage falls into three
basins, viz., the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, and the Bahr al-
Hadhri or Arabian Sea. These watercourses are often dry and

afford but intermittent pools of water and only reach the sea after
heavy rainfall. A few of the large ones are perennial, but whether
torrents or rivers they are all indiscriminately called wadies, while
they offer the same characteristics as those found in other parts of
Arabia and form the chief channels of communication throughout
the land. Being studded, moreover, along their course with towns,
villages, forts, and watch-towers they contain a large portion of the
population, each valley being known generally by the name of the
tribe inhabiting it.
The provinces into which Oman has been divided by its
inhabitants, since ancient times, are eight in number, and have been
determined by geographical considerations according to the contour
of the land. The boundaries of these divisions cannot be stated
with certainty, even their numbers are matters of dispute, and the
most experienced Shaikhs are not always in agreement on this point,
as the Arab mind is not remarkable for accuracy and precision of
detail, but the broad features are well known. The primitive and
patriarchal system of the Arabs, under which each tribe protects its
own interests, is fraught with political weakness and disunion, and
does not necessitate the division of the country into sections, as no
organization for the purpose of facilitating the administration
exists, and the only object that this separation of the land into
provinces seems to serve is that it assists the tribes residing therein
to combine together to resist foreign aggression in troublous times.
Of the eight divisions, the five most important are in the mountainous
region and are as follows : Al-Shemal, Al-Batineh, Al-Dhahireh,
Oman Proper, and Al-Sharkiya. To these some add a sixth
VOL. II. H
division, namely, Al-Jabaliyeh, or the hill ranges, but this seems to

be incorrect, confusing, and superfluous. The three other divisions
are Al-Gharbiyeh, Jafoor (or the desert), and Dhofar. In the absence
of a scientific survey, these boundaries of the provinces can never be
accurately determined, but it may be as well to give here a short
description of each division as the result of personal observation.
The Shemal, as its name implies, is the northern province and

includes all that extent of territory to the north-west of a line drawn
from Ras Mallaha along the base of the hills to the Wady Jezzi and
Beraimi and thence to Abu Thubi, and on the other side it is bounded
by the sea. The Shemal, though covering a large tract of country,
is so hilly and sterile that it is very unproductive, but owing to its
advantageous position as regards the pearl banks and sea fisheries

has a strong and thriving population. Cape Mussendom, known to
the Arabs as Roos al-Jabel, consists of black rocks of very singular
contour and precipitous down to the sea. It is greatly indented with
coves and inlets, two of which form land-locked harbours of great
capacity, known as Elphinstone and Malcolm Inlets.
The two highest peaks are Jebel Hareen and Jebel Kewi, rising
to 6,700 and 5,800 feet respectively. On the western side of the
promontory the hills begin to recede from the sea near Khasab and
form the maritime plain called by Europeans the Pirate Coast, but
known to the Arabs as Al-Sirr or Al-Shemal. This northern province
is held by three independent powers, the Sultan of Muscat, the Shaikh
of the Joasmees, or more properly the Kowasina, and the Shaikh of
the Beni Yas, but the two latter, since the retirement of the Wahabees,
own no allegiance to the ruler of Oman. The Sultan possesses the
promontory from Dibba to Shuam, including Khasab the Joasmee ;
Shaikh has the coast from Ras al-Khyma to Shargah, and also has
Khor Fakan, while the Beni Yas Shaikh holds it from Debaye to Abu
Thubi. The promontory, about as far west as Shinas, is occupied
by a singular tribe, the Shihi3êen, concerning the origin of whom
there has been much curious speculation. They are said to have a
peculiar dialect and their physical aspect is somewhat different from
that of the Arabs, and some writers have even suggested that they
are descendants of a European nation, but the people of Koomaz are
of Persian descent and they speak a corrupt Persian.
—
The Batineh. The second province is the Batineh or the
" Inner," a long curved maritime plain lying between Jebel Akhdar
and the Ha jar range to the westward and the sea to the eastward.
Extending from Ras Mallaha, just above Mareer on the north, where
the hills approach the sea, the plain gradually widens until it reaches
Jebel Nakhl and Seeb (where the breadth is about forty miles), a
distance of 180 miles. The most fertile portion of the province lies
in a belt two to three miles wide along the shore, presenting an almost
uninterrupted line of castles, houses, mat huts, fruit trees, and varied
cultivation from end to end, while behind the belt the ground rises
gradually to the base of the hills, and though well watered by numerous
ravines and watercourses, intersecting the plain and draining the
mountain chain, it is in general but sparsely -clothed with vegetation,
but with the exception of a few rich oases and a few desert patches the
plain is covered with acacias, euphorbias, aloes, and coarse herbage.
Viewed from the sea the long unbroken foreshore of white beach,
the green strip of cultivation, the brown expanse of acacia jungle,
with the dark irregular mass of mountains in the background, offer a
very remarkable and picturesque scene.
The more important valleys are about ten in number, namely,
Wady Hatta, Wady Jezzi, Wady Ahin, Wady Hatha Saham, Wady
Howasina, Wady al-Kabir, Wady Beni Ghafir, Wady Rostak, Wady
Beni Kharoos, Wady Hammam, and are all well peopled, well cul-
tivated, and well watered although some of these wadies may reach
;
the sea after heavy rain, very few, if any, are perennial.
The indigenous vegetation of the Batineh is scanty, but the
cultivated fringe or belt is rich in fruit trees, among which are the
date, mango, mulberry, pomegranate, banana, guava, papaya, betel
vine, orange, lime, citron, peach (known as mishmish), fig, apricot,
tamerind, jumbo, almond and melon. The aspect is varied by the
growth of lucerne, indigo, dhurra or jowari, tobacco, sugar cane^
VOL. II. H 2
maize, wheat, barley, pulse and other legumes, and cotton, besides
various vegetables.
As regards its industries the Batineh is far in advance of the
other provinces of Oman. The fisheries rank first and engage the
number of men, while at times the villagers
greatest join nets and use
them in immense lengths, for the sea abounds in fish and the pro-
digious quantity captured is almost incredible. Other industries are
pottery, red cotton cloth called " Khodrung," for loongies, etc., sail
canvas, weaving, indigo dyeing and shipbuilding.
The Batineh contains many strong castles and possesses two of
the former capitals, Sohar and Rostak, those inland being Rostak,
Hazim, Nakhl, Yenkal, while there are others along the coast the ;
number of towns, villages, and hamlets being about 300.

There are two groups of islands off the Batineh, namely, the
Sowadi Rocks and the Deymanieh Islands, none of which are inhabited.
There is no harbour, shelter, or secure anchorage for ships, and larger
craft have to lie up at Muscat or elsewhere during the monsoon ;
while the badans or small coasting vessels are drawn on the beach
or moored in one of the small creeks, of which there are several on the
coast, and owing to the heavy surf a peculiar kind of surf boat called
Shasha, made of date sticks lashed together, is used along the coast.
The population of the Batineh
about 700,000.
is ,
Geologically the maritime plain appears to belong to the same

formation as the mountainous chain, being a horizontal sheet of
limestone of the Eocene period.
Al-Dhahireh, or " The Back," lies behind the Batineh and

separated from it by the Ha jar range, the crest of which forms the
boundary to the eastward, and is divided from Oman Proper by the
short spur known as Jebel Koor or Nejd al-Makharim and from the
Shemal by the Beraimi Valley. The province is a narrow plateau or
tableland devoid of vegetation except in the oases, and intersected by
shallow watercourses, which melt away imperceptibly or by gradual
descent until they meet the Wady Ain, or lose themselves in the great
desert to the westward, from which there is no line of distinction.
and the surface is interrupted only by a few low ranges, such as Jebel
Hafeet and Jebel Misht. Al-Dhahireh includes the district of Al-
Jow, in which lies Al-Beraimi, and the chief towns are Obre, Dhank,
Einain, Doot, Mazoon, Makiniyat, and Ghabbi. The largest wady
is the Wady Ain, which flows from Jebel Koor, and is said to reach the
sea at Abu Thubi.

A very characteristic and marked contrast exists between the
abrupt fall and precipitous aspect of the eastern side of the Hajar
range and the comparatively gradual declivity towards the desert.
The chief cultivation is and there are a few industries,
that of fruit,
such as pottery making, cloth weaving, and dyeing. The population
is small, in all amounting to perhaps 200,000 persons, but the tribes
are by no means inactive, being more turbulent and given to brigand-

age than the people in any other province.
Oman Proper, the central and politically the most important

province, which has given its name to the whole kingdom, stretches
across the country over the mountain chain from Adam to the sea,
being bounded on the north and west by the Batineh and Dhahireh,
as already described,and on the south and east by the Sharkiya.
The boundary, however, between Oman and the Sharkiya is not easy
to determine as the physical features are not sufhciently well known to
us, and the Arabs themselves differ in opinion (according to some the
line would run along the crest of the hill from Jebel Tyeen to the
Wady Tyeen, as far as Dagmar) On the westward side of the chain

.
the limit is generally put at Semed al-Shan and thence to the desert.
Oman Proper thus includes the grand centre clump of the chain known
as Jebel Akhdar and the large valley called the Wady Semail. In
this province lies the present capital, Muscat the old capital, Nezwa,
;
and fourteen other strong castles, namely, Semail, Zikki, Bahila,

Adam, Birket al-Mouz, Manha, Fark, Saloot, Yabreen, Hilal, Seroor,
Bidbid, Fanja, and Belad Sait. The principal valley is the Wady
Semail, which is the chief artery of trade between Muscat and the
interior the traffic flows easily along the perennial stream, which
;
in the upper part is known as the Wady Beni Rowaihah, and the lower
VOL. II. H 3
as Semail ; more than 100 miles long, and has more than 100
it is
villages in its course. The main road leading to this highway from
Al-Sharkiya is down the Wady Akk, a narrow and precipitous defile,
easily defended by a few men, and is looked upon as being of high
political and strategical value in troublous times. The tribes occupy-
ing this province belong to both political factions, Hinawi and
Ghafiri, and are fairly equally divided in strength. The population
may be about 400,000.
Al-Sharkiya, as its name implies, denotes the most easterly

province of Oman, and is bounded on two sides by the sea, on the
south-west by the desert, and divided from Oman Proper by the
hill range, as described above. It is mountainous to the north along
the coast, the highest peak being Sohtari, which rises over 6,000 feet,
and to the south-west it is more level, more fertile, and more
populous. The northern part of Al-Sharkiya is drained by the
Wady Tyeen, which flows into the Gulf of Oman, while in the
south the watershed throws off four streams, Ethli, Andan,
Halfam, and Kalbuh, all of which unite in one and discharge into a
creek a little to the east of Mahot in the Bahr al-Hadhri. This
province includes three or four luxuriant and well- watered districts,
the Tyeen Valley, Jaalan, Bediyeh and by some Semed al-Shan.
The first of these is a perennial and important stream occupied by
more than thirty villages, and after cutting a deep chasm through
the hills known to mariners as the Devil's Gap, reaches the sea at
Dagmar, east of Kuriyat.
Jaalan is the maritime district of Al-Sharkiya and one of the
richest portions of it is bounded on the west by Bediyeh, and on
it ;
the east by thewhich is distant about fifteen miles. It is said

sea,
to take its name from an ancient tribe that formerly occupied it,
the Beni Jaalan or " The Children of the Water Beetle," probabh'
a branch of the Kodhaa. It has two high peaks, Jebel Jaalan and
Jebel Karoon, the former being 3,900 feet this range is short and
;
tongue shaped, having on its western side a rich valley, well peopled
and well watered, occupied by several tribes, of which the chief are
the Beni Bu Ali, Beni Bu Hassan, the Kishm, and the Rasib. The
places occupied by the tribes in Jaalan are : Wady Taleefa, Wady
Sahah, Jebel Minoof, Al-Kamil, Jebel Nankel, Wady KhaHd, Jebel
Shamma, and Sekakara. The Beni Bu AH occupy Belad Beni Bu
AH and Jendeen. The towns of the Kishm are Bowari, Hamaiah,
Seef, Sabt, and Al-Kamed. There are many other viUages besides
those specified, and five or six of them are fortified. The cultivation
is extensive and varied, the principal being wheat, millet, maize and
lucerne, also dates and other fruits.

Besides two land-locked lagoons, Khor Jeramah and Khor
Hejareh, the Sharkiya possesses in Soor the second best port in
Oman. This haven, with its long serpentine creek, is a very secure
refuge for native craft, many of which are built here of all sizes.
The tribes occupying this port are the Jenebeh and Beni Bu Ali ; the
former is the chief seafaring clan of the province, who in olden times
were known as Soories, with an evil repute as pirates. In addition
to those already mentioned, the towns in the Sharkiya are Kuriyat,
Kilhat, Al-Askkhara, Mahot, Al-Wafi, Kabil, Hamed, Hanaidha,
Ghabbi, Ghobra al-Taw, Madhaiby, Kamil, and Belad Beni Bu Ali.
The population may be about 300,000, mostly belonging to the

Al-Azd stock from the Yemen, but there are no settled Persians or
Belooch in this division. Chief among the Bedouin tribes of this
province are the Harth, Al-Deroo, Al-Haboos, Al-Mesakera, Al-
Hejrieen, Beni Bu Ali, Beni Bu Hassan, Kishm, Al-Waheebeh, and
the Wail, man}^ of whom have been politically concerned in the
dynastic disputes and rebellions of later years in Oman.
Bediyeh. —The district of Bediyeh lies to the west of Jaalan

and is watered by seven shallow streams flowing as tributaries into
the Wady,* each containing one or more villages. Semed al-Shan is
an old town in the Wady Ethli, which intersects a fertile plain and
has abundance of water, and is surrounded by groves and cultivation
and has also a fortified house, the residence of the Wall.
* The name of the wady was omitted in the original manuscript by the author ;
possibly he meant the Wady Tyeen.

VOL. II. H 4
The outlying division of Al-Gharbiyeh (or " The Western ") is

that portion of Oman from Abu Thubi to the Subkha Mutta, a dis-
tance of over 200 miles and requires but little notice. It is a dreary
inhospitable waste with neither villages nor cultivation, but is
occasionally visited by the wandering tribes of Al-Morra, Beni Yas,

Minaseer, Al-Hajar, and others. In some parts the land is hilly,
but it is chiefly low, sandy, or stony, and water is rarely found.

There are many rocky and sandy islets off the coast, and not far off
is the great pearl-fishing bank. Waterless as the tract is, the

western part forms a bone of contention, for though rightfully
belonging to the Beni Yas it is claimed by the Shaikh of Al-Bida and
Al-Katar.
more than once discussed the limits
I of Oman with H.H.
Seyyid Turkee, whose varied experience, range of travel and extensive
acquaintance with his own country rendered his opinions in all
matters of the highest value. It was on his advice that the limit to
the south of the Resident's jurisdiction was fixed, and he told me
that to the north the geographical limit was at Al-Sabkheh, though
politically part of Al-Katar, as far as Odaid, is included in the limits
of the Shaikh of Abu Thubi.
The Desert of Arabia.
The great desert of Arabia forms, perhaps, the largest and most
inhospitable expanse of sandy waste on the continent of Asia. Lying
between Oman to the east, where it is broadest, and Al- Yemen to the
west, where it is narrowest, it has a length of about 700 miles. To
the north bounded by Nejd, Yemama, and Al-Hasar, and to the
it is
south by Hadhramaut, Dhofar, and the Bahr al-Hadhri, with an

average breadth of 300 miles. As regards the physical features of
this immense tract we are almost in entire ignorance, as no
European traveller has hitherto explored its recesses, and we have
only the vague and uncertain accounts of the Bedouins to rely upon.
We know, however, that to the north-east there is the Dahna, a wild
solitary region presenting a succession of red sandy ridges like the
waves of the ocean, where only the scantiest vegetation can exist
and where even the most reckless Bedouin seldom care to wander.
Another portion of the desert is known as Al-Ahkaf, which is
said to consist of sand heaps overlying black rock. A great part of
the desert is described by Arabs as being a stony undulating plain,
diversified by ranges of low hills and intersected by shallow and dry
watercourses with sand mounds, but nothing conspicuous to catch
the eye and mark the way. In the hollows of the ground shallow
pools are formed after rain, and on evaporation the soil is encrusted
with saline efflorescence or which gives a white appearance.
nitre,
The sand heaps with which we

of the eastern part of the desert,
are now concerned, are known by various names, such as Kowad,
Ahkaf, and Katheeb. In speaking of the desert generally, the
Bedouins call it Al-Jafoor, or the " unfrequented space " Al- ;
Ramool, or " the sands " Al-Ahkaf,

; or the " sand heaps " the ;
desert is also known to some as the Sahra or " desert." In Arab

geographical works it is called by the expressive name of Rabi
al-Khali, or " empty habitation," but the Bedouins have their own
names for the various districts and oases distinguished by special
characteristics. Probably no other part of the world's surface can
compare in its desolation with this wilderness, where save camels,
goats, wild animals and a few wandering Bedouins, no life exists,
and where its immutable aspect is characterized by dreariness,
lethargy, and monotony.
The climate of the desert is not unaffected by the monsoons, and
though rain is comparatively scanty, showers are not altogether
absent. The soil being poor and barren and affected with scantiness
of rain and extreme heat, we can expect to find only a stunted and
meagre vegetation, which consists of low arborescent growth, several
species of acacias, such as the Sayel, Sumr, and Ghaf, also Euphorbias,
Ghadaf or dwarf palm, probably a chamerops, tamarisk, rhamnus or
sidr, rak, harmal or rue, senna, colocynth, rose-laurel or Nerium
Oleander, coarse grass and other herbaceous plants on which

camels find their sustenance. The desert may be said to belong to the
various tribes surrounding it and occupying its borderland. Bedouin
386 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gutf.
contingents from these tribes roam over it in all directions and rear
great numbers of camels of the finest breed. On the northern side
the Dowasir, Minaseer, Al-Morra, and other tribes of Nejd, Yemama
and Al-Hassa frequent it. On the east the desert is made use of by
the Omani tribes, such as the Awamir, Al-Waheebeh, Deroo, Haboos,
and Waeel, while to the south and claimed by the various
it is visited
branches of the great Mahra race, the Menhali, Hasreet, Ba Mali and
several others. The dromedaries raised by the Omani and Mahra
tribes are celebrated for their speed, beauty and endurance, and the
Shereef of Mecca receives an annual present of a few for his special
use from the Sultan of Muscat.
The Awamir, Al-Morra, and Dowasir Bedoos are said to traverse
the desert very extensively, and probably no part of it, except the
Dahna, is altogether inaccessible to them, but at the same time it is
doubtful whether the Dowasir of the north ever actually come in
contact with the Mahra of the south at least I could not learn from
;
the latter of their having done so. Part of the Awamir tribe are settled
in the Province of Oman Proper and follow agricultural pursuits.
The Bedouin portion of the Awamir is perhaps the most widely scat-
tered of all the Oman tribes, wandering as far as Hadhramaut in a
state of semi-savagedom, and it is probable that no wilder or more
predatory race exists in Arabia.
In 1874, in obedience to the Sultan's summons, a party of Awamir
crossed the desert, from the Wady Rekot to Muscat, a distance of
400 miles, and returned the way they came, and they assured me
that they had no difficulty in traversing the desert in any direction ;
the routes by which caravans in former times crossed the desert has
"
been investigated by Dr. Sprenger in the " Post und Reise Rout en
and " Alte Geographie Arabiens." The above tribes do not now
appear to wander about with their families, flocks, and sheep like those
in Northern Arabia, in search of pasture, but roam about in small
parties of men, keeping watch over their camels browsing on the
herbage.
The Bedoos seldom get bread of any kind except when visiting the
town to barter camels for necessaries their main food for eight or
;
nine months in the year is camel's and goat's milk. The soil is so
parched, arid, and hot, and the rainfall so scanty, that vegetable life
would be almost impossible were it not for the dews which are ex-
ceedingly copious and so refresh and invigorate the plants ; also,
there are occasional wells of brackish water ; the Bedouinsknow of

a few berries and edible roots, but these are precarious items. The
wild animals to be found in the desert are few in numbers, small
in species and kind, namely, the oryx, wild ass, gazelle, wolf,
hyena, hedgehog, hare, jerboa, and field rat. The birds are chikor
or Greek partridge, noubara, a species of bustard, sandgrouse (or
Kata), so much referred to in Arab poetry, hawks and hoopoe. The
ostrich is now found to the north and west, but it is extinct in the
eastern part ; according to Parsons, ostrich feathers were sold in the
Muscat market.
Notes on the Animals of the Country.
The Wild Ass by the Arabs Al-Himar, or the red

is called
animal, from its red colour, and is either of an ashy grey or a dark
reddish-brown. The breed of Omani asses is fanious in the East
for its excellence, and many are exported and their superiority is
;
due to the free admixture of blood of the wild ass of the desert, which
adds greatly to their strength and courage. The half-wild progeny
are therefore obstinate, vicious and unruly, and I have seen some led
by chains they have a quick walk and continue this pace for many
;
hours, and are of great value in crossing mountain passes, the con-
cavity of the hoof allowing them to ascend precipitous paths with
ease ; but though so well adapted for hilly work they are only found
in the plains in their wild state. They fetch thirty or forty dollars a
piece, but the riding animal fetches the better price and many are
exported. Though short in the legs and apparently not intended for
speed, the wild ass can rarely, be overtaken by a horseman,
if ever,
and the Arabs think highly of and take good care of the better ones.
The Sabal or Monkey. —Otter informs us that in former times

Oman was overrun by monkeys locally called sabal, which was also
the name pagan deities worshipped by the Arabs before
of the chief
Islam. These monkeys were so destructive that the Arabs set to
work to exterminate them, and this was done so effectually that a
sabal is not now to be found in the kingdom.
The Camel. — It has been observed that there is a curious resem-

blance of character between the Arab and his camel. Among the
salient points on which they resemble each other are their resentment
of injustice, their revengeful disposition, and the ease with which it
is appeased ; there are few Arabs who have not some anecdote to
tell of vindictiveness. In Arabia, as in India and Africa, the camel
is of two varieties —those used for burdens and those for riding
(the Bactrian, or two-humped camel, is not found in these countries).
The female or hega is usually chosen for riding as it has better and
gentler paces, and is more docile ; these dromedaries are swift and
agile, and for long journeys far preferable to the horse. The pack
camel, jamal bosh, is heavy of foot, dull, clumsy, larger, stronger,
and more useful in general its pace is heavy and jolting, slow and
;
measured, and its disposition agrees with its physical qualities.

With the exception of muddy, marshy, and slippery ground there is
no kind of soil, sandy, stony or rocky, that the camel cannot traverse
with ease, speed, and safety, though he is best on sand. With an
intelligence, strength, and hardiness much superior to that of the
horse, with docility and patience equal to that of the ass, he is cer-
tainly one of the most valuable domestic animals in the world, and if
the Hindoos learned to worship the cow from economic reasons there
is far more reason for the Arab to erect the camel into a divinity and
hold it sacred. The camel saddles are very different in the various
parts of Arabia, i.e., in Oman the pack and the riding saddle are much
the same, consisting of two pieces of wood fastened at the ends and
placed over the hump, which is then covered with sacking, carpeting,
or woollen cloths, and the pommel is a thick piece of wood with a
round top and tastefully carved for riding saddles these are called ;
sheddard, and are brought from Nezwa and other places ; the rider
in Oman sits behind the hump, while in the Yemen before it, and from
the saddle on each side hangs a large b,ag of woollen stuff, which is a
convenient receptacle for clothing and food. Besides the uses of the
camel for locomotion, it provides milk, hair for weaving, leather,
and meat. The speed and other high qualities of the Omani camel
place it on a par with the famous Mahra breed, with which it is in
fact identical and which is deemed by the Arabs to be unsurpassed,
and the chief Omani tribes engaged in camel breeding are the Deroo,
the Al-Waheebeh, and the Awamir, each possessing large herds of
these animals.
Notes on Falcons and Hawks.
So far as T could learn by a comparison of the statements of

several falconers, there are thirteen species of falcons and hawks.
One of the species known to the Arabs as lefeef, another is
is
called Hejazi, brought, as its name implies, from the Hejaz and
caught chiefly near Al-Medina this species is much esteemed and
;
is much the same as the peregrine, but it is never flown in couples,

while it takes partridges with great certainty and success. Another
—
bird is the atrnajel some people say it has yellow eyes and some say
the eyes are black, therefore it is diificult to say whether it is a hawk
or a falcon. The most commonly used falcon here is the charkh, or,
as the Arabs call it, lefeef, or when young, wachri it is also called
;
Al-Sakr, and is the same as the Indian cherug, while the quarry
after which it is flown is also the same with the addition of the gazelle,
which is a very favourite quarry for good birds, and the eyries are
chiefly to be found at Jebel Makhul near Takreet the Koords and
;
the Azza tribe of Arabs are the chief procurers of young birds. The
kestrel is not used in hawking, which is called in Arabia bashaj,
and by the Baghdadis ogeyr al-far the nestlings are called frukeh,
;
the fledglings jurrah, the yearlings wastain, and the adults towar.
The yellow-eyed hawks are the speer or baz. The goshawk is brought
from the Kurdistan, Laristan, and Baktiari mountains by the Koords
and are trained at ducks, partridges, and hares. Among others are
the terlan or yellowish-hawk, the kuzl and the at majja. The
Arabs are not enthusiastic hunters and do not appear to fly their
hawks for the excitement of the sport or at anything difficult.
Insects. —Arabia seems to abound with insects, ants (especially

the white, which most troublesome),
is flies, mosquitoes, and spiders,
but perhaps the most destructive of all is the locust. The green
locust is the largest of its kind in Oman and is called khaffan. The
locusts,though a devastating calamity to the settled Arabs, are not
an unmixed evil to the Bedouins, who value them as food. These
insects often follow each other in countless hordes, the newcomers
eating up what the others have left in fact everything that is vege-
;
table and edible disappears before them. Their jaws are capacious
and armed with four mandibles, which cut like scissors, traversing
each other, and are so placed as to seize and mince up everything
in the most effective manner.
The Flora of Oman.
The two most important elements affecting the vegetation of a

country are the climate and the geological structure, and it is owing
to the conditions to which it is subject in this respect that we find
Oman comparatively poor in the products of the vegetable kingdom,
but although not rich in indigenous species, the great inequalities
of altitude, with the corresponding diversity of climate, from the
rigour of the lofty peaks of Jebel Akhdar, where snow Is said to fall,
to the excessive heat of the desert and lower valleys, cause a wide
variation in the types represented, and we see the genera of the
temperate zone mingling with those of the tropics. The native
flora, however, which clothes the mountains, valleys, and plains
has been supplemented by the introduction of valuable trees and

plants from abroad, such as the walnut, mango, etc., and* this must
not be left out of consideration when we try to form an impression of
the scenery of the country the more prominent and characteristic
;
species in which are the date, acacia, and tamarisk. In general, the
native flora presents in aspect, and partakes of, the character of
India and Africa, but Oman also possesses many forms peculiar to
itself. In the higher parts of the mountain chain may be found the
plane, oak, sycamore, juniper, cypress, and others, but there is no
luxuriance of forest growth, as the soil is too thin to allow the
production in most parts of large timber trees. In warm regions,
thorny mimosas and scrub of a spinous nature are abundant and are
of value as fuel and as providing food for goats and camels.
Oman was partially explored botanically in 1836, when
M. Aucher Eloy visited Jebel Akhdar. He states in his work that
he found many pretty flowers well suited for importation into Europe.
At Nakhl he found the vegetation new and unknown to him.
Among these was a species of the genus Nieburia, a flowering shrub,
which he named Vogelia Leprosa, of which he sent seeds to Paris ;
also a new Dictyopteris, a new species of Iphiona Horrida, a little

Linaria, and the Moringa Arabica. At Al-Hajar he found a new
Boerhavia, and a new violet, as well as a new primula and a new
species of Lonicera which he named Aurea. At Tanoof he discovered
a new species of Cissus altogether M. Aucher Eloy gathered about
;
250 specimens and reckoned that there might be 500 species in Oman
altogether.
In enumerating here the more important trees and plants, of
which Oman can boast it maj^ be noted that the majority of them are
probably of foreign origin. Several species of acacia thrive on the
arid stony wastes and three in particular may be mentioned, i.e.,
the Acacia Vera, name Samr, the true gum arable

Arabic tree :
the Acacia Arabica, Arabic name Ghaf, the Babool of India ; the
Acacia Nilotica, Arabic name Sayel.
The Almond (Arabic Loz) is cultivated in many places.

The Aloe (Arabic Sabr) grows scantily in Oman. It is much
used in medicine and the people have superstitious ideas
about it.
The Apricot (Arabic Barkuk).

Artocarpus or Jack fruit (the Indian Fannus), said by Palgrave

grow in the Batineh.
to
The Banana (Arabic Mouz), the Banian tree or Ficus Indica
(Arabic Roula).
BdeUium (Arabic Mookl), this fragrant resin was found at
"
Dhofar by Dr. Carter and is supposed to be the " Bedolah
of Genesis, 2.12.
The Betel Pepper Vine or Pan grows in the vicinity of Muscat
and in the Batineh.
Boswellia or frankincense (Arabic Luban), the latter word being
the origin of the European term Olibanum. Birdwood
describes three species, namely, Boswellia Carterii, Boswellia
Frereana^ Boswellia Bhau Dajiana, and it is found in the
hills at Dhofar, from whence it is exported to Bombay.
In ancient times frankincense formed a very con-
siderable article of commerce and is still largely used.
Calotropis Gigantea, or silk tree (Arabic Ashur), grows every-
where in Oman in the desert parts and has many uses,
fibrous as well as medicinal. Its milky juice forms a kind
of gutta percha.
Chamerops, or Dwarf palm (Arabic Ghadaf), a desert plant said
to have medicinal virtues.
Cherry, noted by M. Aucher Eloy as cultivated in Jebel-Akhdar.
Cissus (Arabic Zaroo), this tree was also observed by M. Aucher
Eloy it is said to be a remedy for rheumatism.
;
The Citron is cultivated to a small extent only.

Citrullus Colocynthus, or bitter apple (Arabic Handal), grows
on a low scabrous plant and is very abundant in dry sandy
places a well-known item in Materia Medica.
;
The Coconut (Arabic Narayel) has been introduced into the

Batineh but does not thrive there and never produces
any fruit.
Cordia Mixa (Arabic Lebak), the Selpertin plum, furnishes

useful products, both medicinal and otherwise.
Cotton, Gossypium (Arabic Katn), two varieties, brown and
•?^
^
^
white ; brown variety

the is known Khodrung, and being
as
preferred by the Arabs is more extensively used in the
looms.
Custard Apple (Arabic Istafel).
Date Palm {Phcenix dactylifera) (Arabic Nakhl), the most im-

portant and widely cultivated tree in Oman, and which
furnishes one of the staple foods.
Dragon's Blood (Arabic Dam al-Akhwan), said to grow at
Dhofar,
The Euphorbia, several species (Arabic Shirka), the acrid juice
is used medicinally by the Arabs.
The Fig {Ficus Carica) (Arabic Teen).
Guava. Cultivated in the Batineh.
Henna, Lawsonia (Mertus or Alba), used as a dye to stain the
hair and nails.
Indigo, Indigo Glauca (Arabic Neel), grows wild and used ex-
tensively as dye for cloth.
Lucerne is commonly grown throughout the country as fodder
for horses, cattle, and camels.
Limes and sweet limes, formerly exported in great quantities
to Calcutta.
Madder (Arabic Warms) is sometimes cultivated as a dye stuff.
Mango is another fruit much grown, particularly in the maritime
plains.
The mangrove grows in many places along the shore but is used
only for firewood ; its singular adventitious roots were
more than 300 years before Christ by Theo-
described
phrastus, who saw it in the Persian Gulf.
Melia Azidiracta (Arabic Neem) grows in the Batineh.
Melons (Arabic Kharboza and Tarboza) are plentiful.
Moringa Arahica, or horse radish tree, seen by M. Aucher Eloy.
Moringa Aptera, said to be the Yessur of the Yemen.
Mulberry, orange, papaya, peach, or mishmish, plum, pome-
granate.
Rumman and Quince are among the fruits cultivated.
VOL. II. I
;
Nerium Oleander, or Rose Laurel, with its sweet scented flowers,

is found in almost every wady.
Nieburia, a genus so named after the distinguished traveller
a new species was found by M. Aucher Eloy.
Pandanus Odoratissimus, or screw pine (Arabic Kali or Keora),
furnishes useful products.
Rhamnus Nebeca, or the Jujube tree (Arabic Sidr), grows wild
everywhere.
RicinuSy or Palma Christi, the castor oil plant (Arabic Ara).
Safflower, Carthamus Tinctorius (Arabic Shooram), used by the
women as a cosmetic to stain their faces yellow.
Senna, Cassia Angustifolia (Arabic Senna Makki), an important
medicinal plant which grows in dry sandy parts.
Shaddock, Citrus Decumana, grows in the Batineh.
Sesamum Indicum (Arabic Simsim or Jiritch) produce the gin-
gelly oil of commerce, cultivated in the Batineh.
Sugar Cane is cultivated in several parts of Oman ; at Birket
al-Mouz it grows at an elevation of 2,000 feet.
Tamarind (Arabic Hamer) is not uncommon, the fruit is used

medicinally.
Tamarisk (Arabic Turfa and Ithel) is widely distributed and few
wadies are to be found without it.
Tobacco is cultivated in the Batineh and in Al-Dhahireh to a
small extent, chiefly for the Persians and Belooch the ;
Arabs of Oman in general do not smoke.

The Vine (Arabic Anab), cultivated in many valleys and in the
Batineh.
Walnut (Arabic Joaz) is chiefly grown in Jebel Akhdar.
Besides the above trees are many plants of which the Arab
name is known, but which have not been identified. Agriculture
has made but little progress in Oman as the people bestow but little
labour on it. The crops depend in some measure on the rain, though
they have mostly to be irrigated from felejes and wells. The cereals
are wheat, jewari or dhurra, and barley. Coarse bread made of millet
or jewari is eaten by the poorer classes, but the well-to-do prefer

rice, which has to be imported from India, as there are no lowlands
in Oman suitable for its production.
The date, however, is so much consumed that it is more truly
the bread of the people, of whom the staple food may be said to be
dates, rice, and fish. Most of the common Indian vegetables are
grown, but the quantity is limited except in the larger towns, as the
Arabs are not partial to herbs, but pulse, of sorts, is much cultivated.
The wealthier Arabs are very fond of their bostans or gardens, in
which they grow flowers, vegetables, and trees.
*The Date, Phcenix Dactylifera. ^The uses to which the —

dactiliferous palm are put by the Arabs are numerous and the details
would require a lengthy description. In the first place the fruit is
the bread of the people, the staff of and except as regards two
life,
or three varieties, it will keep for months and even years, while the
only other foods to compete with it are rice and barley when half ;
ripe the date is soft and sweet at the top and is then a delicacy.
The wood supplies timber, the leaves roofing for huts, the fibres are
used for making ropes, and a segment of the tree is often used as a
ladder, the tree being split lengthwise, up which the Arabs climb like
cats date sticks are used for making boats called Shasha, also for
;
fences, and a hundred other purposes. The date matures when about
eighteen years old and produces from 100 to 300 lbs. of fruit, while
it requires no attention but irrigation. Female dates have all to be
impregnated; one male, Fahil, is sufficient for 600 or 700 female
trees. The male rises to 130 feet, and a sprig often costs several
dollars, when it has a good reputation, for male palms are like
stallions. The pith of the tree is considered a delicacy as is also the
fruit in early stages, when about a quarter of an inch long, as it has
a nutty taste and is cut off then to thin the produce in the same way
as grapes are thinned ; half-ripe dates are very nice. Date-trees
* A few notes on the more important products of Oman may be of interest and
are here inserted.
VOL. II. 12
are afflicted in Wady Maih with a peculiar disease called Muttuk,

by which the fruit dissolves into a sort of treacle or shira, and from
which the tree does not recover for five years after an attack ; this
disease is known in Wadis Maih and Hatat.

only
A worm called Koko also destroys dates, and the branches of
fruit are put in bags to protect them. There are nine progressive
stages of the ripening of the date fruit, viz., Talla, Aukzeez, Khatal,
Safoor, Bissir, Basoom, Gereen, Ratab, Hamad al-Tamr. The
fifth stageprobably gives its name to the dried date, or Kharak.
There are ten or twelve really good kinds of dates in Oman, the
rest are indiscriminately known as Kush. Palms are never grown
from seed as it is impossible to tell what will be produced the stone ;
of a date if planted may turn out male or female, or even another

kind. Trees in very favourable situations bear in one year, but they
generally take two or three. The Arabs climb the trees by using a
rope which passes round both man and tree.
Vines. —^The vines are carefully trained on trellises at certain

distances and are regularly pruned (in March), irrigated and manured.
The grapes appeared to be all black. The bunches of fruit, when
collected, are put into a large shallow vessel or tub and are crushed
by being trodden under foot. The juice thus squeezed out is not
drawn off separately, but the whole mass, juice, pulp, skins, stalks,
pips, and all is then put into jars and after being diluted with water
is left for about three weeks to ferment. It is considered fit to drink
about three months after the fruit has been plucked. In the long
winter evenings the Sharaizi men spend their time in consuming the
liquor they have made and, I believe, no drop of ever exported
it is
or ever leaves the mountains ; no wine is either made or procurable

in any other part of Oman.
The predilection of the inhabitants of this town for the juice of
the grape as well as their knowledge of the manufacture of wine are
due to and to the same cause also may be
their Persian origin,
ascribed the construction of the mountain terraces, or at least the
development of them. The more religiously inclined of the people
"Description of the Country and the Pearl Fisheries, 397
of Oman are much scandalized at this making of wine in their midst,

as the making of fermented liquor was prohibited by Mohammed in
the Koran.
The Fig {Ficus Carica) is known to the Arabs as Teen.

The Arabs consider figs a necessity of life, the fruit having been
used as an article of food from time immemorial ; it grows throughout
Oman and is very luscious. The trees being small do not afford much
shade, but it is everywhere cultivated ; but the Arabs do not dry and
export the fruit in spite of the fact of the soil and climate being so
favourable to its growth. •
The Sugar Cane. —The sugar cane is largely grown in Oman

for food and has been known for centuries. It is propagated, as in
India, from cuttings, not from seed, the two reasons assigned for this
being that the germination of the seed is uncertain and that it takes
longer to attain maturity. At Birket al-Mouz it is growing at an
elevation of 2,000 feet, this being the highest point I remember to
have seen it in Arabia sugar is known as Kand. The Omanis have
;
only been able to produce a coarse treacle, and have not succeeded
in reaching the crystalline stage of its manufacture.
Mangroves. —^The value of the mangroves as an agent in the

reclamation of land on the sea coast known. At Mahot, whereis well
the Kalbuh stream debouches, there is a dense mass of mangrove thirty
or forty feet high extending into the sea, though the coral reefs
seem to prevent much expansion. The roots are formed by the
branches dropping into the sea,- the latter being covered with crus-
taceans, and the trees are at times loaded with the nests of birds.
The bark is said to be astringent and full of tannin, and the wood to
produce dye, but I am not aware that the Arabs ever make use of it
in this way ; the roots are arched like the screw pine.
VOL. II. 13
.. .
List of Arabian Trees and Plants.
Arabic Name. Arabic Name

Acacia, Arabica . . Ghaf. Lime.
Acacia, Nilotica . . Sayel Lucerne.
Acacia, Vera . Sumr. Madder . . Warms
Adamsonia. Mango.
Almond . . Loz. Mangrove.
Aloe . Sabr. Melia Azidiracta . . Neem.
Apricot . Barkuk. Melon . . Kharboza.
Artocarpus. Moringa Arabica.
Banana . Mouz. Moringa Aptera. . . Yessur.
Banian . . . . Roula. Myrtle . . Yas.
Bdellium . . Mookl. Mulberry . . . Toot.
Betel Vine. Nieburia.
Boswellia . . Luban. Nuts.
Calotropis . Ashur. Oleander Nerium.
Chamerops . Ghadaf. Orange Narange.
. .
Cherry. Pandanus, Screw Pine Keora.

Cissus . Zaroo. Papaya . . Fefai.
Citron. Peach . . Mishmish.

Citrullus Colocynth us Handal. Pepper . . Filfil.
Coconut . . Narayel. Plums Jambu.

Crocus. Pomegranate . Rumman.
Cordia Mixa . Lebak. Quince . Safarjal.
Cotton . Katn. Rhamnus Nebeca . Sidr.
Custard Apple . Istafel. Ricinus . Ara.

Date . Nakhl. Rose . Ward.
Dragon's Blood . . Dam al- Rue Harmel.
Akhwan. Senna . Senna
Euphorbia . Shirka. Makki.
Fig . Teen. Sesamum Indicum Simsim &
Guava. Jiritch.
Hejma, Lawsonia. Sugar Cane . Kand.

Indigo, Glauca . Neel. Sweet Lime,
.. . 4
Description of the Country and the Pearl Fisheries, 399
List of Arabian Trees and Plants.
Arabic Name. Arabic Name,

Tamarind . . . Hamer. Turmeric . . . Huldi.
Tamarisk . . . Turfa and Vine . . Anab.
Ithel. Walnut . , . Joaz.
Thyme. Wild Lavender.
Tobacco.
Sketch of the Geology of Oman.
The geology of Oman offers a very interesting field for the

geologist and it awaits the appearance of a professor of that science
to thoroughly explore the country and give the results of his
researches.
Fromthe observations of Dr. H. J. Carter, who was attached
to the East India Company's Nautical Surveying brig Palinurus,
and Arabian Coast in 1836 and 1844, and who gives a
visited the
valuable account of the geology of the coast from Muscat to Dhofar,
we have a good general idea of the rock formation of the land. The
great chain of mountains extends, as we have from one end
seen,
of the land almost to the other, and is composed of sedimentary
rocks with outbursts of metamorphic rocks at Muscat, Jibsh,
Madraka and Fezaniyyia.
From Mussendom to Jebel Akhdar the formation is limestone,
chiefly nummulitic and sandstone overlying conglomerate, the
strata at Mussendom being horizontal, but in the interior more
confused and often lying at great angles. The colour of the limestone
is very varied, often yellowish or white, and at Mussendom and
Kilhat, black or dark grey. Near Muscat the volcanic rocks are
very apparent, being composed of serpentine and diorite, extending
along the coast for ten or twelve miles, from Darsait to Yiti.
Carter remarks that South of Muscat the strata is broken up
and distorted, rising tier behind tier for thirty miles, until it reaches
its maximum height about 6,000 feet, forty miles inland. The hills
then approach the coast until we come to the Devil's Gap, the range
YOU II. 1
being called Jebel Sohteri or Kuriyat, 6,228 feet beyond the Gap
;
the range is known as Jebel Jabir and further on as Jebel Kilhat

as it reaches Soor, all three mountains being of the same limestone
formation as Mussendom. The volcanic formation reappears south
of Ras al-Had at several places along the coast, and at Dhofar,
where granite and other igneous rocks are found, but the general
formation on the south coast, as far as Dhofar, is nummulitic lime-
stone and to the north and east.
Viewing Ras Mussendom from seaward, this stupendous Cape
forcibly strikes one with the idea that it once was united with the
chain on the Persian Coast, and that by a sudden subsidence of the
earth at some distant geological period the sea rushed in to form the
Persian Gulf and filled the valleys and ravines and inlets as we now
see them.
Among the minerals found by Dr. Carter in his examination of
therocks were hornblende, jasper, quartzite, felspar, diallage, basalt,
calcspar, etc. The composition of the hills being naturally unfavour-
able to plant life, the verdure, except in the valleys, is very scanty.
Of metals, four only appear to have been found in Oman. The
copper mine at Khadhra near Semed al-Shan was once largel}?"
worked but now produces little, if any this metal is also found near
;
Kuriyat and in the Island of Maseera, where lead is also known to

exist. Silver was formerly worked at Jebel Akhdar, but the mine
has long been disused. The hills near Muscat are ferriferous, but the
ore has not been considered worth extracting. A valuable con-
tributor to the geology of Muscat is Captain Newbold, who visited
that port in 1849.
Fisheries. —^The Arabs, the earliest navigators in the world,

have ever had a predilection for the sea, and have shown themselves
to be on this element a bold, hardy, and adventurous race. The
inhabitants of Eastern Arabia, in particular, have from remote times
been noteworthy in this respect. High spirited and independent
they occupy a land not remarkable for vegetable or -mineral wealth,
but possessing a long and diversified line of coast with a rich sea
;
fauna, have been accustomed to turn their attention to the

latter as a source of food supply. The fisheries have thus become
one of the most important industries in Oman and affect a large
proportion of the population.
Fish are so abundant that the whole coast of Oman is a con-
tinuous series of fishing stations, where the markets are stocked with
fresh and salt fish. The fishermen carry on their occupation with
great expertness and go out far to sea for sharks, and are as sturdy
as they are industrious ; the poorer fishermen, who own no share in
a boat, use the casting-net. The real done by the
work of fishing is
Arabs themselves, for although a few negro slaves may be seen
in the boats, they are only employed in helping at the oars and
cannot be trusted in severe and arduous labour at the nets. Often
superior in muscular strength to the Arabs, they are so inferior in
courage, skill, and intelligence as to be practically worthless.
During the gathering of the date harvest in August and September
a large section of the fisher class find employment in the interior
and are thus drawn away from the sea in the height of the monsoon,
therefore the fisheries decline and only the larger boats go out. At
al] other times the fishermen are at work at sea, and numbers of boats
are always out, the best seasons being spring and late autumn.
—
Modes of fishing. Th& modes of fishing may be divided into four
—
kinds firstly, for fish frequenting the open sea secondly, for those
;
near the shore thirdly, for surface fish

; and fourthly, for those
;
found near the bottom. The modes vary also according to the
seasons and the movements of these creatures. At certain times
the boats go out early and return with their takes in the evening
at other times they leave in the evening, fish all night, and return in
the morning. In either case the fish are sold by auction or direct to
regular customers, the fishers retaining some for their own consump-
tion. There are, of course, slightly different methods of fishing at
different parts of the coast, according to the various kinds of fish
sought for on this, as well as on the nature of the coast and depth
;
of sea, depend the modifications. Various kinds of nets are used

on the Oman coast. The general narne for a net is Leekh or Shabka,
but each sort has its specific name. In some of the nets, chiefly
those shot overnight, the fish are entangled by their gills, in others
the fish are enveloped and drawn up to a boat or dragged on shore.
The Seine nets used on the Batineh Coast and other sandy bays
are very long and narrow, the villagers combining and joining nets
for the mutual advantage for a great haul, and the fish captured are
divided by the Shaikhs, in the presence of the community ; it is shot
in a semicircle, the wings being drawn on shore by men. A drift
net much used in the Gulf is called the Karoon. It is formed of a
number of pieces and is gathered in by the owners, the takes being
then divided equally on the spot. A similar series of nets but longer
and sunk in deeper water for heavier fish is called Asharee or Ghobut,
which is left out at night. Another net of the same kind, with a
very large mesh, is called Formales. The floats of these nets are
usually date-leaf stems, called Tafool, or bits of wood of the screw
pine, the weights being pieces of lead or stones. One of the most
useful nets the Arabs possess is the Yel trawl, a drag net with a small
mesh and a large purse it is used for catching sardines, Kasha,
;
and other small fish. Another net is the Mansab. The Trammel
net appears to be unknown in the Gulf. Live bait is obtained either
by the casting net called Siliya or Dakeek, which is adroitly thrown
over a shoal of small fishes, or by a method peculiar to Muscat. In
the latter case when a shoal is sighted in the harbour the fishermen
drop a net round it in the form of a circle and the fish are driven to
entangle themselves in the net by a log of wood attached to a rope
being thrown into the midst from one of the boats, and by one of the
men jumping into the water and splashing about the net is then ;
drawn into the boat. The fishing boats have a wicker basket along-
side to keep the bait but the Arabs are very dexterous in spin-
alive,
ning the dead bait, tying the head of the fish in such a manner that
it continues to spin while towed through the water. The hook used
by the Arabs is peculiar, being almost circular and unbarbed. It
is made of iron by the local blacksmith and is called Meedar ; the
end opposite the point is turned inwards to form a small ring to
which the line is attached. European hooks, however, are gradually
taking the place of the primitive Arab article. Considering their

rough boats and implements the Arabs are surprisingly expert and
daring in catching large fish and in managing nets. The depth of
the water generally chosen for line fishing from 30 to 40 fathoms
is ;
the long lines or trots are little used by the Arabs as the sharks that
infest these seas would destroy all the fish caught by them the ;
seer fish, struggling in a long line, would soon attract the sharks
and be dragged off. The hand liners keep from ten to thirty miles
off shore, where the fish they seek for most abound.
Other methods employed in catching fish are the Gargoor, a

large circular basket trap from ten to twenty feet in circumference ;
these traps are sunk for a day or two in deep water and then taken
up. Another trap is the Hidhra, made of date-sticks securely tied
together and driven into the sand, forming a semicircular or horse-
shoe fence, which, when the tide runs out, leaves the fish high and
dry. The fish spear sometimes used for taking porpoises and rays
is about nine feet long and barbed, with a rig at the upper end, to
which a line is attached it is called Kawar.

;
Products. —^The harvest of the sea in Eastern Arabia is very

important and not only provides food for a large portion of the popula-
tion, but gives employment to many in fishing, netting, boat-building,
and The abundance of fish in the Arabian Sea is truly
curing.
astonishing, and as salt is cheap on the Oman Coast, immense quan-
tities are caught and salted, both for home consumption and export.
Salt is brought from the Islands of Kishm and Hormuz in the Persian
Gulf, the former having hills of salt with caves of great extent and
remarkable beauty from their strata of various hues, and Hormuz
being literally half sulphur and half salt. As salt can thus be obtained
easily, fish curing is a big industry, but as the process is very crude and
imperfect neither the quantity nor the quality are equal to the
demand. The fish chiefly cured is the sehwa or horse mackerel or
rudder fish, one of the Carangidse and known under the trade name
of Snooks. It is about three feet long and has a keeled ridge near the
tail ; it is largely exported to the Mauritius, Bourbon and Natal.
The seer fi.sh or kunud, cibium guttatum, also called the Indian salmon,
is an excellent table fish but less delicate in flavour than the salmon ;
it runs to about three or four feet, and is said to ascend rivers to spawn.
The fish sidr is salted for home consumption as well as for export.
The mullet, known to the Arabs as Bujaa, is salted down in large quan-
tities and exported to India. —
The sword fish Histiophorus called —
by the Arabs Sansool, is captured in great quantities at sea and is
much esteemed as food by the poor it is roughly salted or despatched
;
fresh into the interior. Immediately the fishing boats touch the
beach, these fish, often thirty or forty pounds in weight, are placed
on the backs of asses and sent off into the interior. Of course the
heat of the sun brings on putrefaction, and these caravans of donkeys,
when seen on the road, can be scented afar off. The sardine, almost the
only representative of the herring family in these seas, is called Seima.
caught in great multitudes on the coast and is used for bait,
It is
manure, and for the extraction of oil. For the last purpose, the
sardines are exposed to the sun, the heat of which causes the oil to
exude, which is then collected in jars ; it is, however, considered
inferior to the oil obtained from shark livers. Fish fry, called
Kasha, is also largely caught, especially near Cape Mussendom,
where they are desiccated in the sun without further attention and
are then packed in mat bags, about eight feet long, being then known
as Metoot.
Of all fish, however, the most valuable to the Arabs for its
economic products is the shark, which is pursued not only in the
Arabian Sea but by the coast dwellers of Southern and Eastern Asia,
who value it as food, the meat being considered sustaining and
invigorating, and almost the whole of the body of this formidable
creature is made use of by the Arabs. The flesh is exhibited in the
bazaars of the coast towns, fresh, salted, and sun-dried. Cut in

strips it is sent into the interior to the Bedouins ; it forms indeed the
staple meat food of the poor and slaves ; the better classes, however,
do not touch it. The fins are exported to Bombay, where they join
the stream that flows unceasingly to China they are sorted into two
;
kinds, black and white, the latter consisting of the dorsal fins only,
while the former includes the ventral and pectoral fins, which are
;
dark on one side. After the roots have been rubbed in Ume the
fins are packed in The shark livers
gunny bags. furnish oil in large
quantities, the supply always being more copious in the cold season.
Vegetable oil being scarce in Arabia, fish oil is used for many purposes
it is bottoms of dhows and other native
largely used for painting the
craft, it being for this purpose mixed with Noora or slaked lime and
then smeared over the timbers to protect the vessel from teredos or
ship worms, barnacles, The oil is obtained by throwing
and sea weed.
the livers into a tank and crushing them with the foot. The liver of
a large shark often produces two tubs of oil, and the livers of rays and
other fish also produce oil in less proportion. The skin is made into
shagreen, which is used for polishing ivory and other purposes, but
much of the shagreen in the market is said to be made of camels and
asses' skin.
Fish Sounds, known in commerce Maws, are the air
as Fish
bladders of those fish which frequent the surface of the ocean, and do
not pertain to the fishes keeping near the ground. The sounds are of
membrinous texture, translucent, and of a light amber colour ; for-
merly these sounds were all market and sold at a
sent to the China
very cheap rate, but in 1839 ^^ ^^^ discovered that sounds were
identical with isinglass, and much is now sent direct to Europe.
Turtles abound Arabian Sea, the commonest, perhaps,
in the
being the Hawksbill Turtle, Caretta Imbricata, which yields the
tortoiseshell of The Arabs capture them in nets or turn
commerce.
them over on their backs when they come ashore at night to lay eggs ;
the general Arab name for a turtle is Hamza, but the fishermen often
call itGhiadum, the tortoiseshell being called Dibbal, and is brought
from many places on the coast to Muscat, from whence it is exported
to Bombay. The spotted turtle is known as Sheroo, but is not
caught as it does not produce tortoiseshell. The Arabs generally kill
the turtle before removing the carapace, but the natives of the Indian
Archipelago are said to observe the cruel practice of removing it by
heat while the animal is still alive. There are four scales on each side
and five in the middle, making thirteen in all. The turtle, Caretta
Imbricata, derives its Latin name from the fact that the scales on the
carapace imbricate or overlap like roofing slates. The turtle is pro-

bably unique in having the skeleton outside the flesh and attached
to the carapace. A good deal of oil is extracted from them, and. the
flesh, which is said to be quite as good as that of the Leather-back, is
eaten by the fishermen, but Persians and other vShihrs will not touch it.
Ambergris is a solid lump of matter often cast ashore on the
Oman coast, and is an unpleasant odour but improves later
at first of
and is much esteemed by the Arabs as a perfume. It is supposed to
be a diseased product of the cachalot whale.
Mother-of-pearl shell, so much used in the Arts, is found at
several points along the between the Red Sea and Persian
Arab coast,
Gulf. The Arabs have to dive for these shells in several fathoms of
water and bring boat loads of them to Muscat for re-export.
Cetacea. —
The Cetaceans or the whale tribe are .represented in
the Persian and Oman Gulfs by the cachalot or sperm whale, and
several species of Delphinidse, including the porpoises. The Cachalot,
Physeter Macrocephalus, is gregarious and feeds on cuttle fish. It
may occasionally be seen blowing after taking a meal in the way that
frightened Nearchus and his sailors more than 2,20a years ago.
Arabs call it Nahm. They do not now pursue it professionally,
though it is said that many years ago a village at the end of Maseera
Island was devoted to the whale fishery, but this is not the case at
present. At the beginning of the nineteenth century the American
whalers used frequently to visit these seas but have recently confined
themselves to the southern part of the Indian Ocean. When they
find a whale stranded the Arabs make use of the spermaceti or blubber
as well as the teeth, which are turned into dagger handles. In 1885
the bones of a cachalot whale, which had been stranded on the
Batineh Coast, were brought to Muscat, but the teeth had already
been removed.
The great Indian Rorqual, the largest living animal, reaching
over 100 feet, is found in the Indian Ocean, but it seems doubtful
whether it extends as far north as the Persian Gulf.
The Delphinidae, or dolphins, include the grampus or bottle-
nosed whale, of which there are probably three species. The word
grampus is probably a corruption of the Arabic word Jerran, a whale.

Many years ago Muscat harbour was frequented by a grampus known
to the Indian Navy seamen as " Old Tom," but it has not been seen
of late years. The porpoise is also included in this genus or order. It
is common in these seas and is called DookK, or more often " Soos."
Fish. —^The coast of Oman is remarkable for the wealth, variety,
and strangeness of its marine fauna. The coral reefs, the sandy
beaches, and the rocky headlands all presenting singular forms of
life along the littoral. During the summer months the surface of
the sea for many miles off shore is covered with floating fish spawn
in immense patches of rusty red or yellowish colour and which gives
off a disagreeable odour, which is eventually hatched by the heat of
the sun. The chief nurseries are the various coves, creeks, inlets,
and sinuosities of the coast, where the fry are to be seen in incredible
number. When in the adult stage, fish are incessantly migrating
from one locality to another, their place being taken by other species,
the chief cause of these movements being, no doubt, the search for
food. Instead of the familiar fishes we find in the sea round
England, we observe novel and strange forms, some of which are of
great value as food. Of the four great families of fishes, so
important to man in this respect, namely, the herrings, the
mackerels, the cod fishes, and the salmonidae, the two last are,
perhaps, entirely absent from the Indian Ocean, and the herrings
are represented only by a single order, the sardines. The mackerel
tribe is particularly abundant, and various species, such as the horse
mackerel, seer fish, etc., are captured and cured for human con-
sumption on an extensive scale. Of all the fish found in the Arabian
Sea, perhaps the most important to man, not only as regards food
but for its manifold uses, is the shark, which is pursued by the Arabs
fearlessly and relentlessly. The harvest in Oman
probably not
is
less than 100,000 sharks annually. These cartilaginous fishes have

a long cyhndrical scaleless body and are very serpentine in their
movements, their elongated body forming two curves at a time,
and move through the sea with extraordinary velocity, outstripping
with ease any other denizens of the deep. The pointed snout serves
;
to accelerate the speed, but the mouth is so far back that they are
compelled to turn over to seize their prey. They are divided by
naturalists into ten families and subdivided into 140 species, some
oviparous and some viviparous, the largest family, perhaps, being
the Carcharidse, or true sharks. The larger sharks are pelagic, not
approaching the shore, but keeping far out to sea, feeding on the
great shoals of fish that migrate from one locality to another in search
of food at certain times. The smaller sharks are ground sharks.
The white sharks and other monsters are called by the Arabs Sultan
al-Bahr or Malek al-Bahr (" Kings of the sea"), but have various
names at different parts of the coast the general name is Jerjoor,
;
also Lakhm, or Kalb al-Bahr. The spotted shark is called Nimarani,

or the leopard, while another is the Shotafee. The diabolical and
vicious hammer-headed shark, Zygcena Malleus, of which there are
five species, though not exceeding 12 feet in length, is the most
dreaded of all ;it is known .at Muscat as Boo Karoon and at Aden
as Bukhait. The sharks which inhabit mid-ocean are hunted by

the Arabs in their bughlas and badans. The number of smaller
sharks caught by the Jenebeh and Beni Bu Ali tribe is prodigious
at Soor alone the average take is fifty or sixty per diem, ranging from
but the old practice of fishing for sharks
six to twelve feet in length,
on the girba, which consisted of two inflated goatskins supporting a
plank on which the fisherman sat, has been abandoned, owing to
the number of accidents and mutilation of limbs that resulted.
The man, when using this contrivance, was very expert in hauling
up the shark, which struggled desperately, giving him a good deal
of trouble before it could be stunned with blows on the snout by an
iron club. One way of fishing was by using the girba as a floaty
the line being hauled by the fisherman when the float was observed
to move ; the line had always to be protected by a piece of iron
chain between the hook and the rope.
The rays, of which there are many species, some very large,
are numerous in the Arabian Sea and are caught for their fins, which
are sent to China, like those of the shark ; rays are also used for
food and for oil. The most formidable species is the sawfish which
;
carries a heavy armament, weapon consisting of a horrible sharp-

this
toothed snout five or six feet long, by which it attacks whales and
large fish, ripping the abdomen across and feeding on the protruding
entrails —a most unpleasant habit. The pearl divers of the Persian
Gulf, who care nothing for sharks, dread this brute, whose assault
is certain death. The eyes of the sawfish are said to be very peculiar
and unlike those of other fish. The snout is not made use of by the
Arabs except as a talisman to keep off the evil eye and to bring good
luck. The sting ray is not uncommon and is a dangerous fish to
handle, its sting being sharp and barbed. The long-tailed eagle
or whip ray is also common it has a very rough skin, which is made
;
to cover sword handles and shields.

Among the edible fish there are, besides those already mentioned,
the dolphin, famous for the beauty of which fades on
its coloration,
its death this fish abounds in the Arabian Sea and is good eating,
;
and like the Albicore or Bonito, pursues the flying fish which takes
long flights to escape it. The word dolphin is also applied to the
grampus and has caused confusion. The flying fish, called by the
Arabs " Jerad al-Bahr," or " Locust of the Sea," are caught and eaten
they do not come near the land but keep to the open. The remark-
able scabbard or ribbon fish, with its narrow attenuated body of a
bright silvery colour, is esteemed by the natives as food, but is
disliked as it is said to be very destructive to small fish ; it is very
fragile and on being taken up. The tobacco pipe or
easily separates
gar fish, called by the Arabs " Anfaloos," has a very singular appear-
ance, and is common and much eaten. Rock fish or Wrasse are
common, some being highly coloured. The parrot fish is one of the
above and is brilliantly tinted, taking its name from its beaklike
mouth, and is an excellent table fish the Arabs call it " Sinbala
;
al-Himara," and it feeds on corals and is figured in Playf air's Fishes

of Zanzibar. The pilot fish is small and striped and is said to precede
ships and to guide sharks to their prey it is eaten by the Arabs,
;
who entertain many quaint notions respecting it, and is the

Naucrates Ductor of naturalists. In Muscat harbour the surface is
often disturbed by small fish jumping up, making the water appear
VOL. II, K
as if commotion is caused by a shoal

in a state of ebullition ; this
of sardines or other fish being pursued by larger ones, such as the

bonito. Flat fish are less abundant in this sea than most other
kinds and the Arabs are not partial to them, and Dr. Day found six
species of sole at Gwader on the Mekran coast.
Among the curiosities of the sea to be observed in these parts
is the Diodon or porcupine fish. and depress its
It is said to raise
spines or expand itself to double its size, and croak the Arabs deem ;
them unlucky and blind them but do not kill them they call them ;
*'
Abu Shokh" or " Father of Thorns."
The sucking fish or Remora
has suckers on the top of its head, formed by twenty- three plates the ;
Arabs say that it derives nutriment from the shark's body when it
attaches itself to that animal. Fabulous stories are told of its being
used for catching turtle by means and

of a line attached to its tail,
it is mentioned by the historian Al-Mesoodi, and still bears the same
name among the fisher-folk, Lizzak. One of the most curious fish
to be found in these seas is the box fish, which is also known as
trunk, coffer or tortoise fish. Its scales and skin being indurated and
flattened out until the animal assumes a square or triangular shape ;
some species have horns sticking out in front for additional protec-
tion ; by the fishermen " Al-Bakr " or " the Cow."

these are called
They are all of small size and move very slowly in the water, the native
boys catching them easily by hand their coloration is often very
;
pretty. Another curious fish is the file or trigger fish, found in the
harbour, which feeds on corals and shell fish, having a sharp rough
spine on its back, which is locked by a second spine, which must be
depressed before the first will go down. The voracious Muraena,
which generally is foimd in crevices of the rocks on this coast and-
lives on crabs and other crustaceans, is very common and attains a
length of five or six feet ; it has powerful jaws and strong teeth and
can give a nasty wound. The torpedo or electric ray resembles the
skate and is three feet long, which gives a powerful shock when
attacking its prey ; many are caught in nets and thrown away.
Some fish have quaint names given to them by the Arabs.
The Chetedon is called " Bint Nakhado " (" The Captam'.s
Daughter"); another fish is known as the "Seer's Fish's Cousin"

(Bin Amara Kunud), while another is the " Father of Butter " (Abu
Laban) a fourth is styled " Father of Feathers " (Abu Reesh).
;
I may add to the note on Marine Fauna of Eastern Arabia that
there are seven species of fresh-water fish in the wadis and water-
courses of Oman. These fish are generally known as " Sudd," but
each species has a separate name. These fish are very plentiful,
even in the hot springs and rivulets, of which there are so many
ranging from 102° to 112° Fahr.
Lower Order of Marine Fauna.

Among the lower forms of Marine Fauna the squids or cuttle
fish are very abundant, and form the chief food of the sperm whale.
The Arabs aver that they reach a large size, being known as " Kathak
Tenka," and are esteemed a great delicacy and much eaten. Crabs
and spiny crayfish are found in the vicinity of Muscat, but are not
much eaten by the Arabs. Nothing is more wonderful to those who
explore the depths of the sea than the immense wealth of fiowerlike
objects of exquisite beauty hidden in its recesses, such as anemones,
corals and animal kingdom in contrast to the flowers
lilies, all of the
of the earth which are vegetable. The Arab coast abounds in these
lovely creations of all colours and varieties of form, which can be
seen clearly in the pellucid sea. The beautifully coloured Portuguese
man-of-war abundant in these seas and can inflict a very stinging
is
pain, if incautiously handled it feeds on fish, which it kflls with its

;
tentacles. On one occasion the mate of a merchant vessel lying in

Muscat harbour was rendered insensible for some hours by coming
in contact with one of these animals while swimming in the harbour.
In the year 1886 a small trawl was used to dredge the floor of
the sea at Muscat and specimens of starfish, brittle stars, etc., were
brought up.
Luminosity.
The luminosity or phosphorescence of the sea observable in these
partsis a remarkable sight and can generally be seen to the best
advantage in a gale. It is caused by some forms of protozoa and

VOL. II K 2
412 . Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
presents a magnificent spectacle. The crest of each wave as it
breaks on the rocks sparkles brilliantly and appears like a sheet of

molten silver producing a most marvellous and fascinating sight.
In passing near the rocks by night in a boat, the phenomena may be

seen to great perfection, the brightness of the phosphorescence lighting
up the surrounding objects, each splash of the oars giving a fresh
burst of radiance ; sometimes with a gale blowing the rocks around
seem alive with flame.
Shipbuilding.
Shipbuilding is carried on at several ports of the Oman coast,
but chiefly at Muttrah and Soor, the majority of the carpenters being
Indians from Cutch who are very good workmen the timber coming ;
principally from Malabar, and comprises teak, puna, and jackwood.

A
badan costs about four dollars per cubit and a large one can
be built by three carpenters in a month. Cables are nearly always
of coir and are manufactured at Muttrah and other places. The
best cotton canvas comes from Al-Bahrain, but Sohar, Majis and
several other towns produce it in a considerable quantity.
The vessels on the Oman coast may be divided broadly into
two classes, each distinguishable by their build. The larger ones
styled bughlas trade to foreign ports, while the smaller craft, viz.,
bateels, zaimas, badans, etc., are intended for the coasting or home
trade. The former has a high square stern and often a poop, the
latter being whaler-buflt to break the surf, and generally half-decked.
The rig is in all cases of one type ; this is the lateen sail or a modifica-
tion of it, there being but one mast raking forward.
The bughla, which is the largest kind of vessel now used, trades
to Bombay, Gulf of Bengal, East Africa and the Red Sea. Of the
smaller or coasting craft the two largest are the bateel and the zaima,
the former having a singular figurehead like a club and averaging
from 100 to 200 tons, but the most remarkable, numerous, and
generally useful craft in this class is the badan, which, from its
elegance of architecture and perfect adaptation to local require-
ments, deserves more notice. It is twenty to thirty-five feet in
length and from ten to twenty tons, built of thin teakwood planks
with jackwood topstreak. They have very fine lines and have a
double which forms a narrow fiat bottom to enable them to
keel,
stand upright when beached the keel is slightly curved up at each
;
end so that when afloat the stem and stern barely touch the surface
of the water. The deck is a light movable sti-ucture formed of
bamboos or date sticks laid athwart and laced together with string.
It is carvel built and has a single lofty mast carrying a large spread
of sail, which enables her to slip through the water with amazing
rapidity. Having, however, no depth of keel and being narrow in
the waist the badan has no hold on the water and is easily blown
over by sudden squalls and land gusts, when plying along the shore.
Being provided with oars, the crew are able to row in rough weather,
but accidents frequently occur nevertheless.
The badan is smeared with fish oil and looks as if varnished, but
it has become customary now to nail them together instead of sewing
them with coir as formerly probably it is the trankies of old writers.

;
A rough rowboat, in imitation of the European type, is used, called

" Mashwa," a corruption of the Indian word for fishing-boat, and
one of them may be found on board every bughla.
At Muscat the natives use the " Hoorie,** a canoe or dugout made
of a single tree and imported from the Malabar coast.
On the Batineh coast, where there is no good shelter for small
vessels and where the surf is often heavy, we find a primitive kind of
surf-boat. This boat is called " shasha " and is an illustration of the
singular ingenuity with which the Arab adapts the materials he has
at hand to the wants and necessities of his life and avocation. It
is made solely of date sticks, two bunches of which are tied together
at the small end to form the stem, the thick ends being joined to
form the skeleton of the boat, which is filled up with palm bark and
coconut fibre they are about twelve feet long and can only hold
;
one or two men, who sit in it half immersed in the water. Though
apparently very fragile they are so elastic that they stand the
heaviest surf and are used for fishing and for communicating with
native craft anchored off shore.
VOL. II. K 3
A sort of catamaran used at Muscat by the Socotrians who

is
visit that port during the fishing season ; it is called " Ramas " and
is made of three logs about six feet long, the central one being the
longest and propelled by a double paddle.
The largest vessels used in former times were the kalba and
dhow, but both vessels are now extinct. The kalba was the earlier
t3ê and of peculiar architecture and was succeeded by the dhow.
The dhow had a high stem and poop projecting considerably over
the rudder and was frequently of large size the war or piratical
;
dhow of the nineteenth century carried, it is said, 400 men and forty
or fifty guns. The last dhow seen by me in the Gulf belonged to
Al-Bahrain and was painted with two tiers of ports the yards of these
;
vessels were called " Forme] " by the Arabs, and those dhows in former
times were of prodigious length ; Wellsted measured one 140 feet long.
The famous pearl bank, which extends along the greater portion
of the Arabian shore of the Persian Gulf, from Kwait to Shargah, a
distance of about 330 miles, has been fished from time immemorial
and appears to be as extensive, productive, and important as ever.
The right of pearl fishing is enjoyed by all the dwellers on the shores
of the Gulf, but custom has imposed certain limitations on these
rights, and the Arabs taking the largest share in the industry are those
pertaining to the Shaikhdoms of Al-Bahrain and to the Chiefs on the
Pirate coast, the former extending from Al-Katr to Kateef and the
latter usually extending from Shargah to the Island of Hallool. It
may be said that this industry forms the support of the Arabs on the
western shore of the Gulf the number of boats employed has been
;
variously estimated at from 3,000 to 5,000, and the number of men

at from 27,000 to 40,000. The sterile nature of the land adjacent to
the Pearl coast, precluding the people having recourse to agriculture
as ameans of subsistence except in a minor degree, has made them
employment on the sea, and they find their hvelihood in pearl fishing
and ordinary fishing, and trading with other ports. The following
notes on the subject of the pearl fishing are gathered from personal
observation as well as from the papers of Wilson, Wellsted, White-
lock, Pelly and Durand.
The richest banks are in the proximity of the Island of AI-

Bahrain, which send 2,500 boats to the fishery. The Pirate coast
comes next towns of which send about 1,500
in the enterprise, the
boats. The coast dwellers from Kateef to Kwait and the Persian
ports hold the remaining banks. The predatory and pugnacious
propensities of the Arabs would lead to incessant war and aggressions
were it not for the maritime truce, which was made with the chiefs
after the suppression of piracy in 1819. By the treaties or truces
made in 1820 and in 1853 the chiefs engaged to refrain from warfare
by sea altogether and to refer their disputes to the British Resident.
Under vigilant supervision the treaty has been well maintained
and breaches of the peace have occurred but rarely.
A little and autumn, but
pearl fishing takes place in the spring
the principal season is from June to September, and during these
three months the thousands of boats assembled on the banks present

a most lively and curious spectacle. In the winter months the sea
is too cold and the weather too rough and tempestuous either for
pearl diving or ordinary fishing, but in the hot weather the sea is
warm and calm and The

the divers experience no inconvenience.
management and profits of the pearl trade are entirely in the hands
of Hindoo and Khoja merchants, who reside in Bahrain, the towns
on the Pirate coast, and at Lingah and Muscat. These astute traders
not only own most of the boats but advance provisions, clothes, and
other necessaries to the pearl fishers at exorbitant prices and
receive the whole produce of the industry, which they thus contrive
to turn almost entirely to theirown profit and advantage.
The system of fishing employed by the Arabs is extremely simple
and primitive, the oysters being picked up by hand on the floor of
the sea and brought to the shore in small boats ; the use of dredgers
and trawling nets is entirely unknown.
The depth of water in which the divers' operations take place
is usually from twenty-five to fifty feet, but as some of the richest
banks are much deeper, the divers on them may have to descend 100
feet the nature of the ground on which the oysters lie differs con-
;
siderably, being either sand, rock, or loose coral. The boats contain
VOL. II K4
6
41 .
Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.
from five to fifteen men with an average of nine, composed of the

Nakhoda or captain, four divers called ghoass, and four rope haulers.
On arriving at the bank, the divers descend by means of a heavy
stone attached to a rope and begin at once to collect the oysters and
put them in a bag, basket or net, suspended from the waist or neck ;
they are able to pick up from eight to fifteen oysters, and on jerking
the rope are hauled up to the boat. The diver remains down from
half a minute to two minutes, and takes a rest before he repeats the
exertions, his fingers being sometimes protected by leather tips, and
his nostrils are always closed by pincers of bone, horn, or wood.
As soon as the boat is full sandy
of oysters the Captain sails to a
islet,where the oysters are exposed in the sun until they rot, when
the pearls are gathered from the shells. Of these pearl-bearing oysters
three varieties are recognized by the Arabs, the best of which is called
Maha.
The shark is not regarded by the divers as an enemy and they
pay no attention to it as it does not molest them, and the swoidfish
is perfectly harmless, but they greatly dread the sawfish, a single
blow from which wUl sometimes cut them nearly in two.
The pearls when collected are taken by the Captain of the boat
to the Hindoo trader, who purchases them at his own valuation,
which is of course far below the market price, and the balance, after
deduction of the trader's claims for provisions, etc., is then paid over
to the Nakhoda and crew, who, being unable to judge of the value
themselves, and being, moreover, in his debt most likely, are helpless
in the matter and obtain scant remuneration and sufferings
for the toil
they have undergone. The fishers have, however, on the whole
an easy time of it, as they are generally idle during the cold weather.
No wages are paid to the crew, but the custom is to divide the profits
as followsThe Captain takes one-fifth, the divers receive three-tenths,
:
the ropemen two-tenths, while three-tenths are left for provisioning

the boat during the season. The Revenue derived by the Arab
Chiefs from the pearl fishery is considerable, as they levy taxes on
the men employed as well as on the boats. One of these taxes is
called " Nob," the other is called " Terass." The pearl merchant,
;
on receiving his quota of pearls from his client at the end of the
season, proceeds to sort them by passing them through copper sieves,
by which they are separated into six sizes, after which they are again
divided according to colour, weight, etc. The globular concretions
of nacre, which are called formed in the body of the animal
pearls, are
but by the natives the pearls are considered to be formed by successive
skins or layers of nacre, superimposed one upon another, some having
five or six such folds, while others have as many as eight.
The produce of the oyster beds is subject to wide fluctuation
from year to year, and it is ony approximate
difhcult to estimate with
accuracy the average value of the yield, but enquiries and comparison
of customs returns lead one to infer that it may vary from ;f5oo,ooo
to £750,000 sterling per annum. To judge from the account written
by Parsons, who wrote in 1775, it appears that the pearl fishery seems
to have been carried on at that time in a less methodical and sys-
tematic manner than at present, and the men were in receipt of wages
instead of working independently.
4i8
CHAPTER VIII.
THE TRIBES OF THE PERSIAN GULF.
The following notes on the tribes of the Persian Gulf are appended
with much and no one can be more conscious than myself
diffidence,
of the inadequate way in which they are here treated, but the infor-
mation may serve as a groundwork to build on and furnish a more
complete and trustworthy account of their history, condition, locality,
etc.
Origin of Tribes.
The earliest colonists of the peninsula of Arabia appear to have
been the Cushites, who were succeeded in the north by the Ishmaelites
and Adnanites, and in the south by the Kahtanites. These races
*
have in historical times divided Arabia into two distinct political

communities or factions and are known under various names the ;
northern race being called Adnanis, Maaddic or Nizar, and the

Southern Kahtanite or Yemenite. The Ishmaelites, however, con-
sidered as a separate race, had vanished from Northern Arabia 200
years before Islam, and were, according to the testimony of the Bible
and own name, less akin to the Arabs than to the Hebrews, but
their
how they decayed we know not. Perhaps by war, perhaps by pes-
tilence, or they mingled with other tribes and thus became absorbed.
There are no Ishmaelites now in Arabia. Maad is said by Abul Feda
to be contemporary with Nebuchadnezzar, who died 560 B.C., but
most of the grand old tribes boast of a very high antiquity, and indeed
the dates ascribed to their eponyms are more recent by centuries
than the tribes themselves the terms Adnani or Maaddic being merely
;
a convenient way of distinguishing them.

The comprehensive and complicated scheme Arab genealo-
of the
gists may be viewed as trustworthy on the whole, but it abounds with
The Tribes of the Persian Gulf. 419
inconsistencies and contradictions, having been denounced by some

European scholars and applauded by others, and they differ about
it as widely as the Arab genealogists conflict with one another.
It must be remembered that the Arabs, whose historic memory

and traditions excel those of all other nations, have a profound faith
in, and veneration for, their pedigree, and have handed down the
same story, perhaps, for thousands of years, from father to son.

It was after Mohammed's time that the more elaborate and
artificial ideas in tracing pedigrees permeated among the Arabs,
who have been in their genealogies as painstaking and successful as

they have in their biographies, which are the glory of Arab literature.
V The first immigration into Oman may have been from Africa
either direct or through the Yemen, then came the northern or Adnani
race, and thirdly, the second immigration from the Yemen, that of
the Azdites, after the bursting of the dam at Mareb. The tribes of
Oman are thus derivable from the two main stocks —Kahtanite and
—
Adnani the former predominating. In true Semitic spirit these
two groups have ever been in open and undisguised antagonism,
keeping the country in perpetual turmoil and disruption through
their jealous feuds and hatreds, and this undying enmity is the key
to the internal history of the land.
Without some knowledge of Arab ethnology and genealogy it is
impossible to understand the ever-changing, kaleidoscopic variations

of the political combinations and form so salient a
coalitions that
feature in the history of a people divided into two great factions,
distinct from each other in race, politics, and sentiment, but one in
speech and social law.
Ji The large tribes of Oman are mostly grouped together in suff,
as it is termed that is to say, in league in each district according to
;
politics for the purpose of supporting each other when attacked,

while the weaker tribes are compelled to place themselves in cliency
to those more powerful. These weak tribes, however, are accustomed
to maintain themselves genealogically distinct and do not fuse with
the one to which they are in cliency. These groups of tribes in suff
or league are often in coalition with similar groups of the same faction
—
in other districts, being all banded together, Hinawi or Ghafiri, for

protection by the ties of kinship, the strongest of all ties.
J
In Oman the geographical distribution of the tribes has much to
do with the causes of strife and internecine war, and new alliances
are formed among tribes of different lineage, against coalitions in
other districts, but the new groupings often become complicated.
The Arabs, being an envious and revengeful race, are so pugnacious
and predatory that war becomes one of the chief occupations of life.
Classification of Tribes.
According to Arab genealogists the classification of tribes is

very elaborate and extends to twelve or more grades and ramifications,
for which there are no corresponding names in our language. The
relative order and value, however, of these divisions are very uncertain
as the authorities differ on the subject.
J In Oman
the system adopted is more than ordinarily simple and
the divisions are very few. The genealogists appear to make a
distinction, but no real difference, between the various sorts of tribes
which are differentiated by names. The system seems to be merely
a numerical scale in which the trunks or stocks come first and then
the smaller branches, but there is a wide divergence as to the order
in which these names should come.
The following is a list of somemore important grades
of the :
Jadtham, Jamhoor, Shaab, Kabeela, Amara, Batn, Asheera, Faseela,

Rabat, Fakhth, etc.
^he above names are, however, but rarely used in Oman, where
a tribe is called Taifa and is simply subdivided into fakhths, or thighs,
which are again subdivided into Baits or Batoons. In tribal nomen-
clature the names included those of animals, plants, divinities, as
well as planetary and stellar bodies, many of which still exist and the
use of which is probably of more remote antiquity than the adoption
of men's names. The number of female eponyms in the genealogies
is large, and this is variously accounted for. In Oman noble tribes
and inferior ones and many men have female names.
r r
Shaikhs.
sjjhe shaikh is regarded as the father of his tribe and the system
of government is simply patriarchal even the Sultan of Muscat is
;
only primus inter pares. Generally each fakhth, or subdivision,

has its own shaikh, who considers himself independent of the others,
but in almost every case one of these subdivisional shaikhs takes
rank above, and has superior power to, the others, especially in time
of war. must be noted, however, that there are a few shaikhs in
It
Oman known as Temeemehs, who possess real power over their people
and wield it despotically. The tribes which are thus governed are
the Beni Ryam, the Jenebeh, the Beni Ali, the Beni Yas, the Beni
Ghafir, etc.
The shaikhship is usually hereditary and is assumed by the
eldest son, unlesshe be incapable, on the death of the father the ;
son succeeds even if he be a mere youth, and I have more than once
seen a boy of twelve or fourteen dictating and giving orders to his
own people who obeyed him unhesitatingly. But in time of war
another hand would, no doubt, take the reins. In the administra-
tion of justice the decisions of the shaikh are governed by custom
and the Koran, and so long as he observes these laws the people obey
him loyally. In peace time, however, his authority is often aided
or checked by a consultative council of elders, which assists him to
settle most of the general affairs of the tribe or subdivision. Quarrels
between members of different tribes, especially money disputes, are
usually referred to the nearest Kadhi or judge, who is appointed and
paid by the central Government. In time of war he is undisputed
leader of his people and much depends on his character, sagacity and
bravery. No shaikh has a fixed allowance, and his means are fluc-
tuating and precarious. He receives not only contributions from
his people,but has his own estates, camels, or ships, as the case may
be, besides Nafaa from the Sultan when the shaikh quits Muscat.
Mediation often fails and fighting then results, the parties not resting
satisfied without bloodshed. After a battle, intervention is again
resorted to, and a salfa —or truce —
is arranged for a few months or
a year. Subsequently, if peace has not been concluded, hostihties are
renewed. In war, the tribes rouse and excite themselves by boasting

their descent and the renown and deeds of their ancestors. At the
same time they irritate their enemies by shouting out opprobrious
epithets, usually some name or expression peculiarly obnoxious to it.
Tribes of Oman.
The Beni Adi and Howkeyn are Sunni by religion and occupy
Rostak they number about i,ooo.
;
The Beni AH are Ibadhis by religion and are in suff with the
Beni Yas and at feud with Beni Ghafir. They inhabit the Wady
Ahin under Jebel Wakba near Yenkal, also Wady Feda, numbering
about 7,000. Their Temeemeh, or Shaikh, is one of the four despotic
shaikhs of Oman. He is the second son, the elder son being set
aside as his mother was of another tribe ; the tribe have always been
loyal supporters of the present dynasty.
The Al-Amoor are Hinawis and dwell at Saham in the Batiaeh ;
it is a small tribe of about fifty souls.
The Beni Araba are Ibadhi by religion and are abatn of the Aus
tribe, and can trace up to their Ameer and Kaid, Mesood bin Rashid
bin AbduUa bin Araba al-Ausi. This tribe, together with the
Nedabiyyeen and Rehbiyeen, are of one stock, numbering about
5,000, and dwell in the district of Oman and Sabal, and have twenty-
four fakhths.
The Awamir are both Bedoo and Ibadhi, are of Maaddic stock,
and claim descent from Amr bin Saasaa, but are now Hinawi. The
Bedouin and larger portion of this tribe roam the desert as far as
Dhofar, but the settled portion of the tribe occupy a group of twelve
villages near Nezwa in Oman Proper, namely Kuriatain, Al-
Hamedhea, Al-Akil, Al-Saleeba, Al-Hadeed, Hamadheeym, Shafaa,
Al-Seea, Al-Habl, Al-Hadeed, Al-Kilaa, Sook al-Kadeeri and Al-
Kharma they number about 1,200 or 1,400 souls and the shaikhs
;
reside at Kuriatain. The Bedouins are very wild and savage and
are said to speak a dialect of their own. The Awamir are at feud
with the Jenebeh and have about thirty fakhths.
The Azeez are a small tribe of 200 who reside at Dhank in Al-
Dhahireh.
The Tribes of the Persian Gulf, 423
The Beni Azzan, a small Ghafiri tribe, who reside at Nakhl.

'^The Beni Battash is a large Hinawi tribe, Ibadhi by religion,
occupying the Kuriyat district outside the Devil's Gap ; their chief
and Kuriyat. They are said to be of
villages being Al-Mizara, Hail,
Nadhr stock and to be a branch of the Yal, and number about 10,000
souls are industrious and peaceable, and brave and warlike under
;
provocation. In former times they used to breed horses for the

Indian market, for which the rich pasture lands near Hail offered
considerable facilities ; they are subdivided into nine fakhths and
are at feud with the Siabeyeen some say the Battash are Himyarite.
;
The Al-Bawareh are Sunni by religion and Hinawi in politics,

numbering 1,500 all told and dwell at Otaiba in the Batineh.
The Bedeia are Sunni by religion and number about 1,000,
dwelling in the Wady Hatta in the Batineh.
The Yal Beraik are partly Sunni and partly Ibadhi, belonging
to the Hinawi faction and number 1,200 they reside in the Batineh
;
at Shirs and Kasbiyet Yal Beraik.

The Beni Bu AH are Ghafiri in politics, being a branch of the
gr^t Adnani tribe Beni Temeem, which is now reduced to a few
widely scattered remnants. The Beni Bu Ali may have immigrated
from Bahrain, where the Beni Temeem were formerly strong. They
number about 9,000 and occupy Soor, Al-Ashkera and the Wady
Beni Khalid in the Sharkiya, and are both Bedouin and Hadhr,
the former being owners of camels and goats, while those in Soor
and Al-Ashkera are mostly seafarers and traders. Though still one
of the most influential Ghafiri tribes in Al-Sharkiya they do not now
occupy the prominent position that was theirs before their reduction
in 1821.
, The Beni Bu Hassan is a Hinawi tribe in Jaalan and is Ibadhi
by religion, deriving from Shems, and number about 10,000. They
are in suff, or alliance, with the Al-Howajir and at feud with the
Beni Bu Ali, with whom their contests are many and severe the ;
Mesakera tribe sometimes mediating between them. Their chief

town is Belad Beni Bu Hassan, where they cultivate dates and grain.
Possessing very few camels they have to borrow these animals when
on the warpath with the Beni Bu Ali. The tribe is divided into
twelve fakhths and four small tribes in cliency, viz., Beni Ali al-Fitta,
Masbafira, and two others. The leadership at this time is not under
one head but is divided and is in the hands of three shaikhs.
^The Al-Bida is Ghafiri in politics and occupies Doot in Al-
Dhahireh, numbering about 500 souls.
The Al-Dahamanieh is Maaddic by descent and Sunnite by
religion ; but Hinawi in politics. They occupy the Wady Koor in
Al-Hajar and number about 800.
The Al-Dahamieh is the remnant of a tribe numbering about
sixty, who dwell at Burka on the Batineh coast and are Ghafiris.
The Derimheh is a jemnant of a tribe residing at Zikki, numbering
only about 100 and Hinawi in politics.
1 The Al-Deroo are Wilad Maalla and are partly Ibadhi and partly
Sunni by religion they are widely scattered, the larger portion being
;
at Tenan in Al-Dhahireh, and are divided into twenty-four fakhths,

numbering about 16,000 altogether. A few of them are settled but
the greater part are Bedouins, and are, next to the Al-Waheebeh,
the largest rearers of camels in Oman and roam the desert to a great
distance to pasture them. The Deroo are lawless and unruly and
no rising of the Sharkiya tribes takes place without the Deroo
taking a prominent share therein ; in politics they are Ghafiri.
\The Al-Dhahone is a small Ghafiri tribe residing near Awabi
and numbering altogether about 500 being unmentioned by Sir E.
;
Ross they may be only a subtribe.

The Al-Dhowahir, a tribe of Al-Dhahireh, belonging to the
Hinawi faction and occupying the country at Ain and Beraimi,
numbering about 4,000 or 5,000, and is at feud with the Al-Naeen
tribe.
The Beni Eesa are Ibadhi by religion, numbering about 3,000,

are Ghafiri in politics and are at feud with the Beni Ali. They dwell
in the Wady Ahin in the provinces of Al-Hajar and Al-Batineh.
The Al-Fezara, a small tribe of 500 souls, Sunni by religion
and Hinawi in politics, occupying the town of Makai in the Batineh ;
they are of ancient stock.

The Al-Ghafai, a small tribe, numbering about 250 souls, occupy-

ing the village of Bu,Abali in the Batineh, who are Ibadhi by religion
but Hinawi in politics.
J The Beni Ghafir are Wilad Miyahaba, being Adnani by descent

who migrated into Oman from Nejd. It numbers about 5,000 and
occupies the great valley to which it has given its name, the localities
of Bahila, Aridh, Al-Dereez, Al-Ghabbi, Al-Ainan, etc. ; they are
partly Sunni and partly Ibadhi. The tribe has a reputation for
valour and propensity and is at feud with eight other tribes, namely,
Beni x\li, Al-Bida, Al-Ibriyeen, Beni Kelban, Yakeeb, Beni Zeed and
others. Of the two great political factions in Oman, the Yemen and
Nizar, the latter has become known two centuries by the
for the last
name of this tribe, the Ghafir. This change was due to the ascend-
ancy of its then leader, Mohammed bin Nasir, who afterwards became
Imam. Mohammed bin Nasir was an Attoobee, a small tribe in
cliency to the Beni Ghafir, and through his military genius more
than by the superiority of its strength or courage, the tribe became
so prominent. It does not at present hold any dominant influence
in that faction over the other tribes composing it, though the Shaikh
of the Beni Ghafir is also the Temeemeh of all the Ghafiri tribes.
The present Shaikh Barghash resides at Bahila.
The Al-Ghowarid, a small tribe of about 250 souls, residing at
Bu Abali in the Batineh they are Ibadhi by religion and belong to
;
the Hinawi faction, being of Yemenite descent.

The Beni Hilal are generally classed as a separate tribe but a
very weak one and have little influence. They are Ghafiri by faction
and number about 1,000, dwelling at Bahila and Nezwa.
The Al-Hinadis are Ibadhi by religion and 1,200 strong, dwelling
in the Batineh and belonging to the Hinawi faction.
y The Beni Hina are of Azdite descent, being Wilad Zikree from
Selami bin Malik bin Fahm, one of whose descendants was their
patronym Hina. It is a large tribe numbering 20,000 and has
many allies and much influence, and is widely distributed, inhabiting
Nezwa, Ghumr, Belad Sait in the Wady Semail, the towns of Fanja,
Bidbid, Kilwa, and Seroor, etc. For the past 200 years this tribe
VOL. II. L
has given its name to the Yemenite faction owing to the prominence
of their former leader Khalf al-Kuseir or the dwarf, a descendant of
whom is now the Temeemeh. In reUgion they are Ibadhi, and are
at feud with the Ibriyeen.
-J The Al-Hishm occupies the Wady Beni KhaUd in Jaalan, where
they have six villages, Kamil, Seef, Hamaiah, Taiwaa, Bowaridh,
and Sabt. The Hishm are. paramount in the Wady Beni Khalid
and the other tribes dwelling there have to pay taxes to them. They
are all Hadhr and raise fruit and grain and number about 4,000,
but are Ghafiri in politics and at feud with the Hejrieen ; the tribe
is partly Sunni and partly Ibadhi, and divided into twelve fakhths.
The Al-Hahoos is, perhaps, the largest tribe in the Sharkiya
I
next to the Al-Waheebeh and occupies Maikaiba in the Wady Andam.

claiming descent from Habs and numbering about 25,000 souls,
being divided into eleven fakhths. They are mostly Bedouins
but are becoming settled and industrious and cultivating the land,
also rearing camels. They always join, but do not take a leading
part, in Sharkij^-a coalitions, and are at feud with the Nedabiyyeen
and Rehbiyeen tribes, and by religion are Ibadhi.
The Yal Hamad dwell at Ghareefa in the Batineh and number
about 1,000, being Ibadhi and Hinawi.
The Beni Hammad are Sunni and Hinawi, numbering about
2,000 and occupy Soor Hassain in the Batineh.
The Al-Hadiyeen are Ibadhi and Hinawi, numbering about
2,000 and residing in the Wady Andam in the Sharkiya.
The Beni Harras are Ibadhi and Ghafiri, claiming to be Wilad
Waid and numbering 15,000 they reside chiefly at Nakhl.
;
^ The Al-Harth are Ibadhi by religion and dwell at Ibra, Dereez,

and Kabil and in the district of Al-Bediyeh in the Sharkiya their ;
Azwa is Wilad Yahmad, and thev are a branch of the Beni Temeem
but Hinawi in politics. The Harth tribe is one of the richest and
most influential in the eastern part of Oman, being mostly engaged
in cultivation and trade, many having migrated to Zanzibar where
they have become possessed of substance and position. There are
five petty clans in cliency to the Harth who are called the Bedouins
of the Harth ; these being divided into seventeen fakhths. Their

old Temeemeh 1894 was a fanatical Metowwa, who gave much
in
trouble to H.H. Seyyid Turkee the Temeemeh resided at Kabil
;
and was succeeded by his son. The Harth number about 10,000
souls and are at feud with the Al-Mesakera.
y The Hasreet are not, strictly speaking, an Oman tribe, but extend
into Oman from Hadhramaut, being a branch of the great Mahra
family. They are Sunni by religion and reckon themselves as Ghafiris.
The Beni Hassan are Ibadhi by religion and dwell in the neigh-
bourhood of Muscat, occupying Rowi, Wady Bosher, and Haboobaya,
numbering about 7,000 souls and are Hinawis.
The Hedadiha are a Hinawi tribe of 5,000 souls, occupying
Fanja and Bidbid in the Wady Semail a few also dwell at Shirs
;
in the Batineh they are Ibadhi by religion.

;
\JThe Al-Hejrieen are Wilad Eesa, being Ibadhi by religion and

at feud with the Hishm, numbering about 15,000 in the Sharkiya,
where they are one of the chief tribes. Though chiefly Hadhr, they
have many Bedouins and rear many camels is a prosperous and
;
well-to-do tribe, trading to Bombay and Zanzibar. In old days it

was more important and strenuously resisted the Wahabee invasion.
In 1810 Mutlak's force was suddenly attacked by the Hejrieen in the
Sharkiya and driven out of the country, Mutlak being killed in the
encounter. In 1825, however, Saeed bin Mutlak completely defeated
them and the tribe has never been able to recover its former strength
and position they are Hinawi in politics.
;
The Hikman are Sunni by religion and occupy Mahot and the
coast of the Bahr al-Hadri, numbering about 5,000 souls, and belong
to the Ghafiri faction.
The Al-Howdjir is a small tribe and resides in Soor and Jena in
the Sharkiya, numbering about 3,000 and are Ibadhis by religion
but Hinawi in politics.
The Al-Howasina are Wilad Hosin and are, of course, Hinawi,
inhabiting the Wady Howasina, Khaboora, and Ghazain. In strength
they may be 10,000 or 12,000 and are Ibadhis, and are at feud with
the Beni Omar.
VOL. II.
;
The Al-Hoyood inhabit Dhiyam in the Batineh, numbering about

1,500, and are Ibadhi by reUgion but belong to the Hinawi
faction.
The Al-Ihriyeen, a large and influential Hadhr tribe of Maaddic
origin, occupying Bahila, Awabi, Hamra, Araki, and Irahl. They
are generally well behaved and a peaceable tribe, numbering 8,000
souls. The Al-Ibriyeen are Ibadhi and belong to the Ghafiri faction ;
cultivating corn and dates and at feud with the Beni Hina.
The Beni Jahir are Wilad Dhobyan, being of the stock of
Ghatafan and claiming descent through the Dhobyan, one of the
parties of the war of Dahis, and probably immigrated into Oman
before the time of Islam. This is a very large and scattered tribe
inhabiting Jebel Jabir and the valleys named after them, including
the towns of Al-Tow, Seija, Kilhat, Dhibab, Taiwee, and others,
numbering 30,000, divided into twenty-one septs, which are all
Hadhr and have no Bedouins, and from their numerical strength
have some weight. They are hereditary enemies of the Beni
Ruwaihah and are Ibadhis, belonging to the Ghafiri faction.
The Beni Kaab, in Irak, numbers about 8,000 and descend from
the stock of Hamdan ; in Oman there is a section of about 1,000,
occupying Maddheh in Al-Jow and the Wady Koor. They are
Sunnis by religion and are, of course, Ghafiris,
The Al-Kar are a small tribe of Kahtanite extraction, numbering
about 200 souls, and residing at Khor Milh in the Batineh they are ;
Sunni by religion and are Hinawi.

The Al-Bu Kereem are of the Ibadhi faith and dwell at Al-
Hejaira and Dhiyam in the Batineh, numbering 4,000, and are
Hinawi s.
The Beni Kattah are Wilad Dhabba and of Maaddic origin,
occupying Dhank and Aflaj in Al-Dhahireh, numbering about 2,000.
They are Sunni by religion and Ghafiris and are at feud with the
Beni Mezroon. This is a predatory Bedouin tribe and is now divided
into two sections, north and south, the southern is called Keswani
these sections regard each other with jealousy and do not always
act in unison. The Batineh is their favourite hunting ground and
their raids and forays are frequent ; the famous bandit, Walad
Metowwa, belonged to this tribe, also the name of the Kattab is a
terror to the Batineh folk.
The Beni Kelhan are partly Sunni and partly Ibadhi, numbering
5,000 approximately, and dwell at Makiniyat in Al-Dhahireh. The
tribe is Ghafiri and is at feud with the Beni Ghafir.
The Al-Jahadim are Wilad Jahdim and are Hinawi or Yemenite,
numbering about 1,500 souls, and occupy Semed al-Shan in the
Sharkiya ; by religion they are Ibadhi.
y The Al-Jeneheh are Jabir of Kahtanite origin, but are now classed
as Ghafiris. This is the largest seafaring tribe in Oman, and range
further west than any other except the Al-Awamir, extending from
the port of Soor along the coast to Kooria Mooria Bay. They
number about 30,000 and have four divisions, and are subdivided into
many baits, or houses. The Temeemeh is Shaikh Nasir bin Khamees,
who is regarded with veneration and has despotic power, residing
with a portion of the tribe near Nezwa, and takes 25 per cent, on
bags of dates exported by the tribe. The Al-Jenebeh own many
boats and about 100 seagoing craft, trading to all ports in the Indian
Ocean. The port of Soor used to be the chief landing place for slaves
in Eastern Arabia, and the Soories, the name under which the
Jenebeh are best known, were the terror of the Indian Ocean in the
old days of piracy and slave trading. They are Sunni by religion,
and are at feud with the Al-Waheebeh.
The Al-ferad, or the Locust tribe, are Hinawi by faction and
Ibadhi by religion, numbering about 3,000, and dwell at Abu Marijka
and Al-Jerad in the Batineh.
—
The Al-Jiboor. ^The remnant of an ancient tribe with which
the late Sultan Seyyid Saeed was said to be connected. They number
about fifty and dwell in the Wady Semail, and belong to the Ghafiri
faction.
The Beni Khalid is a Sunni tribe occupying Umm al-Teifa in the
Batineh, numbering about 2,000, and belonging to the Hinawi faction.
The Al-Khamees is also Hinawi and occupies Al-Khabba and
Shaiba in the Batineh, numbering 4,000, and are Ibadhi by religion.
VOL. n. L 3
The Beni Kharoos number about 1,500, and occupy the Wady
Beni Kharoos as well as Nakhl and Rostak in the Batineh they are ;
Ibadhi by religion and are Ghafiris.

—
The Al-Khazeer. A small tribe of about 1,000 residing at Nakhl.
They are Ibadhi and Ghafiri.
The Al-Kinda is a Ghafiri tribe settled at Semed al-Kindes in
Nezwa, numbering 500, and are Ibadhi by religion.
The Beni Kataih is another Ghafiri tribe inhabiting the Wady
Jezzi and numbering 5,000 they are Sunni by religion.
;
The Al-Kinood is also Ghafiri, numbering 6,000, and occupy

Nezwa they may be part of another tribe.
;
—
J The Al-Kowasim. A powerful Maaddic tribe occupying the sea
ports on the Pirate coast, viz., Ras al-Khyma and Khor Fakan on
Cape Mussendom, and engaged principally in fishing. They are a
branch of the great Maawal tribe occupying the Persian Coast from
Burdistan to Bundar Abbas, and at one time in rebellion against
Nadir Shah ;they are better known as the Joasmees and took a
prominent part in the piratical enterprises of the Persian Gulf Arabs
when they roamed the Indian Ocean plundering indiscriminatelj''
merchant vessels of all nations and murdering their crews. This
took place from about 1770 to 1820, when their town, Ras al-Khyma,
also called Julfar, and Al-Sirr, was destroyed, and piracy suppressed
by an expedition sent for the purpose by the Indian Government.
The Al-Kowasim number about 20,000 and has several small tribes
in cliency to it. They are Sunni by religion and belong to the Ghafiri
faction. The first Shaikh who followed a career of piracy was Rashid
bin Muttar, and a short account of the Joasmee or Kowasim depre-
dations is given elsewhere.
v/ The Al-Maawal is Hinawi and occupies Wadj^ Maawal and
Khabba, numbering 15,000, and are Ibadhi. From about the fifth
century of our era to the time of Islam this tribe occupied the position
in Oman similar to that since held by the Nebhani, Yaareba, and
Al-Bu Saeedis, in being the one to which the ruling family belonged.
When the Azdite invasion of Oman took place in the second century
we find Malik bin Fahm in command, whose pedigree is very uncertain.
The Julanda dynasty is, however, historical, and is mentioned in the

Koran. The Maawal, to which tribe the Julanda are said to have
belonged, have the merit of having introduced the faith of Islam into
Eastern Arabia ; they perhaps derive from Maawal bin Hodan.
The Beni Mohareh number 500 and occupy the Wady Semai-1 ;
Ibadhi by religion, they are Ghafiri in politics.
The Al-Majanihya are Sunni by religion and Hinawi in politics,

numbering about 1,000 and residing at Widam in the Batineh.
The Al-Mujayaha, a subdivision of the Beni Ghafir, from whom
they separated after a quarrel, and became Hinawi, claiming descent
from Hashim, the uncle of Mohammed they occupy Dereez and the
;
Wady Rostak.
The Al-Makaheel are Sunni by religion, numbering 5,000 and
occupy the Wady Makabeel near Sohar in the Batineh they belong ;
to the Ghafiri faction.

yThe Al-Makharek are Ibadhi by and
religion Ghafiri in politics,
numbering about 3,000, of Adam in Oman
and inhabiting the town
Proper, where they hold possession of the fort. They are at feud
with the Al-Bu Saeedis and skirmishes between these tribes are of
constant occurrence, the fighting being suspended occasionally by a
salfa or truce, arranged through the mediation of the Sultan of Muscat.
The Al-Marhafera are Ibadhi by religion and belong to the
Hinawi faction, numbering about 6,000 or 7,000 souls, and dwell at
Al-Mansfash in the Batineh.
The Al-Maihirifa are Hinawi in politics and number about 1,500,
occupying Rafsa near Soor in the Sharkiya, and are Ibadhi by faith.
The Beni Mijlih, a small Ghafiri tribe dwelling at Semail, number-
ing about 300, and are in faith Ibadhi.
The Al-Minadhera are by faith Ibadhi, and though connected
with the Hinawi faction are Adnani by descent, numbering 300, and
dwell at Salaif in the Batineh and are at feud with the Suwafa tribe.
The Al-Manawera is a tribe belonging to the Hinawi faction,
and numbers about 1,500, occupying the town of Al-Hadeed in the
Batineh, and are by faith Ibadhi.
The Al-Merazek, a tribe of Adnani descent, though now belonging
VOL. n. L4
to the Hinawi faction. It migrated from the Nejd to Mughoo, from

whence it migrated to Oman, and now occupies the Wady Hammam
and Soor al-Hiyan, numbering about 3,000, and is Sunni by reUgion.
The Al-Mesahera is a Ghafiri tribe inhabiting Ibra and Al-
Yamedi in the Sharkiya. It numbers 8,000, and is divided into
nineteen fakhths, is Ibadhi by rehgion, and is at feud with the Harth

tribe.
The Bent Mezroon is a Ghafiri tribe of httle account, dwelUng

at Rostak and Semail, numbering 500 and are Ibadhi by religion ;
they are at feud with the Beni Kaab and Beni Kattab.
The Al-Mowahkh is a Hinawi tribe residing at Ras al-Had in
the Sharkiya. It numbers 4,000, and is Sunni by rehgion.
The Al-Mowalik numbers 600, and is Hinawi in poHtics.

\/ The Al-Miyahebeh is not a distinct tribe but a subdivision of
the Beni Ghafir, having separated about the time of Seyyid Tho-
waini's death. They are now ranked as Hinawi, the change of faction
having resulted from a quarrel and fight with the body of the tribe,
in which 200 men were killed. Being cast off by the other Ghafiri
tribes, who gave them no sympathy nor protection, they joined
the Hinawis. They now occupy Dereez and the Wady Rostak,
numbering 5,000, and are Ibadhi by religion, and claim descent
from Hashim, the uncle of Mohammed.
"^ The Al-Naeen are the predominant Ghafiri tribe in the Al-
Dhahireh, numbering about 20,000 souls, but are very disunited

and have several tribes in cliency. Though of Kahtanite descent,
they now belong to the Ghafiri faction and are Sunni by religion ;
they inhabit Al-Beraimi, Dhank, Kabil, Senana, Hafeet, etc. They

are a warlike and predatory race and plunder the Batineh with im-
punity, and are in suff with the Beni Ghafir and Ibriyeen, and at
feud with the Beni Yas.
The Beni Nebhan are also of Kahtanite descent but belong to
the Ghafiri faction, and this tribe supplied the ruling family of
Oman. They number 400 and dwell at Semail and Bosher they ;
are Ibadhi by religion and are now an obscure and despised race.
The Al-Nedabiyyeen derive from Nedab bin Shums, of whom
they are a batn, or as Wiistenfeld says, from Nedab bin Hambra

al-Hinoo bin Azd. They trace back to Ameer and Kaid
their
Saif bin SuHman bin Saeed al-Nedabi. They number 1,000, and are
divided into three fakhths, occupying the Wady Akk, which they
are subsidized to hold against the Sharkiya tribes. Though of
Azdite descent they are now Ghafiri in pohtics, but Ibadhi by. re-
ligion,and are at feud with the Haboos.
The Al-Nizar is an Adnani tribe, occupying one of the two
walled Hujrahs at Zikk iin Oman Proper, the other Hujrah being held
by the Yemen tribe with whom the Nizar are constantly at feud
and hostile. They number about 6,000 and are Ibadhi by religion.
They are at feud also with the Beni Ruwaihah, and at Zikki fighting
with the Yemen tribe is incessant, with an occasional truce.
The Al-Nowafil are Hinawi by faction and Ibadhi by religion,
numbering 2,500,' and occupy the villages of Shaaba, Widam, and
Magees al-Nowafil in the Batineh.
The Beni Omar is a Ghafiri tribe and numbers 13,000, occupy-
ing Wady Howasina in the Batineh they are Ibadhi by religion.
;
The Yal Omair is a Ghafiri tribe residing at Mahyool in the

Dhahireh ; they are Sunni by religion and are at feud with the
Howasina and Makabeel.
The Al-Bii Rashid number about 5,000 and dwell at Al-
Khodhra in the Batineh they are Ibadhi by religion and belong to
;
the Hinawi faction.

^^ The Beni Rasib are said to have sprung from Abdulla bin Wahab
al-Rasibi, a companion of Ali bin Abu Talib. It was the first tribe
which adopted the doctrines of Ibadh but are now followers of
Abdul Wahab. They number 1,200 souls and dwell at Al-Wafi in
Jaalan, and are in suff or league with the Beni Ali and Hishm tribes
and at feud with the Beni Bu Hassan. In war they follow the for-
tunes of the Beni Bu Ali and have consistently supported Toorkee
in late j^êars. They are Hadhr and fruit growers, cultivating grapes,
mangoes, etc., in abundance. They are not seafarers, and only
have eighty camels in the tribe they intermarry with the Beni
;
Bu Ali.
The Al-Rehbiyeen inhabit the Wadis Kahza and Akk, and

number 8,000. They are Ibadhi by reUgion and Ghafiri by faction,
and are at feud with the Haboos. They derive from Arhab bin
Doam bin Mahk bin Moawia bin Kaab bin Duman bin Bakil bin
Goshem bin Kheiman bin Nauf bin Hamdan, and are divided into
twenty-one fakhths.
The Beni Riyasa is a Ghafiri tribe, occupying Fezek in the
Batineh, and numbers about 6,000 they are Sunni by rehgion.
;
'<-^The Beni Ryam, a powerful Hinawi clan, occupying Jebel

Akhdar, their towns being Nezwa, Seek, Zikki, etc. They are now
attached to the Ghafiri faction, though of Yemenite origin, and are a
branch of the Kamar who left Yemen at a remote period with their
cousins the Mahras towards the East, continuing, however, their
march on Oman, where they seized the great mountain chain which
they called after their own country, Radhwan. Hamdani tells us that
Ryam was a house of Hamdan for pilgrimage of great sanctity and
some of it existed to his day. It was on the top of the hill Atwa,
and came from the country of Hamdan, the founder being Riyam
bin Nahfan bin Tobba bin Zaid bin Amr bin Hamdan it was the
;
seat of government, and before the gate was a courtyard in which

were the figures of idols of the sun and moon, and when the King
went out of his house his sight fell first on his idols. The tribe
numbers about 14,000, and is Ibadhi by religion, but is divided into
two broad sections, and the Temeemeh exercises real authority
over the tribe they are at feyid with the Beni Ruwaihah.
;
jThe Beni Ruwaihah. — ^This tribe is of the stock of Ghatafan,

and is therefore of kindred blood withDhobyan, who are now re-
presented in Oman by the Beni Jabir. Though of Maaddic origin
it is now included in the Hinawi faction, having changed side about
two centuries ago. The Beni Ruwaihah claim to be a branch of the

Koraid, as they derive, from the Beni Hashim, who after arriving
in Oman called themselves Hasham. Their proper name is Beni
Abs, and they are often still spoken of as the Wilad Abs. This
tribe deserves special notice from their remarkable history, and is
one of the most recent immigrants into Oman, having entered Oman
about 1,400 years ago. The feud between this tribe and the Dhob-
yan arose in 563 a.d. about a horse race, and the war continued about
forty years the two tribes were neighbours and enemies in Oman,
;
and the ancestral feud has survived to this day the war of Dahis
;
is one of the most famous in Arab history. Kais bin Zohair, Shaikh
of the Abs, retired to Oman in a.d. 610 as a Christian monk and died,
probably at Sohar. The Beni Ruwaihah occupy a fertile valley
called after their own name, which extends from Zikki to Semail
and contains thirty villages. Many of these villages have towers
and fortlets, and the valley is commanded by the fort at Zikki,
which is sometimes held by this tribe. Their number is from
18,000 to 20,000, and are divided into thirty fakhths, each of which
has its own particular Shaikh as there is no Temeemeh one of the ;
Awamir fakhths is in cliency to this tribe and looks to them for pro-
tection. They are Ibadhi by religion and at feud with the Beni
Jabir and the Beni Ryam,
^^
^ The Yal Saad is the largest, but is by no means the most
influential tribe in Oman, and comprises about 6,000 souls, divided
into eight fakhths, and occupies a coast line in the Batineh about
twenty-five miles in length in which are the villages of Muludda,
Tharmud, x\l-Khodhra, Tareef, Soor, Jirat, Widam, Soor al Hayiz,
Soor al-Makinyat,Bu Abali, Al-Kart, and Batha al-Rakkas. The
Yal Saad have many small tribes in cliency to them but do not bear a
ôod reputation. They cultivate dates and corn, and own many
vessels,and are said to treat their slaves harshly they are Ibadhis
;
and belong to the Hinawi faction.

The Beni Saada number about 500 and occupy Doot in Al-
Dhahireh, are Sunni by religion and Ghafiri in politics, and is at feud
The Al-Bu Saeed, an Azdite tribe inhabiting Oman Proper, where
they dwell in the towns of Adam, Nezwa, Manh, Izz, Majood, etc. ;
there is also a small section in the Batineh. They are Ibadhi by

religion and Hinawi in faction ; the family of the present dynasty
belongs to this tribe; the founder of the dynasty being Ahmed
bin Saeed, who became Imam on the death of Belarab al-Yaareba
in A.D. 1749.
The Abd al-Silaam, a small Hinawi tribe dwelling in the

Batineh at Deil and numbering 300 souls, being Sunni by
religion.
The Al-Seririyeen, another Hinawi tribe, occupying Nakhl and
numbering 400 they are Ibadhi by religion.
;
The Beni Shekail derive from Amr bin Saasaa and are conse-
quently cousins of the Awamir ; they are now in different factions,
the Beni Shekail being Ghaiiri. They number 5,000 and inhabit
Saifam, Ghabbi, Bahila, Basiya, etc., are Ibadhi by religion and are
at feud with the Ibriyeen and in suff or alliance with the Beni Ghaiir.
The Al-Sharkiyeen, a Ghafiri tribe, numbering 2,000 and occupy-
ing Wady Ham and Fajeere they are Sunni by religion.
;
The Al-Shemoos number 500 and dwell at Khor Hamman in

the Batineh ;they are Sunni and Hinawi in politics.
The Al-Shihool or Al-Shihiyyeen, a large tribe said to be of
Himyarite descent, numbering about 15,000. They occupy Cape
Mussendom and are a peculiar race with curious habits and customs,
subsisting chiefly on fish and goats' milk. They are said to be
Sunnis and are Hinawis by faction. An account of them by
Dr. Jayaker is published in the B.R.A.S.
The Al-Shayadiyeen, a small tribe in the Batineh dwelling at
Soor al-Shayadiyeen, who are Sunnis by faith and Hinawi by
politics.
The Al-Saabiyeen are Wilad Mujab and number about 8,000,

occupying Nafaa in Al-Dhahireh. Their faith is Ibadhi and they are
Ghafiris, being at feud with the Hedadiba, Beni Araba, and Beni
Battash.
The Al-Sowala number about 2,500 and occupy Al-Sowaik in
the Batineh. They are Ibadhi in faith and belong to the Hinawi
faction.
The Al-Suwafa number 300 and dwell at Salaif in Al-Dhahireh.
Though of Maaddic descent they are not Hinawis and are at feud
with the Ninadhera.
The Beni Subh is a small Ghafiri tribe numbering about 1,500
souls ;they are Sunni by religion.
The Bent Wahaih belongs to the Hinawi faction and numbers

about 6,000 souls they are Ibadhi by religion and dwell in the vicinity
;
of Muscat, Rowi, Wady Maih, Wady Bosher, and Al-Haboobiya.

\/rhe Al-Waheebeh is the largest pastoral tribe in Al-Sharkiya,
numbering 30,000 and rearing the swiftest breed of camels perhaps
in the world. They are divided into six fakhths and occupy Sidaira,
Sinow, Wady Andam and Jazer ; there are said to be some of the
Beni Solaib under their protection ; the Jahafa section of the Al-
Waheebeh is also of foreign origin, being the Bedouins of the Al-Bu
Saeedi, but it is a long time since they went over. There is also a
small section of the Al-Waheebeh in the Batineh. The Al-Waheebeh
is a restless predatory tribe with true Bedouin instincts. Though
nominally Ibadhi, their religious proclivities are said to be more
pagan than Islamitic and to retain many idolatrous superstitions
and practices. The Shaik's family is not of this tribe but of Tai, a
branch of which, numbering 200, dwells at Beraimi, and Tai relations
of the Shaikh continue to visit them. The Al-Waheebeh are Hinawi
and are at feud with the Jenebeh.
The Al-Wahshab is a Hinawi tribe residing in Wady Hatta and
Simni by religion, numbering about 1,200, and are at feud with the
Nizar.
The Al-Warood are of Maaddic descent, though now belonging
to the Hinawi faction ; they are Ibadhi by religion and number
1,500, residing in the Wady Andam in the Sharkiya.
The Al-Yaakeeh, a Kahtanite tribe now included in the Hinawi
faction, numbering 4,000 and residing at Obre in Al-Dhahireh ;
they are Ibadhi by religion and at feud with the Beni Ghafir.
VThe Al-Yaareha claims to descend from Yaarab bin Kahtan,
who is dated by some about 800 B.C. Yemenite by origin, it is in-
cluded in the Ghafiri faction. The Nebhani Dynasty terminated in
968 A.H. [a.d. 1560] and after sixty-six more years the Yaareba
Dynasty was founded by Nasir bin Murshid, in whose family the
succession continued for twelve reigns their last refuge was Al-
;
Hayam in the Batineh, which is, next to Nezwa, the strongest fort
in Oman, which was taken by Azzan bin Kais in a.d. i86g, and the
Yaareba were then dispersed and ruined. The number of the tribe
is 500, residing at Nakhl, Rostak, and Seija, who live in seclusion,
poverty, and neglect. They have been much persecuted by the

present dynasty, by whom they have been despoiled of all their
property.
The Al-Yaman, an Azdite tribe occupying a large hujrah at Zikki
in Oman Proper, numbering 5,000 they are Hinawi in politics and
;
Ibadhi by religion.
The Al-Yamade, a small tribe, numbering 300, dwelling at Burka

and Nakhl in the Batineh they are Ibadhi by religion and Hinawi
;
in politics.
J The Beni Yas, a large tribe recently settled in Oman, and

numbering about 15,000, being both Bedouin and Hadhr and are
mostly engaged in the pearl fishery. The tribe is strengthened by
more than a dozen other tribes in cliency with it. Their two towns
are Abu Thubi and Debaye on the Pirate Coast and extend inland
as far as Beraimi ; they are of Nejdian origin. The Shaikhs' family
is Haboo Fala fakhth and the tribe takes its name, it is said,
of the
from Yas bin Amr. The tribe immigrated from Nejd about the
middle of the eighteenth century, and were formerly much addicted
to piracy. The town of Debaye is governed by the Boo Felass, a
fakhth which separated from the Beni Yas about a century ago,
and still remains independent of that tribe.
The Beni Zeed reside at Fida in Al-Dhahireh and number 500.

Ibadhi and Sunni, they belong to the Ghafiri faction and are at feud
The Al-Zekawina is a Hinawi tribe numbering 1,600, who are
settled at Semed al-Shan in the Sharkiya ; they are Ibadhi by
religion.
The Al-Zooah is numbering 2,000 and occupy-
also a Hinawi tribe,
ing three villages in the Batineh, Rashad al-Zooab, Al-Rooda, and

Kashda they are Sunni by religion.
;
439
CHAPTER IX.
ARABIA, EASTERN AND SOUTH EASTERN, AND THE

KOORIA MOORIA ISLANDS.
The Subkha Mutta, a broad salt marsh or belt, lying in latitude

24 degrees north, the most southern part of the Persian Gulf, forms,
according to Arab information, the geographical boundary between
Oman and Lhasa (or Nejd). The swampy tract, as its name implies,
is over thirty miles wide and is said to be connected in its upper part
with the Wady Yabreen, which flows from Yemama.
The land stretching from Ras Baraka and Ras Hasek, on the
southern bank of the Subkha, to Abu Thubi, a distance of 150 miles,
comprises the province of Al-Gharbiyeh and may be described as a
desolate and inhospitable waste with a few ranges of low hills without
a single hamlet, and frequented only by a few wandering Bedouins
of the Minaseer and Beni Yas, Al-Morra, Beni Hajir, and Dowasir
tribes. The soil is stony or sandy with a coarse vegetation, and the
only animals are said to be the oryx, hare, and gazelle. Notwith-
standing the arid nature of the land, the possession of part is dis-
puted by the Chief of Abu Thubi, claiming to the north of the
Subkha, as far as Khor Odaid, where there is a settlement of the
Beni Yas. Chesney, however, says at present the Oman territor}^
ends at the Pirate coast, instead of the borders of Al-Ahsa, which
were formerly the boundary.
One of the routes or rather tracks leading from Al-Beraimi to
Lhasa crosses the Subkha near the sea and thence turns northward.
The journey from Al-Beraimi is said to be from twenty-five to thirty
days, but as no part of the province has yet been traversed by a
440 Arabia, Eastern and South-E astern, and
European explorer we have to depend on what the Arabs choose to

tell us.
From Baraka to Abu Thubi the coast is very little known, the
survey not having yet been completed ; along it there is a line of
rocky and islets the whole wa^^
reefs, shoals,
North of Ras Baraka is the Island of Dalma, three miles in

length, on which iron ore and crystal have been found Dalma ;
has now become a rendezvous for pearl-fishers and merchants during

the season and has a market, and further to the east is the Island of
Seer Beni Yas, six miles long. Starting from Ras Baraka the coast
trends east by north, and at a distance of forty-five miles we come
to the entrance of Khor Bazim, a remarkable channel five miles
wide and running along the shore for fifty miles it was in this ;
channel that many of the Joasmee pirate vessels sought refuge and
concealment during the expedition of 1819.
After Khor al-Bazim the shore curves round to Ras Kantur,
where there is another channel, the coast here being much indented
by creeks. From Kantur to Abu Thubi the coast runs north-east
for about twenty-five miles. The survey of this part of the coast
took place in 1824 under Captain Bracks in the Psyche, and was
conducted in detail in boats provisioned for six weeks ; the Chief of
Abu Thubi sent a guard, under his nephew, to assist them.
We now come to Abu Thubi, the first town on the Pirate coast
belonging to the Beni Yas. The coast, though still generally spoken
of in this way, is no longer the haunt of pirates, but is occupied by
peaceful traders and fishermen, and does not now deserve the evil
reputation it once merited ; thanks to British influence the teiTor
inspired and the depredations caused by the Arab sea-rovers are
things of the past. The independence of this coast won from
Muscat by the Wahabees is still maintained, and the land is now
divided into six shaikhdoms, the preponderating power being in the
—
hands of two powerful tribes the Beni Yas and the Kowasim (or
Joasmees). To the Arabs, the coast is known as Al-Sirr or Al-Sirr
of Oman, and to the Persians as Julfara, the appellative, Julfar, so
often mentioned in old travels, being applied to the town of Ras
The Kooria Mooria Islands. 441
al-Khyma, which the Arabs called Al-Sirr. The town of Abu Thubi
contains about 10,000 inhabitants, and is secure from attack by
hostile tribes by being built on an island formed by two creeks,
Khor Abu Thubi and Khor Lafan, three miles apart and connected
at the back by a long lagoon.
On his way to Beraimi the traveller Zwemer crossed this lagoon
by a ferry at Muktaa, ten miles from Abu Thubi. The town extends
along the beach for nearly two miles and has a strong fort, but only
a few of the houses are built of stone ; the ground on which it stands
is rock and sand. The palm grove here is very small and there is
little or no cultivation owing to the scarcity of water, and the

quantity to be obtained from wells is not only limited but so brackish
as to be hardly potable, and the people are largely dependent
on
Debaye, which sends boatloads of water for sale. Abu Thubi
possesses three large trading bughlas and bateels, and about 400
fishing boats, 250 of which are engaged in the pearl fishery several ;
Banian or Hindoo traders reside here and hold in their hands the
bulk of the trade of the port.
The Shaikh claims jurisdiction over a wide area, reaching from
a point near Debaye even to Khor Odaid, where there is a settlement
of the Beni Yas. Within that area dwell other tribes, viz., the
Menasir, who number about 5,000, the Beni Kattab, the Beni Hajir,
the Al-Morra, the Dowasir, and other tribes.
From Abu Thubi the coast runs in a straight line to Debaye,
being for eighty miles a stretch of and monotonous
sterile, flat,
country, much by creeks and swamps, and having no

intersected
vegetation but mangroves and coarse grass though visited ;
occasionally by Bedouins it has no permanent occupants. At

a distance of twelve miles from Abu Thubi is said to be the best
creek on the Pirate coast, called Khor Girab, but it is shallow at
the entrance. Off this part of the coast is a long reef parallel
to the shore on which the Company's sloop Elphinstone struck in
1837. Twenty miles further are more large creeks known as Khor
Gharabi and Khor Ghanatha, which join inland, as do many of the
smaller creeks. About sixty miles from Abu Thubi is a hillock
VOL. II. M
220 feet high, which, from its conspicuous position in so flat a country,
has been named Jebel AH or At about eighty-two miles
High Hill.
from Abu Thubi we arrive at Debaye, now, perhaps, the most

important town on the Pirate coast. Though also belonging to the
Beni Yas it is independent of Abu Thubi, and has many stone houses
and does a thriving trade with Lingah and other ports in the Gulf,
besides possessing a good share in the pearl fishery to which it sends
500 boats ;the population may be 12,000 to 14,000 and the Shaikh
belongs to the Abu Falasa section of the Beni Yas tribe. The lagoon
extends a long way to the south-east and has a shallow rocky bar at
the entrance ; the trade being practically in the hands of the
Banians, whose strong business capacity gives them a leading
position.
Between Debaye and Shargah, which is nine miles distant, are
two villages, Abu Hail and Khan. At Shargah we pass into the
territory of the Kowasim or Joasmee tribe, who are fanatical
Wahabees it was formerly independent of Ras al-Khyma but is
;
now subordinate to the Head Shaikh there. The population of

Shargah is about 10,000, composed of mixed tribes, namely, the
Al-Bu and Shihiyyeen. Many boats and trading vessels are
Ali
built here, large and small, the timber, chiefly teak, being imported
from the Malabar coast. It sends 350 boats to the pearl fishery and
has about a hundred ordinary fishing boats in addition. The water

at Shargah is bad and brackish, as it is in most places on the coast.
The date groves are extensive, producing nearly sufficient fruit for
consumption, which is rarely the case in these towns, and the creek
is between the town and the sea, and runs about three miles, having
its entrance a mile to the northward of the town.
The surveying vessel Discovery was nearly wrecked off Shargah

in February, 1822, and lost all her anchors. Off this town the
great pearl banks of the Persian Gulf are said to commence and a
short note on this famous fishery will be found in another place ;
the banks extend along the greater portion of the Arab shore as
far asKwait, a distance of 330 miles, and appear to be as extensive,
important, and productive as ever.
Passing two villages, Fasht and Hyra, with date groves, we

come to Al-Ajman, which belongs to the Naeen tribe and has a creek
big enough for large bughlas to enter it has a population of
;
1,500 and possesses 100 pearl boats and thirty ordinary fishing boats.
Six miles from Al-Ajman lies Al-Hamriya, or the Red town, which
also belongs to the Naeen. It has a port with five towers and a
population of 600.
Distant seven miles to the north-east of Al-Hamriya is Om
al-Gewain, built on a peninsula formed by a broad lagoon, which
branches out inland but old ; Om al-Gewain has been deserted and
the present town stands on the site of the village " Libina." The
town has several towers and there is a wall built across the Isthmus ;
notwithstanding its advantages Om al-Gewain is in a declining state.

The population is about 1,000 belonging to the Yal Ali tribe, and the
number of boats sent to the pearl fishery may be eighty.
Further on we come to Jezirat al-Hamra, or the " Red Island,'*
which is really a peninsula formed by a creek. The village has a
small castle and is situated about fifteen miles from Om al-Gewain,
the people being of the Kaab tribe, and Ras are subordinate to
al-Khyma they send a few boats to the pearl fishery.
;
The last independent town on the Pirate coast at which we

now arrive is Ras al-Khyma, better known a century or so ago
as Julfar, a name given to it by the Persians, who long held posses-
sion of it, but by the Arabs it was always called " Al-Sirr." Some
time after the expulsion of the Persians in 1744 it appears to have
received its present appellation of Ras al-Khyma, or "Tent Head,'*
but the origin of it is obscure.
The Pirate coast presents a remarkable peculiarity in possessing
from one end to the other a series of creeks, lagoons, and backwaters,
often uniting with each other a little distance from the sea, or rami-
fying in various directions inland. These backwaters, though always
shallow at the entrance, are deep higher up and serve as excellent
harbours of refuge for vessels of all sizes, but without these back
waters the coast would have been barely habitable, whereas with
these advantages it is not surprising that the inhabitants, with the
VOL. II. M 2
predatory instincts of the Arab race, should have betaken them-

selves to piracy at a very early period. There is reason to believe
that Ras al-Khyma had ever been the chief stronghold of piracy
in the Persian Gulf, and in the eighteenth century the forbears of
the Joasmees, the Hawala tribe, had given much trouble to Nadir
Shah, but with the appearance of the Wahabees on the coast from
Nejd the passion and greed of plunder was greatly stimulated by
these adventurous and fanatical warriors, who allowed nothing
to stand in the way of their despoiling the heretics. The inter-
ference with English trade, early in the nineteenth century, became
so serious that in 1806 an expedition was sent from Bombay against
them, but it was totally inadequate for the purpose and failed to
have any effect. A second expedition was despatched in 1809,
when Ras al-Khyma was destroyed, but the effect was marred by
the hasty withdrawal of the troops on the approach of the Wahabce
reinforcements. Nothing daunted, the pirates were soon at work
again, and matters grew worse until 1816 when, in consequence
of the capture of four Indian puttimars in the Red Sea, and the
murder of their crews, a naval force was sent to obtain redress. The
Shaikh Hassan bin Rahmah, however, was defiant and refused to
surrender the culprit. Ameer bin Ibrahim, or to pay the indemnity
of £20,000. Ras al-Khyma was then bombarded by H.M.S.
Challenger and others, but the shot fell short and the force
retired unsuccessful. The fourth and final assault upon Ras al-
Khyma took place in 1819, for by this time the patience of the
Indian Government had been exhausted, and a powerful armament
was despatched which reached its destination in December. The
fort and batteries were mounted with eighty guns of sizes, and
Hassan bin Rahmah had collected 7,000 men to defend the town.
The troops in landing carried the works very quickly and demolished
it ; all the vessels that could be found being taken or burnt ; while
the Commander-in-Chief, Sir W. Grant Keir, decided very judiciously
to occupy the place until piracy had been completely extirpated,
and, with a force of Sepoys, remained there for six months, when the
insalubrity of the spot compelled its evacuation. By this expedi-
tion Ras al-Khyma received its death-blow as a piratical centre,

and by the treaties then and subsequently made along the coast,
depredations at sea have become a thing of the past. Ras al-Khyma
has 5,000 inhabitants and belongs to the Joasmees, of which tribe
it is the headquarters, and containing many of the Shihiyyeen,
Kaab, Motara, and other tribes. The castle is at the end of the
town and there is also a large tower. Behind it is a spacious lagoon,
the entrance to which is about a mile to the north-east of the houses ;
it contains many boats but no large vessels, as it is only about

ten feet deep at high water. Of the 170 boats belonging to this
port, no are ordinary fishing boats, the remainder being pearl-
fishers and traders.
Like all swarms with fish
others on the coast the lagoon here
and the people are thus provided the year round with an abundant
food supply close to their door. Of all the places on the Pirate
coast, which is 150 miles in length, Ras al-Khyma is perhaps the
most eligible, chiefly on account of its possessing a good supply of
fresh water, while in all other towns the water is very brackish
and repugnant to the taste.
The next village, north of Ras al-Khyma, is Rams, with a small
port and date grove belonging to the Joasmees, while two miles
inland is Zai, another small village.
At twelve miles from Rams we come Shuam, where the

to
Pirate coast terminates. Shuam is situated in a low gorge more
than a mile from the sea, the huts of which may be seen clustering
up the sides of the hills like beehives, and it lies to the south of a
well- watered cultivated ravine full of palms. The wells, sixteen in
number, are both square and round, and appear to have at one time
formed part of an ancient felej leading to a very remarkable conical
hill on the beach, sixty feet high, called " Al-Sanain," or the " idol,"
suggesting the idea that it was probably an object of worship in the

" Days of Ignorance." Close by is the tomb of a Moslem Saint,
Shaikh Zohair, which is built of stone and Madripore coral and has
the appearance of Persian work. At Shuam, as at manj^ other places
on the promontory, the fishermen catch great quantities of small fry
VOL. II. M3
44^ Arabia, Eastern and South-E astern, and
called metoot, which are packed for export in long conical bags
eight feet long, made of plaited date leaves. This town marks the
furthest point of Muscat territory and the limit of the Joasmee
Shaikh of Ras al-Khyma. The population of the district are sub-
ordinate to the Governor of Shuam, being about 2,000, mostly of
the Tannejee, a section of the Shihiyyeen tribe.
Between Ras Shuam, the height of which is 3,500 feet, and Ras
Shaikh Mesood there are several fishing hamlets and headlands,
known as Ras Jadi, which stands near " Fine Peak," which rises
to 4,470 feet. On the eastern side of the promontory called Ras
Shaikh Mesood is Khasab Bay, which is two miles deep and four
wide ; the town of Khasab lying at the bottom of a small cove at
the foot of a valley. The little harbour is well sheltered and has
been described as an excellent strategical point for controlling
the entrance of the Persian Gulf, while the fort was constructed in
the seventeenth century by the Portuguese, who called it " Cosapo,"
and was used as a base of operations by Admiral Ruy Frere da
Andrada during his protracted campaign for the recovery of Hormuz ;
it stands not very far from the beach and presents four square bastions
joined by curtains and surrounded by a ditch. The inhabitants

of the town number about 1,000, composed chiefly of two tribes,
the Kaneaira (who occupy the upper part of the valley) and the
Hataira, a section of the Shihiyyeen ; many of the people are of
Persian descent and are cloth-weavers. The Governor is appointed
from Muscat, but the revenue does not suffice for his expenses ;
in his district there are several villages, while the population under
his jurisdiction may number 6,000. The people of the town are
perpetually at variance with each other, making the Governor's time
wholly occupied in settling their squabbles. There are four streams
flowing from springs in the hills, two of which are perennial, and
good water is consequently plentiful. Khasab is the place from which
the whole promontory, according to Ptolemy, who calls it " Asabo
Mons," derived its name.
Eastward of Khasab is Kadiba Cove, on the western side of
the entrance to which is a village called Mokteri, picturesquely
builton ledges of rock. The huge promontory known as Cape

Mussendom to Europeans, and to the Arabs as Roos al-Jebel,
literally " Heads of Mountains " or " Clusters of Peaks," consists
of lofty and barren rocks of very singular contour, precipitous down
to the sea, and greatly indented with coves, bays, and inlets, some
of which form large landlocked harbours. The people are of the
Shihiyyeen tribe, numbering perhaps 16,000 to 18,000, scattered
over the hills as shepherds or employed in the creeks as fishermen.
The Sultan's dominions, which began at Shuam, include Khasab,
Koomzar, and Dibba, while Khor Fakan and other villages belong
to the Joasmee Shaikh.
At a distance of three miles from Khasab and twelve miles from
Mussendom is the entrance to Khor al-Shuam, named by the Survey
officers, " Elphinstone Inlet," after the Governor of Bombay,
Mr. Mountstuart Elphinstone. This remarkable creek or harbour

is eight miles in length with steep rocky sides all round and partakes
of the curved indented character of the whole promontory, being
narrow and winding with many coves and inlets it is, in fact, a ;
submerged ravine. Inside the creek on the north side is a village

called Shem, and a little way off is an islet of the same name. On
another islet stood, from 1864 to 1869, a telegraph station, where
the Persian Gulf cable was landed under a convention with the
Sultan of Muscat, Seyyid Thowaini ; the entrance to this inlet is
only half a mile wide and is impossible to detect from seaward,

being overhung by dark, precipitous cliffs. In the old days the
inlet was made use of by the Company's men-of-
pirates to evade the
war, who, being unacquainted with its existence, saw with amaze-
ment the enemy suddenly disappearing from the scene, as if by
magic lowering her yard to avoid the contrast of her white sail
;
against the dark rock, the dhow, towed by her boats, would slip into
the narrow passage and disappear. Captain Bracks, who himself
served against the pirates, remarks that this inlet was one of the
many places into which they used to escape from cruisers, and
Whitelock makes a similar observation. To the north of Khor
al-Shem the configuration of the land is very curious, presenting a
VOL. II. ,
M4
«
triangular peninsula, the neck of .which is very contracted, while on

the south side a peak called Jebel Shem, with steep cliff, towers up
3,000 feet to stand guard like a sentinel over the North of
inlet.
this peninsula is Colville Cove, called by the Arabs Khor Groob

Ali, a deep inlet lying off which is Jezirat Ghanam, or " vSheep Island,"
between which and the land is Discovery Strait, known to the

natives as Khor Kawi. Ghanam Island is over two miles long, and
stands two miles to the south of Perforated Rock the Koomzaries ;
use this island for pasturing their flocks. Five miles from Jezirat
Ghanam is Ras Sheerat, a curious tongue and a quarter
of land a mile
long and very narrow. Koomzar is the most northern town in
Oman and is unique as being the only purely Persian town on the
Arab coast. It is situated in a narrow cleft in the mountain which
rises high and precipitous on each side, giving it a remarkable
appearance it has no date grove and the only verdure to be seen

;
consists of some lithic trees growing out of the rock, and has only
one well eighty feet deep. The houses are packed very close and
are built of stone and mud and flat roofed. The streets are very
narrow, and graves are to be seen in the midst of the houses, there
being no other place for them.
From Ras Mukkhalif, the Western Point, to the town is a mile
deep and three-quarters of a mile wide, having a population of about
1,000 the men are all fishermen and own about a hundred boats,
;
most of which are built here. The people being of undoubted

Persian origin are very fair, and speak a corrupt Persian with a slight
admixture of Arabic. There are a few cattle, sheep and goats,
which are fed principally on fish, in the absence of vegetables fish ;
curing is done with brine and packed in earthenware jars for home
consumption. Koomzar is exposed at times to strong gusts of wind,
but it is said to be suffocatingly hot in the summer.
To the north-east of this cove the coast is as intricate as it is
grand, wild, and picturesque. The extreme northern

majestic,
point of the great promontory at which we now arrive, and which is
four miles from Koomzar, is named Ras al-Bab, and lies opposite
to the Island of Mussendom. Ras al-Bab is a high peak, sombre
;
and bare, standing at the entrance of the passage, less than half a
mile wide between Ras al-Bab and the island. This entrance is
called by the Arabs, Fakk al- Assad, or the " Lion's Mouth," in
reference to the dangerous race or current that runs through it
or probably to the fancied resemblance of the rocks to the jaws

of a lion.
The Island of Mussendom, which has given its name to the whole
promontory among Europeans, is two miles long and a mile and
a-half wide at the southern end, where it is broadest, and is at the
highest part nearly 900 feet in elevation. Constable tells us that
the remains of a fort are visible on the island consisting of blocks of
stone squared with too much care to be of modern origin ; they
might, he thinks, be the ruins of a building which anciently served
as a watch-tower. The island tapering towards the north end
terminates in a cliff 100 feet high called Ras Mussendom, and the
weathering of this cape has always been regarded with dread by
Arab navigators passing in and out of the Gulf on account of the
gales of wind and the strong currents that prevail here. In order
to propitiate the spirits of the deep they have long been accustomed
to send afloat a model ship, more or less elaborate, or even a coconut
shell, filled with fragments of food and sweetmeats and to watch its
career with keen anxiety, for if the toy boat reaches the shore in
safety they augur a prosperous voyage, but should it be capsized,
dire forebodings fill minds these models were often met with
their ;
by ships far out at sea in calm weather. One can imagine how
many of these frail craft Sinbad the Sailor must have launched and
seen shattered by the waves when passing through the throat of the
Persian Gulf in his luckless voyages from Busra to the Indian Ocean.
It was at this point that the Nautical Survey, inaugurated by
Mr. Mountstuart Elphinstone, the Governor, for the purpose of
writing down the coast and laying bare the pirates' hiding-places
and haunts, commenced operations in 1820. Previous to this
important work the coasts and islands of the Persian Gulf were
very little known and the navigation had always been found by
European seamen to be difficult and hazardous. The first chart
450 Arabia, Eastern and South-Eastern, and
of the Inland Sea was due to the labours of the famous traveller,
Carston Niebuhr, who published his Description de VArabie in 1764.
This was succeeded by the results of the expedition fitted out in
Bombay in 1774, under Captain Robinson in and
the Fox
Captain Porter in the Dolphin, with Lieutenants Marvell and
Blair. The officers cursorily surveyed the Gulf and the Oman
Coast from Muscat to Mussendom and gained much additional
knowledge, which was subsequently augmented by the Company's
Hydrographer, Mr. Dalrymple, who drew his information from
Captain Maclure and other navigators. Milburn's work first appeared
in 1813, and Horsburg's " Charts " and " Directory " still remained
practically unknown when the more scientific survey began its work.
The entrance of the Persian Gulf at the narrowest part, from
Mussendom to Larek, is thirty-two statute miles across, and is
known to the Persians generally as Bab-i-Sekunder, in reference to
the voyage of Nearchus, who commanded the fleet of Alexander the
Great.
Nine miles to the northward of Mussendom are the Quoins,
three wedge-shaped islands, the highest of which is 540 feet, called
by the Arabs " Salama-wa-Bent," or " Salama and her daughters."
These islands were made use of as a favourite lurking-place by the
Joasmee pirates, who, concealed under their shade, watched their
opportunity to pounce upon luckless traders as the}^ passed in or
out of the Gulf.
To the south-east, distant three miles, is the Cape, known to
the classic writers as " Incobrice," a transposition of the appellation
Ras Kabr Hindi or the " Indians' Grave." The origin of the name
is lost in oblivion. It is the most eastern point of the whole pro-
montory, and is 1,200 feet high.
Just below Ras Kabr Hindi is a cove Doohat Shisaa, which
called
is only separated from Elphinstone Inlet by a narrow ridge of rock ;
this cove is seven miles deep and has in it one small village, from
which it takes its name. Dividing Doohat Shisaa from the next
creek, Ghubbet Shaboos, is a lofty rocky peninsula over four miles
long, with a peak called Jebel Sibr, which rises to 3,000 feet.
To complete the deep indentation of this extraordinary pro-

montory we now reach the last and perhaps the largest of all,
namely, Malcolm's Inlet, known to the Arabs as Khor Ghazira or
Ghubbet Ghazira, which penetrates nine miles into the interior
and is only walled off from Elphinstone's Inlet by a rocky ridge about
a mile thick ; this magnificent creek is much indented and has
several islets and villages, coves and bays. The southern point of
the entrance, which is three miles wide, is formed by Ras Sarkim,
a perpendicular cliff several hundred feet high this inlet was named
;
after General Sir John Malcolm, Governor of Bombay in 1826.

Doohat Kabal, the next cove, runs in for three miles south-west,
where the mountains rise precipitately 4,000 feet. In this valley are
the remains of an old town, the houses of which were built of large
square stones, some of them being eight or nine feet long. Ten
miles from Malcolm's Inlet are the bay, village and island of Lima,
the latter lying just off Ras Lima, which is 280 feet high. Behind
Lima and twelve miles distant the mountains rise to the highest
peak of the promontory in Jebel Hareen, 6,750 feet, the peak being
fifteen miles from the next highest summit, namely, Jebel Kewi,
5,800 feet, which is opposite to Doohat Haffa. The general trend

of the coast here is south, and we now come to the famous town
and bay of Dibba. This well-sheltered bay, six miles across, was
formerly a great emporium of trade and may have been the mart
alluded to by Nearchus, but it owes its chief celebrity to its being
the site of the battle which gave Oman to Islam in 12 a.h. [a.d. 633],
in the time of Abu Bekr, when the Omani Chief Lakeet was defeated
by Ikrima and Hadhaifa, as narrated elsewhere. It is supposed to
have been founded by the Dibba and Lizard tribes, which migrated
from Al-Yemama and were crushed and exterminated in the war ;
the population is now about 3,000, occupying thirteen hamlets in

the bay. The impression on the mind produced by a contemplation
of this stupendous cape is that the chain was once united with the
corresponding mountain system in Persia, and that by a sudden
subsidence of the earth at this part at some remote geological epoch
the sea rushed in to form the gulf and fill the valleys, ravines, and
—
inlets as we now As regards the geological formation of

see them.
the mountain mass the only description we have is that of Dr. Carter,
whose account is here transcribed verbatim :
" At sight these mountains appear like basalt, from their

black colour, and hence have been described as such by Captain
Wellsted and Whitelock, and have always been considered
igneous rocks. Pliny calls them the Eblsetian Mountains,
probably from the Arabic '
Tblis,' the Devil, but latterly this
promontory and have been inspected by Lieutenant
its islands
Constable, of the Indian Navy, who has kindly shown me speci-
mens from them, which prove that they are all composed not
of black basalt, as before suspected, but of jet black and dark
greyblack limestone, interstratified and veined with white and
pinkish-brown calc spar. The jet black limestone is of a fine
compact structure, and breaks with a smooth concoidal fracture,
like lithographic limestone, but the lighter coloured varieties
are more coarse, and break with a rough fracture. The calc
spar, which is in a strata of eight to ten feet thick, is columnar,
or vertical, in its crystallization and traversed horizontally by
wavy lines, like that of Gibraltar; some of it is of a dazzling
whiteness, and of a massive saccharoid, crystalline structure.
I was informed by Lieutenant Constable that the whole of
these mountains here are of a similar composition, and they
are horizontally stratified, the strata in some places being
thinner and more slaty than in others."
The next place of interest we come to is Khor Fakan, which

was formerly of much more importance than it is at present, but
it has never recovered from its destruction by Albuquerque in 1507,
when it was deserted by the Hindoo traders who resided there.

The town is an assembly of mat huts by a wall, with a
encircled
population of 600, standing in a small bay at the mouth of a stony
ravine in the hills ; it has a good date grove and there is an islet
called Sereet off the north-east point. Up the ravine are the ruins
of a fort or blockhouse, built by the Persian General, Mohammed
Taki Khan, in 1742. In 1864, Colonel Disbrowe and Captain Powell

crossed the Cape from Khor Fakan, in connection with the laying
of the cable of the Persian Gulf line of the telegraph. The rocks
here are said to be volcanic, and the diorite to be of the same de-
scription as at Muscat. Khor Fakan, at present, belongs to the
Joasmees, who possess the coast from Tibba to Mareer, the Sultan
having no jurisdiction here. Passing Khor Kelba, a small creek 23
miles fromKhor Fakan, we reach Ras Mallaha six miles further on,
which marks not only the south-eastern end of the promontory,
but also the boundary of the province of Al-Shemal at Ras Mallaha ;
just above Mareer the hills begin to recede from the coast and the
province of Al-Batineh commences.
This long level expanse sweeps round in a gentle curve from
Mareer in a generally south-westerly direction, gradually widening
as far as Seeb and Nakhl, where it terminates. The Batineh is the
most populous of all the provinces, containing perhaps three-quarters
of a million souls, representing a great variety of tribes. The Yal
Saad, who occupy about 25 miles of coast and number about 60,000,
are the largest in all Oman, and possess several towns, namely,
Muludda, Thirmud, Khodhra, Tareef, etc., are wealthy in dates,
boats, and agriculture, but are not a warlike race in 1874 the tribe
;
gave trouble by murdering a Banian and plundering the property of

British subjects, for which they were duly punished. The people
generally are thriving and well-to-do, more so than in any other
province, and being naturally unwarlike and much engaged in
industrial pursuits, they are very subject to devastating raids by
the predatory tribes of Al-Dhahireh, to which they offer slight re-
sistance. The Hinawi faction, in particular, is much stronger in
this province than the Ghafiri, but a small section is composed of
Persians, Belooch, and slaves, who have no political influence.
At the chief trading centres in the Batineh may be found a small
number of Hindoo merchants from Cutch, who have established
themselves on the coast for many These Banians, being
centuries.
under British protection, enjoy immunity from taxation and ill-
treatment by local chiefs, while their superiority and knowledge
give them a controlling influence in commercial transactions, and these

shrewd and enterprising merchants not only acquire considerable
fortunes for themselves, but by their operations as bankers, brokers,
and moneylenders, render indispensable service to Arabs of all classes.
After leaving Mareer we come to Abu Bukara and Khadrawein
in the Wady Koor, six miles up which is Al-Aswad or the Black
Village, belonging to the Shahat. Between this and Shinas is
Al-Akr, mentioned by the traveller Ibn al-Mojawir.
Shinas, the first town we come to in the Batineh, fifteen miles
from Ras Mallaha, lies in the Wady Hatta which forms the natural
highway from it through the hills to Abu Thubi the Wady belongs
;
to the Wahashat and Bedonat tribes and has several villages along
its course. The population of Shinas is about i,ooo, composed of
the Dahamina, Shahat and Ghanoor tribes, with Persian and Belooch.
In front of the town is a lagoon three and a-half miles in length, deep
enough for large fishing boats, and running parallel to the sea beach ;
the district is fairly well cultivated and a good deal of tobacco is

grown here. The fort is an imposing one, quadrangular in shape
and with three strong bastions, and the walls, which are twenty feet
high, are riddled with holes, the result of the bombardment of 1809.
In that year Sir Lionel Smith, the leader of the expedition, sent to
destroy the pirate stronghold, landed part of his troops to compel the
evacuation of the Wahabees and Joasmees, who then held the fort,
and to return it to the Sultan. After a most gallant resistance, the

Wahabees surrendered and the fort occupied, but almost immediately
afterwards the troops were re-embarked by Colonel Smith, who gave
over the fort to the Sultanthe following day the Wahabees, having
;
been reinforced from Al-Beraimi, fell upon the Omani Arabs, who
though superior in numbers were routed and cut to pieces. The

people here are all fishermen or cultivators and no industries carried
on, but trade flourishes, there being no less than seven Banians and
three Khojas in the town. In the old slave-trading days cargoes
of raw African negroes were often landed at Shinas and marched
overland to Shargah to avoid capture by the cruisers of the Indian
Navy, who were then lying off the Pirate coast in wait for them.
From Shinas the coast runs to Sohar, a distance of thirty-three

miles, the interval being occupied by a series of nine large villages
and a dozen hamlets. The former are Hasefam, Asrar, a place

visited by Ibn al-Mojawir, Nabha, Lawa, near which is a small town
called Fez, possessed by the Riyasa tribe, Ghadfain, Magees, which
belongs to the Hamadireen, Waheebeh and Nowafil tribes, Umk,
Al-Fasika, and Sailan. The Arabs inhabiting the villages and
hamlets are of various small tribes, but a large proportion of the
population consists of Persian and Belooch settlers. Near vSohar
we come to Wady Mawa,
which is a village ofin the same name.
Sohar, the principal town on the Batineh coast, lies 150 miles
from Muscat, and was in ancient times, under the pristine name of
Oman, the capital of the whole country. In the early days of Islam
Sohar was visited by Chinese junks, and Istakari, writing in the tenth
century of our era, says " The capital is Sohar, which is on the sea
:
;
here reside many sea-merchants, who trade in ships with other

countries. It is the most populous and wealthy town in Oman
and it is not possible to find on the shore of the Persian Sea in all
the land of Islam a city more rich in fine buildings and foreign
wares than Sohar." It has formed the appanage of several of the
descendants of the Imam Ahmed bin Saeed, the latest being Seyyid
Turkee, who ruled the district in the time of Palgrave's visit in
1861. The town by a wall without bastions, which is
is encircled
about a mile in circumference, constructed by the Portuguese, who
occupied it for nearl}^ a century. The stubborn defence of this town
by the Wali Ahmed bin Saeed, in 1743, against the army sent by
Nadir Shah, to conquer the country, caused the failure of that scheme
and the eventual withdrawal of the Persian troops. There is a
fine citadel, in which is the Wali's residence, a lofty square built
edifice, with a strong entrance and a number of guns. The exports
are dates and salt fish, but the town has decayed much of late years.
The population, which is very mixed, is now only about 5,000,
The trade is decreasing annually, being drawn off to rival ports,
and Sohar has now sunk almost to a level with the ports in the
Batineh ; it is an open roadstead and is for half the year dead lee
shore, often a heavy surf breaking on the beach. A few miles from
the town is Aufy, a well-timbered and fertile spot, once a favourite
residence of the Yaareba Imams.
Four miles from Sohar, on the coast, is Sowara, in a line with
which, fifteen miles towards the hills, is Hoora Barga, a solitary conical
peak, called Sohar Peak, which forms a good
1,550 feet high,
landmark. Near this, and not far from the Wady Makabeel, are
the ruins of an ancient town known -as Olab, where excavations
are made by the people to obtain bricks for building houses. The
next town on the coast is Saham, seventeen miles from Sohar, and
in the intervening space there are six villages, including Sowara,
two which are Al-Khishda and Soor Al-Sheyadee.
of Saham is
surrounded by a dense date grove and much cultivation, having a
population of 2,000 composed of the tribes of Beni Ali, Majid, and
Beni Shamoos. There are seven Banians, who carry on a consider-
able trade with Al-Dhahireh by the Wady Ahin or Batha Saham.
In this valley the principal town is Heebi, which was formerly
subordinate to Yenkal, but was separated therefrom by Seyyid
Azzan in a.d. 1870, and has since been under Sohar, while the
industries in Saham are fishing, fish-curing, and cloth-weaving,
with extensive potteries. To the eastward of the bazaar are the
was dismantled by Seyyid Thowainiin 1861.
ruins of the fort which
Pursuing our course to Khaboora, a distance of eighteen miles,
we find in the intervening space four large villages and seven
hamlets. The first place after Saham is Al-Ruwaisila, belonging
to the Hamadireen and Zaab tribes next is Khor al-Hamar or
;
" Hot Spring Creek " then the village of Mukhaileef, belonging to
;
the Karara and the Hamadireen while Um al-Jareet belongs to

;
the Fezara and Deel to the Wilad Abd al-Salam. Khaboora lies
in the debouchment of the Wady Howasina, is unwalled, but has a
fort, while the bazaar is large and well supplied, the trade being in
the hands of twenty-five Khoja traders, who are very prosperous.

The population is about 6,000, being chiefly employed in rope and
cable making, cloth-weaving and boat-building. Possessing in the
Wady Howasina the most open and direct road to Shahireh,.
^
?i.
00
<^
o
H
T; ,-»
Khaboora has been able to concentrate the greater part of the

commercial intercourse between the two provinces. The chief town
in the valley, and the residence of the Shaikh, is Ghazreem, but the
upper part of the Wady belongs to the Beni Omar, while the Howasina
Shaikh's authority extends along the coast from Kasbya to Al-Fajeera.
Along the coast from Khaboora to Sowaik, which is the next
fortified town and lies twenty miles distant from it, are twelve
villages and hamlets occupied by numerous small tribes. The first
village is Abasa, belonging to the Kateef tribe, the next being Al-
Fajeera and Al-Khoweyrat, also of the Kateef ; then come Al-
Galeet and Al-Hojeera, and further on Al-Khadhra, the largest of
all, of the Yal Saad and Al-Bu Rashid. Close to Sowaik is Khor
Wilad Ghowaif Sowaik is, after Sohar and Burka, the chief castle
.
on the Batineh coast. Situated near the beach in front of the town
it stands high and imposing, with three bastions and well furnished
with guns. It has a good walled bazaar and there are eleven Banians
herewho control the trade cotton cloth,
; especially the variety
known as khodrung, is largely manufactured here. The population
is about 4,000, composed of the Sowala, Fadhool and other smaller
tribes. The cultivation round Sowaik is luxuriant, consisting of
dates, bananas, limes, mangoes, oranges, papaya, and other fruits ;
corn, sugar, cotton, and indigo. The ravines in the hill range
contribute several streams to irrigate this part of the coast and two
large wadis, the Wady Beni Ghafir and the Wady al-Kabir, are
found in the vicinity of Sowaik. Sowaik had formerly been the
appanage of Seyyid Hilal bin Mohammed who was slain by Azzan.
In 1874 Sowaik was besieged by Ibrahim bin Kais, who had
marched down from Rostak, but he was soon compelled to raise
the siege and retire. It may be of interest to observe here that
Sowaik is connected with the curious story of Sinbad the Sailor.
At thirteen miles from the town we arrive at Mesnaah, the
intervening space being filled up with nine villages, Soor, Rabeea,
Widam, and six others. Inland from Shirs, about five miles,
Shirs,
are the two towns Muludda and Tharmud, which are opposite to
each other and divided by the Wady Beni Ghafir, the inhabitants
VOL. II. ^
of which taken together are said to number about 7,000, and form
perhaps the largest settlement in the Batineh, having extensive
cultivation and date groves. Al-Mesnaah is the natural port of Al-
Rostak and was at one time a very prosperous town, but has now
greatly declined owing to political dissensions and consequent
insecurity. It had a strong handsome fort, but this was razed to
the ground by Seyyid Turkee in 1874, after the abortive attempt of
Ibrahim bin Kais it is now subordinate to the Sultan's Wall at
;
Burka and only seven Banians remained in the bazaar in 1880. At

the village of Bu Abali, four miles east of Al-Mesnaah, is the outlet
of the Wady Beni Kharoos which has its source near Awabi in Jebel
Akhdar and is joined on the way by the Wady Misthal ; Bu Abali
belongs to the Zahaba tribe ; the neighbouring village of Sarm al-
Shibeybee is owned by the Hikman.

Afew miles further on we come to Ras Sowadi, or " Black
Point," a low sandy spot, which has a large islet, 280 feet high, and
six smaller islets. Beyond Sowadi two of which
are three villages,
and the
are deserted, third, Al-Hifre, occupied by the Fadhool tribe.
Near Burka are two creeks, one of which, Khor Haloo, or Fresh-
water Creek, is the outlet of the Wady Abyad, the other, Khor
Meraisi, is the outlet of the Wady Mawa. Burka, the last castle on
the Batineh coast, stands next in importance to Sohar and dominates
the eastern as Sohar does the western part of the province. The
date groves and cultivation are extensive, industries are considerable,
and trade flourishes ; four Banians and several Khoja traders reside
here, but the water is so brackish that it has to be brought from
Al-Haradi, the outlet of the Wady Hammam, about a mile off.
The castle is ancient and well constructed, having been greatly

improved by the Yaareba Sultans it has sixteen pieces of ordnance,
;
12 and 24-pounders, mounted and unmounted, lying about. The

population is about 15,000, consisting of the Mowalik and other
tribes, with a large admixture of Belooch, and a large number are
employed in the fishing industry, which is very productive, the supply

much exceeding the demand. A few miles inland from Burka is
Naaman, an old country house of the Imam, where, in 1807, Seyyid
The Kooria Mooria Islands. 45^
Bedr, who had usurped

the government from the young sons of
Seyyid Sultan, was murdered. Opposite the coast, and nine miles
distant between Burka and Seeb, lie a group of islands, seven in
number, called the Deymanieh they are all sterile, waterless and
;
uninhabited, and two only have separate names Joon and Khararaba. —
(The Deymanieh group is often called by fishermen the " Saba
Jezair " or the Seven Islands, and derives this appellation " Dey-
manieh " from a tribe of that name, of which a small remnant still
exists in Oman the name has remained unaltered since the time
;
of Pliny.) Leaving Burka we come to Al-Haraki, a fortlet of the

Shaikh Saeed tribe ; at this place is the outlet of the Wady Hammam
from which Burka gets Hei Asim, belonging to
its water. Next is
the Saabiyeen with a fortlet mentioned by Ibn al-Mojawir. Near

this are the ruins of Rumais, now belonging to the Al-Marhafera
and to the Yal Hamad according to the Kamoos, Rumais was four
;
times as large as Burka. Then follows Al-Shaklokheet, belonging

to the Mowalik. After this we come to Anbaila, a date grove and
hamlet of the Al-Waheebeh. Next is Soor Wilad Hadeed, a walled
village with one tower belonging to the tribe of that name. Passing
the Wady al-Ara there is a castor-oil nullah, a shady and verdant
spot much resorted to in hot weather, while between this and Seeb
is Hillet bin Heia, a village with a tower inhabited by the Al-bin
Heia.
Seventeen miles from Burka and twenty-seven from Muscat
lies Seeb, a large and straggling unwalled town of 1,500 souls. A
good deal of fruit and grain is cultivated in the vicinity and there
are six Hindoo traders in the bazaar, who do a thriving trade with
Nakhl and Semail. The Shaikh is appointed from Muscat with the
title of Wall, but is subordinate to Busra. In 1875 a tower was
built and a small garrison stationed here to protect the bazaar, which
was previously exposed to Bedouin raiders. Two miles from Seeb
stands the ruined country house of Seyyid Thowaini, visited by
Palgrave after his shipwreck in 1861, but was destroyed by the
it
Imam Azzan bin Kais in 1869, his puritanical mind not suffering the
edifice, in which his cousin's revels had been conducted, to cumber
VOL, II. N 2
the earth. The ruins, surrounded by a mud wall, stand in a solitary

waste and known as Wady Arash, though Palgrave puts it as Bunta
Fanja.
With Seeb the province of the Batineh may be said to
terminate, and the coast eastward for some distance belongs to
Oman Proper. After leaving Seeb there is nothing to be noticed
until we reach the broad sandy bed of the Wady Semail, which is
scarcely distinguishable. The bed bare and has

is shallow and
generally but a small driblet of water in owing to absorption init,
the porous soil and to the drawing-off of large quantities of water

for irrigation purposes. In times of flood, however, as was the case,
for instance, in the terrible hurricane of 1885, which caused such
havoc in its course, the bed is scoured to the sea. The Wady
Semail extends about a hundred miles, has many castles,and is
occupied by various and forms the main artery of
tribes, communica-
tion from the coast to the interior and is the longest perennial stream
in Oman. The first village in this wady is called Khoth, and is
distant a mile and a-half from the sea. Passing a hamlet called Hallet
Wilad Yusef we come to Butha Fanja, or Wady al-Bahayis, from
the water holes of which water is taken to Seeb for domestic use;
this mouth with that above mentioned forms the delta of the Semail
Valley. After two hamlets of the Al-Hawasal and Al-Mobasila
tribes we come to Khor al-Farad, or Wady al-Lowami, and then
Khareyyiz, a hamlet of the Haboos. The next village we come to,
Hail, belongs to the Awamir and gives its name to Ghubbet Hail,
where the coast curves round to the northward. Khor Bukkera
and the village of Misbakh are then passed and we reach Khaleel,
a hamlet of the Showawi Khor Adheeba is the next creek, which,
;
like the last, originates in the Tyeen range. The last village in
Ghubbet Hail is Ghobra, which is distant from Jebel Tyeen (5,250
feet high) about twenty miles.
Four miles from Ghobra are the villages Ghulla and Bosher,
where there are hot springs much famed for their curative properties
and greatly resorted to from all parts the springs are numerous and
;
there are several places for bathing ; a slight deposit of sulphate of

magnesia is generally round the springs while the temperature varies

from 103° to 114° Fahr. Some of the pools swarm with fish, which
are generally known as sudd, though each species has its own
distinctive Nine miles northward from Ghobra is the pro-
name. .
jecting headland Ras al-Ahmir, where the coast turns sharply to

the east, while between Ghobra and Ras al-Ahmir is Khor al-Kurm,
near to which is Wataia, an old palace of Seyyid Thowaini, now
fast crumbling to ruins. At this creek the sandy beach terminates,
but by some authorities the Batineh is considered to extend as far
as this point. Opposite to Ras al-Ahmar, two miles out to sea, is
the Island of Fahil or the " Stallion," a steep rock 280 feet high and
precipitous all round, a breeding-place for falcons, ospreys, and gulls.
Passing Ras Malih and Meseeh al-Leehai we come to Darseyt, a village

in the fertile little Wady Darseyt, which is a continuation of the Sih
al-Harmel. The geological formation of Wady Darseyt is very
singular, offering a contrast between the volcanic rocks on the
eastern side and sedimentary rocks on the western, and the sand-
stone here is largely quarried and taken to Muscat, to be used for
building purposes. Next to Darseyt is the hamlet of Aient, and then
we reach Ras Shateefi, at the corner of Muttrah Bay, four miles from
Ras al-Ahmar, where there is a cove and village, and from here the
coast falls again to the south as far as Arbak, the western suburb
of Muttrah.
The town of Muttrah is defended by a strong wall with two gates
(Bab al-Kebeer and Bab al-Methayib) and four bastions at the ;
east end the citadel is on a commanding eminence, and in the centre

of the town is a walled enclosure called the Soor al-Lowatya, occupied
by the Khoja community, into which no others are admitted. The
length of the town, bounded by high rocks at each end, is about half
a mile, having some good houses, while the bazaar is larger and better
stocked than that of Muscat. The inhabitants, who are very cosmo-
politan, are located entirely within the walls, the exposure to hostile
raids by the Arabs of the interior preventing the people from
residing outside. The harbour is wide and capacious, with good
anchorage for native craft. The only pass between this town and
VOL. II. N 3
;
Muscat is a rocky defile, impassable for laden animals, communica-

tion being almost exclusively by water, employing a large number
of canoes in ferrying passengers from one town to the other these ;
canoes have to go round by Ras Muscat, passing on the way three

villages at the mouth of the ravines, Mataira, Riyam, and Kalbuh.
Egress from Muscat by land being almost impracticable, Muttrah,
which is distant half a mile in a straight line and a mile and half by
sea, takes its place as a starting-point and terminus for caravans
and wayfarers journeying to and from the interior, the consequent
traffic being very considerable.
Situated at the end of the cove at the base of an amphitheatre of
lofty, sombre, and arid peaks, some of which are surmounted by
towers and lying between two elevated and imposing looking forts,
Muscat presents a scene strikingly grand and picturesque. The

harbour or cove is formed by an island, rocky, bare, and precipitous,
350 feet high and three-quarters of a mile long, lying outside it

this island being only disconnected from the mainland by a narrow
and shallow channel, the entrance is at the northern end, where it

is guarded by a tower at each point, that on the island being called
Secret al-Sharkiya, and that on the other being called Secret al-
Gharbiyeh. Concealed from sight by the island the port is invisible
from seaward until a ship rounds the entrance, when the whole scene
of town and shipping bursts on the view the ancient name given
;
to it by the Greeks of " Cryptos limeen," or the " Hidden Port,"

is therefore most appropriate. This island, though forming an
effective breakwater to the north and east, leaves the harbour exposed
to the north-west, and during the prevalence of gales in the cold
season there is often a heavy swelland surf, which continues for two
or three days.
On the west side of the harbour is known as
a small cove,
MocuUa, perfectly sheltered from all winds, and used by native
which can lie in safety and be careened.
craft, Down to the six-
teenth century this cove was called " Moculla Chini," and is men-
tioned under that name in the " Decadas " of Barros and Couto,
being probably the place where the Chinese vessels anchored in
former times.
;
On entering Muscat harbour the two most conspicuous objects

are the forts, commanding and defending the town. That on the
eastern side, constructed by the Portuguese in 1589, named by
them " San Joao," or " St. John," now called by the Arabs Jelali,
or the " Glorious," consists of two high towers joined by a long curtain
pierced by two tiers of embrasures, and is rendered inaccessible by
the isolated rock on which it stands being scarped on all sides, and
is only approachable by a flight of steps cut out of the solid rock.
The western fort, called by the Portuguese *'
Fort Capitan,"
now known to the Arabs as " Merani," having received the name
from that of a Belooch commandant, was constructed in 1588,
according to the inscription over the gate. The fort is large and
irregular and has been designed with much skill and judgment
in the upper part is a small circular chapel with an inscription to the
Virgin and has a holy water cup outside, from which the fort is often
called Kalaat al-Tasa, or the " Fort of the Cup," by the Arabs. Some
of the iron guns in the fort are rusty and honeycombed, and would
probably burst when fired, but in the estimation of the Arabs this
trifling defect does not in the least detract from their value and im-
portance ; one of the iron guns lying unmounted has the arms and
superscription of " Don Philippe," while another bears the name of
*'
Don Juan de Cunha," with the date 1606. The town is protected
by a rampart and a broad ditch, all of Portuguese construction,
the tower at the eastern end being known as Booma Salih. The wall
is pierced by two gates, " the large " and " small," the latter being
close to the covered bazaar, which is extensive and well supplied.

The town compactly built with a few large and handsome houses,
is
but with short, irregular, and narrow streets it is divided into

;
fourteen haras or quarters, and on the front, near the beach, are the
Palace, Harem, and Custom House. The Custom House was built
in 1624, according to a date on the door, soon after the expulsion of
the Portuguese from Hormuz, when their trading centre was trans-
ferred to Muscat.
The Sultan's palace, now about a century old, is built on the
foundations of an old sea wall called Sikket al-Mudfa, erected by
VOL, n. N4
—
the Portuguese, which extended along the front and was mounted
with sixty large cannon, and is mentioned by Hamilton as still stand-
ing in his time. Not far from the Sultan's palace stands the old
Portuguese " Gareza," or cathedral, built about 1630, a detached
three-storied edifice, comprising the church, the factory, barracks,
and store room, etc. Subsequent to the recovery of Muscat by the
Arabs in 1650 it formed the residence of the Imams for many years
until the erection of the present palace. Contiguous to and connected
with the palace is the harem, with a broad wooden balcony over-
looking the harbour, which was built for the accommodation of
Seyyid Saeed's ladies, the number of whom is said to have been
three hundred. Madame Heifer has given an interesting account
of her visit to this harem, which is here transcribed :
" After a short ride we reached the palace, where our visit
had been announced. A wooden staircase, rather dark and not
over clean, led to the upper floor of the ancient building, the
lower apartments of which were wide open. We passed tlirough
several empty rooms before we reached a spacious apartment,
in which there was quite an assemblage of women. There was
a great variety in their age, appearance, and costume, as there
was also among the children with them I reckoned that alto-
;
gether there were over a hundred persons they were the Imam's
;
concubines and attendants of his legitimate wife and the prin-

cesses. On our entrance they all rose and ranged themselves
on one side to allow us to pass. Our rapid passage through
the room allowed me no time to observe them. At the further
end a large door was opened by one of the women, which led
into the interior of the harem, the apartment of the Imam's
lawful wife. Here there were four ladies, his mother, wife,
daughter, and one of his sisters. The former was in the dark
unadorned dress appropriate to a widow she had thrown ;
aside her veil, and sat erect upon raised cushions a little apart
from the other ladies, whom she appeared to rule.
" The Imam's wife, on the contrary, glittered in all the usual
;
oriental splendour. Dressed in the most costly silks, richly

embroidered in gold and silver, with ornaments of emeralds,
pearls, and rubies, she was seated upon bright coloured cushions,
interwoven with silver thread, spread upon handsome carpets.
Her daughter, a girl of from twelve to fifteen, by her side,
lay
her delicate limbs only covered by a transparent crapelike
material, of reddish-purple colour, permitting one to admire
the proportions of her slender form ; but her face, as well as
those of the others, was concealed by a wire mask, like the
stone-breaker's spectacles, covering forehead, nose, and cheeks
down to the mouth, with oval openings for the eyes, the black
edges of which enhanced the effect of their dark colour. These
masks, ornamented with jewels of every hue, seemed to be not
only intended to conceal the features, but to be articles of the
toilet, considered to increase the beauty of the wearers, as the
glittering gems formed an excellent foil to their black hair and
dark complexions.
" There was a large, bronze, four-post bedstead in the room,
with crimson velvet hangings, and the posts were specimens of
artistic work. The Imam's wife said, pointing to it with evident
pride, '
It is a present from Queen Victoria, ruler of England,
my dear sister.' So the royal fellowship among sovereigns
extends even to this remote corner of the world. The lady
spoke further of the friendly relations between her husband
and Her Britannic Majesty, and said that she had presented
him with a beautiful fire-ship. The Queen-mother was hemming
a pocket handkerchief, and seeing me looking at it she showed it
to me, and asked if she was doing it properly she said that she
;
had learnt to sew from European ladies, and was very fond of it
this was the first and only time that I ever saw an Asiatic lady
employing herself in needlework. A eunuch came in before
long and respectfully laid a letter at her feet she hastily opened
;
it, and told me it was from the Imam, who, being absent in the
wars, had sent her an account of his achievements. It seemed

to please her very much to have this opportunity of displaying
her superior talents. Costly fruits and preserves were afterwards

served for us on crystal plates.The ladies then all withdrew
into an adjoining department. I thought this very strange,
but was told that it was the custom, in order that the visitor
may eat as much as she likes. This is certainly a delicate trait
of hospitality in countries where the stranger may travel all
day through burning deserts, hungry and and must eat
thirsty,
prospectively. I thought of our ride to Baghdad, and the
preliminary meal of the Aniza Arabs, before they felt able to
appear as guests at our table, on board the Euphrates, without
compromising their dignity ; hunger is a bad master of the
ceremonies.
" When the ladies re-appeared, our metamorphosed sailor
boy was looking wistfully at the dainties before him. The

princesses invited him to help himself, but glancing at his
girdle, which was not so easy as his sailor's jacket, he said,
'
My belly is so full,* which, being interpreted into Arabic,
caused a smile to play on the delicate ladies' lips. They invited
him to stow away as much as he could in his ample trousers ;
he did not require pressing, and soon stuffed them so full that
his head and arms appeared to grow out of two elephant's
legs, and he looked droll enough.
" I had observed that the ladies often regarded me with
abashed looks, and after looking me in the face, cast down
their eyes. On enquiry I learned that my uncovered face was
as repulsive to them as the sight of a naked person would be
to us. They begged to be allowed to put me on a mask, and
after an attendant had tied on a very ornamental one, they all
exclaimed *
Tahip, Tahip !
'
(beautiful, beautiful !)
" For the second time I made the humiliating discovery

that appreciation of beauty did not depend on my personal
my
charms but entirely on my toilet. Is it so very different in
Europe, the home par excellence of the arts and aesthetics ? The
curious thing here was the careful concealment of the face, while
the figure was so insufficiently covered with transparent crape.
—
I was custom is very strictly observed and that

told that this
the sight of an uncovered female face is most painful, even to
women themselves. A mother does not even see her daughter's
face uncovered after her twelfth year her husband only has
;
the right of lifting her mask. After many questions and reciprocal
communications, in which the princesses showed more intelli-
gence and cultivation than any Mussulman women I had met
with, or even the Asiatic Christians, I took leave of them,
giving them back the beautiful mask with regret, for I should
have liked to have retained it as a keepsake."
The population of Muscat may be roughly estimated at 30,000

or 40,000, but a small portion only of this number reside within the
town, the bulk of the people living outside the walls in huts con-
structed of date stick reed, split bamboos, and mats, gable roofed
and rarely exceeding twelve feet in height.
Leaving the town by the Lesser Gate the path leads to a suburb
called Sedab, where there is a small bay almost landlocked. On
the way is a low pass defended by a tower and gate, the view from
which is extremely picturesque. The path leading from the large
gate has seven branches, one leading to Kalbuh, another to Riyam,
and a third, very deep and rugged, to Muttrah, while a fourth takes
one through Tuyan or " The Wells," to the Wady Kebeer, at the
top of which is a pass from which it is possible to descend into the
Sehal Harmel and the village of Rowi. During the siege of 1877
an incident occurred which is thus narrated by Grattan Geary in
his work Through Asiatic Turkey :
" Not very long Her Majesty's gunboat Teazer,

since
lying in the harbour, was called upon to fire over the town at
a crowd of Bedouins who had insolently taken up a position
beyond the line of hills to the south, in the hope of finding their
way into Muscat and sacking it. The shells created a great
moral the Arabs never having seen such missiles before.
effect,
They said the shells had eyes and could see where to fall. They
could not understand how otherwise the shells could come

right into their midst, as they were, of course, out of the view
of the gunners on board the Teazer, the hills intervening.
The fire was really directed by signals from an old Portuguese
tower on the summit of one of the hills. A shell fell in a field
and did not explode. It was immediately surrounded by a

number of excited Bedouins, who determined at once to put out
the '
eye '
—the copper percussion fuse — ^by which it guides its
course. They struck the '

eye *
with their lances, the shell
exploded, and eleven Bedouins were killed on the spot. Of
course the marauders ultimately decamped."
At Muscat as well as at the chief trading ports of the Batineh

coast a small number
Hindoo merchants from Cutch have
of
established themselves. These shrewd and enterprising Banians,
by their superior capacity and knowledge, have a controlling influence
in commercial transactions and not only acquire considerable fortunes
for themselves but by their operations as bankers, brokers, and
moneylenders render indispensable service to Arabs of all classes.
They are engagQd chiefly in importing Manchester, American, and
Bombay piece-goods, rice, metals, and other requirements of Arab
life.
The word Muscat means anchorage, literally the place of

" lettingfall the anchor," and the appellation has no doubt descended
from remote times. In its commanding and convenient position

as a strong emporium on the highway of ocean commerce between
the East and the West, Muscat possesses advantages, strategic and
commercial. Its secure harbour, its inaccessibility by land, and its
natural strength point it out as a place of high value and importance,
standing not only as the " Key of the Persian Gulf," but as a central
place of trade for Persia, East Africa, and Mesopotamia.
India,
In the palmy days of Babylonia, Muscat monopolized and controlled
the seaborne trade between India and Mesopotamia, and Arrian,
although ignorant of its true position, notes that it was the seat of
trade in those parts, while under the Yaareba Dynasty Muscat rose
to a dominant position in the East in the hands of a powerful

nation.
The plutonic rocks, amongst which Muscat Hes embosomed,
may be said to cover an area of about thirty square miles, extending
from Darseyt on the west to Ras Jisseh on the east, coming in contact
at these points with the nummulithic limestone formation generally
prevalent in the country. Of these igneous rocks we have fortunately
been given an elaborate and interesting description by Dr. H. J.
Carter, who informs us that " this group consists of serpentine,
green stone, and basalt, and that in these three products we have the
type of all the igneous masses in South-East Arabia." The most
universal and conspicuous of these rocks is a sombre black serpentine,
similar to that at the Lizard Point in Cornwall, but the group is also
composed and steatite. On
of diorite, felspar, quartz, horneblende
the beach at Muscat and Muttrah is to be found a contemporaneous
conglomerate, from high-water mark downwards, composed of recent
shells, serpentine and corals. Outside the volcanic area ferruginous
sandstone is to be seen together with the yellow nummulithic lime-
stone and other rocks. Besides the valuable memoirs on the geology
of Muscat by Dr. Carter above referred to, we have the observation
of Captain Newbolt and Mr. W. T. Blanford on the subject.
Passing in succession the sandy beaches and fishing hamlets of
Haramel, Rowtha, the two Bostans, and Kantab, belonging to the
Beni Wahaib and Beni Hassan tribes, we come to Jisseh, a town at the
bottom of a ravine six miles from Muscat, with a good cove protected
by an island. Being inaccessible from the interior and a safe
anchorage it was taken possession of by the Joasmees during their
supremacy at sea in the early days of the nineteenth century as a
base for their piratical
fleet. At Jisseh the metamorphic rocks are
bounded and overlapped by yellow limestone, and Carter remarks
that " this limestone formation is continued on for thirty miles in
an extremely broken condition, being raised up in ridges one after
another." After this distance the formation loses its broken
character and passes into round and isolated hills, which are
terminated by the great inland ridge approaching the sea to form the
fourth boundary of the "
*
Devil's Gap.'
Returning to Jisseh we find that the next place, Yiti, is a small

fishing village at the mouth of the Wady Maih, which is a continuation
of the Wady Hatat and is well watered and cultivated, being one of
the market gardens of Muscat. The population of this valley is
about 1,000, occupying four villages, i.e., Mizra Alowi, Mizra Sefara
(belonging to the Maashera tribe), Rezaa and Yiti, which belong to
the Beni Wahaib. The houses are on the banks of the stream, which
is perennial, and the gardens are chiefly pensile, oleanders abounding
here.
Hatat is a small plain environed by hills and is called by three
or four names, and the tribes occupying it are the Beni Battash,
Beni Wahaib, Beni Jabir, Beni Hassan and Maashera. The rocks
are very curious and in every variety of colour and shape, while the
action of fire is very apparent, the strata being very confused and
contorted, lying in arches over blocks of limestone, having apparently
been at one time in a molten state. On the right bank of the Wady
Maih, about one mile from Yiti, are the ruins of an old fort and town.
From this and as far as Abu Daood the coast is irregular with low
cliffs alternating with sandy beaches. At a distance of seven miles
below Yiti we find Bundar Khairan, a cove formed by two islets,
occasionally used as a refuge in bad weather by native craft and
visited by Muscat fishermen, but there are no permanent habita-
tions because the water obtainable here is very brackish and at
a great depth. The ruins of an old fort are to be seen near the
beach, which is claimed by the Beni Wahaib, who occupy the coast
between Yiti and Abu Daood. In 1872 a large dhow, with a full
cargo of slaves which had sought concealment here, was captured by
H.M.S. Magpie and brought to Muscat for adjudication.
Next to Bundar Khairan is a little cove half a mile deep, formed
by a peninsula known as Ras Keziakigan, then we come to three
small bays, the centre one of which is called Khaisat al-Shaikh,
after which follows a large bay, called Ghubbet al-Sifa, in which is a
village of the same name, a tower, and the usual date grove,
while in this bay is the outlet of the Wady Seraya.
Passing Dhahar al-Badir we reach Ras Abu Daood, twelve miles
The Kooria Mooria Islands. 4^1
from Ras Abu Daood is the most salient promontory between

Sifa.
Cape Mussendom and Ras al-Had, and stands out 4,000 feet in
elevation ; the cliff, beginning four miles north-west of Abu Daood,
continues nearly to Kuriyat. After passing the Wady Mylis, which
rises in the above Suakim and forms a small creek, we arrive at
hills
Kuriyat al-Kabeera, an ancient town with a small fort, which prob-

ably owed its prestige and former prosperity to its proximity to
the Wady Thaika, and by its trade with the interior, and though
devoid of any shelter for vessels, it possesses several large bughlas
and trades direct with India. The population of the whole district
may be 3,000 to 4,000, composed of the Beni Sinan and Beni Battash
and other tribes, who and quarrelsome people, always
are a turbulent
at variance with each other and setting the Sultan's Wall at defiance ;
it has very extensive date groves and there is a fine avenue of mango
trees. In former times the plain above Kuriyat was a pasture ground
for breeding horses, which, according to Marco Polo, were shipped
in great numbers to India from Kilhat but this trade appeared to
;
have ceased in the sixteenth century during the occupation of the

Portuguese. The great cluster of mountains on the north side of
Wady Thaika, or the " Devil's Gap," are called Jebel Nakhl or Jebel
Sotari, and culminates in a peak 6,200 feet high, eighteen miles from
the sea upon this peak, we are told by the sapient young traveller
;
Ibn al-Mojawir, rests the anchor of Noah's Ark.

Seven miles from Kuriyat al-Kabeera is Kuriyat al-Sagheera, a
small village to the south, and six miles further is the settlement of
Hail, near which runs theWady of that name. This place was
founded by Seyyid Khalban, who was Governor of Muscat at the time
of Franklin's visit in 1787.
We have now arrived at the great valley called by the Arabs
Wady Thaika, or Hail Ghaf, and known to Europeans as the " Devil's
Gap," a narrow cafion cut through the hills by the water of the
Wady Tyeen the bluff on the northern side of the gap is called
;
Nuwai, while that on the southern is called Naab.

Leaving Kuriyat the first place on the coast is Ras Lowaiz,
and then we come to AI-Hajir of the Beni Battash, while the village
—
of Dhibab, which comes next, is inhabited by the Beni Jabir and the
Beni Wahaib. Bama, a village of the Al-Ghadana, which tribe occu-
pies also Dagmar and Fins, is inhabited by a branch of the Beni Jabir,
but as their own tribe could not protect them they afhhated them-
selves to the Beni Battash.
South of the Devil's Gap valley is the great mass known as
Jebel Jabir, which takes its name from the powerful tribe inhabiting
it, the Beni Jabir, who descend from the Dhobyan and are still at
feud with their ancient enemy the Abs. Of this mountain range
Carter gives the following description :
" Here there is a break, and no clifi[ for a few miles, until
the ridge, which forms the opposite or southern boundary
of the opening of the valley, commences, and this, attaining a
height of 4,400 feet, not above eight miles from the sea, presents,
as may be conceived, an immense mural surface in this direction.

" From the summit of the ridge here, which is called Jibal
Jabir, the land descends to the sea in two or three gigantic
cliffs, and is thus scarped the whole way to the town of Soor."
Thirty-eight miles from Kuriyat is Ras Shajr, or " One Tree

Point," a low spit, but the second most prominent cape between Mus-
cat and Ras al-Had. The ravine here is Sell al-Aswad, " the Black
Torrent," and another ravine near is Wady Ghowaisa, just opposite
the shoal on which the sailing ship Marion Moore was wrecked
in 1879.
On the headland, Ras Shajr, is a village of the Beni Jabir, called
Amk al-Lakoot, while between Ras Shajr and Gheil al-Shaab are
Ras Fins, with a village and tower and owning ten badans, and
MocuUa Wabr, an anchorage for fishing boats. From this part of
the coast the high peak of the Jebel Jabir range, 4,400 feet, is clearly
visible. The village of Shaab on the right bank of a backwater

is
a mile and a half long, leading up to a steep and rocky defile, forming
a pass into the interior. About three miles up, the torrent falls in
a series of cascades and there are several villages with pensile gardens,
the scenery here being very romantic and picturesque. Tiae flo\^
of water from the hills is copious and perennial, but the creek is
sheltered and has a sandy bar at the entrance, where the sea filters
in at high tide ; the word Shaab means a " ravine between cliffs,"
and well describes the lagoon, which has lofty and almost vertical
sides.
About two miles from Shaab is Taiwee, situated at the mouth of
a deep ravine with deep sides running up for man}' miles. In the
upper part it is called Wady Bair, which is said to be fertile and well-
peopled, and contains nine villages, namely, Taiwee, Hassan, Hallet
bin Eesa, Hallet, Bidda, Al-Akr, Saima, Sowi, Mib^m, and Amk
Kobair. Taiwee is a town with a beautiful wooded creek and a
large pool of fresh water, nearwhich are date groves and gardens,
while not far from the beach is the burial ground of the Turks of
Kirman who invaded the country, many of whom fell in a battle
that took place in the vicinity ; it is also the chief port of the Beni
. Jabir, and has a considerable trade, the people possessing fourteen
badans or coasting craft by many Shaikhs Taiwee is considered
;
the boundary between Oman and Al-Sharkya, but the limit is

generally placed at the " Devil's Gap," as above stated. South of
Wady Taiwee, and separated from it by a narrow ridge only, is Wady
Fakk, which has the appearance of a mere chasm or cleft, and though
shorter than Taiwee, has a more abundant supply of water. Near
Taiwee are the ruins of an old town called Jereit, of which only a
tower remains standing. Four miles further on we come to the
Wady Haiwi, a small ravine situated in an indentation of the coast
where the hills are composed of a very pure creamy limestone, which
is extensively exported to Bombay for conversion into lime. There
are two villages in this wadi, Hareem and Taab, the Shaikh of the
latter place controlling the coast as far as Dhibab.
Passing Ghubbet Haidi and Ras Bu Mogheera we arrive after
two creeks
eight miles at the ruined city of Kilhat, situated between
in an opening in the hills which here rise abruptly from the sea.
This famous city, now desolated and deserted, was at one period the
most important seaport of Oman and the principal emporium of her
VOL. II. O
—
commerce. Marco Polo, who visited it in the thirteenth century,

gives the following account of its trade and condition at that time :
" Calatu is a great city, within a gulf which bears the name
of the Gulf of Calatu. It is a noble city, and lies 600 miles from
Dufar towards the north-west, upon the seashore. The people
are Saracens, and are subject to Hormos. And whenever the
Melic of Hormos is at war with some prince more potent than
himself, he betakes himself to this city of Calatu, because it is
very strong, both from its position and its fortifications. They
grow no corn here, but get it from abroad, for every merchant
vessel that comes brings some. The haven is very large and
good, and is frequented by numerous ships with goods from
India, and from this city the spices and other merchandise are
distributed among the cities and towns of the interior. They
also export many good Arab horses to India. For, as I have
told you before, the number of horses exported from this and
the other cities to India yearly is something astonishing."
According to tradition Kilhat was destroyed by an earthquake

about four centuries ago. From this time its decadence was rapid
and complete, though Albuquerque in 1507 found it still occupied
by a governor sent from Hormuz. The site of the ruins is on the
littoral declivity of the range known as Jebel Kilhat, but in former
times the city was very extensive, for every available spot is strewn
with the debris of houses and buildings. The line of fortification,
which guarded the town on the south side, can still be traced without
difficulty, there being three bastions which ran from the sea to the
precipitous part of the hills behind the town, where it terminated ;
while towards the north the town was protected by two towers on a
small eminence called Al-Shaikh. Under this hill lies the present
village of Kilhat, inhabited by the Al-Saabiyeen, a tribe of 300
souls, who have inherited all that remains of the ancient splendour
of the city.
Issuing from the hills and dividing the town is a deep ravine
called the Wady Issa, the mouth of which is very broad and previous
to the earthquake formed the harbour, up which vessels could ascend

for half a mile and anchor abreast of the town, but it is now so choked
that only the smallest boats can enter it ; the Wad}^ Issa at that
time provided the natural highway into the interior, but is now much
impeded by boulders of rock which have fallen from above. Half a
mile up it is Maida, a deep pool under a perpendicular cliff, and two
miles further on is Sakhers, where the Issa is joined by the Wady
Kabdi on the left bank. From hence ran the aqueduct that suppUed
the ancient city with water, the square cistern that received the spring
being still in good preservation.
After Kilhat, the mountain range, as Carter remarks, falls in
two or three gigantic cliffs almost to the level of the sea as far as the
town of Soor, twelve miles distant. Close to Kilhat is Ras al-Hafar
with a hamlet of the Fazasija tribe then comes Resagh Khor al-
;
Jena, a hamlet of the Howajir, after which we arrive at a small head-

land, Ras al-Had al-Soor, the name of which appears to have caused
some confusion in the works of old writers, who often allude to
Ras al-Had as " Rosalgate," mistaking one point for another. Soor,
the most important harbour for native craft in Oman, next to
Muscat, formerly consisted of two towns, one about two miles inland,
called Al-Balad or Soor Soor, and the other on the shore called
Al-Sahil the former, however, was destroyed by the Wahabees
;
many years ago and is now deserted, but the present town is divided
into two parts by a backwater and is inhabited by two tribes who
are not on good terms with each other. The eastern and larger
portion is on a low cliff named Eijah and belongs to the Beni Bu Ali,
who derive from the Beni Teman tribe of ancient fame, and number
about 6,000 four towers here protect the settlement. The western
;
portion comprises four mohuUes, i.e., Om Khareematein, Ruaka,

Mokha, and Moosafee, the first named being the largest with 1,500
mat houses ; two hamlets with towers, Sheera and
there are also
Senaisila. This part is occupied by the Jenebeh, who are about
5,000 strong, but other tribes are also represented here. Date palm
and other fruits are largely grown and there is a good deal of cultiva-
tion. The harbour is formed by a creek running up tortuously for
VOL. II. o 2
some distance, half encircling the town, and is deep enough for the
which can be
largest bughlas, built, launched, and laid up in ordinary
during the winter monsoon. They build about a dozen vessels of
all sizes every year, the shipwrights being Indians and Arabs, teak
being mainly used which is brought from Malabar. In the year
1874 Soor possessed fifty-six large bughlas, besides bateels, zainas,
and 150 badans. The eastern part of Oman is chiefly supplied with
foreign goods through Soor, the other parts of Oman being supplied
through Muscat, which has steamer traffic with India. The Wali
is appointed from Muscat, but has little jurisdiction, as this is mainly
exercised by the Temeemeh of the Beni Bu and Jenebeh tribes,

Ali
who alone have authority over their people and are responsible for
keeping order.
The customs are farmed to the Hindoo traders for 2,000 dollars,
but this amount might easily be doubled were the Sultan strong
enough to enforce payment. The Soories have ever borne, in the
Indian Ocean, an unenviable reputation as pirates, kidnappers, and
slave-traders, and the port was generally regarded in former days
as the largest slave depot in the Arabian Sea. The climate of Soor
is dry and healthy, but the water is bad and has to be brought in
skins from a considerable distance.

The word Soor means rock, and is identical with the name of the
Phoenician city on the coast of Palestine, better known by the Grecian
name of Tyre. It was probably so called from the cliff on which the
town of Eijah stands, and may be more ancient than the Mediter-
ranean port, as the Phoenicians must have passed by Oman on their
way up the Persian Gulf. Ibn Batuta landed at Soor on his way from
Dhofar to Persia, and as his journey into the interior is interesting
it is here given.
Ibn Batuta.
In the year 731 a.h. [a.d. 1330] the most famous of Eastern
travellers, Abu AbduUa Mohammed bin Abdulla al-Lawaty, com-
monly known as Ibn Batuta, arrived in Oman from Dhofar on his
way to Persia and Turkey. His account is short but very interesting,
—
The Kooria Mooria Islands. ^yy
and is the more valuable as it occurs at a period which is left blank

in the annals of the native historians. He is, moreover, one of the
most recent of foreign Arab authors on Oman, and I therefore give
here a full translation of his narrative from the text of Sanquinette :
" Thus we sailed from the INIursa Hasek for four days and
arrived at Jebel Qumaan, which is in the midst of the sea, and
on the top of it is a hermitage built of stone and roofed with
the bones of fish. Outside of it is a cistern containing rain
water."
Account of a Saint whom we saw on this mount.

" After we had anchored under this hill, we ascended to
the hermitage and found there a shaikh asleep. We saluted
him and then he got up and returned our salutations by signs.
We spoke to him but he did not reply and merely shook his
head. Then the people of the ship brought him food but he
declined to accept it. Then we asked for his blessing and he
moved his lips but we did not know what he said. He wore a
tattered garment and Greek felt cap but he had neither water
skin nor even staff nor shoes. The men on board said they had
never seen him before on that mountain. We remained all that
night on the shore under the hill and we prayed with him in the
afternoon and at sunset. We brought him food but he refused
it and he remained praying until the time for the last prayer at
night when he gave the call and we prayed with him. He had
a good voice for reading aloud and when he had finished the
last prayer he signalled us to leave him, so we took our leave and
retired, being surprised at his behaviour. Then I desired to
return to him after we had gone some distance, but when I
approached I felt discouraged and fear overcame me and I re-
joined my companions and went away with them. We emBarked
on the sea and arrived after two days at the Island of Birds, on
which there are no inhabitants. So we anchored there and
descended on it and found it full of birds like the Shakihak,
VOL. II. 03
4/8 Arabia, Eastern and South- Eastern, and
but larger than that, and our people collected the eggs of those
birds and cooked them and eat them they also captured many
;
of the birds and cooked them without sacrificing them and

then eat them. Sitting by me was a merchant from the people
of the Island of Maseera, but who resided at Zhafar. His name
was Muselliun. I saw him also eating those birds with them
and I remonstrated with him about it. He was much ashamed
and said to me, I thought they had sacrificed them,' and he
'
separated himself from me after that from shame and did not
come near me even when I invited him. My food in those days
on that ship consisted of dates and fish. They caught morning
and evening a fish called in Persian Shir Mahi/ the meaning
*
of which is lion fish,' as Shir is lion and Mahi is fish.

'
It is like
the fish called among us Tazirat.' They cut it into pieces and
'
cook it and give a piece to every one in the ship, not respecting
one above another, not even the Captain of the ship, and except
no one, and they eat it with dates. I had brought with me some
bread and cakes from Zhafar, and when was consumed I
this
subsisted on the fish like all the others. We passed the Eed
el-Adhhar and then came upon us that day a gale of wind after
daybreak and it lasted till the next sunrise, and we were in
danger of sinking."
Miracle.
" On board the ship there was with us an Indian Hajji

named Khidhr, and called Muland because he could remember
the Koran and was caUgraphist. When this man saw the terri-
bleness of the sea he covered his head with his cloak and pre-
tended to go to sleep. After God had dispelled the storm I
said to him, O, Mulana Khidhr, what did you see ?
'
He '
replied, While I was in terror I opened my eyes to see whether

'
the angels who receive the souls had come, but could not dis-
cover them so I said to myself, " Al Hamdo lillah if we were !
destined to sink they would have come to take the souls," so I

shut my eyes again. Then I opened them but saw no angels
as before until God had removed the danger.' And there

was in front of us a ship belonging to some merchants which sank
and none escaped from it but one man who reached land by
swimming after great exertions.
" I eat on board that vessel a kind of food which I had
never tasted before nor since. It was made by a merchant of

Oman and was composed of unground jowari boiled, with date
treacle poured over it and then eaten. Then we arrived at the
island of Maseera, to which the owner of the ship we were in
belonged. This is the word Maseera with an h added on
* ' ' '
to make it feminine. The island is large and there is no food for

the people but fish. We did not land there on account of the
distance of the anchorage from the shore, and I was prejudiced
against the people since I saw them eat the birds without
sacrificing them.
"We remained there one day while the owner of the vessel
went to his house and returned. Then we sailed a day and a
night and arrived at the harbour of a large town on the seashore
named Soor, and we could see from it the city of Kilhat, at the
foot of a mountain which we imagined to be close by. We
arrived at the harbour about sunset, or before, and when the
city came in view I desired to go there and pass the night in it,
as I was disgusted at the society of the people in the ship,
so I enquired the way and was informed that I should
thither
arrive there in the afternoon. Then I engaged one of the seamen
to show me the way, and Khidhr, the Indian whom I mentioned
before, accompanied me. I left my companions with what
belonged to me in the ship and they were to rejoin me the
following day. I took all my clothes and handed them to that
guide to save myself the trouble of carrying them, and in my

hand I carried a lance. But the guide wished to get possession
of my clothes so he brought us to a tidal creek of the sea which
he was preparing to cross with my clothes, but I said to him,
'
You may go across alone and leave tlie clothes with us if ;
we can cross here we will do so, and if not we will go higher up

VOL. n. o4
'4oO Arabia, Eastern and South-Eastern, and
and seek for a ford,' Upon this he returned to us and then we

noticed men swimming across, so we became certain that he had
designed to drown us and make off with the clothes. I imme-
diately feigned hilarity and though I kept on my guard and
girded my loins, I shook my spear and the guide feared me.
" We continued to ascend until we came to a defile, from
which we merged on a plain without water. We were greatly

distressed by thirst but God sent us a horseman with a large
retinue, one of whom had in his hand a bottle of water. He
gave me a drink and my companions also, and we went on,
thinking the city was near to us, but between us and it were
nullahs, along which we walked many miles. When it was
evening the guide wished to turn us in the direction of the sea
where there was no road as the shore is rocky, his idea
being to entangle us there and to go off with the clothes.
So I him we would walk only upon the road we were
told
following, and there was between us and the sea about a mile.
" When it became dark he said to us, The city is quite '
near now, let we may pass the night

us walk on briskly so that
outside it until the morning.' I was afraid we might be stopped
by some one on the road and I did not know what distance
remained, so I said to him, '
It is best for us to quit the road
and sleep somewhere,and when it is morning we will, please
God, enter the city.' I had already noticed a party of men at
the foot of a hill not far off and I was afraid they were thieves,
and I said Concealment is the first thing.'
'
My companion,
however, was overcome by thirst and did not approve of that.
Then I quitted the road and went to a tree called Um Gheilan,
as I was fatigued and worn out with exertion, though I showed
myself strong and active through fear of my guide, but my
companion was quite ill and exhausted. I then placed the guide
between myself and friend and I placed the clothes between
my and my body and took the spear in my hand. My
dress
friend and the guide lay down to sleep but I remained awake,
and whenever the guide moved I spoke to him and showed
;
The Kooria Mooria Islands. /^8i
him that I was watchful, and we did not stir from thence till
the morning. We then returned to the road and found people

bringing in needful things for the city. I then sent the guide
to fetch us some water and my companion took the clothes to
carry for me. Between us and the city were precipices and
chasms. Then he brought some water and we drank, and by
that time it had become hot. After that we arrived at the
city of Kilhat, which is pronounced Kalhat,' and entered it. '
We were in great distress, myself especially. My shoe was so

tight on my foot that it forced the blood to ooze out under
the nails.
" When we arrived at the gate of the city it happened to
seal our calamity, that the gatekeeper said to us, '
It is necessary
you should come with me to the Ameer of the city that he may
be acquainted with your affairs and with your destination.'
So I went to him, and saw that he was a man of politeness
and good qualities. He asked me concerning my state and took
me in, and I remained with him six days, and I had no power
to stand on my
feet on account of their painful condition.
" The city of Kilhat is on the shore there are handsome ;
markets and it has one of the most beautiful of all mosques,

in it,
the walls of which are lined with Kashani tiles resembling enamel.
It stands on an eminence overlooking the sea and the harbour
it was built by Bibi Miriam. The meaning of Bibi among them
is freebom.
" I eat in this city of a fish, the like of which I have never
tasted in any other country. any other
I liked it better than
meat and I eat nothing else here upon the leaf of
; they cook it
a tree, put it on rice and eat it. The rice is brought to them
from the land of India. The people here are merchants, and
their provisions come to them by way of the Indian Sea. When
a vessel arrives here great rejoicings take place. Their language
is not pure although they are Arabs, and each sentence they use
they turn into a question by adding '
la
' — ' no.' Thus, for
instance, they say, '
You eat, no ? ' '
You walk, no ?
' '
You
do so-and-so, no ? '
Most of them are Kharejites but they are
not able to follow their tenets outwardly, for they are under the
dominion of Sultan Kutb ul-Deen, Malik of Hormuz, who is
a Sunnite.
" In the neighbourhood of Kilhat is the village of Taibi
(its name word Tayyib and in speaking of it they attri-
is like the
bute it to themselves), which is a most delightful suburb and

very beautiful, having running streams, stately trees, and
numerous gardens. From it they bring fruits to Kilhat, and
in this place is a plant called El-Murrowari. El-Murrowari,
in Persian, means
and these plantains are very plentiful
jewels,
and are taken hence to Hormuz and other places. There is
also to be found here the betel, but its leaves are small, and dates
are brought to these parts from Oman.
" After that we desired to go to the country of Oman,
and travelled six days through a level country and arrived at
the province of Oman (Proper) on the seventh day. It is a
land of plenty, full of streams and trees, and orchards of dates
and fruits of many different kinds and we came to the chief
;
town of the district, viz., the city of Nezwa the name is pro- ;
nounced Nazwa.' This city is at the foot of a mountain

'
and is surrounded by gardens and rivers it has beautiful ;
bazaars and the mosques are large and scrupulously clean.

It is a custom of these people to dine in the courtyards of the
mosques each of them brings his own food, and they assemble
;
together and eat in the court of the mosque. They are a

bold and brave race and the tribes are perpetually at war with
each other. They belong to the Ibadhi sect and pray on Fridays
at noon four times. When they have finished prayers, the
Imam reads verses from the Koran and deUvers a discourse
like the Khutba, in which he prays for Abu Bekr and Omar,
but does not mention Othman and Alij When they wish to .
mention Ali, may God be pleased with him, they designate

him as the man thus they say, It is related concerning the
;
*
man '
or '
The man
They pray for says.' the villain, the ac-
cursed Ibn Muljam, and call him Abd ul-Salih, Subdur of
rebellion.
" Their women are greatly given to intrigue but the men
show no jealousy about them and do not object to it. We
shall relate a story after this in proof of it."
Account of the Sultan of Oman.

"The Sultan of it is an Arab of the stock of El-Azd bin
el-Ghaoth and he is known as Abu Mohammed bin Nebhan,
and Abu Mohammed among them is the name for all the vSultans
who rule over Oman like that of Atabek is for the kings of Soor.
He has the custom of sitting outside the door of his house in
the place of assembly there. He has neither Chamberlain nor
Minister and no one is forbidden to enter there, whether stranger
or otherwise. He honours a guest according to the custom of
the Arabs and provides his meals ; he also makes him suitable
presents. He is a man of superior qualities. At his table is
eaten the flesh of the domesticated which is also sold in the ass,
bazaar, for they declare it to be lawful, but they conceal the

fact from foreigners coming there and do not produce it in
their presence.
*'
Among the cities of Oman is the city of Zikky. I did not
enter it was represented to me as a great city, and there
but it
are besides it El-Kuriat and Shibba and Kalba and Khor Fakan
and Sohar all these possess streams and orchards and date
;
trees, and the greater part of this country is a dependency of
Hormuz."
Anecdote.
" I was one day with this Sultan Abu Mohammed bin
Nebhan when there came to him a woman, young in years, of
graceful figure and with an unveiled face. She stood before
him and said to him, '
O, Abu Mohammed, I am tormented by
a devil in the head.' He replied, Go away and drive off the
'
devil.' But she said to him, '

I cannot obey and I am under
your protection, O, Abu Mohammed.' So he said to her, Go '
your way and do as you desire.' It was stated to me that when

484 Arabia, Eastern and South- Eastern, and
she went, she and others, who have acted in the same way,
because protected by the Sultan, led a dissolute life. Her father
and her relations are not allowed to resent her conduct, and if
they kill her they are killed in return, because she is protected
by the Sultan."
Eastward of Soor is a line of low hills with a cliff known as Ras

Kharaba, while six miles farther on is Ras Sheea, at the mouth of
a wady running up a long distance, with pools of water ; it has no
settled inhabitants but is frequented by shepherds, who pasture their
sheep and goats.
x\t a distance of five miles we reach Khor Jeramah, a large and
deep inlet with a long, narrow, serpentine entrance, about 150 yards
broad, spreading out into a wide basin. The channel is nearly a
mile in length and winds so much that it is difficult for a vessel to
enter except in slack water. Once inside, however, a vessel finds
itself in smooth water, and it is chiefly frequented by bughlas waiting
to sail across to India or Zanzibar. At the south end are the ruins
of a village called Lebeed, formerly occupied by the Mowalik tribe,
and on the western side are a few huts and some thickets of man-
groves. Khor Jeramah is the " Corodamon " of Ptolemy, and known
to, and used by, the Greeks 2,000 years ago, who took shelter here
before setting out for the opposite coast. Khor Jeramah belongs to
the Mowalik, the boundary between whom and the Beni Bu Ali is
at Wady Sheea.
Close by is Khor Hajara, a small and sheltered inlet or creek
having a narrow entrance between high banks. It extends about
two miles but is partly dry at low water and is only used by badans,
as there isnot sufficient depth of water for large craft.
We now arrive at Ras al-Had, or " Cape Finisterre," or " Land's
End," where the coast falls to the south. It is very low, being merely
a sandy spit, 300 yards long, with a village called Belad Ras al-Had,
having a date grove and a fort with three towers. The people are
known as Beni-wa-Beni, being of various tribes, three in particular,
i.e., the Beni Mahk, Beni Ghozal. and Beni Mahra, the last named
tracing its pedigree to a Mahra

and behind the village is
ancestor,
a plain two or three miles square. From Ras al-Had the coast
trends in a generally south-westerly direction to Ras Shajr, the
limit of the Sultan's jurisdiction, a distance of 600 statute miles,
presenting a succession of curved sandy bays, separated by headlands
without a single natural harbour, and as the great desert is here
bordered by the sea, a few signs of life are to be seen. South of
Ras al-Had is Al-Kutna, inhabited by the Mowalik tribe, and below
this, seven miles from the point, is Ras al-Janaiz, a low cliff,
forming the most eastern extremity of Arabia. Near this, and ten
miles from Ras al-Had, are two remarkable hills, close together but
isolatedfrom any others and of equal height (859 feet), making a
good landmark. They are quoin-shaped and are known as Jebel
Saffan, and are. Carter suggests, probably of igneous origin.
Beyond Ras al-Janaiz are Ras al-Khabba, Khaisat al-Jeera,
and Ras al-Daffa, these four places belonging to the Wilad Harbi.
Down to Ras Khabba, twenty miles from Ras al-Had, the coast
runs due north and south and is bold and rocky.
The next point is Ras Rowais, which is said to be geologically
interesting, the low cliffs being of yellow limestone, about 100 feet
high, Ras Rowais, like Ras al-Khabba,
with horizontal strata.
belongs to the Jenebeh tribe, who have a large village at the former
point. After Ras Rowais comes Um al-Direes, of the Beni Bu Ali,
and then Sowaih Beni Bu Ali, marked by a large rock leading to a
depression inland, formerly under water.
Between Ras Rowais and Ras Komaila, which is twelve miles to
the south-west, lies the small point called Ras al-Solaib, or the
" Cape of the Cross," so called, it is said, from a stone cross erected
over a Portuguese grave. Ras Komaila is a low sandy point with

a conical hill of the same name behind it, and a large village about
a mile to the north, belonging to the Jenebeh. There are said to
be water tanks constructed by the Portuguese on the coast not far off.
Passing Ejasa, a hamlet of the Jenebeh, we come, after ten miles,
to Al-Askhara, a town of about 1,000 souls, of the Jaafera, a sub-tribe
of the Beni Bu Ali. Al-Askhara is near the beach and the houses,
a few of which are of stone, are much scattered it has two towers,
;
and the people possess thirty badans, which are sheltered under a
low reef of rocks. In 1820 the interpreter of the East India
Company's sloop Mercury was murdered here, and this affair
resulted in the dispatch of two military expeditions against the
tribe, an account of which will be found elsewhere. In 1862 a
schooner from India was wrecked near here and the Arabs promptly
seized and plundered the vessel. The European crew, however,
were kindly treated and sent overland to Muscat. The diet they
— —
received on the way camel's milk and dates did not agree with
them, and the usual native remedy, the actual cautery, was used by
the application of red hot coins, so that on the arrival of the sailors
at Muscat they appeared spotted like leopards. In 1874 the Jaafera
Arabs pirated a Dutch puttimar at Kooria Mooria, and the Political
Agent proceeded in H.M.S. Philomel to obtain redress. The
tribe would not surrender the culprits and a fine was therefore
imposed, eight hostages being taken until the fine was paid.
From hence to Athlataine the coast is yery irregular and barren
and belongs to the Jenebeh tribe. The first headland we come to is
Ras Jaffan, and then two more headlands, Ras Sarik, or " Thieves
Point," and Ras Sikla. We then come to Ras Jibsh, or Kuroon,
thirty miles from Askhara. This is a dark rock, about 100 feet high,
of volcanic formation, composed of euphotide, diorite, and home-
blende, having an old tower on the top and a hamlet on the south-
west side. On the north side of Jibsh is a small bay, which in former
times was connected with a long creek or backwater two miles square,
but which is now dry, being twelve feet above the level of the sea.
From we
catch the last glimpse of Jebel Jaalan, the south-
this point
western extremity of the great range of Oman, which at the western
end is about 2,000 feet in elevation, being distant about fifty statute
miles. Many more names, one used
points on the coast have two or
by seafarers and one by the Bedouins on shore, and the following
is a case in point, Ras Ashreen being known to seafarers as Shaiballa.
From Ras Jibsh to Ras Ashreen, or Shaiballa, is a stretch of

forty-five miles, partly low cliffs and partly sandy shore, with scrub
or bushes, otherwise devoid of verdure, the places between being

Ras Hanno, or Groon, and Athlataine, or Sherkh, which lies midway
and gives its name to the bay among the Bedouins, while among
seafarers it is generally known as Battain. This place, Sherkh,
which twenty-two miles from Ras Ashreen, used to be one of the
is
places on the coast where small cargoes of slaves were landed and
forwarded to Jaalan.
Twelve miles west of Sherkh is the fishing village of the Al-
Waheebeh Bedouins. Ras Ashreen, or Shaiballa, is a low rocky
point with a hamlet of the Al-Waheebeh some distance from the
beach.
The aspect of the shore now changes, the land sinking nearly
to the level of the sea, and we find from this point westward a series
of round, white sandhills, about 100 feet high, stretching away inland.
Fifteen miles to the south-west is Ras Kileet, the Shaima of the
pilot, and is Ras Mohammed
further on bin Majid.
Ras Kileet forms the northern entrance to the dangerous Maseera
Channel, which separates that island from the mainland, the
southern entrance being at Ras Um al-Shew, or Mishsiyh, thirty-
four miles distant, while three miles south of Ras Kileet is a small
woody island known as Jezeera Maawal. Opposite Maseera
the mainland is very low, being barely above the level of the sea,
and is covered with sandhills, the sand being so fine in some places
as to be almost imperceptible. The channel has an average width
of ten miles and is too shallow and intricate for large vessels to
venture a passage.
Maseera is the largest island but one (Socotra) in the Arabian
Sea, being thirty-eight and a-half miles, with an average breadth
of six miles ; the extreme width is nine miles, and it is four miles
at the narrowest part. The hill range forming the backbone rises
to a height of 629 feet in Jebel Mughrub at the north end, and declin-
ing to about half that height at the southern part ; in appearance
it is nothing but a mass of dark arid rocks with sandy patches,
almost destitute of cultivation, and presenting a forbidding and
sterile aspect. The hills are principally metamorphic, composed
of serpentine and diorite similar to those at Jibsh and Muscat, but

there is also much fossiUferous hmestone. There are several worked-
out lead and copper mines that were excavated in ancient times,
the smelting furnaces of which can still be seen. The inhabitants
number about 1,000 and belong to the Jenebeh tribe, occupying
four villages and two or three hamlets, Um Rasas, Safaiz, above
which is an old watch-tower, Hakkim, and Dawa, the largest with
a date grove, some cultivation, and a population of 500 it is here ;
that the Shaikh of the island resides. The natives of the island are
chiefly employed in fishing and in rearing a breed of semi-wild asses,
which are disposed of at Soor and other towns though not large, ;
these animals are very hardy and serviceable, of great endurance,

but are frequently found to be very vicious.
Hamilton remarks "That the natives of this coast seem to be
:
1684 a ship from London called the Mer-

sorcerers, for in the year
chant's Delight, commanded by Captain Edward Say, went ashore
on Maseera Island. The vessel stuck fast on the rocks, and in the
morning the crew saw an encampment of Arabs quite near them.
The Arabs swam to the ship and brought the end of a rope ashore,
inviting the sailors to come to land and make terms. An arrange-
ment was then made that the cargo and ship's gear should be equally
divided between the Arabs and English, and that the latter with their
share should be safely transported to Muscat. The English were
hospitably treated and the whole bargain was most faithfully carried
out by the Arabs. The explanation as given to the -interpreter
at the time was as About eight days before the wreck a
follows.
fakir had prophesied that a ship would be cast ashore there and
had urged the people to assemble at that spot to assist the mariners
and give them half the salvage. The prophecy of the fakir had
come true and his injunctions had been scrupulously obeyed."
To the Gulf of Maseera, which is known
the south of the island is
to the Arabs of Oman as Bahr al-Hadri, or the " Lower Sea." At

the top of this is Ghubbet Hashish, or " Grass Bay," a small shallow
bay with three islets, Mahot, Rig, and Abana. The bay derives its
name from the long coarse grass, which grows abundantly in the
vicinity. About two miles north-east of Mahot is a creek, which

forms the debouchment of the wadis draining the southern slope
of the Jebel Akhdar range. These wadis are the Kalbuh, Andan,
Ethli, and Halfam, all of which, converging into the last mentioned,
pour their waters into this creek in flood time.
Between Ghubbet Hashish and Maseera Channel is a peninsula
called Bahr al-Hikman, the south-western point of which is Ras
Zeiwani and the south-eastern is Ras Um al-Shew near the former ;
point is Khor Milh, a salt lagoon, from which large quantities of salt
are exported to Zanzibar.
The island of Mahot, the chief trading station on this part of
the coast, low and sandy without a vestige of vegetation except
is
mangrove bushes, which fringe it two-thirds round the landing- ;
place is on the north-east side, but is concealed from view by these

bushes. There are no stone houses, and the huts, about 150 in
number, are generally oval or circular in shape, made of mangrove
boughs bound with ghadaf rope, and contain, perhaps, 400 to 500
inhabitants. The water found on the island is very brackish, and
potable water has to be brought from wells four miles distant, and
for this purpose female slaves are employed, who bring it in skins or
in large earthen vessels suspended in goat's hair cloths, slung on
poles ; there is a storage of water in casks, for the use of the com-
munity, under a shed in the village.
The rise and fall of the tide at Mahot is considerable, being about
eight or nine feet. The island is occupied conjointly by the Jenebeh
and Hikman tribes, but other tribes, such as the Amiri and Al-
Waheebeh are also represented. To the eastward the Hikman
extend as far as Kais Mohammed bin Majid, own part of the district
of Yuba, and roam the desert with their camels and goats ; in
number they are about 3,500 souls, being a poor, wild, vagrant,
and predacious set, while to the westward of Ghubbet Hashish are
the Al-Waheebeh, who dwell as far as Hamar al-Nafoor.
Notwithstanding its insignificant appearance Mahot is a thriving
and busy trading place and the people are well-to-do, the women
being loaded with silver ornaments. It has the advantage not
yoL. n. p
490 Arabia, Eastern and South-eastern, and
only of being the sole trading port between Ras al-Had and Dhofar,
but also of being the nearest point on the coast to Zanzibar also ;
it is a free port. The town in the interior with which traffic is mainly
carried on is Adam, which is 128 miles distant, caravans taking five
or more days, there being thirty or more places at which water and
fodder are procurable. Mahot has also trading relations to a much
smaller extent with Zikki and Jaalan, while the traffic in slaves has
now almost entirely ceased.
In the palmy days of the slave trade Mahot was more populous
and flourishing than it is now, as it formed a secure and convenient
haven for landing cargoes of slaves, which were then pushed up to
Adam, Nezwa, Zikki, and other places inland. The negroes were
brought from Zanzibar in batches of ten to twenty in small coasting
craft, during the south-west monsoon, and as Mahot was little
known to, and unwatched by, the cruisers, captures were but rarely
made. Of the four slave-landing stations on this part of the coast,
Mahot ranked next to Soor, the others being Al-Askhara and Shihr.
The imports are rice, com, cloth, pottery, and other requirements
of Arab life. The exports are dates, shark fins (sent to Bombay for
export to China), fish sounds, or isinglass, commonly known as fish
maws, tortoiseshell, from the Hamoon or Hawks bill turtle, Turtur
Imbricata, salt,and salt fish the chief kinds cured being the kunud
;
or seer fish and the shook, or horse mackerel, caranx species.

On September 21st, 1835, the United States Sloop Peacock,
carrying Mr. Roberts, the Envoy to Muscat, struck on a coral reef
near Mahot, but was hauled off, after jettisoning half her guns
(she had run over forty miles of soundings before she grounded)
much to the disappointment of the Arabs who had assembled on
the shore in numbers in anticipation of the Peacock becoming a
total wreck.
In November, 1883, H.M.S. Philomel, on her way to Dhofar,
visited Mahot and anchored there two days.
for
Continuing along the coast from Ghubbet Hashish, the western
point of which is Ras Abana, we come to Ghubbet and Ras Bintot,
nine miles inland of which is Jebel Sherbateen, 480 feet high, while
The Kooria Mooria tslancis. 4^t
beyond Ras Bintot are Ghubbet and Beni Surab, the latter being
twenty-eight miles from Ras Abana. At Ras Surab, we are informed
by Carter, the limestone rock emerges from beneath the sandhills,
being partly magnesian and heavy and of a grey colour.
Ten miles further west is a small point known as Ras Arkeet,
and four miles from this is Ras Nakhreir, a bold point 465 feet high,
the cliff here and for some distance being steep down to the water.
We then come to Ras Sedeera, and further on to Sereer, a hamlet of
the Al-Waheebeh.
Opposite to this and about four miles out to sea is the island of
Hamar al-Nafoor, 320 feet high and 1,200 feet long, which is fre-
quented by myriads of gulls and gannets and is covered with a thin
deposit of guano. Of this island Carter remarks that the specimens
from it are most interesting and important ; its summit, though
flat, he adds, is split in all directions, and is composed of nummulitic
white limestone and flints 150 feet deep, underneath which is a

fossiliferous calcareous deposit, below which again is a greenish
white clay.
Between Ras Sedeera and Ras Kowairat, a distance of fifteen
miles, is Ghubbet Kowairat. After Ras Kowairat we find a line of
high steep cHffs extending nearly to Ras Madraka the headlands met
;
with being Ras Metah, Ras Kaisat al-Yokh, Ras al-Aanee, Al-Arek,
Ras Merkaz, and Ras al-Dala.
The Arabs occupying the shore on this part of Arabia are some-
times at feud with the large Bedouin clans, roaming and rearing
camels in the great desert, and are a poor inoffensive folk, not
only few in number but are lightly fed, clothed and armed. A few
scattered hamlets may be seen, but the families mostly dwell in the
open air, sheltering under small goatshair tents, among the long
grass or under acacia trees. There is said to be no attempt at culti-
vation, and they are dependent on their fisheries and on their flocks
for subsistence, their food consisting of fish, milk and dates, rice
and bread rarely falling to their lot. Possessing but very few boats
in fishing they generally make use of the girba or inflated goat's
skin, while sharks are caught in nets or by the hook with a piece of
VOL. u. p 2
49^ Arabia, Eastern and South-E astern, and
iron chain attached, and the shark, when drawn up close, is stunned
with an iron club it is, perhaps, the most valuable fish caught by
;
them, the fins and tail, also the liver and skin, are all made use of,
while the flesh is largely eaten.
At Ras Madraka, which is forty miles from Ras Kowairat
and 100 miles from Ghubbet Hashish, and forms the western
extremity of the Gulf of Maseera, the coast turns abruptly to the
west. Ras Madraka is better known to the Arabs as Ras Jezeera,
of which word the appellation, viz.. Cape Isoletta, formerly given to
it by the Portuguese, is a translation. It is a dark headland with
an islet off it, and stands 480 feet high, being regarded by all
navigators as a notable landmark. On the north side is a spring of
perfectly sweet water and another spring is found in the chine or
cleft between Madraka and Dula, which is six miles distant. Ras
Madraka is the eastern point of a curious triple cape, nine miles in
length, the other two points being Takeh Abuk, 333 feet high, be-
lieved by the Arabs to be artificial and to have been visited by
Abuk al-Makkarme al-Janabi, who resided in a cave close by. It is,
however, quite natural and is due to Plutonic upheaval, having a
very singular appearance, being white, and standing on an extensive
platform viewed from the north, it has the semblance of a mosque
;
with a white dome or cupola. The geological structure of this

promontory is extraordinary. Carter says that an eruption of igneous
rocks has taken place and that the cape presents as complete a
picture of such a disturbance as can well be witnessed. The
continuity of the cliff, which on either side is uniform and horizontal,
is here entirely broken up by igneous rocks, and detached portions
of its strata thrown into all kinds of positions and weathered into
all kinds of shapes.
Between Ras Khashaeem, a perpendicular bluff forming the
western point of the cape, and Takeh Abuk is a small bay with a
sandy beach called Bundar Jezeera, where a few fishermen, engaged
in shark fishing, reside.
To the west of Khashaeem is Ghubbet Saukira, the largest bay
on this coast, sixty-four miles in length as the crow flies, and here
the limestone formation found at Hamar al-Nafoor and other places

again recurs. In the bay are a few places where water is found and
where the fishermen have erected huts to cure their fish, the names
of two of these places being Gediasa and Ghasaib, and it was at the
latter place, which lies at the mouth of the Wady Einana, that the
crew of the S.S. Knight of Bath landed in their boat and were
strippedby some wandering Awamir, who are always watching the
coast and espied them, and where soon after they were fed and
succoured by an Arab fisherman named Suliman in 1884. The
Wady Einana rises in the hills to the north-east of Saukira and
is, of course, only a torrent bed, but water is, as usual, generally
found by digging ; it is marked in one of Captain Owen's charts.
One on the tableland at the back of the bay is called
of these peaks
Jebel Harzait, and this may be the Funnel, or Tower Hill, of the
chart the tribes inhabiting this part are the Awamir, Jenebeh,
;
and Al-Waheebeh.
There is a singular coral reef in Saukira Bay, twenty miles long
and fifteen miles wide, known as Rug al-Jazir, which forms a famous
landmark for coasters, and has given its name to the whole bay
among the Arabs. This reef is considered very dangerous by Arab
navigators, who avoid it as much as possible, and in the south-west
monsoon no native craft are to be seen along it, as it is then a dead
lee shore with the surf breaking heavily on it. Haines remarks,
**
had much trouble in surveying the miserable tract of coast
I
between Saukira and Kashain, as during the north-east monsoon

I experienced at all times a very heavy swell, the vessel rolling her
scuppers under with a whole cable on end, and top-gallant masts
on deck. Notwithstanding the weather, the vessel, tender and
boats, by the resolute perseverance of my officers, accompUshed this
part of the survey, with about 5,000 miles of cross soundings in less
than two months." Ras Saukira, which is 622 feet high, is a
projecting rock composed of a horizontal strata of limestone with
chalk and flint below. This cape, which is claimed by the Jenebeh,
is called Cape Chansley in Milbum's " Directory."
Between Ras Saukira and Ras Sherbetat, twenty-five miles

distant, the coast presents a level well scarped cliff, with an average
VOL. II. p 3
height of 600 feet the whole way. Ras Sherbetat forms, with Ras
Karwaw and Ras Aja, an irregular triple headland two miles wide
at the east end of Kooria Mooria Bay, has a very precipitous
front, and is, likeKarwaw, honeycombed with caves, some of which
are very large and have been excavated by the sea, in the same way
as those at the Bill of Portland, the caves being much frequented
by Bedouins ; the altitude is 800 feet, the coast, at this point, having
gradually risen in elevation from Ghubbet Hashish. At the crest
of the eminence at Ras Aja, by which name the western point of
Ras Karwaw is known, the Arabs have erected a small parapet of
rough stones, from which they scan the horizon and watch for
vessels. Near this is the Wady Gozalet, which does not debouch
into the sea, but terminates in a long narrow lake of serpentine form,
lying in a natural fissure or cleft in the rock and is called Lokook.
The water is slightly brackish at the lower end, but is full of fish and
is much resorted to by waterfowl such as cormorants, heron and
duck. In the cold season the Jenebeh visit this place with their
families, but dare not venture inland from fear of their old enemies,
the Al-Waheebeh, while Arab vessels often take shelter under the
western side of Ras Karwaw, the haven being known as Bundar
Sherbetat, which is two miles to the east.
In some of the lists of place-names furnished by local Shaikhs

to me, Sherbetat and Karwaw are transposed, the latter name being
is thus some reason for supposing
given to the eastern point, and there
that the two names have become changed in modern times.
The interior, behind the north shore of Kooria Mooria Bay, is
reported to be an undulating plain with abundance of the usual

desert vegetation and not devoid of water, forming a wild and
undefined border land, where scattered bands of the Omani tribes
from the east and the Mahras from the west, meet and mingle
together. This part of the Roba al- Khali, or great desert, being,
as is well known, where the finest breed of the dromedaries in exist-
ence is reared. There are no settled habitations, the Bedouins
being nomadic and moving hither and thither for convenience of
pasture. The wild animals are the Oryx Beatrix, the wild ass, the
hare, and two species of gazelle.
The Kooria Mooria Islands, 495
Thirteen miles to the east of Ras Aja is about 700 feet

Minji,
above the sea, with a small lake of fresh water under it the cliffs;
between these points receding somewhat from the sea.
After another bay of twelve miles in length, backed by high

cHffs, we come to Ras Showamkya, meaning the " Gloomy Cape,"
which forms the eastern point of a remarkable headland eleven miles

long and the western point of which is Ras Jezaniya. This broad
projecting cape, the average height of which is 500 feet, is generally
known as Jebel Showamira, exhibits a singular eruption of igneous
rocks and offers a marked contrast to the light coloured sedimentary
strata to the eastward. Carter remarks that it is the eastern limit
of the elevated tract of South Arabia and the western limit of the
lowland or desert of Ahkaf. Ras Jezaniya is not only noticeable
for its geological formation but as a boundary, beyond which the
Jenebeh do not venture westward. From Ras Jezaniya, a low
curved sandy bay extends westwards about twenty-five miles to
Ras Montejeb, a rugged peak with a tableland in the background ;
it stands near the embouchure of the Wady Rekot and to the north
of Ghubbet Doom, at the north-west corner of Kooria Mooria Bay.
Kooria Mooria.
These islands are a group of five isolated conical peaks, extend-

ing thirty-five miles in the same and to the eastward of,
parallel as,
Haski, and are the tops of a mountain range now submerged and at
the southward barrier of the Kooria Mooria Bay, from the northern
shore of which they are distant twenty-five miles.
Haski, the most westerly of the group, is 500 feet high and is
more than a mile in length, and was formerly thickly covered with
guano which has since been removed.
Soda, or the Black Island, is the second largest, being three
miles long and 1,310 feet in height it was once inhabited but has
;
long since been deserted.

The third island, Hellaniya, is the largest of the group and the
only inhabited one, being eight miles long and twenty-three in cir-
VOL. n. p 4
cumference, and contained, in 1884, thirty-four inhabitants, all
Mahras. This island is very barren and is composed, like Haski

and Soda, mainly of the metamorphic rocks, granite mingled with
quartz, horneblende, felspar, etc. The formation of the north-east
end is a huge tabular mass of limestone and sedimentary rocks rising
to an elevation of 1,645 feet. Water is found everywhere near the
surface but is rather brackish.
The valuable guano deposits on two of these islands, Haski and
Kiblia, were discovered during the nautical survey of this coast in
1835, 3-J^d some years later Captain Fremantle, R.N., of H.M.S.
Juno, was instructed to negotiate for the acquisition of these
islands with the Sultan of Muscat. H.H. Seyyid Saeed, while
declining to sell the islands, presented them in free gift to the British
Government, and a treaty to that effect was signed on July 14th,
1854. A partner of the firm of Ord, Hendson, and Hayes was
associated with Captain Fremantle in the transfer, and subsequently
obtained a lease of the islands for five years. On Kiblia the guano
was deposited from one to six feet thick with an average depth of
two feet, and the total quantity on both islands was estimated at
200,000 tons. Between the years 1855 and i860, by which time
the whole of the guano had been cleared off, the Kooria Mooria
Islands presented a busy scene, as many as fifty-two ships having
been seen there at one time.
In 1861 the cable of the Red Sea and Karachi Telegraph Company
was landed at Hellaniya, and a station was formed on that island,
but was abandoned in 1862 on the failure of the cable. The Euro-
pean pirates, who infested the Indian Ocean in the early part of the
eighteenth century, were only precluded from occupying this island
by the absence of a good supply of fresh water they would other-
;
wise have chosen it as an excellent station for watching and inter-

cepting the rich trade carried on between India and the Red Sea.
Among the Arabs these islands bear the appellation of " Jezair
Beni Khalfan," but to Europeans they are better known by the name
given them by the old Arabian geographers, namely, Kooria Mooria,
or, according to some, Khartan Martan. As regards the Beni Khalfan,
Hulton relates that the head of the Beni Khalfan family, a Shaikh
named Said bin Omar bin Khalfan, having amassed considerable
wealth, collected numerous adherents and made a vigorous attempt
to possess himself of the Government of Merbat, but having failed
in this he retired to Hellaniya on he returned to Howeeya,
; later
near Merbat, but reserved the possession of all the islands. His
descendants occasionally visit the islands to exact tribute, and their
right seemed to be acquiesced in by all the tribes in that part. The
population of the island was greatly reduced, it is said, in 1818, when
it was visited by a squadron of piratical dhows from Ras al-Khyma ;
the huts were ransacked and plundered, and many of the people
were killed by the pirates, and women and children carried off as
slaves.
The fourth island, Kiblia, is twelve miles from Hellaniya and
is a limestone peak, 550 feet high and two miles in length by one mile
in breadth. This island has several deep caves and had on it a thick
coating of guano, and during the removal of the guano the Com-
pany's agent, Mr. McCalmont, resided on the island and had a guard-
ship of the Indian Navy anchored near as a protection.
The smallest of the group isKurzooait, a red granite peak 230
feet in height, called by the Portuguese navigators " Rodondo,"
which lies about half-way between Hellaniya and Kiblia.
498
CHAPTER X.
HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY OF DHOFAR. DHOFAR AND

BERAIMI DESCRIBED.
History of Dhofar.
The little district of Dhofar possesses many claims to engage our

attention, and though its ancient history and tradition have passed
away for ever, some interest attaches to it from the allusion to it
in scripture as the eastern limit of the Joltanite race, and the great
celebrity it had acquired from its being one of the sources of the
olibanum or frankincense gum, which had been exported hence
from very remote antiquity to all parts of the known world.
In the tenth chapter of Genesis we are given the divisions of
the great Arab race under the names of the sons of Shem. One of
these sons, Joktan, occupied the south-west corner of the Arabian
peninsula, and out of the thirteen children enumerated as having
sprung from him, many can, more or less, satisfactorily be identified.
" Their dwelling," we are told, in verse 30, was from Mesha as thou
**
goest unto Sephar a mount of the East."

The name and description of Dhofar, which lies to the east of
Hadhramaut, coincides with those of Sephar as given in the Bible
with such singular aptness that the identification has been generally
accepted as beyond dispute.
The Alexandrian Codex in the British Museum is said to give
the name more correctly as Sophar, being thus more in accord
with the Arabic Dhofar.
Long anterior, however, to this period referred to in the Bible,
the chief product of Dhofar was mentioned in the ancient records
Dhofar and Beraimi Described. 4^
of Egypt, by which we may infer that Dhofar was a thriving port
and emporium at a very remote period, and that, as Sprenger sug-
gests, oHbanum was the fans et origo of commercial intercourse.
The geographical writers of Greece and Rome, Herodotus,
Strabo, Pliny, the Periplus, Diodorus, Ptolemy, etc., give some
information about the libanoferous region, and tell us extraordinary
stories of the fabulous beings that guard the frankincense trees
there. The gum was one most highly prized and valued pro-
of the
ducts of the vegetable kingdom. Indeed the region of which Dhofar
formed part was surrounded with a halo of mystery and fable. It
was in great demand, in those ages, for use in idolatrous temples,
and was carried by sea to all parts of the world, north, east and
west.
The latest of the Classic authors was coeval with the rise of
the Himyarite Kingdom of vSouth Arabia, which, having the power,
did not scruple to annex the district of Dhofar, and with it the
monopoly of the lucrative frankincense trade ; it was, however,
too remote from the Himyarite centres to have ever been, as some
have supposed, the capital of that kingdom. The Dhofar referred
to by Arab writers as the Seat of Government and residence of the
Tobbas was near Sanna, and is one of the places of which the ruins
are described by Niebuhr.
Several Arab geographer sbesides Abul Feda have confounded
one Dhofar with another, and have given inaccurate accounts of
them, but we know for certain there were two cities of the same
name, one known as Dhofar al-Zaid and the other as Dhofar al-
Sahil, the latter being the one we are now speaking of. The former
came to an end with the Himyarite dynasty in the sixth century
of our era, shortly before the rise of Mohammed, its existence probably
not having exceeded half a dozen centuries while Dhofar al-Sahil,
;
on the other hand, continued to flourish, as it had done for thousands

of years as a thriving and populous seaport but the ancient his-
;
tory of it has faded into oblivion, and it was only after the
spread of Islam over the peninsula that the light began to dawn on
this little province, and even then the rays thrown on it are but feeble.
500 History and Geography of Dhofar.
transient, and intermittent, and it is only possible to give a mere

outline of historical events.
Two Mohammed, the avenging army
years after the death of
despatched by Abu Bekr, under the command of Ikrima, to re-
establish the Faith discarded by the insurgents in the revolted
provinces, arrived at Dhofar from Oman, where he had routed the
Christian and Pagan army of Lakeet on the famous field of Dibba.
Leaving Hadhaifa to subdue and pacify Oman, Ikrima pushed
on to Dhofar across the intervening desert, and soon re-established
the Moslem faith among the Mahra and Azdite tribes in that dis-
trict, from whence he marched on to Hadhramaut to restore order
and obedience, after the achievement of which he appointed Saeed

bin Lebeed as Governor of that province.
During the next two centuries the Moslem religion took firm
root in Western Asia and the Khalifs widely extended their Empire.
The Governor of the Yemen, Abbas bin Saeed ibn al-As, had
been succeeded by Jalia ibn Ali Omair, who in 35 a.h. [a.d. 655]
was dismissed by the Khalif and a new Governor, Abdulla bin
Abbas, sent in his place.
On the overthrow of the Omayyad Dynasty in 132 a.h. [a.d. 749]
the Abasside general who subdued the Yemen, Mohammed Abu
ibn Mohammed, appointed Mohammed bin Zaid governor of the
province, and it is possible that Hadhramaut and Dhofar were
included within the jurisdiction.
At the beginning of the third century of the Hij rah, Mohammed
ibn Ziyad, who had been concerned in one of the rebellions against
the Khalif Mamoon ibn Haroon soon after his accession, 198 a.h.
[a.d. 813], and who had been pardoned by the Khalifs clemency,
was appointed Ameer of the Yemen in 204 a.h. [a.d. 819]. Having
conquered the Tehama, he built the city of Zebeed and made it the
capital of his dynasty. With a vigorous hand he extended his
dominions and reduced Hadhramaut, Dhofar, and other provinces
to submission, appointing as his governors officials of his own
selection.
Shortly after the acquisition of Dhofar by Mohammed ibn
t>hofar and Beraimi Described. 5^*
Ziyad, the Hindoo Raja of Cranganore, Chereman Perimal, generally

known to the Arabs as Abdul Rahman al-Samiri, arrived at this
port, where he resided until his death, as mentioned elsewhere.
The Beni Ziyad Dynasty was not destined to be of long duration
as it would appear that in the time of Abu Jehrish, the "grandson
of Mohammed ibn Ziyad, several provinces, including Dhofar, re-
volted from his authority, and that in the year 297 a.h. [a.d. 909]
the Carmathians of the Yemen had extended their conquests over
the whole country.
But it may be observed that Al-Istakhri, who travelled in the
early part of the fourth century of the Hijrah, considered Dhofax,
to be a dependency of Oman.
In the " Sifat al-Jezeerat al-Arab," of Ahmed bin Yusuf al
Hamdani, who died 334 a.h. [a.d. 945] is given some notice of the
tribes in this district, which has been pointed out by Dr. Sprenger,
and of which some portion may be here inserted.
" The people who dwell below Al-Kamar were the Beni
Khanzareet, who expelled the inhabitants of Raysoot, who
then retired to Al-Gheith belonging to the Mahras, and oc-
cupied the towns of Hasek and Merbat for some time. The
Thoghara tribe subsequently induced them to retake Raysoot
and drive the Khanzareet away. The Khanzareet Chief,
Mohammed bin Khalid, with his tribe then went to Al-Radha
of the Beni Ryam, a branch of the Kamr, and resided there.
The Beni Ryam have an impregnable fortress in Oman. The
oldest inhabitants of Raysoot were the Baiyasireh, near whom
the Azdite tribe Hadeed settled. The Hadeed were over-
powered by some Arab tribe who had intermarried with the
Mahras, and the man who ruled after that was Moosa bin
Rabeea of the Al-Udar."
In the middle of the fourth century of the Hijrah, and for some
centuries previously, under various successive dynasties, of which
we know nothing certain, the capital of the Dhofar district appears
S02 History and Geography of Dhofar.
to have been a Merbat situated at the eastern end of

city called
the plain near the present village of Thaka, where the ruins of a
once large and populous town still exist. Merbat, which signifies
the place for mooring vessels, and is mentioned by nearly all the
early Arab geographers, lies about twenty miles north of the present
village of Merbat, which formed perhaps a sort of outer anchorage
in the north-east monsoon.
The old city had an abundant supply of sweet water from the
hills above, and there were three tidal creeks, all of which probably
formed anchorages or moorings for Arab craft, and have been de-
scribed by Haines, Carter, and Bent the most capacious of which,
;
called Rairi, extends up about two miles.

The old city of Merbat, which had been for so many centuries
the chief port and emporium of the frankincense trade, came to a
sudden termination in the middle or close of the fourth century
of the Hijrah, when the founders of the Minjui Dynasty appeared
on the scene, who took possession of Merbat, which they occupied
for some time, and subsequently destroyed it and transferred the
capital to the banks of a creek about twenty miles to the west.
Here, possibly on the site of a more ancient town, they built a city,
the plan and ornamental remains of which are known now as
Al-Balad and have been described in detail by Carter.
Ibn Mojawir tells us that Merbat was built by the Persians,
the last dynasty there being that of the Minjuis in this statement
;
he must refer, of course, to Al-Balad, the designs and architecture

of which are unquestionably Persian. It indicates, also, that the
Minjuis transferred the name as well as the site of their capital
and gave the new city the appellation of Merbat.
The origin of the Minjuis, the events of their rule, whence they
came, and whither they went, are matters of conjecture, as Arab
writers have little to say about them. Carter heard that the family
came from Balkh, and he observes that this remarkable dynasty
has impressed itself deeply on the minds of the inhabitants, to the
exclusion, in fact, of most others, and it is to the Minjuis that the
iiumerous heaps of ruins scattered over the plain and indicating
Dhofar and Beraimi Described. 5^^
the sites of former towns are usually ascribed, and it is curious that
so mention has been made
little of this familymay have
; they
come from Siraf, Busra, or Kilhat, but whether it originated in the
expatriation of some Persian grandee, owing to religious or political
persecutions, an occurrence by no means infrequent in the early
centuries of Islam, is uncertain.
From the " Kamil " of Ibn al-Atheer, who gives more infor-
mation about Dhofar than most writers, we learn that in 490 a.h.
[a.d. 1096] Rashid bin Ahmed bin Abda, who we may take it was
the Minjui King, died in Dhofar, and that in 510 a.h. [a.d. 1116]
the Kamar tribe came on a mission to Abdulla bin Rashid, asking
help from the people of Dhofar, which was accorded.
Idrisi tells us that in 540 a.h. [a.d. 1145] the ruler of Dhofar
was Ahmed al-Manjuwiya, and that it was at this time a dependency
of Oman.
Five years later the town of Merbat would appear to have been
pillaged by a piratical expedition from the island of Kais in the
Persian Gulf, on its way to attack Aden.
In 597 A.H. [a.d. 1200] the troops of Hadhramaut advanced on
Dhofar and besieged it for fifty days, but were repulsed.
In 599 A.H. [a.d. 1202] Hayoob was slain in Dhofar, the Go-
vernor of which, according to Carter, named Mohammed bin
Mohammed, claimed Manjuwiya who was murdered
to be the son of
in 604 A.H. [a.d. 1207]. Hayoob may possibly have been the Minjui
prince who befriended Al-Haboodhi, when the latter was a merchant
and was put to death by Al-Haboodhi, who usurped the throne
in 604 A.H. [a.d. 1207]. This adventurer, who founded the next
dynasty, was by name Ahmed bin Mahmood al-Himyari al-Haboodhi,
and a native of Hadhramaut, began life as a trader, becoming a rich
merchant and shipowner. We are told that he was a descendant
of Modhar and was a learned man. We are told also something of
his adventures, how when his ship was wrecked he was given another
by the Minjui prince of Dhofar, and received another ship from the
ruler of Aden, Saif bin Islam. We have interesting accounts of him
in the pages of Ibn Khaldoon, Ibn al-Atheer, and Ibn al-Mojawir,
504 History and Geography of Dhofar,
from whom we learn how he displayed his talents by becoming

Wazeer and ultimately seizing power when the last of the Minjuis
was put out of the way.
It is asserted by several Arab writers that Al-Haboodhi built
a new capital, which he began .in 618 a.h. [a.d. 1221] and com-
pleted in three years. He called it after his own name, Ahmediyya,
his ostensible motive for this action being that the old capital was
too far from the sea and that its distance from the shipping was
disadvantageous. This story, although apparently so circumstantial,
is quite erroneous. Al-Haboodhi, though he resided in it, was
certainly not the founder of the new Merbat. It had been built
by the Minjuis two centuries previously and was located close to
the sea, with the advantages of a deep creek suitable for the entrance
of ships. As an Arab, Haboodhi was quite incapable of erecting
a city like Merbat, or, as it is now styled, Al-Balad. The ornate
architecture of the buildings, the skilful designs and construction
of the town, the exquisite taste of the sculptures are unlike anything
to be found in Arabia and prove that the founders of the city were
a cultured and civiHzed race.
Of the events of this reign we know but little. Ibn Mojawir
relates that in 616 a.h. [a.d. 1219] some Nejdian Bedouins from
Yemama came to Dhofar, across the desert, with horses for sale
and were received by Al-Haboodhi with hospitality and kindness.
These Bedouins returned home by the way they had come, but it
does not appear that they ever repeated their visit. The Haboodhi
Dynasty, for some reasons unknown, remained in abeyance after
his death in 625 a.h. [a.d. 1227], and the power was wielded by others,
but later on his descendants came forward to claim their heritage.
He was followed as ruler by Mohammed bin Ali bin al-Hassan
al-Kallai, who took his cognomen from the Fort of Aleppo this ;
man died in 630 a.h. [a.d. 1232] and was buried at Robat. His
successor appears to have been one of the Minjui family, Abu Bekr bin
Mohammed bin Amr al-Hazaz, who was killed in the year 652 A.H.
[a.d. 1254]. Abu Bekr left two sons, Mohammed and Abdul Rah-
man, for whom Ahmed bin Ali al-Dhofari became regent.
Dhofar and Beraimi Described. 505
In 656 A.H. [a.d. 1258] Baghdad was captured by the Turks,

and the Arab Empire, known as the Eastern KhaHfate, was over-
thrown, but the effect was Httle felt at this remote part of Arabia,
where the Central Government had never been much accustomed
to interfere.
In the following year, 657 a.h. [a.d. 1258], or, according to Ross
660 A.H. Lord of Hormuz, Rukn al-Deen Mahmood
[a.d. 1261], the
bin Ahmed al-Kashi, who was pursuing an ambitious military
career, took an expedition to Kilhat, from whence he proceeded to
Dhofar, where, after plundering and ravaging the coast, he was
driven off by Mohammed Abu Bekr, according to the fragment
of a local chronicle procured at Dhofar.The expedition, however,
on its return journey appears to have met with disaster, being
reduced to extremities by hunger and thirst, and losing, it is said,
5,000 of their number.
A few years later Merbat, or Ahmediyya, was recovered and
occupied by Salim bin Idris al-Haboodhi, who came from Had-
hramaut with a force and took possession. This event probably
took place about the year 670 a.h. [a.d. 1271] ; at this period the
Rasooli Dynasty was ruling in the Yemen and the king, Malik
Madhaffar, was engaged in extending his dominions over the
adjacent provinces and consolidating his power.
We are informed by Al-Khuzraji, the historian of the Rasoolites,
whose work has been recently translated by Redhoase, that the
pretext for this aggression on, and conquest of Dhofar, occurred
in the following way. A great famine having befallen Hadhramaut
the lord of that country had recourse to Salim bin Idris, and in
return for his help he surrendered to him the fort of vShibam and
other castles, by the taking of which Salim bin Idris imagined he
had secured the suzerainty of that land. The people, however,
proved treacherous and repossessed themselves Shibam, andof
Salim bin Idris found himself suddenly deprived of what he had
looked on as his own. It so happened about this time that Malik
Madhaffar, the second king of the Rasooli Dynasty, had despatched
an envoy to Persia, and the vessel in which the envoy was travelling
VOL. II. Q
5o6 History and Geography of Dhofar.
had been wrecked off Dhofar. Sahm the Haboodhite, viewing this
mishap as a Deodand, unscrupulously robbed the envoy of all the
valuable presents he was carrying to the Shah of Persia, as some
compensation for what he had lost in Hadhramaut. For this
outrage Salim the Haboodhite was called to account by the Rasooli
prince, but as no redress could be obtained, the Sultan or Ameer of
Aden, Shahab al-Deen Ghazil, was directed to send a naval armament
against Dhofar, to enforce restitution of the envoy's baggage,
but the Ameer of Aden's flotilla, on reaching its destination, was
worsted in the encounter and pursued back to Aden by Salim bin
Idris. The Rasooli King of the Yemen, incensed at this reverse,
projected an expedition which moved on to Dhofar in three divi-
sions, two by land and one by sea. A great battle was fought on
the plain near the village of Owkad, not far from Ray soot, in which
Salim bin Idris with about 300 men were slain and 800 prisoners
taken.
On the 28th of Rajab, 677 a.h. [a.d. 1278], the day after the
battle, the town of Merbat, or Ahmediyya, was occupied by the
Yemen name of Malik Madhaffar. The Ameer, Shams
troops in the
al-Deen, who commanded the expedition, sent the survivors of
the Haboodhi family to Zebeed and placed a deputy governor in
charge of the district. On the news of this conquest being spread
abroad, many princes sent congratulations and presents to the
Ameer, among them being the Lord of Oman, Kahtan bin Omar
al-Nebhani, who sent two horses and two golden eagles.
The local annalist gives a somewhat different version of the
invasion. He tells us that the famine in Hadhramaut, the remote
cause of the war, took place in 673 a.h. [a.d, 1274], and that in the
year 678 a.h. [a.d. 1279] Malik Madhaffar Yusuf bin Ah sent an army
under Ibn al-Haik, while the other was despatched under the King's
third son, Wathek, by sea, the two forces uniting under the walls
of Mansoora or Merbat, where a battle ensued in which Salim bin
Idris was killed and the suburbs entered and plundered. Moosa
bin Idris, however, held out gallantly, and Wathek bin Yusuf was
compelled to raise the siege and retire to Zebeed, with his booty and
•
captives. In the following year 679 a.h. [a.d. 1280] Malik Mad-
haffar sent a still stronger force to attain his object and a sanguinary
contest again took place, the citadel being stormed and carried and
Moosa bin Idris with the town falling into the hands of the victors.
The King of the Yemen appointed his son, Wathek Billah, Vassal
King of Dhofar, and the Rasooli Dynasty in this district, which
now commenced, lasted about 150 years.
It was subsequent to the Rasooli conquest of Dhofar, and
probably the year 684 a.h. [a.d. 1285], that the famous Venetian
traveller, Marco Polo, paid a visit to Merbat or Mansoora, which
he describes as follows : —
" Dhofar is a great and noble and fine city and lies 500
miles to the north-east of Esher. The people are Saracens
and have a Count for their Chief, who is subject to the Soldan
of Aden, for this city still belongs to the province of Aden.
It stands upon the sea and has a very good haven, so that there
is a great and the merchants take hence great
traffic in shipping,
numbers of Arab horses to that market, making a great profit

thereby. The city has under it many other towns and villages.
Much white incense is produced here and I will tell you how it
grows. The trees are like small fir trees, they are notched with
a knife in several places and from these notches the incense is
exuded. Sometimes also it flows from a tree without any
notch that is by reason of the great heat of the sun there."
;
Marco Polo's account shows very clearly that Dhofar was at

this time a very thriving and populous trading centre and that
frankincense, the chief product of the place, was largely exported.
At the present day no horses are exported from South Arabia, and the
number of horses in the southern part of the peninsula is compara-
tively very small.
In 685 A.H. [a.d. 1286] a disastrous hurricane burst over Dhofar
and caused great devastation, much cultivation was destroyed, and
many people died and great loss was occasioned.
VOL. II. . Q 2
—
5o8 History and Geography of Dhofar.
The succession of Vassal Kings of Dhofar during the Rasooli

hegemony is very confused and incomplete, as even the local annalist
supplies but little information on this point. He informs us, how-
ever, Ibrahim bin Yusuf, son of the King Al-
that the Sultan
Madhaffar, entered the city of Dhofar on Monday the last day of
Dhu' 1-Hijrah, 691 a.h. [a.d. 1291], and ruled over it fifteen years.
It is probable that this personage is Wathek, who was
identical with
given the appanage of Dhofar on conquest in 679 a.h. [a.d. 1280]
its
by his father, Malik Madhaffar, and who is generally spoken of by

Al-Khuzraji as Wathek Ibrahim, and we may assume that Wathek
Ibrahim reigned about twenty-six years and died in 707 a.h. [a.d.
1307].
Wathek appears to have been succeeded by his son Ashraf, but
the news reaching Moweed al-Deen, the second son of Malik Madhaffar,
he raised an army at Shihr to attack Ashraf, and gain possession
of Dhofar, but the results of this war are not recorded.
In 726 A.H. [a.d. 1325] there occurred another cyclone which
spread great havoc over the country. This cyclone, however, is
not mentioned by Ibn Batuta, who visited Dhofar in the same year
726 A.H. [a.d. 1325]. He informs us that the Sultan at the time of
his visitwas Nasir bin al-Malik al-Moghith. Ibn Batuta returned
to Dhofar in the year 748 a.h. [a.d. 1347] and found the same Sultan
in power. His account of these Visits is very interesting and is
therefore subjoined in translation from the French edition. It is not
clearwhether the Sultan Nasir was one of the Rasooli family or was
a governor appointed by the vassal king. The latter probably spent
most of his time in the capital of the Yemen, leaving a Wall to
administer the State, and only paid it a visit occasionally to receive
the revenue that had been collected.
At the close of the eighth century of the Hijrah, the Katheeris,
one of the leading Hadhramaut tribes, became formidable, and
under a famous warrior, Shaikh Bedr bin al-Habrali, invaded Dhofar,
expelled the effete and declining Rasooli Dynasty and took possession
of that luxuriant plain. The following notes of events at this period
are extracted from the local chronicle above alluded to :
Dhofar -and Beraimi Described. 509
In the middle of Rajab, 796 a.h. [a.d. 1393], the Prince Mohammed
bin Ahmed Kara went as Wah to Shihr, in succession to Saeed bin
Shamasa, and in Dhu '1-Hijrah of the same year Shahab al-Deen
Ahmed bin Amr al-Habrah was killed in Dhofar.
In the following year Prince Nasir al-Deen Mohammed bin
Amr al-Tiryati al-Dhofari died in Dhofar.
In the year 798 a.h. [a.d. 1395] Al-Mukheleef and Assawakee
were destroyed, and the Abyssinian Shaikh and his son were killed,
the fort known by the name of Al-Hasar being taken. On the othet
side, Rasa and Bedr al-Shahab al-Habrali, afterwards Al-Dhofari,
went with an army from Hadhramaut to Dhofar, which was captured
from Al-Tiryati after a battle. Rasa returned to the country in Rabi
al-Awal. In the next year, 799 a.h. [a.d. 1396] Rasa and Bedr
again attacked Al-Tiryati in Dhofar and besieged it for a day and
then went on to Robat, the Rasooli troops giving way before them
and retiring from the district.
Nine months later, that is in Ramzan of the same year, the

Rasooli Governor, Shahab Ahmed bin al-Tiryati, in conjunction
with Ibn Jedwan of Al-Hasar, renewed the struggle and marched
down to recover possession from Bedr bin al-Habrali, who held it.
The battle took place on the road, the Rasoolis being defeated with
heavy loss and Ibn Jedwan with his Bedouins retreating at once to
his own country.
In the following year, 800 a.h. [a.d. 1397] Mohammed bin Hakim
z\bu Keshir, the theologian, came from Hadhramaut to Dhofar and
brought about peace there. Some time after this, however, the
chronicle adds, Saeed bin Ali al-Habd attacked Shaikh Mohammed
bin Abu Bekrat Robat and destroyed his family.
In the month of Showal the Rasoolites appear to have made
another and, this time, a more successful attempt to recover Dhofar.
We are told that Sultan al-Mujahid al-Wathek al-Dhofari entered
Shihr and thence proceeded to the Yemen to collect an army, with
which he marched to Dhofar and took it.
Further than this the annalist does not inform us, but we may
conjecture that the triumph of the Rasoolites was brief, and that
VOL. II. Q 3
Shaikh Bedr remained The Shaikh Bedr,

in possession of Dhofar.
who is by the Katheeris as Bedr-ba-Towarek, is
usually spoken of
said to have been Muccadum of Seyoon. He became Lord of
Hadhramaut and Dhofar and extended his conquests as far east as
Ras Sherbetat. It must be observed that Carter makes no mention
of Bedr, but was informed that the founder of the Katheeri Dynasty
was Ali bin Omar al-Katheeri. Subsequently the Katheeris appear
to have been overpowered by others, but ultimately regained
supremacy, which they have maintained throughout the vicissitudes
of successive years to the present day.
On an elaborately carved marble tombstone in the cemetery
at Robat an inscription to the memory of Malik al-Fatteh Abdul
is
Kadir bin Abdul Wahid bin Wathek Ibrahim bin al-Madhaffar

Amr bin Ali. The stone is in excellent preservation but the date is
very indistinct. This Abdul Kadir, grandson of Wathek, was

probably at one time ruler of Dhofar.
The last prince of the Rasooli Dynasty in the Yemen was
Al-Madhaffar Yusuf bin Mansoor, who moved his capital, Sanaa,
to Taiz and died about 850 a.h. [a.d. 1446].
Half a century later the Portuguese, having rounded the Cape
of Good Hope, appeared in the Indian Ocean, and grasping the
dominion of the sea, soon made their presence felt along the Arab
coast.
In 913 A.H. [a.d. 1507] the great conquistador Affonso D'Albu-
querque, having received his quota of ships from Tristan da Cunha,
cruised off the Kooria Mooria Islands, on his way to Muscat and
Hormuz, and Dhofar on his way to attack
six years later passed
Aden, but does not appear to have paid any attention to it.
In 933 A.H. [a.d. 1526] the Viceroy of Goa sent a squadron to
harass the Moors in the Red Sea, under the command of Hector da
Silveira, who on his way anchored off Merbat, or Mansoora, and
assaulted it, but the attack failed and the assailants were driven off.
Da Silveira, however, was able to pillage the town before he sailed

away.
Some years later, in 1539, Suliman Pasha, on his return from his
unsuccessful expedition against Diu, anchored off Mocha, captured

the city of Zebeed and laid the foundations of Turkish rule in the
Yemen, which as far east as Dhofar fell under the sway of Suliman
the Magnificent, who appointed as his first ruler Mustafa Beg. As
regards Dhofar there was probably no interference beyond the
exaction of tribute.
In A.D. 1553 another and more desperate effort was made by
the Portuguese to subdue Dhofar, but the result this time was
unequivocal disaster to their arms.
The Viceroy of Goa, Affonso da Noronha, had sent his son
Fernandes with a fleet to ravage Moorish trade in the Red Sea, and
the youthful commander determined to test his newly-fledged wings
at Dhofar. The Arabs defended their city with great valour and
the Portuguese attack was followed by complete discomfiture. A
hasty retreat was made to the ships and many dead were left on the
field. On his way back from the Red Sea to India, however, Dom
Fernandes had the satisfaction of encountering a Turkish fleet,
commanded by x\li Beg, near Muscat and captured six out of the
fifteen ships ofwhich it was composed.
For a century and a half we hear little or nothing of the affairs
of Dhofar, and whether the province became subject to the Yemen
or Oman, or remained independent, is uncertain.
In 1692, Dhofar was visited by Ovington, who describes it as a
place of considerable trade on this coast ; he does not give the
name of the ruler, but states that the people are constantly at war
with Shihr and Kisheen. Ovington found the people inhospitable
and villainous to strangers, and adds that the country produced
olibanum, coconuts, and butter.
Some time later Captain Hamilton, the author of the New
Account of the East Indies, narrates his visit to Dhofar and confirms
the opinion of Ovington as to the unfriendly and treacherous attitude
of the people towards foreigners, but he also fails to give any informa-
tion of the political condition of the country. He tells us that in
1705 an English ship put in there to procure water and that the
natives as usual flocked on board to sell provisions. They found
VOL. II. Q 4
the crew, who only numbered six or seven, unarmed and un-
suspicious, and taking advantage of this suddenly stabbed them,
and then, after plundering the vessel, set fire to it and burnt it.
Captain Symson, who visited the port, gives a similar account of the
place and its commodities to that of Ovington.
At this period Dhofar was no doubt frequented by those
" Monarchs of the Main," the English pirates, in quest of water and
refreshment, but we do not hear of their having molested the inhabi-

tants of Dhofar.
During the eighteenth century we find but few allusions to
Dhofar, but at the beginning of the nineteenth we know that it had
become the nest and stronghold of a notorious piratical chieftain,
who committed great depredations on small craft in the Arabian and
Red Seas. This freebooter, whose name was Sey3dd Mohammed
Akil, is have belonged to Mocha where he traded in conjunc-
said to
tion with his brother, Abdul Rahman, in a bughla owned by their
father. This, or another of the brothers preached at Mecca a
crusade against the occupation of Egypt by the French, and after-
wards led his countrymen to that land, where they joined the
Mamelukes in opposing and harassing the French troops in Upper
Egypt another brother was American Agent at Mocha.
;
Sejrîd Mohammed Akil derived much of his influence with the

Arabs by being a descendant of the Prophet. He proceeded to the
Mauritius and returned from thence in August, 1805, with two
fine ships. The Penguin and The Pigeon, the latter being an
English prize captured by the French bringing a large quantity of
arms and ammunition, having been commissioned to occupy and
fortify the island of Kamaran for the French. While at Kamaran,
Sejîd Mohammed Akil boarded the American ship Essex,
Captain Orme, and professing friendship, perfidiously offered to
assist the Essex working to Loheia. This offer was accepted,
and accordingly twenty men were sent on board, who seized the
vessel and brought it back to Kamaran, where Captain Orme, Mr.
Carter, and the whole of the crew were inhumanly massacred in
cold blood and thrown overboard with the exception of the cabin
boy, whom the Essex was then plundered

he retained as a slave ;
of her cargo and 120,000 dollars and scuttled. In consequence

of this atrocity, and with the view, probably, to prevent the occu-
pation of Kamaran in French interests, The Mornington and
Ternate cruisers were sent from India in search of Seyyid
Mohammed Akil, who, however, escaped capture, but who, appre-
hensive of the presence of these vessels in the Redremoved to
Sea,
Dhofar in the year 1806, of which he took possession and collected
a bodyguard of 500 negroes and became a terror to his more peace-
able neighbours.
After a few years he abandoned piracy and turned his attention
to the agricultural and commercial improvement of the district,
but it may be surmised that he changed his pursuits with reluctance,
and that he was actuated, not so much by the prickings of a tender
conscience as by the fear inspired by the action of the Indian
Government, in sending an expedition to destroy Ras al-Khyma
and root out other eagles' nests in the Persian Gulf in 1809.
Subsequently Mohammed Akil increased his bodyguard to
1,000 men, annexed the village of Merbat and built a fort there,
and also overcame the Garas, who learned to dread him and ever
remained inimical to him. Watchful for an opportunity to slay
him, they contrived at length to effect their purpose. Having laid
an ambush for him they shot him as he was returning one day
from Merbat to Dhofar. His attendants at once took to flight,
and the Garas then despatched him with their daggers. Haines
tells us that he was devout and pious, and was respected by all
for his mildness and impartiality, and that under his just rule
trade and population increased. Mohammed Akil still has his
admirers, but many stories are current at Dhofar of his bloodthirsty
character, and by many he seems to have been regarded as a ruthless
tyrant to the end of his days.
On hearing of the death of Mohammed Akil, the Sultan of
Muscat, Seyyid Saeed, sent a force to take possession of Dhofar, in
favour of Mohammed's Abdul Rahman, but the latter de-
brother,
clined the proffered honour, and returned to his native place.
Mocha. Seyyid Saeed soon after withdrew his troops from Dhofar,
which has remained ever since part of the Sultan's dominions.
In 1835, the officers of the Indian Navy, who were conducting
the nautical survey of the Arabian Coast, which had been begun in
1820, arrived at Dhofar, and it is and accurate
to the valuable
reports of Captain S. B. Haines, Lieutenants Wellsted and Crut-
tenden, and Drs. Carter and Hulton, etc., we are indebted for most
of the information we possess about this part of the country.
At a later date another adventurer essayed, for a brief space,
to play the part of ruler on the Dhofar stage. This was the in-
triguingMopla Seyyid Fadhl, who had been compelled by the Govern-
ment of India to quit Malabar in 1852, and whose expatriation
was one of the causes of the brutal murder of Mr. ConoUy in 1855.
This Mopla Seyyid Fadhl at first settled at Mecca, where he resided
for many years, but having incurred the displeasure of the Shereef
of that city he was obliged to leave it and where
retired to Dhofar,
he assumed the control of affairs in 1878 for some eighteen months,
until the inhabitants, unable to endure his tyrannical conduct any
longer, drove him out of the place.
In 1880 Seyyid Fadhl then proceeded to Constantinople, where
he was received by the Sultan with great distinction, being given the
Order of the Medjidie and made a field-marshal. He was then
directed to return to Dhofar, and a consignment of arms and ammu-
nitionwas despatched for his use, but the vessel did not proceed
beyond Aden, and the occupation of Dhofar in the following year
by Muscat troops frustrated any further attempt on the part of
Seyyid Fadhl to establish himself in that quarter.
Geography of Dhofar.
At the western end Kooria Mooria bay we enter upon the
of
province of Dhofar, which extends as far as Ras Shajr, a distance
of 130 statute miles with an extreme breadth of eighteen, from the
sea to where the hills merge into the desert.
The province consists of a maritime plain, ten miles wide in
the centre and about forty in length, backed and enclosed by a

crescent-shaped range of hills 2,000 to 4,000 feet in elevation, sloping
towards the desert of Al-Ahkaf and covering an area perhaps of
2,000 square miles. Limited as it is must nevertheless
in extent it
be regarded, in view of the character of its inhabitants and its

natural productions, as one of the most remarkable and most inter-
esting districts in the Arabian peninsula. The appellation, Dhofar,
appears ever to have signified the whole province, and never to have
been that of a town, in particular. The oldest mention we have of
it, Genesis, refers to it not as a town but as a mountain.
The fertile alluvial tract terminates on the coast with a sharp

curve at each end, that on the east being Bundar Merbat and on
the west Bundar Raysoot, the former being a well-sheltered anchorage
in the north-east monsoon. Numerous streams spring from the
hills and irrigate the plain, some being well wooded and grassy,
and enter the creeks the soil is remarkably rich and productive,
;
being capable, it is said, of producing three crops in the year. Groves

of coconuts may be seen, while tobacco, cotton, indigo, cereals,
pulse and vegetables are cultivated.
The inhabitants of the plain mostly belong to the Katheeri
tribe,one of the chief clans of Hadhramaut, where they occupy
the country between Shibam and Seiyoon and. possess Seiyoon
and Tereem. The Katheeris are said to have first invaded Dhofar
in the beginning of the ninth century of the Hi j rah, under a famous
leader, Bedr-ba-Towarek, who conquered the country and became
Lord of Hadhramaut and Dhofar. With varying fortunes the
Katheeris have remained the predominant tribe in the plain ever
since,and are always at feud with the Garas, by whom they are
often attacked and harassed. The Katheeris are in two divisions,
the Omar bin Kathir and the Amr bin Kathir, both of which are
represented in Dhofar, where they may number 2,500, occupying
seven villages. The plain is studded with the ruins of several ancient
towns, attesting the populousness and prosperity of former times,
but the precise age of only two of these cities, namely, old Merbat
and Al-Balad, can be ascertained with any degree of certainty.
5i6 History and Geography of Dhofar.
At the western end of the Kooria Mooria Bay is Ghubbet Doom,

into which falls the Wady Rekot, a long and important valley drain-
ing the northern slope of the Samhan range, dividing it from the
desert. This wady is said to be well wooded and fertile, and after
rain it naturally forms a raging torrent. A short distance south of

Khor Rekot lie the ruins of Hasek, an ancient town mentioned by
Ptolemy and once a depot for the exportation of frankincense,
with Sook Hasek near the anchorage. This town belonged to the
Ba Malik tribe and was destroyed in the early part of the nineteenth
century by the Attoobees, or, as some say, by the Beni Yas, who
carried the women and children into slavery. The town derives
its name from an ancient tribe who inhabited it. They are now
extinct but their names survive also in the neighbouring islet of
Hasiki, about twenty miles from the shore. The Hasek tribe are
no doubt identical with the Askitea of Pliny and were a branch of the
Abd al-Kais.
Frowning sheer and precipitous behind Hasek is the bare
limestone mass of the Samhan range, one bluff of which, known as
Jebel Habroot, probably a corruption of Kabr Hood, has been esti-
mated as rising to a height of 4,000 feet.
Ten miles south of Ras Hasek, and lying at the south-west
corner of Kooria Mooria Bay is Ras Noos, near which is Kabr Sali
bin Hood, a stone structure now very dilapidated. Just over it
is Jebel Noos, 1,200 feet high, which forms the eastern extremity
of the Samhan range. From this pomt to Merbat, a distance of
forty miles, runs a bare level rocky strip of coast, of granite formation,
ten miles broad, known as Salhao, half-way along which is Jebel
Jinjieri,a pyramidal peak of soft nummulitic limestone and gypsum
1,300 feet in elevation, and further on is Khor Sedha, where trading
boats and slavers take in water.
Round Ras Merbat Bay, a well-protected
Zuheir, or Merbat, is
and safe anchorage in the north-east monsoon, with a hamlet of

about twenty stone houses and a few miserable hovels there are ;
a few Indian khojas here who concentrate in their hands all the
frankincense trade of Dhofar, and a garrison of sixteen Muscat
Arabs is stationed in the fort tothem from the Gara

protect
Bedouins, who are sometimes very troublesome. The port is visited
by native craft, by which the commerce with Bombay is carried on,
but the water here is bad and scanty, the nearest good supply of
sweet water being four miles distant. The tomb of Mohammed
Ali, which bears the date 556 A.H. [a.d. 1160], is about one mile
off and is in good preservation. The customs revenue from the
Khojas is paid to the Wali at Sallala.
From Merbat a narrow belt of coast trends northward, for
about twenty miles, to Thaka, presenting for about half the distance
a low cliff 100 feet high, over which towers the lofty and majestic
tableland of Samhan. This great mass is composed, we are told,
of micaceous sandstone superimposed by argillaceous strata, above
which is white limestone, the precipitous face being scarped part
of the way down and projecting in great ridges. At the other end
of the range we shall find that Ras Shajr presents a very similar
formation.
Thaka is a village of about 400 inhabitants and has some
cultivation. There are three creeks in the vicinity Khor Thaka,
:
Khor and Khor Reiri, the last

Seive, being a deep and capacious
backwater extending up for about two miles, where it bifurcates,
having a narrow sand bar at the entrance. These creeks receive
copious streams from ravines in the mountains above and the water
in them is generally sweet.
Near Thaka are the ruins of an extensive mediaeval city of
forgotten renown. Bent suggests that this is the site of Merbat
mentioned by the Arabian geographers of the third and fourth
centuries of the Hijrah, and he is probably right. Owing to the
violent surf which breaks on the coast for a great part of the year,
vessels touching at Dhofar are in great need of shelter and security,
but protection could be well provided in the creeks near Thaka
at that time before the bars were formed. The word Merbat means
literally " Moorings," and the term would apply more appositely
to the creek near Thaka than to Merbat. Many considerations,
therefore, lead to the conclusion that this was the emporium and
—
5i8 History and Geography of Dhofar.
seaport which was referred to by Istakari, Ibn Haukal, Masoodi,

etc., was situated near Thaka,
as flourishing in their time, which
and that its name has only survived by being transferred to the
village and anchorage twenty miles distant.
Proceeding westward along the maritime plain to Bundar
Raysoot we arrive first at Dareez, once the capital of the Katheeris,
after which is Robat, near which is the shrine of the Hindoo Raja
of Cranganore known as Al-Samiri, and the ruins of Al-Balad, con-
cerning which we shall have to speak further on. Then we come to
Hafa and Sallala, where the Wali resides, and the two villages of
Okoad called Al-Sharki and Al-Gharbi, the east and the west, the
latter being four miles from Raysoot. Along the plain, a distance
of forty miles, there are, according to Cruttendon, eleven creeks or
backwaters, five of which are of sweet water.
Taken along its curvature the ridge of the Samhan range from
east to west is many miles in length. The Samhan,
appellation,
however, belongs more correctly to the eastern portion, where the
peaks rise to an elevation of 4,000 feet, and are in some parts thickly
wooded to the summit towards the west the hills decline in height
;
and are not so well clothed with vegetation, the tops being almost
bare of trees. From the plain the range rises rapidly and exhibits
a precipitous face towards the sea, while on the northern side it
slopes gradually towards the desert. There does not appear to be
any general name for the western portion of the range, each peak
being distinguished separately, and the following names were given
to those of the peaks from Ras Haboot to Ras Shajr, namely :
Jebel Bekan, Jebel Dhayem-wa-Salat, Jebel Al-Karha, Je'bel Bait

Faya, Jebel Hadbad-wa-Mara, Jebel Naheez, Jebel Harzat, Jebel
Bait Zebeed, Jebel Rasham and Jebel Arkam. These hills are
honeycombed with caves of various sizes, most of which are occupied
by the Garas in cold and wet weather.
The animals found at Dhofar are the wild cat, fox, hyena,
hare, hystrix or coney, gazelle, ibex, etc. Among the flora are Bos-
wellia, sycamore, acacia, bdellium, pomegranate, aloe, fig, tamarind,
tamarisk, lime, indigo, rhamnus, coconut, dragon's blood and many
others which have not been identified.
Dhofay and Beraimi Described. 519
The nautical surve}^ of the southern coast of Arabia, under-

taken in 1835 by the Bombay Government, and carried out by
the Indian Navy, gave occasion to several valuable memoirs by
Captain Haines, Dr. Carter and others. Their descriptions form the
groundwork of our knowledge of the physiography of the land,
but the Dhofar range remained unexplored until 1894, when Mr.
Bent visited and unfolded the romantic and picturesque scenery of
precipice and valley, the lakes and waterfalls, the stalactite caves, and
the dense and luxuriant verdure to be seen in these mountains.
He also throws light on the interesting and peculiar occupants of
these hills, the Garas, who speak a language of their own, but are
akin to the Mahras.
At the western end of the Maritime plain of Dhofar a small
bay is formed by a low projecting headland known as Ras Raysoot.
This bay is an excellent anchorage in the south-west monsoon, and
near by are the remains of an ancient town, which was at one time
an emporium of trade. There is a long lagoon here, into which a
large ravine, collecting the water from the hills above, discharges.
Off this point the pilgrim steamer William the Conqueror was
wrecked in i860, but the passengers and crew were saved and taken
to India in five bughlas. From Ras Raysoot commences a low
scarped cliff which extends westward, and at five miles we come to
Ras Ahmar, 700 feet high, composed of limestone and cretaceous
rocks this is one of the places from which the Garas obtain the
;
stone pipes they use for smoking.

Twenty-seven miles west of Ras Ahmar, after passing Ghubbet
Fezaija, the outer ridge of the range, rising to a height of 3,380
feet, descends to the sea in three gigantic steps, to form the great
promontory of Ras Shajr, the loftiest and most stupendous, though
not perhaps the most salient, on the south coast of Arabia. The
second bluff of this cape is 2,770 feet. Ras Shajr,
At this point,
the dominions of the Sultan of Muscat terminate, and here also
is the dividing line between the Mahras and the Garas, althougli,
in fact, the Garas claim and partly occupy the land as far west as
the village of Rakyoot twelve miles distant.
Geologically Carter states that the formation of Ras Shajr is

similar to that of the Jebel Samhan, near Merbat, being composed
at the base of micaceous sandstone, then of argillaceous strata,
above all white limestone, the strata being horizontal with a slight
dip to the north-east.
Visit to Al-Askhara in 1874.
August —Left Muscat at 4 p.m.

31st.- for Al-Askhara with Saeed
bin Selejryim on board H.M.S. Philomel to enquire into piracy-
case.
September ist. —Saw Kilhat at 10 a.m. and reached Soor at
2 p.m. Sent Dervish and Saeed on shore to call on Wall and landed
at 5 p.m. and found Wali just arrived. Held a conference in Jethoo's
house and arranged that Majid and Abdulla should be written to,
to meet us at Al-Askhara. Was told that a collision had occurred

the day before, in which two or three men were killed. The Wali
Nasir Bin Mohammed al-Bu Saeedi arrived at Soor eight days ago
overland, but he has no power and is not likely to stay for he gets
no revenue and has had to pay 60 dollars already to Beni Bu Hassan
Bedouins. Visited town and Khor afterwards and saw a good
many bughlas still in creek getting ready for sea. Returned on board
in evening. Dervish stayed.
September 2nd. —Dervish and Jethoo came off. Wrote to Majid
and Hamod. Jethoo says no danger in travelhng about the country
provided you have khafeers Ghafiri and Hinawi with you these ;
protectors are necessary to ensure safety. If the Bedouins find you
alone, even in the temporary absence of these men, they will certainly
plunder you.
People in Jaalan are haramis and not to be trusted when they
scent money. Jethoo has been to Kilhat, where there is a ruined
palace or fort under which, the people say, is a buried treasure, but
they are afraid to dig on account of the Jenebeh and Beni Bu Ali,
who would come down and plunder them of all they had and perhaps
driv'^ them out of the place altogether. Seedees sometimes go and
look for eold coins there after rain, which thev sell to the Soonais at
<a.
•^
LO
<
w
H
Dhofar and Beraimi Described. 52I
Soor for a dollar or 50 ; these^coins, from the descriptions, seem to

be cufics.
At 4 p.m. landed to go to Belad. Road leads north over stony

and rising ground. Outside the town the khor appears to go some
distance up but is here shallow. The forts of Senaisila and Shenoo
are passed on the right of us ; have guns but are not garrisoned.
forts
Road then turns to left until we reach Eis, which is a small defile
with a mined fort on top, destroyed by Thowaini. It belonged to
the Jenebeh. Belad is now visible ; it is in a low plain or valley and is
a mass of date-trees, few houses being visible. On reaching the fort,
which is tumbledown condition, I was received by the Wali with

in a
a salute. Sat in the gateway for some time and then took a walk
over the place. Outside the fort is the ruined Sook or bazaar, which
was destroyed by Sedeyree the Wahabee. The Banians' houses
are still standing. Not much cultivation here. Melons and a little
grain seem to be all. I was invited by the Beni Bu Hassan Shaikhs
to visit their country, which is beyond Wafee, they said. Wali

seems an intelligent and determined man but has no sinecure in
dealing with these Jenebeh scoundrels.
Returned to Sahil about 7.30 p.m. quite dark, obtained a ;
pilot, Ali bin Mobarek, who came on board with Dervish at 10 p.m.
By the inhabitants Soor is called Al-Sahil, and the upper town is

known as Al-Belad.
September 3rd. —Started at 5.30 a.m.
and reached Ras al-Had
at 9. The actual point of this cape is very low, merely a sandy
spit, but the hills in the background are visible from a great distance.
The residence of the Shaikh is a small fort with three towers, and the
hamlet is called Belad Ras al-Had. There are, perhaps, 600 people
under the Shaikh, called Beni-wa-Beni, and consist of three divisions,
the Al-Mowalik, Beni Ghozal, and Beni Mahra, the last tracing its'
descent from a Mahra ancestor. The coast is bold but the rocks
very bare to Ras Khabba. I saw a few Bedouins on the hills of
the Beni Harbee, a small sect of thirty men. Between Khabba

and Ruwais the coast is called Saweih Beni Bu Ali. It strikes me
lo-day that Kilhat is the Acilla of Pliny. Forster has missed this
VOL. II. R
identification, but the article in Al-Kilhat is incorporated with the

name.
Arrived at Al-Askhara at 4 p.m. Much less windy than I
expected round the cape. The town appears to be large, of mat
huts mostly, with a few stone ones, and lies among the sandhills a
few miles from the beach, but on account of the hillocks of sand only
part of it is visible from the sea. The fishing boats are observed all
drawn up in line and covered with matting, about forty of them.
There is no fort, but two ruined towers stand on the beach. There
is a projecting line of reefs to the south of the town, which serves to
distinguish it and acts as a from the surf. We
shelter to the boats
see only one boat still in the water, and no signs of anyone coming off.
—
September 4th. Shaikhs arrived this morning and are pitching
a tent on the beach made out of an old sail apparently. At 10
o'clock a canoe with two Seedees came off with letters from Majid
and AbduUa. Majid says he is ill, and Abdulla wants some one sent
on shore. I sent Saeed bin Musallim and the pilot to them with
letter requesting them to come on board (not too many) and promising
safety. Seedee says no slaves have arrived this year from Zanzibar,
there are few slaves in Al-Askhara but numerous freedmen. At
12 o'clock the boat returned with Shaikh Abdulla, Yusof bin Ali,
the Jenebeh Shaikh, Ali bin Khalfan, and the pilot explained to
them what I had come for and heard their explanations of the matter
which was that the Lashkhareh boats, seeing a disturbance among
the Kitia men on the island, went to interfere and stop the quarrel,
but that the Kitia men, seeing them coming, became afraid and ran
away. Told them I had come to demand restitution of the plunder
and the surrender of the offenders and their boats. They admitted
the plunder to have been about 300 dollars and agreed to pay it up
and said they submitted at once to the demands of Government
whatever they were I gave them until to-morrow morning to con-
;
sider and reply. Ali Mubarek says he considers the limit of Oman
to be the same with furthest land of Al- Jenebeh at Ras *
Name omitted by author, probably lie meant Ras Noes.

opposite Kooria Mooria. The Jenebeh extend to Jibsh, then

come Hikman, Bar al-Hadhei. then Al-Waheebeh, then
then
Jenebeh again to the Garas tribe. Al-Hadhramaut commences from
east at Shihr. The Mahra country is not in it. There is no general
name for the country between Jaalan and Al-Gara. Mesineh belongs
to Jenebeh. It has no cultivation and the inhabitants are Bedoos,
who live on milk and flesh. The limit of Oman towards the desert
is Adam. The Awamir at Ras Noos are genuine Bedoos and wear
Hadhramaut clothes and speak a different dialect to Oman; it is
hardly intelligible but is better Arabic.
Some Awamir have Muscat and joined Turkee,
lately arrived at
they came overland all the way on camels in some places they were
;
five or six days without water. They pay no road tax but are
obliged to take kefeer. If protege of kefeer be murdered, blood
money cannot be taken, he must be avenged by blood. The same
with the kefeer the custom of kefeer is punctiliously adhered to.
;
If the traveller or kefeer be killed, and, if both the kefeers are
Ghafiri and Hinawi, the tribes rise and unite to avenge him. Camels
in some districts are only watered once or twice a month. In
passing waterless tracts, camels go without, and men drink the milk
only.
A schooner was wrecked on this shore in Rassam's time and
the crew taken overland to Muscat by Bedoos, who fed them on
camels' milk and dates, which gave them diarrhoea, as a remedy for
which the Bedoos seared them all over with hot irons.
—
September 5th. At 10 a.m. I sent a boat for the Shaikhs, who
came off and said that during the night the offenders had bolted
from the town into the interior, but they had sent some of the
Lashkhareh people after them and expected they would be brought
back. The night before they had agreed to surrender themselves,
on condition of the other Shaikhs accompanying them to Muscat,
to which they had consented. They said the Jaaferees had never
committed themselves before and were very repentant, and that if
the offenders did not surrender they would hand over the six boats
belonging to them. I said we remembered good actions as well as
VOL. II R 2
524 tiistory and Geography of Dhofar.
bad ones and their conduct in shipwrecks was not forgotten, that
they had misbehaved once and might do so twice, etc. I then said
I would take 600 dollars on account of the property plundered and
as a fine, but as I was going this evening I wanted it at once. The

Shaikhs said they could not collect it for three or four days but said
they would deposit jewels with me until paid. They said they
would come off in the evening with Jaafera headmen to conclude
business. I gave Abdulla a gun and some cloth. At 5 p.m. I
sent Saeed on shore to fetch them, but he returned alone at 5 p.m.
and said the Shaikhs had not been able to collect anything yet and
had therefore not come. The six men concerned had returned to
the town.
September 6th. —SentSaeed at 9 a.m. to the shore
off he ;
returned at 2 p.m. with the Shaikhs and about half a dozen of the
Jaafera elders, dirty looking men. I admonished them, and they
assured me they were not with the six men in this matter and had
not approved of their proceedings at all, and promised it should not
occur again. Yusof said they had endeavoured to collect the money
and jewels but had got little. In the whole place they had collected
less than 200 dollars and the ornaments were so paltry that they
were ashamed to show them. They promised to come round to

Soor with me, Yusof and Abdulla, and borrow the money from
Jethoo, and hand it over there. In the meanwhile, prohibiting the
Jaafera from going to sea and seizing their date-trees until the money
was paid up, I required that some of the Jaafera should also come
round to Soor, and it was so arranged accordingly, namely, that
eight of them should accompany us. I told them to be ready at
daylight to-morrow.
September 7th. — a boat at dayUght, but it not coming
I sent
off I sentSaeed in whaler to hasten them. They came off at 9.30,
Abdulla, Yusof, and eight or ten others. The reason of the delay
appears to have been that on sending for the six culprits, the latter
had taken up arms and refused to come without a fight, a row ensued
and matters were looking serious. Saeed, however, ended the
matter by lettmg them off. The Shaikhs have bound the Jaafera
over not to put to sea this season until the fine is paid, the dates and
gardens belonging to them have also been pledged to Abdulla until
released.
The Beni Bu Ali and Jenebeh are Wahabees and will not eat
meat killed by others. The Shaikhs hold 200 dollars and have to
produce 400 more to make up the account. Abdulla, it appears, has
dealings with Jethoo, but Yusof's credit is not good apparently. I
arrived at Soor at 6 p.m. and sent them on shore to do what they can
with Jethoo. The boat did not return till 8 o'clock.
September 8th. —
Seyyid Nasir, the Wali, and the Shaikhs with
Jethoo came off at 11 a.m. and said the arrangement was concluded,
as they had obtained the loan. Gave them some more warnings and
advice, especially about the slave trade.
. Told them they would
not be interfered with unless they carried slaves in their vessels.
Jethoo said he was willing to lend them the money on the terms
accepted by them. They have handed him over 200 dollars and
are to stay in Soor until the balance is produced. The Wali said
there was no fresh news from Muscat or about Sultan. The Shaikhs
returned on shore at i o'clock. At 4 p.m. I landed with Garforth
and went to Jethoo's, where we saw the Shaikhs and Wali. Garforth
and others then went with Wali to Al-Belad, while I went on camel
to Senaisila to examine the fort there. It is untenanted and is in
a state of disrepair but is still serviceable, the gate is the strongest
part and is towards the sea, but has a wall in front. This fort is
completely commanded by the hills near.
The and number 200. I saw a mooUa there,

Senaisila are Ghafiri .
apparently a Pinjabu or Hindustanee man. There is a large musjid

and several decent houses. I returned at dusk and had a conversa-
tion with Abdulla and Yusof about Turkee having cast off Ghafiris
and taken up Hinawis. They said that Saleh bin Ali looted Muttrah
and had since had all his own way in the country and they were afraid
he would induce Turkee to attack the Beni Bu Ali, as Saleh was
bitterly hostile to them on account of their having killed Azzan and
put Turkee on the throne. I reminded them that when Saleh came
to Muttrah not one Ghafiri in the country had raised a finger to help
VOI,. II. R 3
526 History and Geography of Dho/ar.
Turkee and that he had not been supported by the Ghafiris as he

ought to have been, but that the Beni Bu AH were friends of the
E ,* and if any spHt occurred between them, I should be
ready to use my good offices to prevent hostiHties and to maintain

a good understanding and peace in the country, etc.
They produced the bag of dollars afterwards, and it was formally
accepted of them. Dervish then distributed his presents to them all.
The pilot got fifteen dollars. I promised Shaikh AbduUa bin Salim
a gun for his son Mohammed, who is a promising lad and has
influence. Yusof is tohave a gun when he next comes to Muscat.
The Wah returned with Garforth and party at 8 p.m. and said
he had to go back immediately as some of the Beni Bu Hassan
Bedouins were there and were coming on to Muscat to get nafa.
The Wali receives a handsome reward as he has been most attentive
and obliging all through. Returned on board at 8.30 p.m.
—
September gth. Started at 6.30 a.m. for Kilhat, where we
arrived at about 9 a.m. Landed at 10 and visited ruins. They
are situated between the shore and the hills, which rise about a mile
up and are of very uneven ground, covered with loose cobble stones,
boulders, and coral.
The southern limit is a wall, stretching from the sea to the
hills towards Soor, in which were three towers, the outlines of which
are clearly traceable one of which fell down only last year. The
;
foundations of many houses are visible and the walls of a few are
still partly standing. There is also a tomb, once domed, and lined
inside with coloured tiles, it is about fourteen feet square and is now
minus the domed roof there is a vault underground which probably
;
held the coffin but is now empty. Close by is a rectangular and

deep reservoir for water, partly filled with rubbish, but with a fine
wide arch over it ; this was evidently to catch rainwater, being in
a water-course.
To the north of this is the Wady Asin, which comes out of the
Wady Khalid, and has a flow of good water, sufficiently plentiful to
* Name omitted in original MS,

irrigate some fields at Wady Sakrat, a valley five or six miles up,
where there are kanats, and there is a large pool of water at Meida,
a short way up, where the women go to wash, bathe, and fetch water ;
the outlet of the torrent is wide and shows that a considerable body
of water comes down it. On the north of this is the present Kilhat,
now merely a fishing village, inhabited by the Shaaban, a petty
tribe of 200 souls these people draw their water from shallow
;
wells or pits in the torrent bed and possess goats and sheep. To the
north of this is another smaller torrent, which debouches into the
sea near the village.
North of this again are some more ruins, and this appears to
have been the chief part of the old town there was a tower and ;
perhaps a wall here too, and here I got a fragment of an inscription.

I have not, however, inspected this part properly. Here are said
to be the remains of an aqueduct leading from the interior and is
in good preservation, the name of which is Ghala. Coins are found
here with Oman mintage, probably struck here or at Nezwa in the
time of the Bowide Dynasty. This place is not much like Aden
except in miniature. The view from the Front Bay, where the
harbour is under Seera Island, would present something of the same
appearance, only Aden is on a larger scale and the grandeur is
wanting in this. Kilhat looks a poor place and most unsuitable for
a town at but has advantages on further inspection,
first sight,
having plenty of good water, which is scarce at Soor. This was

probably the cause of its being chosen in preference to Soor. The
houses and buildings were no hewn or shaped
all of coral and cobbles,
stones anywhere being visible. Received from the Shaikh some tiles
from a tomb brought from Persia and an inscription in coloured
stucco done by a Persian artist. The water is very deep close in
shore. To the south of the south wall is a large iron ring in the
rock over the sea, probably used for mooring. The coast all along
here is steep, ten to fifteen fathoms being found within 100 yards.
There is a low headland or reef sticking out some way at Kilhat
south of the khor, which forms a good anchorage for bughlas. Soor
is certainly more suited for a large port, but I can easily understand
VOL. II, R 4
why Kilhat was chosen in preference in former days ; the bar and
the entire absence of sweet water at Soor militate strongly against it.
At 12 o'clock I went on board, after giving the Shaikh a few

dollars and some powder, in return for the inscription which I
carried off. At 2 p.m. the Philomel anchored off Taiwee, which
is situated at the mouth of an apparently deep valley with very
precipitous sides, but there is a patch of palm and a streak of water

visible. The village is to the north of the wady and close to the
beach. At 5 p.m. the Shaikh came on board. Afterwards I landed
and walked up the valley and found the town clean with many
stone houses, having 500 or 600 inhabitants, all Beni Jabir. Khutba,
until fifteen years ago, read for Sultan of Turkey ; Sunnis and Waha-
bees in Jaalan still do so.
The Shaikh considered that the Sultan of Turkey was Khalifa

of Islam. Up the valley is the reputed tomb of Ibn al-Mukaire, a
celebrated poet of Al-Hasar, who retired here and built his own
tomb on the hill. To the south of Taiwee is Wady Fakk, which is
quite distinct from Taiwee valley and shorter but with a greater
flow of water. Just south of Taiwee are the ruins of Jereyf, an
ancient town destroyed at a very early date, but there is a tower
still standing and some remains.
Visit to Kilhat in 1874.
September 25th. —Left Muscat at 5 p.m. in May Frere for

the south coast.
September 26th. —Passed Taiwee at 4 a.m. and arrived at
Kilhat at 6, sounding the coast as we came along. Landed at
II a.m. at lower creek and went up
some distance. Proceeded to
it
village and thence up to Al-Shaikh, which has a commanding view

of the town and where are some ruins, said to be those of the Gover-
nor's residence and of a small tower, which seems probable. Under-
neath this low spur of the which is about 120 feet in elevation,
hills,
lie the present village, and the upper creek, which also belongs to
the Wady Issa, but is on the other side of the debouchment. We
started after this to visit Maida and Sakherat on donkeys. At

half-a-mile we reach Maida, which is merely a deep pool lying directly
under the high perpendicular cliffs forming the banks of the wady
and about 1,000 feet high. Bed of wady is stony and fringed with
oleanders, camel thorn, and other plants. A few hundred yards
further on are other deep pools, named Safee, and about two miles
further, the wady gradually ascending and changing from east
and west to north and south, we come to Sakherat and the affluent
Wady Kubdee, on the right hand. To our left is Mezra, a small
patch of cultivation. Sakherat belongs to no one in particular.
Beyond this is an old Persian tower in ruins and on the road the
Arabs pointed out the site of an old Hindoo temple, traditioning
the residence of the Banians at Kilhat. At the corner of Wady
Kubdee is the path leading up the hill to Kubdee it is a short cut
;
for donkeys and the road traverses a plateau for some hours and
then descends on the opposite side. At Sakherat, we rested an
hour by the side of a stream full of sudd or small fish. This stream
is fed by springs close by, but water is met with continuously for
some miles up. The aqueduct that used to supply Kilhat with
water, and of which we saw traces all along the valley on the left
hand side coming along, though generally destroyed, is here dis-
tinctly visible, and the remains show that this was the terminus.
It was supplied from the springs near, while they are a little higher
in elevation. Just below this is a square reservoir or tank in excellent

preservation inside, and the portion of the aqueduct leading from
it still remains must have been an important work, this aqueduct.
; it
There are said to have been loi wells at Kilhat, from which the
town was also supplied, the remains of many of which may still
be seen. Beyond Sakherat and Hahm are several villages, Ghotha,
Mahatt, Shofee, Siffin or Isfrin, Ghab, Jisseh, Houl, etc. The
haven in ancient days must have been a fine one, as ships are tra-
ditioned to have anchored as far up as the outlet of the wady, from
the hills, or up to the foot of the hills nearly. The harbour, however,
with the exception of two small creeks, has now disappeared,
having been filled up with boulders; whether this has happened,
through the incessant washing down of soil by the torrent or

whether it is the result of the earthquake, which occurred about
300 years ago, is a problem probably the latter is the true reason.
;
Proceeded on to Soor and anchored there for the night.

—
September 27th. Guthrie landed and brought off Jethoo
and the Eija Shaikh. At 11 a.m. I landed with Guthrie and we went
up Shaikh Ah, a hill overlooking Soor and Eija, to photograph the
scenery. Returned on board at 3 p.m. Got a good view and idea
of Soor generally. Guthrie made some notes about the bar and
creek!
—
September 28th. Landed with Guthrie at 7 a.m. and went to
Jethoo. He said Seyyid Nasir had gone to Al-Wafi to escape the
importunities of the Bedoos. No slaves had been landed this year
and none were expected. His own bughla was to be launched to-day.
A quarrel had arisen between the Beni Bu Ali and Al-Hejrieen,
and the latter had had eight camel loads of rice looted. I saw the
Eija Shaikh and Saleh bin Juma the former is a son of Rashid,
;
but by a negress.
At 10 a.m. I started with a pilot on board for Khor Jeramah
and arrived at about noon and went in gig with Guthrie to sound
and explore the creek. A shoal off right bow of May Frere
was found to be nine feet, but on going over the ground again we
could not pick it up though we got two fathoms. The entrance
is narrow and very winding. Inside, just as the creek opens out
into a wide lagoon, is an island fringed with mangrove bushes.
One bughla only was anchored there, loaded with limestone, and
waiting for dates from Soor to fill up before sailing for Bombay.
The lagoon is a fine sheet of water but with a drear and rocky back-
ground the general height of the hills around the shore seems to
;
be about 100 feet, except to the south-west, where it is flat. On

the west side are mangrove trees, and a small colony of fishermen
reside hereabouts. It is otherwise quite unfrequented except by
bughlas in October and November, which assemble in numbers at
that time from Busra waiting for the subsidence of the monsoon
winds before they start across for Bombay. Returned to ship at
10 o'clock and then Guthrie determined to take the steamer in.
The tide was now at half ebb,and on steaming ahead the May
Frere did not move at first and seemed to be aground, though there
were two or three fathoms on each side ; on going ahead to the
first turn the current proved so strong that she would not obey the
helm, and her head, though being only part exposed to the full
force of the tide, was driven back, and she then drifted so close against
the rock that I thought she must have struck. By great care and
steadiness, however, Guthrie managed to get her on and we then
anchored further up until the tide should have slackened. Guthrie
was not to be beaten, and at about 4 o'clock we started on again,
and got safely through the very intricate passage to the lagoon,
where we circumnavigated the old bughla and then steamed out
of the khor again, which we did with comparative ease. As far
as depth of water goes, there is no danger except at the shoal at
the entrance, but the turns, especially the last one near the island,
are so sharp that the vessel's stern no sooner out of one curve
is
than her nose is into another. On coming out, the boat left by
Guthrie to mask the shoal sounded 9 fathoms and 11 fathoms in
places, showing that there is much or more water in it at ebb than
there is at flow the cause of this probably is that the scour being
;
so great the sand is cleared away at ebbing, while the mcoming

tide brings it back again. We came away about sunset and an-
chored for the night at Soor, where we discharged the pilot, Rashid
bin Musellim, a good man. The pilot said they had no recollection
of any ship having been inside Jeramah before, and I believe the
May Frere is the first and only one, though the Berenice got
in as far as the island a few years ago.
—
September 29th. Started at sunrise, passed Kilhat at 8 a.m.,
and reached Shaab at 10, sounding all along. I landed and went
up khor for about a mile, the sides of which are very steep and
precipitous. At half-a-mile further fresh water mingles with salt
and the path then leads along a very romantic glen in which are
various fruit trees. Guthrie went on further until he came to a
fulaj and hamlet used by the Shaab people, who return there every
day. Even donkeys cannot ascend this path. It is said that beyond
this is a lofty cUff with a waterfall, the source of which is unknown.
It all belongs to the Beni Jabir and the Shaab people are Beni
Ryam, a clan of that tribe. We returned and took some photographs
of the valley. The Shaikh of Shaab was absent at Taiwee but was
sent for, and came before we left.
Visit to Beraimi in 1875.
One of the earliest trips made by me into the interior of Oman

was undertaken with the view of visiting Al-Beraimi, a frontier town,
which had formerly been for many years the headquarters of the
Wahabee force sent from Nejd to invade and conquer Oman.
"^ On January 17th, 1875, I landed at Sohar from H.M.S.
Rifleman, in which vessel Captain Clayton had kindly given me
a passage from Muscat, and proceeded to the quarters assigned to
me by the Governor, Seyyid Bedr bin Saif, to make preparations for
the journey. As it was intimated to me that it would take some
little time to collect the camels, I profited by the opportunity to
examine the town and its vicinity.

Sohar has been for many centuries the largest and most important
town on the Batineh Coast, though it was at this time in a very"
decayed condition, only a small part of the area within the circuit
of the walls being occupied by dwellings, the population having
dwindled to about 4,000. was probably a rich emporium in very
It
ancient times, when a brisk trade existed between Babylonia and

India, and is generally believed to be the mart on the Maka promon-
tory referred to in the voyage of Nearchus in 320 B.C. Further, we
find allusion to it in the Classical writers, if we agree to the identifica-
tion of Sohar with the ancient city of Oman, the capital of the country,
which depends not alone on Arab tradition and authority but is
generally accepted by European scholars, who see in it the Omana
or Omna and Ptolemy. The exact period, however,
of Pliny at
which the town changed its name is a question more difficult of
solution, and regarding which history and tradition afford no clue.
Though occasional references are made to Sohar in the middle ages

by the local annalists, the best description I know of is given by
Ibn al-Mojawir, who says, " Sohar had 12,000 houses, and every
nakhoda dwelt in a separate house, and the people used to draw their
drinking water from the aqueduct. Some told me there were 192 steel
yards for the weighing of merchandize between vendors and pur-
chasers. The town was built of bricks, mortar, and teak wood
and it became ruined and the jinn haunted the castles around. Abu
Bekr al-Bisri informed me that the country belonged first to the kings
ofKirman of the Seljook Dynasty, then it was ruled by the Al-Ghozz,
and afterwards it became deserted and was destroyed by the Arabs."
One of the signs of the former prosperity of Sohar is the aqueduct
Felej al-Motaridh,which supplied it with water in ancient times.
The work isgood stone masonry and leads along the surface of
of
the ground with a gentle declivity from the Wady Jezzi in the
vicinity of Hoora Barga, or Sohar Peak as we can it, to the shore,
a distance in a straight line of fourteen or fifteen miles, and is still
distinctly traceable for the greater part of the way, disappearing at

the outskirts of the present town ; I by the side of it more
noticed
than one small cistern of exactly the same pattern and construction
as those on Jebel Gharabeh.
As a fortress, memorable among the Arabs for the
Sohar is
heroic defence against the Persians in 1743 a.d., by Ahmed bin Saeed,
the founder of the present dynasty in Oman. The circumvallation
of the town, which stands close to the beach, is about a mile in length
and there is a moat on the land side, but there is no harbour, nor
even the slightest shelter for native craft.
The citadel, which contains the Governor's residence, is a lofty
square plain building with a strong entrance. In the second storey
of the house istomb of Seyyid Thowaini bin Saeed, but I did not
the
see it as the room had recently been bricked up. Of the nine persons
who were accessories to the murder of this chieftain in 1866, six had
already died by violent deaths, and the parricide, Seyyid Salim, only
survived his brother about ten years. From the roof an excellent
view is obtained of the surrounding country, and a lovely landscape

it is, the seashore being fringed with a belt of stately palms, gardens,
and cultivation, about three miles broad, while, in the background,
the plain rises gradually until brokenup by the spurs of the dark
serrated range of Jebel Hajar. Accompanied by Shaikh Rashid bin
Hamed, who had formerly been for some time Governor of Al-Beraimi,
and who had been selected as my guide and escort by Seyyid Bedr,
I started in the morning about lo a.m. and passed Auhy, a country
residence of the Imam's, at three miles.

The road now takes us to the Wady Jezzi at the foot of the hills,
and we notice, on the way, the side of a ruined town apparently
unwalled and covering altogether a considerable extent of ground.
Rectangular and oval heaps of black basaltic stones mark the place
of habitations, while the debris of circular towers remain piled on the
neighbouring heights. The locality is prolific in tradition, and I
learnt that the town flourished during the occupation of the Persians
in the Days of Ignorance, that is before the introduction of Islam,
and that it was visited by destruction by God on account of the
refusal of the Persians to accept the true faith. There no reason
is
to reject this tradition entirely,and it probably formed one of the

settlements under the protective shadow of the Persian stronghold
Jamsetjerd, the site of which I was able to identify on my way back.
At Sehlat, a village some miles further on, we rested while the
camels were being fed. At Mileyyeneh we find the wady more
winding and the gradient more severe, until we reach Hail. Near
Mileyyeneh there is an arched aqueduct, evidently of very ancient
construction. It is ascribed to the Persiajis, before Islam, and
belongs now to the Beni Gheith. It is still serviceable and supplies
the village of Ghorak from a on the other bank.
felej Here we were
overtaken by a heavy thunderstorm, which soon drenched us to
the skin and made the path so slippery that the camels would not
venture out of a walk. was impossible not to be struck by the
It
beauty of the scene, which was very grand the dark blue hills of
;
the background streaked by deepest black ravines and gorges, with

xidge upon ridge of lower hills in front being lighted up here and there
by the rays of the sun, now near setting, glancing through a rent in
the dark heavy masses of clouds above us. It was long after dark
when we reached the groves of Saheel, a village thirty miles from

Sohar, and here, the Arabs, having lost the path in the inky darkness,
we became entangled among the conduits irrigating the fields and
palms, until the villagers came to our rescue and showed us where
to camp for the night.
The next day, travelling more rapidly, we pass after an hour an
affluent on the right bank called Wady al-Safam, up which is a village
of the same name. Some miles further on we come to Burj al-
Shikairi and soon after another village called Kan, memorable for
the desperate and bloody conflict between the Sultan of Muscat and
the Wahabees, some sixty years ago, in which the Sultan's troops
suffered a disastrous defeat, and, being disheartened by the terrible
slaughter, opened the way to Shenas, where a second battle took
place in which they were again defeated. The towers of Al-Shikairi
had been previously built with the object of checking the progress
of the Wahabees, but proved quite ineffectual for the purpose.
An hour and a-half further on we came to the Wady Wasit,
after which we reach the village of Al-Khowairej, where the date
groves and cultivation are very extensive, affording a pleasing and
refreshing spectacle after our long ride through drear and arid hills,
the fields on the right bank being arranged in terraces and advantage
being taken of every available patch of ground capable of production.
Contiguous to Khowairej is Hail, another large village, the two
together forming the most considerable settlement I met with
between Sohar and Al-Beraimi.
Perched on a peninsula rock opposite to Hail is Al-Raby, an
ancient watch tower which probably marked the limit of the Persian
occupation before Islam. Near Hail the Wady Jezzi is joined by
another affluent, the Wady Abaila, up which the road now leads,
the course of the former running up west-south-west towards Kabil
and Senaina.
A few miles up the Wady Jezzi is, I was informed, a steep gorge
which is reckoned as the boundary, at this point, between Al-Dhahireh
53^ History and Geography of Dhofar.
and the Batineh. We now arrive at the highest point of the pass,
which has an elevation of i,86o feet, the peaks on either hand rising
to a height of i,ooo feet or more above us. On descending the other
side, we reach, after one hour, the Wady Ain, and continue over an
unbroken plain to Al-Beraimi, the level expanse before us being alone

broken by the isolated range of Jebel Hafeet, looming to the south-
west, some twenty miles away.
On arrival at Al-Beraimi, I went to the house of Shaikh SaUm
bin Mohammed, whose father, the chief of the Naeen tribe, resides
at Dhank. The following morning I set out to visit the Governor,
Shaikh Hamed, who received me cordially and we sat talking while
coffee went round he was laid up with a dislocated shoulder, due
;
to a fall from
camel a few days before. I noticed that the walls
his
of the courtyard were loopholed for musketry and that a rusty iron
gun lay half buried in the ground inside. I then proceeded to visit
the and on reaching the gate I received a salute of three guns,

fort,
which put the ordnance hors de combat by dismoimting them from

rickety carriages and prevented any further expenditure of powder.
Shaikh Hamed's nephew showed me over the fort and explained
everything with evident pride and pleasure, for their estimate of
the strength and importance of the place is enormous it was of ;
square form, built entirely of mud or unburnt bricks, and consists

of four towers united by curtains and surrounded by a deep ditch
about 25 feet wide, the scarp and counter scarp being steep and
faced with brickwork, while the towers appeared to be about half-
way up, the length of each side being about 150 feet. The armament
consists altogether of eight guns of sizes mostly unserviceable.
Near the outer gate is a brass 24-pounder, mounted as a field piece,
having the name Saeed bin Sultan, 1258 a.h. [a.d. 1842] in Arabic,
and the English date, 1842. It is one of a batch of twenty that

Seyyid Saeed procured from America, at this time, for his corvette
Sultan, and was brought thither from Sohar in 1876 by Seyyid
Azzan bin Kais and was used against the fort it now defends.
Al-Beraimi has always been regarded by the Arabs as com-
manding the road from Al Hasar and the Nejd, and they would consider
;
it necessary to hold its position in strength in the event of

Oman being invaded from that direction. In the invasion, how-
ever, of the country by the Wahabees, towards the close of the
eighteenth century, they took the place by force of arms and main-
tained their position in it as their headquarters and base of operations
during the entire period of their occupation. The fort which has
just been described was originally built by a section of the Naeen
tribe known as the Showaries, but was greatly improved and
strengthened by the Wahabees during their stay in Oman it ;
has now reverted to the pristine owners, the Naeen.

The name Al-Beraimi is applied to a collection of seven villages
included within an area of about four miles in length and of which
the one actually bearing the appellation is the largest and most
important. The others are Suar to the north; Jaimi, Katar and
Haili (to the north-west), and Ain and Motaridh to the south-east,
and the population of the whole may be estimated at 15,000, whose
general condition is low, and there
an apparent equality of pro-
is
perty throughout, their dwellings being mostly palm leaf and mat
huts, there being very few houses constructed of stone. They are
not dependent on the annual rainfall, which is small, but are able
to irrigate their fields by means of their felejes or aqueducts drawn
from the hills, as well as from wells, water being plentiful and at
no great depth each settlement has at least one of these felejes,
;
that of Al-Beraimi being brought from a spring in the hills distant

about twenty miles.
Al-Jow, the district in which Al-Beraimi lies, forms the north-
western part of the province of Al-Dhahireh. bounded to theIt is
south by Jebel Hafeet, to the north by the Semail, and to the west
by the desert.
The predominant Ghafiri tribe is the Naeen, which is divided
into two main sections and numerous sub-divisions. The chief
Shaikh of the tribe is Mohammed bin Ali bin Hamed. The principal
Hinawi tribe here is the Beni Yas, who formerly gained so much
notoriety by their piratical exploits, who occupy at Al-Beraimi
the villages of Jaimi, Katar, and Haili, and also the Wady Mesudi
VOL. II. S
their chief Shaikh is Zaid bin Khaleefa, who resides at Abu Thubi.
The Ghafiri tribe next in importance is the Beni Kaab, which num-
bers about 15,000 souls and occupies the district of Al-Madh, which
includes the mountain range and valleys between the Wady Jezzi
and Wady Hatat they possess about twenty villages, the chief
;
of which is Al-Madha, where the Shaikh Ali bin Saif resides. This
Shaikh visited me during the day and was desirous I should see him
at Al-Madha, but this I was unable to do. He told me he had
been to Al-Riadh, having been taken captive by the Wahabees in
his youth and carried thither in irons. He believed they were twenty-
four days on the road from Al-Beraimi to Al-Hasar, as they travelled
slowly, and there was plenty of water on the way. The route to
Al-Hasar and Nejd, by which the Wahabees so frequently invade
Oman, Hes towards the west, and I was given an account of it by
several persons who had traversed it, but the information was
discrepant and varied in detail.
The first district beyond Al-Jow is Beinoona, in which is Al-
Auka, a hamlet of the Beni Kattab. Next to Beinoona lies Al-
Ghafcd inhabited chiefly by the Minaseer Bedouins, where there is a
watered grassy vale called Dafis, which is visited in season by
nomads for the convenience of pasturage, and after this comes
Al-Jafoor, or the desert, as far as Al-Hasar. There appear to be
two general routes, one of which is used more in winter and the
other in summer the eastern part of this route is held by the
;
Minaseer and Beni Yas, and the western part by the Al-Morra.
No hills are met with on the way and the only wadis are Al-Sakr
and Al-Sohba.
The Sabkheh or Sabkheh Matta, as it is sometimes called, is
a marshy tract or wady about forty miles in breadth, commencing
from the viciaity of the Wady Yabreen and entering the Persian
Gulf between Long. 51° 50' and Long. 52° 50', and Lat. 24**. In
some parts it is a treacherous morass only to be crossed at the
beaten tracks, and it is said that should the camel miss the path he
becomes engulfed in the mud. This Sabkheh is, according to
Sprenger, the Sarkoe of Ptolemy, the word " Sarkoe " being a
lapsus penncB , or perchance a copyist's error for " Sabkoe." This

identification is an important one and is in all probability correct.
According to the concurrent testimony of all the Shaikhs and best
informed persons have spoken to on the subject, the Sabkheh

I
Matta is the geographical boundary between Al-Hasar and Oamn,

and has been so considered from time immemorial.
The watershed of Al-Aridh and Yemama appears to lie towards
the south-east, the Wady Hanifa and all other wadis converging
towards Al-Raudha, where they unite in the Wady al-Sohba,
which falls into the Persian Gulf just above the Sabkheh Matta,
probably Khor al-Doan. The road is not entirely destitute of
water, which can be obtained of brackish quality by digging.
South of Yemama and three days from Al-Hasar lies the fertile
and well-watered valley of Yabreen, whose date groves are said to
extend for several miles. Situate in the desert and beyond the
limits of Nejd, it was formerly a populous settlement, but owing
to malaria and other unhealthy conditions the inhabitants deserted
it. The Arabs claim an antiquity of 800 years for it, but it has long
since fallen to ruin, though some of the walls are still standing ;
it is also said that after heavy floods gold coins are sometimes picked
up by the Bedouins. The dates belong to the Al-Morra and Do was

tribes, who visit Yabreen in September to collect the harvest, which
is carried for sale to Nejd and Al-Hasar it is also extensively reverted

;
to by the neighbouring nomads with their flocks for the sake of

pasturage. I regretted extremely that I could not prolong my
stay at Beraimi, where I had been so hospitably received and where
there was still much to be seen, and it was not without strong remon-
strances and pressing invitations to stay longer that we were per-
mitted to start. Shaikh Salim bin Mohammed al-Naimi offered
to accompany me as far as the limits of Al- Jow, which offer I accepted
with pleasure. Leaving at 3 p.m. we left Al-Beraimi by the same
road by which we had come. After some miles a conical peak was
pointed out on the left with Persian ruins, and it was getting dark
when we reached Al-Kharoos, where we were to camp for the night
and where Shaikh Salim took leave of us. The next day we
VOL. II. S 2
rode to Hail in three hours and halted for breakfast. It is forty miles
from Al-Beraimi and it is here that the wilayet Sohar terminates.
Proceeding down the Wady Jezzi we arrived at nightfall at our
camping ground, where the road branched off to Al-Gharabeh,
the ruins of which lie about an hour and a-half distant, and which
I had determined to visit. These ruins, which I had the opportunity
of exploring, are the most considerable remains of antiquity to be
found, I believe, in Oman. The hill is not high, perhaps about
250 feet, and is very steep and inaccessible, there being no semblance
of a road. Around the summit, which is very irregular, are to be
traced the outline of fortifications, extending for half a mile. The
wall or rampart still stands in places from two to six feet high, and
it is possible to observe the plan of the buildings at the highest
point, though the greater part are an indistinguishable heap of
ruins. Along the line of fortifications are, at intervals, small circular
towers, several of which are still conspicuous. The walls have a
imiform thickness of three feet and are constructed entirely of rough
fragments of the rock, a white limestone, of which the upper part
of the hill is composed mortar appears to have been employed
;
very sparingly, and I could detect only three places where it was
used. There are two cisterns, one of which is quite at the summit
and is in shape an oblong constructed of round pebbles cemented
and plastered with mortar, the other being oval in shape but other-
wise similar, and lower down the hill. Both these tanks are small
and shallow and in such good condition that if cleaned out they
might still be serviceable. I looked in vain for a well or for a tank
that would serve for the storage of water.
Somewhat below the highest point is a low arch in the wall
which was not improbably that of a gateway just over the road.
There is one other arch and a tower still lower down, but it is made
of stone placed together uncemented. Only a few yards of the
roadway are traceable near the top, the rest of it is entirely obliterated,
but probably wound roimd the greater part of the hill, being very
it
narrow and faced at the edge with curbstones. It was at the

extreme summit, where the outUne is best preserved, that the
Bhofar and Beraimi Described. 541
residence of the commandant probably from the

stood, but to judge
heaps of stones in situ the building was apparently of no great
extent.
Little doubt can be entertained, I think, as to the identification
of Jebel Gharabeh or Felej al-Sook, by which name it is also known,
with Jamsetjerd, the fortified port held by the Sassanians when the
great religious change spread over Arabia in the seventh century of
our era. At that Annals of Oman, Persia
period, according to Ross's
held the coasts of the Batineh from Sohar to Al-Rostak, the Marzaban
or Governor residing at Jamsetjerd, a stronghold near Sohar. It was
at this place that Mohammed's messengers and Hodhaifa interviewed

the Marzaban, and on his refusal to accept Islam, Jamsetjerd was
subsequently captured and destroyed. From andits position
strength the importance of Jebel Gharabeh at that period must have
been very great, and it was doubtless considered quite impregnable
in those days of slings and bows, while it, of course, commanded the
whole northern part of the Batineh. A few patches of cultivated
ground are to be seen nâr the ruins, relieving the monotony of the
ruggedness and desolation that surround them.
Visit to Dhofar in 1883.
In the autumn of 1883, when the revolt of the disaffected

tribes had been
quieted, I had occasion to visit the outlying provinces
of Dhofar. went on board H.M.S. Philomel, in which vessel
I
Captain Lang, R.N., had kindly arranged to give me a passage there

and back.
Passing Maseera Island we anchored off Mahot, in Ghubbet
Hashish, on the evening of November loth, and Captain Lang took
me on shore at once. We landed on the north-east side of the
island, where we were met by a number of women and slaves, the
Arabs being evidently suspicious of our intentions. They were soon
reassured, however, "and we walked up to the Shaikh's house, but
as it was getting late we soon returned on board.
VOL. II. s 3
On the nth Lang and I again landed, but this time on the south
side of the island, and had to make our way along a narrow path
through the mangrove jungle of half a mile. Beyond the swamp
the ground rises and the village is hidden from view, seaward, by the
mangroves which fringe two-thirds of the island. There are about
150 houses, made oval or circular, of mangrove boughs and matting,
bound together with ghadaf ropes there are no stone houses.
;
Water has to be brought from wells four miles away to the north
and is carried in earthen vessels suspended in goatshair cloths slung
on poles, the work being performed by female slaves, who are
numerous here. I tasted the water, which was given me in half a
cocoa-de-mer shell, and found it sweet but muddy. Shaikh Khasaif
was not inclined to be very communicative, but from some of the
Hikman and Ameen tribes I received some information concerning
the tribes and the course of the wadis draining into the Bahr al-
Hadri or Arabian Sea. There are no date palms or other trees on
the island and no cultivation, but notwithstanding its wretched
appearance there is much intercourse wit^ Adam, and caravans
are constantly arriving with dates for export. The trade is chiefly
carried on with Zanzibar and Muscat, and the articles shipped here
are dates, sharkfins, saltfish, tortoiseshell, and salt.
The insular position of Mahot gives it immunity from the
attacks of Bedouins, and it was doubtless on this account that the
island was chosen for a settlement, in spite of its want of water.
The Shaikh told me he had expended much money in searching for
water but all he had been able to procure on the island was very
brackish. All the Arabs I spoke to on the subject here were
"
unanimous in saying that the Ghubbet Hashish or " Grass Bay
was so called on account of the seaweed which grows on it, and not
on account of the grass on shore, though it is certain that long grass
grows abundantly in the neighbourhood and gives sustenance to a
large number of sheep and camels. We left Mahot the same day
and arrived at Merbat on the 14th. The commandant of the fort
and three khojas came off and reported that everything was quiet.
The stone houses here appear to be mostly warehouses and the
;
windows have a broad white border round them ;they have been
built with a view to resist Bedouin attacks.
In the afternoon, Lang and I went on shore and visited the tomb
of Seyyid Zubair bin Abdulla al-Hashima, which is rather dilapidated,
and the date is obliterated. The Khojas informed me they came
from Bombay and did a good deal of trade with the Gara Bedouins
in rice, cloth, metal- ware, etc., which they exchanged for frankin-
cense, gums, and ghee. The frankincense brought by the Bedouins
is of the three kinds, Nejdi, Rasami, and Rayzoni, the first named
being the best. Some of the Boswellia trees grew within a distance
of two hours, but in the hills they were much more abundant. The
rocky shore and reefs at Merbat produce a plentiful supply of lobsters,
prawns and crayfish. The Bedouins, they said, used formerly to
give much annoyance, but since the Sultan of Muscat had built the
fort and placed a small garrison there the Garas had quieted down
and trade was flourishing.
We visited the tomb of Mohammed Ali, about half a mile from
the fort ; it is a large structure and kept in excellent order, an
inscription inside giving the date 556 a.h. [a.d. 1160]. There are a
few water holes close by from which the people draw part of their
supply.
I alsowent with Lang in the galley to see the island of Jowamia,
which is 199 yards from the beach and has a curious loose rock on
the summit the path, which is fifty feet above sea-level, being rough
;
and steep. On the cliff on the mainland opposite are the ruins of
a fort, but no inscription could be found there, and in this cliff is a
double-storied cave, apparently excavated by the action of the sea
the lower storey is sixty feet deep, one hundred feet broad, and
eight feet high.
At Merbat I met Ali bin Mohammed, an intelligent old man,
who had been pilot to the Palinurus surveying brig, and afterwards
to H.M.S. Juno in 1854. He showed me a paper given him
by the Captain of the Juno testifying to his good service in
protecting a midshipman and a seaman who had fallen into the hands
of the Arabs, when in chase of a slave dhow. Leaving Merbat we
VOL. n. 54
steamed on to Sallala, where we arrived at 2 p.m. on the 15th and

landed two hours later. Lang and I walked to the Wall's house
and then on to Al-Hafa. The Wall Suliman told me there was a
truce between himself and the Garas, except at Thaka, where the
Mashimi were still at feud with him. In the last fight, which took
place about three months before, between Thaka and the hills, one
man was killed on each side.
The grains cultivated about here were the dhurra or jowari
and masaibili or bajri, and there was also much cotton. Heaps of
sardines, called ohmia by the Arabs, were spread out to dry, previous
to being given as fodder to cattle. When fresh caught the sardines
are exposed in shallow oval stone pits in the sun until the oil exudes,
which is then drained off in vessels placed to receive it and is used
chiefly for mixing with lime to smear boats below the water line.
On returning on board in the evening we found the surf so heavy

that the ship's boats proved of little use and we had to requisition
native boats in order to reach the galley.
The next day I landed in company with several officers, who
had arranged a shooting party. After visiting the Wall's house
we separated and I proceeded to examine the ruins at Al-Balad.
These ruins, the most extensive and interesting on the plains of
Dhofar, cover a space of about two miles between Al-Hafa and
Dareez, with an extreme breadth of nearly half a mile. The citadel,
towers, and Jami mosque are still standing in part, and the town
wall. Custom House, and ditch can be distinctly traced.
I examined first the Jami mosque, which is a large building with
round and octagonal columns eight feet high, having capitals and
pedestals. The Mehrab or Kibla is still standing, also the gateway,
but the headstone, a huge block, six feet long and more than a foot
and a-half square, was on the ground. Of the Inscription on this
stone, the first and least valuable line was legible enough, but the
lower lines were battered and decayed and past reading. I had
the block turned over and well washed, but no date was discernible.
The western portion of this area is covered by the ruins of the in-
ferior and unwalled part of the old city, and but little interest attaches
;
bhofar and Beraimi Described. 545
to it, as there are few, if any, architectural or sculptured remains

to be seen, and as the limestone blocks of which the houses were
built have been blackened by age, it has a very sombre and dismal
appearance.
The eastern part of the city, which was fortified in a quadri-
lateral form, the length being double the breadth, comprising the
citadel and Custom House, is the most important and attractive,
and it is here that we find the sculptured slabs, the ornamented
capitals of columns, the texts of the Koran and other evidences of
a civilized community. The defence consisted of a rampart and
ditch on three sides, and the citadel stood on an eminence about 100
feet above the plain,and is still known as the Hishm. It is square
with thick walls, and had two gates, one facing to the east and the
other west ; there is a well thirty feet deep in the north-west bastion.
The base Custom House is still standing, with the mortar
of the
quite hard and good and facing the east, and near it is a buma or
tower, erected apparently to overawe the shipping.
The creek, however, which protects the city on the north
and east side, deserves particular attention as it was doubtless the
existence of this feature that determined the original selection of
the site. This creek is about 100 yards at the widest part, five
fathoms near the bar, and six fathoms deep near the town the ;
water in it is perfectly fresh and used to supply the population.

On moat had been dug as a defence, leading from
the western side a
the creek to the sea, and beyond this was an aqueduct or canal
leading the water to irrigate the fields at the mouth is a sandy bar,
;
and if this were removed the creek would again form an anchorage
for native craft. Nothing could contribute more to the prosperity
of Dhofar than the possession of a well-sheltered haven, for at present
the roadstead is so unprotected, and the surf so violent, that the
vessels calling here have to go on to Merbat, and trade is in con-
sequence carried on under great disadvantages. The Arabs here
assured me that in a hurricane that had occurred some thirty years
before the plain had been flooded, sweeping camels, goats, and
cattle out to sea and scouring the creek and clearing away the bar
they also asserted that the scour had revealed a stout iron chain,
stretching across the creek just opposite the Custom House. This
chain, if the story be true, was no doubt intended to prevent vessels
ascending the creek beyond the Custom House and thus contamina-
ting the sweet water in the upper part, which supplied the town.
The creek is full of reeds and rushes, the latter being termed Kusht
by the Arabs, while the reeds are similar to those found at Aden.
According to local tradition this city was founded by the Minjui
D3masty, which rose to the height of its power in the fifth century
of the Hi j rah and are the only remains of foreign occupation to be
found anywhere on the southern or eastern coasts of Arabia. They
are most certainly not the work of Arabs, whose simplicity of style
and inartistic hand could never have produced the elaborate sculp-
tures and ornamentations observable in the ruins of Al-Balad. It
is the most eligible site for a town and port in the Dhofar district,
next perhaps to that of Thaka or old Merbat, and it may have been
the site of a town in remote ages long previous to the arrival of the
Minjuis, but what name the Minjuis gave to their capital is now
forgotten and has passed into oblivion.
After seeing the ruins, I took a walk westward in the country',
which appeared fertile and well cultivated. The wells are shallow,
the water being drawn up by camels, three or four of which may
sometimes be seen working together, evidently well trained, as they
make the turn at the end of the wells without guidance, as neither
man nor boy were near them. There is a creek at Okoad, on the
east side of which is a ruined village named Abkad, and the land
between Okoad and Ray soot is occupied by the Beni Saeed.
On the next day, the 17th, I received a visit from the Kadhi
of Dareez, Ahmed al-Hadal, also from five Shaikhs of the Katheeri,
one of whom was Bukhait, an old man quite blind, after whom the
Indian traders came up and gave me particulars of the trade of
Dhofar. They informed me that the Garas had only frankincense
and other gums, hides, and ghee to bring in, that the value of the
former was three dollars per cwt., and that the quantity brought to
Sallala on an average was 4,000 cwt. The cotton cloth imported
from India was chiefly black, but a certain quantity of white was
also imported, but no other kind was in demand the annual amount
;
was about 50,000 rupees. Rice, dates, and jowari are also imported.
I was told that the Katheeris were all on good terms with the Wali
and paid two and a-half per cent, on the crops. The Bedouins
pay a tax of one dollar on five camels, and give one goat out of twenty.
In the afternoon I went to see the ruins of Robat, which I found to
be very extensive. The town must have been a very populous one
from the numerous walls of houses and enclosures in all directions,
and I noticed a large square well of excellent masonry and quite
dry. The burial ground remains in wonderful preservation, con-
sidering the great age of the interments, which must be nearly 1,000
years old. Two or three of the tombs were Minjuis, and one of them
bore the date 411 a.h. [a.d. 1020]. Tombs of the Yemen Sultans
were common, one of which had two beautifully carved marble
stones on one of these was the representation of a lamp suspended
;
by a chain, while on the other stone three lamps were carved. The
old mosque had no date, but the new one was dated 1233 a.h.
[a.d. 18 17]. The country between Sallala and Robat is arable,
with plenty of grass and cotton, the soil being light and sandy.
—
Sunday, November i8th, ^The Kadhi of Dareez came to-day
and I endeavoured to learn from him something of its history. He
informed me that the population of Dareez was about 250, and that
it was an old capital. He said the Shereefs and Seyyids had looked
after the Gar a flocks and herds on the plains and are the " go-be-
tweens " and arbitrators in all matters, being reverenced as holy
and pious men. He did not appear to know much of the history
of Dhofar, but I was fortunately able to obtain an old manuscript
from Shaikh Abdul Rahman, whose family had furnished the
Khadhis of Hafa for generations, but it was with great reluctance
that he consented to part with it, but he eventually did so for twenty
dollars. After distributing a few presents we sailed to Merbat,
where we anchored for the night.
November 19th. —Leaving Merbat we passed Jinjelly and Sidha,
where there is a creek and hamlet, and on the following day reached
54^ History and Geography of Dhofar.
Hellaniya, the largest and only inhabited island of the Kooria

Mooria group. I walked with Lang to the huts, which are of the
most primitive description, generally oval or round, six feet in dia-
meter and three or four feet high, built of loose stones, with a scanty
roofing of mats laid over sticks and fish bones and gorgonias, with
barely room to sit upright. In these wretched habitations, and in
caves at certain seasons, these islanders live, subsisting on fish,
shellfish, and goats' milk, occasionally exchanging their dried fish
for dates and rice with passing dhows. The population numbered
thirty-six, and consisted of five men, twenty women, and eleven
children ; two of the women are of the Beni Khalfan tribe and
are considered the queens of the island. The headman is Hamed
bin Mubarek, the only person who can speak Arabic, the rest speaking
Mahra, and he told me came from the opposite
that the people all
coast, Merbat and Hasek. He had many papers and said that the
telegraph clerk, M. H. Nicholas, took away all the others when
the station was abandoned in 1861. They fish entirely with the
hook and possess neither boats, canoes nor nets. There are three or
four wells on the island, and on the east side the ruins of a town
stood, thus showing that it once contained a larger population.
Hamed bin Mubarek complained that the Arab boats from the
Pirate coast, Debaye and Ajman, had molested and
particularly
robbed them. Between 200 and 300 goats were on the island,
some being quite wild, while some were attended by women and
children. They were much gratified by being given a little sugar,
rice, tobacco, and cotton cloth.
On the morning of the 22nd we were off Ras Sherbetat, with a

somewhat heavy confused sea and going four knots, with wind and
current still against us Sherbetat was formerly considered the
;
boundary between the Mahra and Jenebeh tribes. H.M.S. Philomel

arrived at Muscat on the 27th at 8 a.m.
In the following year, the Government of India having sanc-
tioned the presentation of gifts to the Sultan of Kisheen and others
in connection with the hospitality shown by them to the crew of
the SS. Airy, which had been wrecked near Cape Fartak, I left
Muscat for that port in H.M.S. Dragon, in which Captain Anson had
kindly arranged to give me
a passage on December loth, 1884.
On anchoring at Kisheen on the 15th, Captain Anson and I walked
up to the house of Ali bin AbduUa bin Salim bin Towari al-Afreer,
who received us very civilly. After thanking him for the protection
given and kindness shown to the sailors of the Airy I gave the
present, consisting of a gold-mounted dagger and other articles.
The Sultan replied that he was glad that his action had merited the
notice of the Government, and also stated that his rule extended
along the coast from Mesenat to Ras Tarbat Ali, and promised that
shipwrecked crews of European nationality would always find
safety and hospitality among his people. Sultan Ali appeared to
be rather feeble and decrepit, and could not converse in Arabic ;
an old Kadhi spoke him and was evidently the real ruler.
for
AbduUa bin Mohammed, the man who had first succoured the Airy
crew, arrived at Kisheen during the interview and immediately
began to rub noses with the Sultan and other notables present.
This ceremony consists in taking each other by the right hand
and then rubbing noses together, sniffing audibly all the time.
Kisheen is a miserable town of 200 mud houses, built on the
sand, and has ten mosques, some with minarets. Most of the food
supply comes from Bombay and Muscat, but there are no Indian
traders ; the chief exports are frankincense, myrrh, cattle and fish
maws.
Tuesday, December i6th. —Weighed and reached
at 5.30 a.m.
Saihoot at 10, where a visit was paid to the young Sultan, Saad bin
Salim, who was in charge of the town during the absence of the
Governor, Sultan Mohammed Omar the latter is the son of
bin ;
the last Sultan of Kisheen, Omar bin Towari, who was visited
by Captain Haines. Mohammed bin Omar was the rightful successor,
but being very young at his father's death, the succession passed
on to Sultan Ali bin AbduUa, the present Sultan.
Saihoot is a large straggling town containing 250 houses and
about 2,000 people, a very large proportion of whom are negroes.
There are many mosques with minarets, water is good and plentiful,
and there are several curious tanks for people to draw from. I
noticed public scales in the market, where frankincense and howair,
or wild indigo, is weighed there are four Banian traders from
;
Cutch here, who carry on a thriving trade. The exports are frank-
incense, salt fish, barley, sardine oil, and sharkfins, while the imports
are considerable, as Saihoot supplies the population of the Wady
Maseela.
Leaving Saihoot, we steamed to the westward for a few miles,
to look at the Wady Maseela, which has a less imposing appearance
than I had expected, the west bank of which is more lofty than the
east, and the chart does not appear to show the hill ranges correctly.
In the second century after Christ, when the great Azdite
immigration from the Yemen to Oman took place, the first stage
of the Azdites' march from Mareb was to go down the Wady Maseela
to Saihoot, where the families were put into boats and taken to
Kilhat, from whence they proceeded to their destination. In
Ross's Annals of Oman, the name of the port of embarkation is given
as Raysoot, but there is no doubt that Saihoot is the place intended.
Changing course here, the Dragon steamed back towards Ras
Fartak, on the western side of which is a fishing village named
Khasad, a place formerly much frequented by Zanzibar dhows
for landing cargoes of slaves, intended for the Hadhramaut market.
The Governor of Khasad resides at Woodi, one of the chief
towns of the Mahras, which lies five miles distant inland. I landed
at Khasad in a sambook and went up to the Shaikh's house ; this
hamlet is wretchedly poor and has only fifty inhabitants, though
several large vessels belonging to Woodi anchor here.
Below the promontory of Ras Fartak is a low point called
Hishm, from the remains of an ancient fort, on the top of which
promontory only the site can be traced a huge boulder that has
;
fallen from above, at the extremity, is known as Mohrim.

Ras Fartak is the most salient and remarkable natural feature
on the southern coast of Arabia. On the western side the rise is
somewhat gradual, the range behind the maritime plain of Kisheen
coming to a sudden termination at the point, where the coast turns
abruptly to the north and presents to the eastward a perpendicular

escarpment, 2,500 feet in height and six miles in length, the cliff
rising sheer from the sea to the summit ; but though apparently
a smooth precipice, it is, in fact, a series of narrow terraces, or ledges,
corresponding with the strata, chiefly horizontal, but also at all
angles. This grand headland is indented or honeycombed with

numerous caves inhabited by Mahras, who gain a precarious live-
lihood by fishing ; descending to the lower terraces and rigging
out lines suspended from ledges of rock projecting over the sea.
It is a dangerous occupation, and several are said to perish annually
by falling off into the sea below. At night the fires lighted by the
natives give the promontory a singular appearance, it is the only
indication of the cliff being inhabited as the caves are invisible
during the day time.
At Nishton, where the Dragon next anchored, I found one of
the headmen to be Salim bin Mubarek, the Mahra who had rescued
and fed the crew of the SS. Knight of Bath in June, 1883, near Ras
Saukira. The old man expressed the deep gratitude he felt for
the generous treatment he had received from the owners of the
vessel, and for the attention shown him in Bombay, observing
that from being a poor fisherman he had become a merchant and
a headman of his village. I ascertained later that the fame of
Salim bin Mubarek's good fortune had spread everywhere along
the coast, and it may be expected that the liberality shown in his
case, and that of the SS. Airy, may have the effect of inducing the
Arabs to assist and befriend any European who may happen to be
wrecked on the shore of Southern Arabia. The Airy appears to
have struck on a bank or reef off the point of Nishton Bay, in about
two fathoms, and to have subsequently rolled off into deeper water,
but still showing the brass work of the cylinders. Salim bin
Mubarek told me that he was absent from Nishton when the
Airy struck. The two other muccadums or headmen of Nishton,
Mohammed and Moosa, received their present at the same
time as Shaikh Awadh of Dhaboot, who had taken charge oi
the sailors after the latter had left Nishton.
;
552 History and Geography oj Dhofar.
At Dhaboot, where we anchored for the night, there is a large

square house or fort where the sailors were lodged during their stay
the village is small but has a good water supply.
December i8th. —Steamed on to Damkot, a small village of loo
mat huts, situated at themouth of a gorge called Showeyta. There
is a lake or lagoon, which is fed by the water flowing down the
ravine, but in the lower part the water is brackish. Anson took
me ashore in his galley and we walked up to the Shaikh's house.
The Shaikh or muccadum himself was absent and his locum tenens
was very old and decrepit, but said he remembered the boats of the
Palinurus being engaged in the survey of the coast, and had seen
no ships at Damkot since then, and that none of his people had ever
seen a steamer before. The old man had given me a list of the
Mahra tribes and the route from Gheitha to Tereem. The burial
ground is ancient and lies between the town and the sea, is very
extensive, and believed to be pre-Islamitic. There is some little
trade, but the people are very poor, possessing a few camels, goats
and cattle, the exports being frankincense, ghee, and sardine oil.
Passing Ras Shajr, which marks the southern limit of the ter-
ritory of the Sultan of Muscat, the Dragon arrived at Sallala and
anchored off there on December 19th, 1884. I landed with Anson
to interview the Wali, who said he was now at peace with Funkhor,
the Chief of the Mashimi Garas, and that the latter had paid all the
dues demanded of him. None of the Indian traders were at Sallala,
having all gone to Merbat on business, so I went with Anson to have
a look at the ruins of Al-Balad and to photograph them, and took
eight plates of the principal features, inscriptions, etc., which were
afterwards developed at Muscat. I particularly examined the
cemetery for tombs of the Minjuis, but could find none. Many
graves were here of the twelfth century of the Hijrah, but none
of the Minjuis or Haboodhi periods appear to have survived.
Leaving SaJlala the same evening, we steamed on to Dareez,
where I landed the next day. I interviewed here the old Kadhi,
Seyyid Ahmed, who gave me some information about the Garas
and about the Samiri. He informed me that the Samiri was a con-
verted Kafir and it was through

Dhofar was first blessed
his sanctity
with rain before this time the water of heaven had never fallen.
;
His tomb was now a ziarat or shrine, and visited by all sorts and
conditions of men, and his name was included with the other Ameers,
Anbias and Ulemas, and was prayed to whenever rain was required
by the people of the district.
The tomb of the Al-Samiri lies about half a mile from the sea
and is enclosed by an unroofed wall of mud and stones twenty-five
feet by ten, the grave being eighteen feet by four, lying north and
south, with a broken headstone of black basalt or limestone. The
inscription is imperfect, the lower part, bearing the date, has dis-
appeared, while at the foot of the tomb is a small cavity for holding
oil, the lamp being kept lighted throughout the year by the devotees.
The roof of the building collapsed many years ago, but last year a
slave named Saeed saw the saint in a dream and was warned that
if the tomb was left exposed to the sun the whole district would be
parched for want of rain ; a subscription was therefore raised and
some repairs were effected, but sufficient funds to renew the roof
were not available. The most complete accoimt of this saint, whose
tomb is the principal shrine in Oman, is that given in Mr. W. Logan's
Malabar, and it may be interesting to give briefly the events in
connection with the famous conversion of the Samiri to Islam.
The last King of Cranganore, whose name was Chereman Perimal,
dreamed one night that the full moon appeared on the night of the
new moon, and that when at the meridian it split into two, one
half descending to the foot of the hill, where the halves joined and
then set. Some time afterwards a ship, returning with Moslem
pilgrims from the Persian Gulf to Ceylon, anchored at Cranganore.
In an audience given by the King, one of the pilgrims. Shaikh Soorij
al-Deen, improved the occasion by relating the story of Mohammed
slipping the moon up his sleeve. The King was much interested and
secretly informed the Shaikh of his desire to embrace the faith.
Touching at Cranganore again, on his return journey, the Shaikh
was secretly instructed by the King to have a ship prepared for a
voyage, and after eight days embarked in the vessel with the Shaikh
VOL. II. T
and his companions for Shihr on the Arabian coast. From Shihr,
King Perimal proceeded to Dhofar, where he settled, but after
some years resolved to return to India to convert his people, but
was seized with a fatal illness. Before he died he urged his com-
panions, Malik bin Deenar and others, to carry out his designs
and propagate the faith in Malabar.
The dates of these occurrences appear to be fairly well established.
King Chereman Perimal left India in 210 a.h. [25th August, a.d. 825],
remained at Shihr two years, reached Dhofar in 212 a.h. [a.d. 827],
and died there in 216 a.h. [a.d. 831]. On his arrival at Shihr, King
Perimal is said to have taken the name of Abdul Rahman, but how
and where he obtained the appellation of Al-Samiri by the Arabs
is somewhat obscure. The word signifies " Calf," and is applied
to the worshippers of the cow, and it probably has reference to
Perimal being of the Hindoo religion before his conversion. It
has been confounded with the word Zamorin, the title given by
the Portuguese to the King of Calicut, but the latter word is of
Sanscrit derivation.
From Dareez we proceeded to Thaka, where I landed in a surf
boat, and interviewed Se5rîd Abdulla, the brother of the Shaikh
Seyyid Alowi, who was absent in the hills ; the ancestor of these
Seyyids was Abu Bekr, who came from Ainat in Hadhramaut.
Thaka at this time contained forty houses and 200 inhabitants,
but it appeared to be rapidly falling to ruins. I was only able to
give a cursory look at the creeks and the interesting ancient ruins
in the neighbourhood, much regretting that I had not the leisure
to examine them more thoroughly. The three creeks here are
Khors Thaka, Seive, and Reiri, the last being the largest, and form-
ing in ancient times, no doubt, the haven of the city. Before leaving,
I took the opportunity to inspect the oldest and most revered shrine
at Thaka, that of WaU Afeef, who is regarded as a patriarch ; the

headstone bears the date 309 a.h. [a.d. 921], and, having been broken
in two, has been bored and mended with string.
Our next was at Merbat, where we anchored at 2 p.m.
halt
After receiving the Belooch Commandant and Indian traders oi\
board, went on shore with Anson and looked at the rums of the
I
old fort, which was built in 1806 by the old pirate Mohammed
Akil, who lies buried here, and I took photographs of the town and
Mahra groups. Shaikh Lohaih of Nishton, who had been absent
when we called there, was found living at Merbat, and I took the
occasion to thank him for his humane conduct with regard to the
sailors of the Airy. We had made arrangements with the Gara
Shaikh, Mohammed bin Bukhail, to provide camels for a shooting
party the next day. The population here may be about 300 souls.
Having been able to procure a few saplings of the Boswellia or
frankincense tree here, I took them with me to plant at Muscat
and they were still growing when I left that town a few years later.
Tuesday, December 23rd. —We weighed from Merbat and after
passingKhor Hamsa at 7 o'clock and Ras Kaukeri or Jinjeri, 20 miles,
we sighted Ras Noos, near which is Kabr Hood, or Kabr Saleh bin
Hood, according to some. The simihtude of this name of the shrine
to that of the great mountain, Jebel Habrood, overhanging it,
gives rise to the idea that one of the names may have originated
the other. Possibly the name of the mountain may have suggested
the myth of the Prophet's tomb or it may be that Habrood is merely
a corruption of Kabr Hood.
The coast between Ras Merbat and Hasek is rocky, sterile,
and uninhabited, while the ancient town of Hasek is now completely
a ruin and deserted. A few men were seen hiding among the rocks,
who would not come forward at first, but were at length reassured
and came up. They said they were Mashimi Garas and were
pasturing goats and camels, and could not give any information about
the history of the place, except that the town was sacked by the
pirates, who carried off the women and children into slavery. The
ruins are on the left bank of the wady, about a mile from the sea,
and the outline of the town, which was imwalled, is still clearly
traceable. The houses were small and built of dark limestone
blocks cemented with mud, and the best preserved buildings are the
mosques, the site of a blacksmith's forge, and a goldsmith's shop,
all pointed out to me by the Arabs there are also two circular
;
VOL. II. T 3
watch towers on high pinnacles, one on each bank, commanding

the town, but no fresh water was procurable within a mile of the
ruins. Sook Hasek is situate near the beach at Ras Hasek, for
the convenience of the shipping.
At the Island of Hellaniya, which we next visited, I landed with
Captain Anson, and found the state of affairs practically the same
as on the previous visit in 1883. The people crowded round to kiss
hands, recognizing at once those of us who had been in the Philomel.
They had no complaints and said the Persian Gulf Arabs had not
molested them since last year, but the population had diminished
by two, there being now five men, twelve boys, and seventeen
females, all of whose names I caused to be taken down. The men
asked for fish hooks and told me that the baskets they used for
fishing were made of acacia twigs and were called gagoor. Anson
told me he had counted 200 graves in the old burial ground. Went
on board at noon and sailed for Ras Karwaw, which we reached at
4 p.m. The people came down to meet us on the beach and were
very friendly ;they admitted, however, that they had keenly
watched our approach from behind the rocks and were in hopes of
our being wrecked and of their being able to loot the ship, but
were disappointed when they saw the ship was safe. The people
here were all Jenebeh and said they always came here to pasture
their animals in the cold season and returned eastward, as the date
harvest approached, for the Keith or summer they all acknowledge
;
Saif bin Hamid as their Temeemeh or chief Shaikh. Many Mahra

and Awamir were roaming about inland not far off, but the Mahra
limit was reckoned to be at Ras Jezaniya, the local name for the
Ras Showaniya of the chart, the latter name not being known to
the Bedouins.
Christmas Day, December 25th. —Went on shore again and
who gave me a list of places
conversed with the Jenebeh headman,
between Rekoot and Ras Madraka, and who said there was a large
valley, called Wady Einana, to the east of Saukira, debouching at
Ghaiza not far from Ghadiza, where the crew of the Knight of the
Bath were picked up. In reply to my enquiry he said the Jenebeh
never ventured as far west as Hasek. This Wady Einana runs up

three days' journey and curves to the west, and beyond is a range
of low hills. In the afternoon I walked with Anson up to Lake
Lokek, which is a mile and a-half long and is supplied by the Wady
Ghazalet ; the water is brackish at the lower part and the lake is
full of fish, regaling on which are many waterfowl, cormorants,
herons, etc.
VOL 11. ./ T3
;
558 A Slight Sketch of Colonel S. B. Miles' Travels in
APPENDIX.
A SLIGHT SKETCH OF COLONEL S. B. MILES' TRAVELS IN

MESOPOTAMU FROM DECEMBER, 1879, TO APRIL, 1880.
Journey from Baghdad to Mosul.
—
Sunday, December 14th, 1879. Left the Residency at 11.30 a.m.
with Robertson and Halliday, who rode out with me a short way.
After riding about twenty miles we passed a small hamlet called
Jedida, then another called Saada, or as some said Jenani (a khan
or caravanserai and garden). Seven miles further we came to a
village named Yangijeh, where I found my tent ready pitched.
The road, or rather track, was quite level all the way and the country
generally bare and uncultivated. The ducts leading out from the
Khalis Canal for irrigation are passed at several points over culverts
and wooden bridges, which makes the supply of water plentiful
we arrived at 6.30 p.m.
December 15th. —Started at sunrise and passed Jerdideh, a
small hamlet, then Munsoor (a Saint's tomb and garden), and after-
wards Sirajeke, a village with date groves, while at a little before
sunset we came to Delli Abbas, where we halted for the night. The
village stands on the bank of the Khalis, which is crossed by a bridge
with two arches, whose headman is a Juzbushi, or Jemidar of police ;
also it The path runs along the right bank of the

has two khans.
Khalis nearly the whole way and we have to cross many irrigants.
As we rode along we saw but few signs of cultivation, palms being
scanty the distance travelled was about twenty miles, during
;
which my horse fell down and I had to exchange it for another,

paying £20,
Mesopotamia from December, 1879, to April, 1880. 559
—
December i6th. Started early and were now escorted by a
janissary and ten Circassians, who were well mounted and armed.
The country was almost devoid of pasture until we reached Khan
Soweyma, where we found a patrol stationed to guard the road against
Kurd robbers. To the village we now ascend the Hareen Pass,
which is about 500 or 600 feet high and gives a fine view over the
surrounding country, the road being fairly good. The road now
runs by the side of the Hareen Canal, which issues from the Dijalish
at Zazibut, the Hareen being here crossed by a good bridge with two
arches. Then we were met by an escort of the Kindih of Kara
Teppeh, and soon after a Yazbashi from Kerkook appeared with his
party to istikbal us. During the day we marched about twenty-one
miles and reached Kara Teppeh about sunset, whose inhabitants
are solely engaged in agriculture, but at certain times there is said
to be quite an influx of Persians. Here we halted for the night.
—
Wednesday, December 17th. Left Kara Teppeh at 8.30 a.m.,
the Mudir accompanying us some distance. The road was generally
stony and undulating with pebbly tracks. At 11 a.m. we crossed
the Kumana, a reedy stream, by a bridge, and a little further on we
came to another stream, while to the left was a flat-topped hill called
Eiki Kifri. Reached Kifri at 4 p.m., having ridden about twenty-
two miles.
—
Thursday, December i8th. ^The road to-day lay north-east,
along the west side of the range under which Kifri lies.At 4 p.m.
we arrived at Tooz Khurmati, where the Mudir came out to meet
us. There is a canal here, the water being sulphurous and nasty
and almost un drinkable, also the dates are uneatable, and the heat
in summer is said to be insupportable. There are two very ancient
ruins here, probably Sassanian or Assjn-ian, which are now called
" The Five Fingers," from as many fragments of wall remaining
standing. The town is distant twenty-six miles from Kifri, which
it much resembles but is smaller and unwalled. It has a good market
with no shops, of which fourteen are Jewish.
—
Friday, December 19th. Leaving Tooz Khurmati early, before
camp was struck, I rode off to visit the old Sassanian fort, which is
VOL. II, T 4
560 A Slight Sketch of Colonel 5. B, Miles' Travels in
on an isolated and very steep hill on the edge of the gap through
which the River Kara flows and commands a beautiful view of the
country between Kifri and Kerkook, as well as the road to Daoodia.
The rock seems admirably adapted for a hill fort, but only a fragment
of a wall is now left and the remains of building inside ; there is an
archway, probably of the door, and peepholes still left, but the
space on the summit inside is very small. The hill is difficult to
climb and must have been almost inaccessible to a storming party,
while underneath are visible some saltpans, the brine being drawn
from a deep well. I was obliged to refrain from a visit to " The Five
Fingers " from want of time, but antiquities are often found in this
neighbourhood and taken to Baghdad for sale. Near Taoogh the
stream supplying it is crossed, bearing the same name, and has a
stony bed indeed the whole plain to-day was very pebbly. Reached
;
Taoogh at 3 p.m., having travelled eighteen miles. The town is

ruled by a Jemidar and has only a few shops, the inhabitants being
all Kurds.
Saturday, December 20th. —Our stay at Taoogh was a continued
discomfort to us, as we had no proper lodgings and it was impossible
to pitch the tents owing to the rainstorm which blew the whole time.
My lodging was a coffee-shop and a donkey stable combined, and
though it had been swept and garnished for my comfort the perfume
of its former occupants remained, although was open to the four
it
winds of heaven and was cold and draughty. Near Taoogh are
several tombs which are much frequented by the devout and are
surrounded by graves, one being of the Imam Ahmed, near which
is an olive tree covered with fragments of garments. Another tomb,
that of the Imam Mohammed, is visited by the sick and ailing from
all directions. The road to Kerkook, which we reached at 4 p.m.,
was barren and undulating, and we had a heavy rainstorm all the
way. Twelve miles further on we reached Taza Khorminthe, a
small hamlet of fifty houses, with gardens, vines and dates. After
Taza Khorminthe we came to Tissin, and a mile and a-half further
on to Kerkook, the ancient name of which was Corcura or Demetrious.
Near Tissin we were istikballed by the Chief of Kerkook, who rode
with us to his town and lodged us in a nice house near the Serai.j
The new WaU or Governor ofKerkook had not yet arrived, and I
was informed that the Ferek commanding the troops was in charge.
He sent me a dinner and in reply to my intimation that I intended
to call said he would come himself first.
—
Sunday, December 21st. ^The General and Acting Pasha paid
me a visit, according to arrangements, at 10 o'clock, and soon after
he left the Secretary came, then three Chaldean priests and some
Christian merchants dropped in and had some talk. The Christians
in the district have all gone over to Rome, and call themselves Chal-
deans, not Nestorians, and knew nothing of the latter under Mar
Suliman and had no relations with them. The Chaldeans number
about 150 families here, have three churches, one of which is said
to be of great antiquity, about 1,500 years old, and were quite
contented with Turkish rule and had nothing to complain of. The
chief productions are wool and tragacanth, the annual export of
wool being 120,000 maunds. The Secretary told me that in view
of the scarcity of grain, a small supply had been already procured
from Diarbekr, but that the low state of the finances prevented
the Wali from giving much assistance to the poor. In the afternoon
I returned the visit of the Ferek and Acting Wali at his office in
the barracks, and he told me during our conversation that he had

6,000 men Sulimania and
in his division, including the districts of
Rawandooz ; I also learnt from him that ObeyduUah had sent in
his submission through his son, Abda Kadir. After taking leave,
I went over the town and bazaar lower down the citadel hill, under
which a part of the town is built to. the south-east, where the Wall's
private house stands. The bazaar is good, well stocked, and
thronged with people ;
part of it is covered in with groined arches
of bricks and occupied by cloth merchants. The streets are narrow
and have a deep ditch running down the centre, now full of mud
and water, but the houses seem generally poor and squalid. The
mound on which the so-called citadel, which I can only describe as
a rampart wall, is built is about one and a-quarter miles round and
150 feet high at most, being very steep and approached by a ramp,
and quite commands the town. At the bottom runs a river crossed
by a bridge of eleven arches, built in a.d. 1292, as the inscription
on it states. In the afternoon I paid a visit to the Matran or bishop,
who happened to be in the church performing evening service,
and while awaiting his return I was given the opportunity of exa-
mining his books in the library, which one of the priests showed me.
There were some old Chaldean manuscripts, one of them, a New
Testament, 150 years old, was written for use in the church, rudely
illuminated, but in a dilapidated condition. Another was a Tarrath
or Pentateuch of about the same age, the third was a history of the
Chaldeans in the country by a priest named Hezkiel, giving an account
of the persecution by Shapor and the distribution of the churches
and dioceses at that period this MS. was said to be 1,200 years
;
old, but did not appear to me to be more than 400, and was defective.
The bishop was a hard-featured man of about sixty, who said he
was bom at Mosul and had lived forty-seven years at Kerkook.
Monday, December 22nd.^Started at 3.15 a.m., the Turkish
AUai Beg escorting us out for a mile. After one hour we left the
road to see the sulphur fires, which lie a little to the right.The
first spot we visited was in a hollow under a low eminence and
covered, perhaps, fifty square yards of ground, the flames from
which rose to a height of a few inches only, but from many different
points, wherever, indeed, the soil is stirred up by a sword or stick ;
the fire leaves a white incrustation, which is soft and brittle, pro-
bably sulphate of lime, but with the exception of this there is nothing
peculiar in the appearance of the ground ; but the smell was plain
enough, and the flames had suflicient heat to make one comfortably
warm on a raw morning.
Although the sulphur in this district is
ready to hand for the powder mills at Kerkook, the superstitious
fears of the Moslems prevent it being used for that purpose, as the
ground hereabout is holy and venerated on account of the Imam
Baba Gurpeer, and the sulphur required has to be brought from
Mosul and Arbela. I was told that on a Wednesday inMarch every
year the people of Kerkook, to the number of 3,000 or 4,000, came
out to the spot and sacrificed a goat or kid and say certain prayers
Mesopotamia from December, 1879, ^^ April, 1880. 563
in honour of the Imam Baba Gurpeer, but they could not tell me
precisely how they was always in March and
fixed the day, but it
must be a Wednesday this is a curious remnant of the old Zoroas-

;
trian religion, which has survived for thirteen centuries. A hundred

yards away is another sulphur fire in a deeper hollow, but the heavy
rains of the day before had put the flames out. On regaining the
road we soon came upon some naphtha springs, ten in number the ;
pits being dug some depth in the ground, the naphtha looking like
thick oil oozes from the rock very slowly, and takes some time
to collect in a pool at the bottom. These naphtha springs are the
property of a family at Kerkook, who are said to have enjoyed the
monopoly for many centuries, the proprietors charging two or three
rupees for every skinful carried off, the proceeds from which has
now made the family the richest in Kerkook, while the Turkish
Government receives absolutely nothing from this source. After
three hours the country becomes much more hilly and broken than
we had yet seen, and ranges are to be seen to the east and north,
the road being undulating throughout. After crossing a steep
pass we came upon three Karezes, which are the first I observed
since leaving Baghdad. On the other side of the Khofrre [sic] Su
we were met by the Mudir of the town with four of the chief mer-
chants and a guard who came to meet us. We crossed the high and
remarkable bridge which gives the name to the place, under which
the water forms a rushing cataract, and for a lodging we were given
the bridge-house overlooking the stream on the opposite side. Alton
Kufri is built on an formed by the bifurcation of the stream,
island,
which is sufficiently high above the other bank to escape an inunda-
tion, and contains about 200 houses and about 3,000 inhabitants.
The cultivators who raise the wheat do not reside in the town but
occupy a small hamlet out in the country. Baghdad is chiefly sup-
plied with corn from Alton Kufri, and 20,000 to 30,000 layhan of
wheat are annually sent down from here on rafts, 1,600 to 2,000
being required, which are constructed here for this purpose. Other
articles sent down on these poplar rafts are wood, honey, oak and
raisins. The country around is extremely fertile and could produce
;
much more than it does at present. The bridge was built about .
480 years ago by Sultan Murad. This river often rises to the top
of the smallest arch, and the bridge owes its preservation to the
centre arch, which is very high and strongly built to resist heavy
floods. A Yazbashi arrived to-day from Arbil to relieve our former
escort, which returns to Kerkook to-morrow.
Tuesday, December 23rd. — baggage mules two
I sent off the
and a-half hours before sunrise and started ourselves as soon as that
luminary became visible. We crossed the other branch of the
lesser Zab by a bridge and shortly afterwards passed a
of stone,
flour mill to the left, turned by an overshot water wheel on a small
brook. The country becomes more undulating, the streams of water
more frequent, and the inhabitants, sheep, and goats more numerous
as we go on. The country is, in fact, extensively cultivated and
forms a marked contrast to the land we have passed through, where
hardly a tree or shrub, except the orchards or gardens, is to be seen.
After travelling ten miles we passed several artificial mounds,
one of which, called Bashhisch, I ascended and found on the top a
square building. As we passed Arbil we met the Kaimakan and
the Commandant of the troops coming out to istikbal us; we
then proceeded through the part of the town below the hill to the
ramp Gabriel,and ascended to the gate of the citadel, and were
lodged in the Serai, the gate below which is approached by a triple
ramp. There are 1,600 houses below and 700 above, and the water
is supplied by a kariz, which runs near the town and is very ancient
the; hill platform is very similar to that at Kerkook and is probably
artificial, while the altitude is not equal to that of Kerkook and may
be 100 feet. There is only one well in the citadel, about thirty
metres deep, the water being used at present for the hummam or
hot bath. In the lower town there are about 200 Jewish families but
no Christian ones. A fine old arch stands outside the lower town,
connected with a mosque, which arch is said to have been built
about 500 years ago ; this and other remains show that Arbil was
formerly a place of greater size and importance ; the minaret of
the mosque is a facsimile of the one at Taoogh. There are two gates,
but the hill is not fortified, as what appears to be the rampart is
only the outside of the houses built on the brow of the platform
and there are no guns except a few old Turkish brass pieces, lying
on the ground. The houses are of brick cemented with lime, there
being seven limekilns in the locality. Near the road I noticed a
large sheet of brick masonry in the mound, which corroborated my
conjecture that the mound was artificial indeed the shape of it is
;
so symmetrical, and the sides so steep, that it could not have retained
its original form for so many centuries without a strong support of
brickwork, of which it is no doubt entirely composed. From this

hill I gazed over the great plain, which stretches out for many miles,
where the famous battle between Alexander the Great and Darius
took place in 331 B.C., and to this day arrowheads and other relics
of the battle are frequently found in fact, I had many brought to
;
me, and I also procured a curious cuneiform inscription on marble.

—
Wednesday, December 24th. Started at sunrise, the Kaimakan
escorting us some way. There was a dense mist over the town below,
and it was quite impossible to see anything around us for some time
after the sun rose, which made the Kaimakan remark that the
people were almost as much pleased at it as if the rain had fallen.
We turned off the road to visit the Christian village of Ankawa,
where there are two churches and six priests, but no Ankawans
or Arabs, the houses of which number 150. The first church I entered
was that of St. John, which was nothing but a long, narrow room,
with an altar on a raised dais at one end everything was very
;
plain, but there were about a dozen pictures in it hung on the walls
and standing on the altar, two or three of the Virgin, one of St.
Joseph, and one of St. Dominica, also one remarkable picture of
Jonah, with a number of fish with their heads out of water, but there
were no seats in the church, and the doorways were so low that one
had to stoop double to get in. The other church was dedicated to
St.George and was said to be very ancient several marble slabs
;
were let into the walls having Chaldean inscriptions on them giving
a record of repairs that had been done to the church at various periods,
while the altar was in a separate enclosure or room, in which were
pictures of sorts, and in the body of the church there were about
fifty more. Some of these had been presented by the Roman CathoHc
missionaries at Mosul and others had been bought by the Patriarch
Yusof, when he was at Rome. The people here seemed to be exces-
sively poor and the priests even had to work at the plough, while
I heard many complaints about rigorous taxation and of the Arabs
being allowed to plunder them with impunity. After rejoining the

road, we passed two mounds, one of which was called Taflowa,
with a modern building on it, said to have been a stronghold of the
Kurds against the Tye Arabs. The country hereabouts was undu-
lating, well watered, and cultivated, with small Kurdish villages or
hamlets. We came at last to the River Zab and found the baggage
already unladen, preparatory to being taken across, which took us
hours, and required five or six trips in two ferry boats, which were
quaintly-shaped affairs but well adapted for the purpose and were
well managed. The village at which we halted was a mile and a-half
further down the river, and was called Kallek. The old escort was
relieved to-day by a new one, and the Yazbashi informed us that
the Wali of Mosul was to leave to-day and that we should probably
meet him on the way. However, we missed him on the road, and
as he did not return to Mosul during my stay there I never met him.
Kallek consists of six houses and a post-house, and in this latter,
which was a long low room, quite bare and very dirty, the whole of
our paxty had to rest for the night, but the shelter, wretched as it
was, proved very acceptable, as during the night the snow fell heavily
and we set off in the morning in a blinding snowstorm under a dark
and gloomy sky, but thankful for having crossed the Zab river
before the storm came on. The snow soon lay thick on the ground
and our progress was so slow that we were obliged to halt at a
Christian village about halfway to Mosul, and as there was no house
available I was accommodated in the church, where the whole com-
munity collected as soon as they heard the object of my mission.
The next morning we started as early as we could to wade through
the snow, which was now more than two feet deep, and at Nineveh
I met Mr. Russell, the Vice-Consul, who had been good enough to
ride out to escort me to Mosul.

Journey from Mosul to Al-Kosh.
February 17th, 1880. —Left Mosul

company with Mr. Russell
in
at 2 p.m. and arrived at 4 o'clock at Tilkeyf where we were istikballed
,
by a party of priests and people with flags and cymbals, making a

horrible din, who asked permission to sacrifice a calf and sheep on
the road in front of us, but this was, of course, declined. We put
up in the post-house and visited first the churches, which form three
sides of a square, the open part in the centre being used as a church-
yard- The church at the end opposite the gateway is dedicated to
SS. Peter and Paul, the one on the right is Kariakos, while the one
on the left is that of the Miriam Adhra, or the Virgin Mary ; these
churches are all large and well built, with large altars ornamented
with coloured lamps, pictures, and candlesticks, but the pictures
are mostly ghastly daubs. The churches are very lofty, with arched
roofs, two having plenty of room for women and capable of holding
perhaps 500 and 800 persons. After inspecting them we went round
the village, the streets of which are irregular and dirty, the ground
broken and unlevel, and the houses small and often dilapidated,
and visited Mudirs Georges and Yusof. The people are not all
agriculturists, many of them being mule-drivers, there being at
least 300 mules belonging to the village, the women of which wear
peculiar headdresses. In this vicinity are two small lakes. At
9 p.m. we held a reception, and a large party came to relate their
grievances, chiefly in connection with the priest Gendis's Christmas
Eve affair, who had got over the priests by presents
said that Yusof
of crosses and gold embroidered petticoats, and that they had no
supporters also they would accept the Patriarch if he would reject
;
the Pope's Bull, and if he was properly elected. The number of

families here about 1,000, comprising 750 " Dries " (Roman
is
Catholics), and 250 " Wets " (Protestants) the " Wets " had four ;
or five rooms which were used as chapels, and when any priests
came on a visit they were put up by Mutran Georges. The Bat
al-Abuk consisted of twenty families, who were all " Wets." The
568 A Slight Sketch of Colonel S. B. Miles* Travels in
Capudan and other priests could not come to these villages

without letters from the Patriarch Frank, who was entirely under
the thumb of the Pope's Legate, Monseigneur Leon, who sent a
Zaphir to Gilda and also sent out his dragoman, David Thome,
call at
to precede us and to reassure the " Wets." In Patriarch Yusof's

time, twenty years ago, they all accepted fastings, according to the
Eastern liturgy, but during the last three years this plan had ceased
and they returned to ancient customs. The land around Tilkeyf
is wakf and belongs to Mibbe Eupas and other Mohammedan shrines,
having been granted to them some centuries ago ; the people accord-
ingly pay the tithes to the shrines instead of to the Government.
Four Mutrans were present when the Patriarch was elected, two of
the bishops having Turkish firmans and two having no authority,
but others had since acknowledged him.
—
February i8th. Mutran Georges came to-day to interview
us and remained an hour. He said that all he demanded was the
church, and that he accepted the Pope's Bull and the Patriarch ;
in fact, he accepted everything that the Pope did. The reason why
he had opposed the Pope before and had not accepted the change
was that he had heard that Latin priests intended to impose a heavy
tax on marriage this was the only reason. We set out for Al-Kosh
;
to meet the Patriarch who did not put his signature to the petition,
while the other " Dries," who sealed it, did so when it was blank paper
before it was written on. The " Wets " are not going to build a
church now as the others have nearly all come over, and they expect
to get the three churches. The " Dries " evidently did not under-
stand the Bull or misrepresented it, while the common people seem
to be uninterested as to its contents. They say the Bull only affects
bishops and does not alter or affect the old canons and rules of the
Nestorians. Left at ii a.m. and after one hour reached Balha, a
village of loo houses and two churches. The churches are nothing
to speak of, only one being used, which is called Mar Kariaby, the
priests and all the people being " Wets." An hour and a-half later
we reached a village named Teleskof, a large village of 350 houses
and thirty-one priests, with two churches. We were met by the
priests and some children singing hymns at the entrance, and shown
the churches, but the people were uncivil and took no notice of us.
The priests showed us a stone found four or five years ago near by
on the site of an old convent dedicated to St. Ephraim, which is
dated 1092 a.d. Thomas, the Patriarch's dragoman, had just
returned from Al-Kosh, whither he had been sent to warn the people
against us and teach them what to say to us. There are here 100
" Wets," as all have turned. We then proceeded to Al-Kosh, the
country rising all the way, where we arrived at 5 p.m., and went to
see the Church of Mar Michael, which is in good order and repair,
new altars of stone having been erected by the Romanists, and a
new inscription runs round the entrance of this room, which is lofty ;
the bones of St. Michael are on one side of the room and the bones
of Nahum the Prophet are on the other side the latter, if genuine,
;
which is improbable, must have been stolen from the tomb.

From hence we walked on to the tomb of Nahum the Al-Koshite,
which is a place of pilgrimage for Jews from all parts and is greatly
venerated by them. The tomb is enclosed in a large room, is in
good preservation, and has a small table of printed books. Behind
a wooden pavilion, enclosed in a frame of wood about four feet
high and covered with a dirty green cloth, is an inscription in Hebrew
on black marble, built into the wall, and two other tablets near the
first, and a third rather high up to the left, but it appears recent.
In Nahum's tomb the wall was covered with small pieces of paper
affixed to the wall, written in Hebrew, containing probably the
names of persons and their wishes, prayers, and petitions. There
were several manuscript copies of the book of Nahum in Hebrew,
and I was presented with one of these by the keeper of the tomb,
which I carried away. There are only four Jewish families at
Al-Kosh, all very poor. After this we went to see two other churches,
one of which is dedicated to the Virgin Mary and the other to Mar
Georgius, the latter having some pictures done by Dervish Ali, a
Persian at Baghdad, who copies European prints for Europeans ;
in the hot weather a small altar is used outside, the people sitting
in the open courtyard. The altars in all these churches are covered
VOL. II. u
by a hanging curtain which generally has small bells attached

in front,
to it, and is drawn aside by a rope. Al-Kosh is situated at the very
foot of the hills and can be seen from a long distance. The village
is built of stone and is very irregular, roughly paved and steep,
while the fields and threshing grounds are marked by a stone wall.
One large house was built of roughly-squared stones, and the roofs
and houses are vaulted as at Mosul about 500 families reside here
;
altogether. In one church there was a screen in which we saw

a small green box with a glass front, having a wax doll inside, intended
to represent the infant Jesus dressed in silk petticoats ; this church
in particular has the most tawdry and trumpery decorations in it.
On arriving at the convent we found it to be a large building with a

square outer courtyard in a square, or rather quadrangular, open
space ; the building is very commodious, the church and refectory
being on the left, and there is also a double-storied barrack for the
monks ; other large rooms, stables for fifty animals, and a bakery
are also contained in The full complement of monks would be
it.
about fifty, but we only saw about a dozen, who gave us up the
refectory to sit in, which had a stove in it and was very comfortable.
—
February 19th. Before starting we had a look at the church
which was large and well built with a lofty arched roof and has an
altar with six steps. In one corner is the tomb of the Patriarch
Yusof with an inscription in Latin, Syriac, and Arabic, giving the
-date of his death as 1873. There is another large inscription on
the opposite side of the church, recording the death of two Abbots,
Gabriel and Harmed, of Rabban Hormuzd Gabriel was massacred
;
in 1832. After another Abbot or Reis, whose name I forget, came

Pantos, who rejected the Bull, and the Patriarch was turned out
and made to do penance in July, 1878 the present Reis is Ibrahim.
;
Began the ascent of Rabban Hormuzd at 10.30 a.m., the road,

winding along the ravine, denoting much trouble and skill in its
constniction. The ascent was rather rough on the horses and took
us half-an-hour, but the scene on the top was well worth the journey
and the view above well repaid us. The convent lies in a south-
west direction and in an angle of a vast extent of undulating country,
which includes Mosul on the Tigris. The plain has many villages
with gardens and fields golden with corn, a quiet and secluded nook
with a convenient portion well sheltered and watered ^just the —
place for a man who wished to retire from the world's alarms the ;
solemnity of the spot stamps this, and the founder, whoever he
may have was evidently a man of mark. We were received

been,
at the top by the monks, four or five in number, who took us to a
small dining room and gave us coffee, after which they showed us
over the place, the cave and cells hewn out of the solid rock, which
formed a cluster of separate hermitages with little gardens and
chapels. The cells are very small, about eight feet square and
eight feet high, a bed, a stool, four pictures and a box comprising
all the furniture the path connecting the cells, and forming nearly
;
a semi-circle, is about half-a-mile long, while the number is said to

have been originally 583, but by far the greater part of these cells^
if indeed so many ever existed, had disappeared from the disin-
and the choking up of the doors by the

tegration of the limestone rock,
debris washed down from above, the convent and cells being just
under the brow of the hill after which we visited the three chapels.
;
Mosul to Nimrood.
April 9th, 1880. —

Left Mosul a little after one. The country at first
was cultivated and then came undulating prairie, with low ridges
to right and in front, over which the camels moved better and faster
than we expected. After travelling twelve miles we passed a
deserted village called Sahejryi, the people having gone to Mosul.
At 6.30 p.m. we camped for the night, having come sixteen miles
in a westerly direction.
April loth. —Heavy dew last night. Started at 6 a.m. and found
the country still At 10 a.m. we reached
rising with a hill to the right.
Halebijesh, a large artificial mound, apparently the remains of a
kasr or palace, where Layard, about thirty years ago, ran trenches
and excavated to some extent, but unsuccessfully, of which we could
see two galleries or trenches at the side and one on the top. There
VOL. II. u2
is a good spring of water and two or three karezes here, but the
Arabs ascribed these waterworks to Layard, and it was here that
Tell Afr brought us a sheep and some butter. The Kariz at Hale-
bijesh joins the Wady Abdan. Left again at 12.15 p.m. and crossed
the Wady Halebijesh, then the Wady Ibrahim, and then the Wady
Abdan, thelatterhasthreestreams which all join the Wady Tharthar
above Sifra. Artificial mounds are to be seen here in all directions,
with broken pottery, etc. We then came to a nomadic encampment
of a section of the great Shammar tribe, offering a very picturesque
scene, with hundreds of camels and horses picketed near the black
goatshair tents, also sheep and asses, etc. The Arabs crowded
round and wanted me to give them a written paper to the effect
that two of their tribe, who had been put in prison at Mosul, should
be released, as theywere not haramies or robbers and were quite
innocent. The Wady Abdan is only a small watercourse and has
very Httle water in it. We camped at sundown under Tell Ebri, the
distance covered to-day being twenty-seven miles, but found the
water very bad and brackish.
April nth. —Started at 7.30 a.m. over a level treeless plain as
before,which is covered only with scanty grass, to the Wady Ebri,
now dry but with some deep reaches of rain water in it here we ;
halted for half-an-hour, having come about ten miles. Then we

journeyed on to the Wady Tharthar, which we reached at 12.30 p.m.
This stream is deep and narrow, fringed with tamarisk but no reeds,
the bed being fifty feet wide only, the current running about three
miles an hour, but the water is extremely nauseous and quite un-
drinkable and maintains the same character down to Al-Hadthr,
the ancient Hattra, but sometimes broader and shallower and
reedy the Wady Ebri joins it above Sifra.
; It took us nearly two
hours to cross the Tharthar, as the banks were very steep and
slippery, and this necessitated unloading the camels. After resting
a couple of hours we started again and soon came to an encampment
of the Jeboor tribe, where the Shaikh gave us coffee (?) the coffee;
pot was full to the brim of well-stewed berries, but another handful
of pounded berries was crammed in and the pot was again boiled.
The Shaikh said he had been imprisoned at Mosul for three months
and was not released until he had paid 100 liras to Taborackasset.
A shallow stream, called Ghadeer, is crossed on the west side of the
Tharthar and has sweet water, one of several minor nullahs which
run into Tharthar on the west side. At 6.30 we camped under Tell
Abithur, a high mound overhanging Tharthar and commanding a
fineview it is evidently artificial and is famous as the
; hill on
which a battle was fought against the Turks.
April 12th. —Left One hour afterwards we came
at 7 o'clock.
to Tell Sifra, on the left bank, and a little lower down we found some
pits sunk in the bed of the Tharthar, which are used when the
stream dries up and are then a little sweeter than the water we found,
which was brown, like tar water, and much impregnated with
bitumen. A mile further is another mound, on the right bank,
near which are some more wells ; the Tharthar here has neither
tamarisk nor reeds and the banks are lower. The SuUani darab,
or rozul road, is an easy ford for camels. After halting here an
hour we reached Hadthr about 5 o'clock, passing on the way three
deep nullahs called Mithaays, running into Tharthar skirting a ;
ridge of sandstone which forms a cliff fifty feet high they flow into
the river. We
found another encampment of Arabs here, some of
whom tried to intercept Russell and myself, as we were in advance,
but we took no notice of their insolence and they were soon dispersed
on the attendants coming up. We found no Arabs camped among
the ruins of Al-Hadthr silence and desolation reigned supreme,
;
and it was with no little interest that I examined the wonderful

remains of this long-forgotten city of the past, which has been the
abode of owls and foxes for so many centuries. These curious and
extensive ruins standing alone in the vast wilderness are as far reach-
ing as they are mysterious. They are mentioned by Ammianus
under the name of Halbra and are supposed to be about 1,800 years
old, but their history is almost unknown. The town was surrounded
by a wall fortified with towers, and in the centre stood the great
palace, still in fair preservation, built of square blocks of stone
ornamented with sculptures, one of the most common designs being
VOL. II. u 3
9
574 ^ Slight Sketch of Colonel S. B. Miles' Travels in
that known and tongue this building in its prime must

as the egg ;
have been magnificent. The outlines of the streets and the founda-
tions of many of the houses are still clearly discernible, and the
appearance of the deserted city is strange and weird in the extreme.
I regretted much not having been provided with a camera to take
photographs of the decorations in the palace.
April 13th. —Started and proceeded south-easterly
at 6.30
over an undulating prairie, intersected by numerous wadis running
into the Tharthar, several of which we crossed, evidently affluents
of the Wady Sifra, which joins the Tharthar a long way above
Tekrit these wadis kept us winding about and made our route
;
very tedious and irregular. This plain is generally covered with

short grass and bespangled with wild flowers, many of the plants
being locally reputed for their medicinal virtues or used as vegetables,
the latter being greatly sought for and proving a valuable food in
the late famine. Between this part and Mosul there are many
artificial mounds and ruined towns submerged in sand and dust,
showing that the country must have been populated in the palmy
days of Assyria. We did not arrive at Shargaleh till nearly seven,
and then found had not arrived. The wind had been
that the Kalik
very rough all day. We put up in the house of Ferhan Pasha,
chief Shaikh of the Shammar, whom I had met at Baghdad some
months before. The house had been built for Ferhan some years
before at a cost, it is said, of 1,500 liras, but that, of course, was an
exaggeration. The Turkish Government had incurred much obloquy
for the treacherous murder of Ferhan's father, Soof Ali, at the hands
of Ibrahim Agha, and had done something to compensate Ferhan,
who was a man of very different character to Soojak. Part of the
building is intended as a barrack for a company of Turkish Zaptiahs,
to protect Shargaleh against massacres by the great Anezzeh tribe ;
it was in a fine position and fully commands the river, which flows
directly under.
April 14th. — I was informed early that morning that the raft
with Mr. Russell on board had arrived two days before and was
waiting about a mile further on. Soon after Mr. Russell was
seen walking towards the hill, went down to meet him. We

and I
spent the day at Shargaleh, inspecting the ruins and excavations

and it was one of the pleasantest days I had had. FerHan Kaleb
was avaricious and troublesome and hindered preparations for
Russell's return.
April 15th. — was a cold night, but in the morning they started
It
off, expecting to get home by land in two days. Shargaleh, or
Kilah Shargat, is a high irregular mound, partly artificial and partly
natural, rising above the plain to the height of about 150 feet, on
the right or western bank of the Tigris, and is said to be about 4,500
yards or 14,000 feet in circumference. It is by far the grandest
and most imposing mass of ruins I have seen in Assyria, and is pro-
bably also one of the most ancient sites of civilization in the land.
I examined the ruins with great interest, although there is nothing
remarkable to be seen in the way of sculptures and inscriptions

whatever. Layard's excavations had little or no results. The
claim to this mound by the Jeboor and Shammar tribes was settled
a few years ago by the Turkish Government, who placed a company
of zaptiahs here for the protection of the Shammar, as I mentioned
above ; I wished I could have remained longer. We left Shargaleh
on the morning of the 15th, and the river being very full and strong
we were carried down by the current with great swiftness, the eddies
making the raft spin round occasionally rather too smartly to be
pleasant and placing us in some jeopardy ;the raft was composed
of inflated goatskins, fastened to poles and planks, and the hut we
occupied on it being constructed of sticks and felt rugs and divided
into two compartments for Mr. Ellis and myself. Another raft
following us was occupied by the servants and cowasses and the
kitchen. Having arrived at Tekrit, which is famous as the birth-
place of Saladin, and is situated on the right bank, we anchored
for a time as I was desirous of landing and seeing the town. It
appeared to be a wretched town of about 1,500 houses, but has a
fine old castle standing in a commanding position overhanging the
Tigris and having an imposing appearance. The Turkish Govern-
ment steamer Mosul was at anchor here on the left bank with a carga
VOL. II. u4
from Baghdad, and a caravan of about 1,000 camels was waiting to

receive the goods and transport them to Kerkook. We walked
through the town, which is very irregular, and, like Mosul, very
steep, but is without a bazaar, the people being mostly cultivators.
Left Tekrit at 8.30 a.m. and went to a town called Samarra,
-the current being here slower than yesterday. Arrived at 5 p.m. and
walked up to see the town, which is much smaller than Tekrit, having
only 300 houses very few of the people are weavers. The Kaimakan
;
was absent and the Kazi was in charge, who came down to the shore
and met us as we were looking at the mosques and took us to his
house, where he treated us very civilly. There are two mosques here,
one of them belonging to the Shiahs and has a gilded dome, and
contains the tomb of two Imams and a lady. The Sunni mosque,
with a smaller Kashani dome, is separated from the Shiahs by a
partition wall and contains the cavity in which the Imam mysteri-
ously disappeared. The hole is called Mukan al-Ghabeh and is
down two flights of half-a-dozen steps each, while over it is an
arched roof level with the ground, the hole being in the mosque
itself; the Kazi was very communicative and seemed unprejudiced.
Samarra is surrounded with a wall of the usual kind with arched
recesses inside, built about thirty-eight years ago. Outside the wall
is a curious pillar or tower with a spiral staircase, over 100 feet,
of the time of the Khalifs, and close by is an oblong space of some

extent, enclosed by a high wall with many semi-circular buttresses,
very thick and apparently of the same age as the tower. It is said
to have belonged to a mosque, the outline of which is pointed out
inside, but the wall is too high to support this hypothesis it was;
more probably a harem. This tower was called Malwiyah, and

was built by the Khalif Motasim in order that from its great height
the call to prayer might be heard all over the city. The old town of
Samarra was used by the Khalif Motasim as his capital in a.h. 221
[a.d. 835], and became a magnificent city, the Great or Jani Mosque
rivalling that of Damascus. Many splendid palaces were built by
the succeeding Khalifs on both banks of the Tigris and the city almost
equalled Baghdad in size. The name was changed to Surmanrai,
meaning " It pleaseth him who sees it." Seven KhaUfs occupied
it, the last being Al-Motamid, who returned to Baghdad as his
capital in 279 a.h. [a.d. 892]. The three last Imams died here, the
tenth and eleventh, while the twelfth, Al-Kaim, mysteriously dis-
appeared and is expected to reappear as the Mahdi. The hole or
cavity in the mosque is used as a receptacle for the prayers and
requests of the pious, who write their wishes on a slip of paper
and throw it in, in the sure and certain hope that they will be granted.
Route to Mosul.
Arbela is decidedly artificial with a foundation of brickwork, its
circumference being about 4,000 The lower town lying on

feet.
the south side was anciently much larger the Zab being, except at
;
the ford, about twelve feet deep, very clear and full of fish. There
are many Turkish, Yazidi and Christian villages in this plain. The
Bamdus, or Khazro Soo, joins the Zab before it reaches the Tigris,
and is very rapid, its source being near Accra, the direction, after
the Zab, being westerly and north-westerly. Rennell thought the
village of Kirmatis is the same as Gourcomala, but Rich does not
think and says that Nineveh had a double wall and moat.
so,
The unpropitious state of the weather on this march was a great

disappointment to me as I had hoped to have been able to arrange
a halt here on this plain, or at least to have had time to ride over
and examine the site of Alexander the Great's most important and
glorious battle and the scene where Darius Codomannus, by aban-
doning his troops, lost his empire and brought his dynasty to a close.
It seems almost inconceivable that an able and experienced general
like Darius could have chosen a spot such as that described by the
historian to await the advance of the invader with the broad, deep
and rapid river Lycus or Zab immediately in the rear, and, moreover,
that he should have fled the field at the very moment when, with
the advantages of greatly superior numbers, he might by a skilful
manoeuvre have completely surrounded and overwhelmed his enemies.
The subject is an interesting one and I regretted not being able to

observe the scene of the famous action more closely. The upper
town of Arbela about 850 feet above the sea, and owing to the
is
strong current of the Zab our men had to swim their horses and
mules over, while the grooms crossed on inflated skins.
The next river we reached was the Khazer or Ralanis of the
Greeks, while the wind from the high snowy mountains of Kurdistan
was very bitter and severe as we rode towards Mosul.
At Padan the Syro-Chaldean Mutran was absent so I did not
see him. In Kurdistan rhododendrons and oleanders abound, and
here, as in Upper Mesopotamia, wild flowers are in great variety and
profusion. The plain of Gangamela, chosen by Darius for the battle
ground, is very well adapted for cavalry the village of Karamissa
;
is supposed to be the Gangamela of Alexander. There is a spurious

tomb of the Virgin near here. There are three languages spoken in
and Turkish, but the last is that of the
this tract, Kurdish, Arabic
governing clan, who hold the same position in Eastern Turkey as
the English in India Turkish is almost unknown in the towns and
;
villages.
At Kerkook there is a tomb of Daniel and of Shadrach, Meshach,

and Abednego, but it is not authenticated. At Kufri we cross the
boundary between Turkish Arabia and Kurdistan and find ourselves
among a people differing in race, character and language from the
Arabs, while the country in front of us is an improvement on that
behind us and is more fertile, there being more cultivation, more
water and more people, though the continual scarcity of trees and
shrubs in this land is very remarkable, and this applies generally
to all the country between Kufri and Mosul.
The lesser Zab reaches the Tigris below Salt Koor, and another
river is the Taza or the Fresh river. The site of the Battle of Arbela
is puzzling, as the distances given by the Greeks do not agree with
the ground. The distance between Lycus or Zab and the Bamdus
is now
25 miles, whereas the Greeks say it is 500 or 600 stadia,
or between 57 to 69 miles. Nineveh lies between a range of low hills
and the Tigris about one and a-half miles, but the ruins extend a
long way on the left bank of the river.
Mosul.
I remained at Mosul about two months and during that time

was engaged chiefly in carrying out the object of my mission, inves-
tigating the causes of dissension and strife among the Christians,
smoothing their differences, arbitrating between them, and dividing
the churches, ohve groves and other ecclesiastical property. I
exchanged visits with the Mutasserrif or Governor, the French
Consul, the Jacobite Patriarch, Dominicans and the leaders
the
of the Christian communities, and heard from each of the history
and present condition of the religious troubles that unfortunately
raged among them. Before leaving Mosul I sent in a full report to
the British Ambassador at Constantinople, but as Sir H. Layard
was then owing to the change of Government in England,
leaving,
the matter, I believe, remained in abeyance. The initiative of the
enquiry was due to Sir H. Layard, who was thoroughly conversant
with the whole subject and could have brought it to a successful
issue, but Gladstone, in his policy, took no interest in it whatever.
In company with Mr. Russell I explored the neighbouring coun-
tries and and other points of interest. Much
visited the churches
of my spare time I spent in examining the ruins of Nineveh, Kuyunjik,
and Nebbi Yunnus, superintending the excavation and unearthing
the tablets in the Royal Library and other work there being carried
out for the British Museum by Mr. Nimrood Rassam in the absence
of his uncle, Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, who was then in England
and whom I met afterwards on my return to Baghdad.
Rabban Hormuzd.
According to Burton, Rabban Hormuzd is in the gorge of a

mountain range about thirty miles north of Mosul, and belongs to
the Chaldeans, being visited by Rich, who mentions the inundation.
Between Rich's visit in 1820 and 1843 it was twice plundered by
58o A Slight Sketch of Colonel S. B. Miles' Travels.
Kurds, who killed several priests and burned the books. Rabban
Hormuzd was the founder of the monastery and of others about
the fourth century, the monks being of the order of St. Anthony.
Rich says there are several versions of the origin of Rabban Hormuzd,
one that Hormuzd was killed in the persecution of Yezdejbid about
384 A.H. [a.d. 994] and was buried The convent is in a rocky
here.
defile and the cells are much scattered, some being remote and
almost inaccessible, being approached by terraces. The monks

are badly clothed and poorly fed and only get meat twice a year,
do not speak to each other, and live in cells about eight feet square,
and have lost all their books through a deluge.
i
58i
INDEX.
Abana, islet, 488. Abdulla bin Mohammed, 549.

Abasa, 457. Abdulla bin Mohammed bin Rashid,
Abbad bin Abd, Imam, 47. Wali, 246.
Abban, 77. Abdulla bin Rashid, 503.
Abbas, Shah, 192. Abdulla bin Salim, 526.
Abbas bin Saeed ibn al-As, 500. Abdulla bin Suleyyim, 330, 331, 334.
Abbasides, 57, 59, 60, 122, 367, 500. Abdulla bin Ufeysan, 318.
Abbass bin Amr, 90. Abdulla bin Wahab al-Rasibi, 433.
Abd, Julanda Prince, 33, 36, 39, 44, Abdulla Yusof bin Ali, Shaikh, 522.
45. 63. Abdullah, 30.
Abd al-Kais, 516. Abdullah al-Kadd Kaddah, 89.
Abd al-Silaam, tribe, 436. Abdullah bin Ibadh, founder of sect
Abd or Ayadh, 30, 32.. of Fatalism among the Jabarites, 48.
Abda Kadir, 561. Abdullah bin Kahtan Aslam, 55.
Abdul Azeez, Ameer, 294, 297, 298. Abdullah bin Mohammed, known as
Abdul Azeez, assassination of, 298. Abul Abbas al-Saffah, 60.
Abdul Ghafoor, 229. Abdullah bin Mohammed, nicknamed
Abdul Hassan bin Khamis bin Amr, Abu Saeed al-Karmati, 93.
135- Abdullah bin Zoheir, 50, 58.
Abdul Kais, tribe, 5, 39. Abel, tribe, 4.
Abdul Malik bin Hameed, 70. Aberdeen, Lord, 346.
Abdul Malik bin Marwan, 49, 50, 55, Abkad, village, 546.
62, 71. " Abor al-Arabi," 214.
Abdul Rahman, 512, 513, 547. Abraha, 29.
Abdul Rahman al-Semiri, 554, Abraham, 95, 357, 359.
Abdul Rahman bin Suliman, 53, 54. Abs, 23, 472.
Abdul Rizak bin Ishak, 136. Abu Abaideh bin Mohammed, 87.
Abdul Russool, Shaikh, 328. Abu Abdulla Ali bin Mohammed,
Abdul Russool, Shaikh, ransom for, Persian adventurer, 105.
328. Abu Abdulla Mohammed bin Abdulla
Abdul Salih, 482. al-Lawaty (known as Ibn Batuta),
Abdul Shams, successor of Yashjob, 6. traveller, 476.
Abdul Wadhdhah, 72. Abu Abdulla Sinbar, Wazeer, 127.
Abdul Wahab, Shaikh, 294. Abu al-Hishm, 22.
Abdul Wahab ibn Ahmed bin Merwan, Abu Ali, 108, 121.
Katib, 113, 114. Abu Bashair bin Aseed, or Otba, 30.
Abdul Wahab's doctrines, 307, 433. Abu Bekr, 35, 36, 38, 44, 451, 482, 500,
Abdulla, 269, 329, 520, 522, 524, 525. 554-
Abdulla, Ameer, 322, 323. Abu Bekr, death of, 44.
Abdulla, son of Ameer Faisal, 350. Abu Bekr al-Bakalain, 122.
Abdulla Ali, 329. Abu Bekr al-Basrawi, 128.
Abdulla bin Abbas, 500. Abu Bekr al-Bisri, 533.
Abdulla bin Ahmed, 330, 331. Abu Bekr bin Mohammed bin Amr
Abdulla bin Faisal, 350. al-Hazaz, 504.
582 Index.
Abu Bukara, 454. Abul Harab Tughon, 116, 117.

Abu Daood, 470, 471. Abul Jaish, death of, 123.
Abu Falasa, 442. Abul Jaish bin Mukrim, 123.
Abu Hail, 442. Abul Kaleejar, 122, 124, 125.
Abu Hameed bin Feleh al-Salconi, 68. Abul Kasim, 81, 124.
Abu Jaafar bin Sheerzad, 107. Abul Kasim, death of, 123.
Abu Jehrish, 501. Abul Kasim al-Mathhar bin Mohammed
Abu Laban, " Father of Buttt^r," 411. bin Abdulla, 115, 118, 119, 122.
Abu Marijka, 429. Abul Kasim Ali bin Hoosain bin
Abu Merwan, 72. Makrim, Lord of Oman, 123.
Abu Modhaffar, Ameer, 125, 126, 127. Abul Kasim Saeed bin Abdulla bin
Abu Modhaffar's negro slave rules, 126. Mohammed bin Mahbool bin al-
Abu Mohammed, 123, 124. Rabaid bin Saif bin Hobairah, 98.
Abu Mohammed, name for all Sultans Abul Kasim Zuzeny, 133.
of Oman, 483. Abul Maali Kahlan bin Nebhan, 134.
Abu Mohammed, slain, 104. Abul Mahasin, 96.
Abu Mohammed Abdulla bin Saihnah, Abul Mansoor Foolad, Sultan, 129.
100. Abyssinia, expedition against, by Anou-
Abu Mohammed Abdullah bin Abul shirwan, 25.
Madther, 103, 104. Abyssinian expedition, success of, 24.
Abu Mohammed al-Hassan bin Mo- Abyssinian, Hilal's mother an, 347.
hammed al-Mohallebi, Wazeer, no. Abyssinian Shaikh and son killed, 509^
Abu Mohammed bin Abul Kasim bin Abyssinians, 26.
Mukrim, 121, 122, 125, 126. Acacia Arabica, 391.
Abu Mohammed bin Nebhani, 135, Acacia Nilotica, 391.
483- Acacia vera, 391.
Abu Nasir, 128. Acacias, 379, 385, 391.
Abu Nasr Khusra Firooz Raheem, 125. Accra, 577.
Abu Reesh, " Father of Feathers," Acilla of Pliny (or Kilhat), 521.
411. Adad al-Dowla, 114, 116.
Abu Saeed, deposition from post of Adad al-Dowla Abu Sharja Khusra,
Dai, 94. Prince of Fars, 116, 117, 118, 119,.
Abu Saeed, nominated as Dai, 89, 120.
90, 91, 92. Adam, 20, 71, 258, 286, 381, 431, 435,
Abu Saeed Mohammed bin Madhar 490, 523, 542.
bin Mahwood, Ameer, 132. Adel, 372.
Abu Shokh, 410. Aden, 15, 25, 26, 27, 141, 142, 148, 164,
Abu Sofra al-Azdi, 57. 166, 167, 168, 174, 178, 179, 180, 182,
Abu Sofriya, 38. 226, 228, 230, 231, 232, 321, 327,
Abu Tahir, died, brilliant Carmathian 345. 346, 361, 408. 503. 506, 507. 5iOr
warrior and leader, 105. 514, 527, 546.
Abu Tahir Suliman, 92, 94, 95, 96, 103, Aden, church at, 23.
104, 109. Aden, Shaikh of, 148.
Abu Thubi, 52, 53, 81, 103, 211, 350, Aden and Egypt, rise in commerce, 134.
378, 381, 384, 438, 439, 440, 441, 442, Adey bin Suliman, Kadhi, 238, 239,.
454> 538. 240, 241.
Abu Yakoob Yusof al - Hassan al- Adhdad al-Din Alp Arslan, 131.
Jenabi, 109. Adi bin Artah al-Fezari, 56.
Abuk al-Makkarme al-Janabi, 492. Adnan, stock of Ishmael, part pro-
Abul Faraj Mohammed bin Abbas bin genitor of Arabian race, 2.
Fasany, 114, 115, 116, Adnani, 19, 23, 419, 423, 425, 431, 433.
Abul Feda, 24, 135, 366, 375, 418, 499. Adnanis, 418.
Abul Fowaris, 122. Adnanites, 418.
Index. 583
Adventure, 230. Akr, 59.

Afeef, Wali, 554. Akran bin Abdul Malik, 18.
Affleck, Mr., 220. Alafies, 54, 55.
Affonso d'Albuquerque, the great Con- Al-Adil Abu Mansoor bin Mafanneh,
quistador, 136. 124.
Aflaj, 428. Al-Aheef bin Hamham, 76, 86, 87.
Africa, 141, 218, 266, 336, 357, 359, Al- Ahkaf, or " sand-heaps," 385, 515.
360, 364, 367, 371, 372, 388, 391, 419. Al-Ahsa, 52, 439.
Africa, East, 53, 83, 116, 122, 164, 181, Al-Ainan, 425.
182, 212, 220, 221, 222, 233, 249, 251, Al-Ajman, 443.
266, 270, 281, 329, 330, 331, 332, 335, Al-Akil, village of, 422.
342, 344, 345, 346, 347, 353, 412, 468. Al-Akr, 202, 245, 454.
Africa, East, flight of Saif to, 281. Al-Akran, real name Zaid, 18.
African negroes, 454. Al-Amoor, tribe of, 193, 248, 422.
African products, 12, 361. Al-Anbar, Sahib, 241.
Agarthacides, 9, 10, 15. Al-Arek, 491.
Agha Mohammed Khan, 287. Al-Ariba, earliest inhabitants, 3.
Agriculture in Egypt, 12. Al-Aridh, 539.
Ahkaf, 385, 495. Al-Ashkera, 423.
Ahmed, 108. Al-Askhara, 326, 383, 485, 490, 520,
Ahmed al-Hadal, Kadhi of Dareez, 546. 522.
Ahmed al-Manjuwiya, 503. AI-Askhara, murder of E. I. Company's
Ahmed al-Sideyree, 350. interpreter at, 486.
Ahmed bin Ali al-Dhofari, 504. Al-Aswad, 21, 454.
Ahmed bin Hilal bin Okht al-Kuttah, Al-Ateek, 64.
88, 89, 91, 92. Al-Auka, hamlet, 538.
Ahmed bin Mahmood al-Himyari al- Al-Awamir, 429.
Haboodhi, 503. AJ-Azd, 9, 21, 22, 27, 52, 383.
Ahmed bin Mohammed, 329. Al-Azdakah, 319.
Ahmed bin Saeed, 258, 259, 260, 261, Al-Bahrain, 12, 22, 291, 292, 294, 295,
262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 268, 280, 281, 297. 318, 322, 325, 329, 372, 376,
435. 533- 412, 414, 415.
Ahmed bin Saeed, death of, 280. Al-Bahrain, fruitless war by Saeed with,
Ahmed bin Saeed, espousal of, to 329-
daughter of late Imam Saif, 266. Al-Bakr or the Cow, fish, 410.
Ahmed bin Yusuf al-Hamdani, 501. Al-Balad (or Soor Soor), 475, 502, 504,
Ahmed ibn Buwaih, 107. 515, 518, 544.
Ahmediyya, 504, 505, 506. Al-Baladzory historian, 66.
Ahwaz, 107, 109, 120, 122. Al-Balkhy Istakhey, 91.
Aient, 461. Al-Baridi, 102, 103, 105.
Ain, village, 424, 537. Al-Batineh, 27, 377, 424, 453.
Ainat, 554. Al-Bawareh, tribe of, 423.
Airy, SS., 548, 549, 551, 555. Al-Bediyeh, 426.
Ajam, 8. Al-Bekri, 375.
Ajman, 297, 548. Al-Belad, 521, 525, 552.
Akaba Shash, 119. Al-Beraimi, 30, 52, 72, 76, 81, 83, 121,
Akabar, gulf of, 374. 294, 298, 299, 302, 320, 342, 381,
Akbar, Sultan, 218. 432, 439, 454, 532, 534> 535. 536,
Akbat al-Feeh, gorge of, 103. 537, 538, 539> 540-
Akeed or Commandant, 333. Al-Bida, 384, 424, 425.
Akhzam, 23. Al-Bin Heia, 459.
Akil, 245. Al-Bu Ali, 442.
Akk, tribe, dwellers in the Yemen, 5, 19. Al-Bu Kereem, tribe of, 428.
584 Index.
Al-Bu Rashid, tribe of, 433, 457. Al-Hajr, 21.

Al-Bu Saeedi Dynasty, founder of the, Al-Hakam, 45.
126. Al-Hakam bin al-Moalla al-Bohri, 98.
Al-Bu Saeedis, 258, 266, 284, 309, 430, Al-Hamedhea, village of, 422.
431. 435, 437- Al-Hamriya, 443.
Al-Dahamanieh, 424. Al-Haradi, 458.
Al-Dahamieh, 424. Al-Haraki, 459.
Al-Deraya, 304, 312, 319. Al-Harik, 294, 298, 299.
Al-Dereez, 425. Al-Harth, tribe of, 426.
Al-Deroo, 383, 424. Al-Hasar, fort, 384, 509, 528, 536,
Al-Dhahireh, 72, 76, 81, 83, 133, 203, 538, 539-
252, 291, 319, 323, 377, 380, 381, Al-Hassa, 22, 386.
394, 422, 424, 428, 429. 432, 435, Al-Hawari bin Matraf al-Haddani,
436. 437. 438, 453, 456, 535, 537- Shaikh, 93.
Al-Dhahone, tribe of, 424. Al-Hawasal, 460.
Al-Dhezzak, 22. Al-Hayam, fort, 437.
Al-Dhofari, 509. Al-Hazm, seat of government trans-
Al-Dhowahir, tribe of, 424. ferred from Rostak to, 235, 236, 237,
Al-Fadhl bin al-Howari al-Koreishi, 238,244, 245,259, 281.
76, 77- Al-Hejaira, 428.
Al-Fajeera, 457. Al-Hejaj bin Yusof, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55,
Al-Fasika, 455. 58.
Al-Feeh, 104. Al-Hejaz, 374.
Al-Felej al-Axar, 246. Al-Hejrieen, tribe of, 383, 427, 530.
Al-Fezara, tribe of, 424. Al-Hellaj, 116.
Al-Galeet, 457. Al-Hifre, 458.
Al-Gara, 523. Al-Himar, wild ass or the red animal,
Al-Gauth bin Nabt bin Malik, 4. 387.
Al-Ghabbi, 425. Al-Hinadis, tribe of, 425.
Al-Ghadana, 472. Al-Hinawiyeh, 247.
Al-Ghafai, 425. Al-Hindi, tribe of, 72.
Al-Ghafiriyeh, 247. Al-Hishm, tribe of, 426.
Al-Gharabeh, 540. Al-Hodhaifa, 44.
Al-Gharbi, village, 518. Al-Hoojeera, 457.
Al-Gharbiyeh, or "The Western," 378, Al-Hoossani ibn al-Wasim, Wazeer, 96.
384, 439- Al-Howajir, 423, 427.
Al-Gheith, 501. Al-Howari bin Abdullah al-Salooni, 76.
Al-Ghowarid, tribe of, 425. Al-Howasina, tribe of, 427.
Al-Ghozz, 533. Al-Hoyood, tribe, 428.
Al-Habl, village of, 422. Al-Ibriyeen, tribe of, 425, 428.
Al-Haboobiya, town of, 437. Al-Islam, 27, 28, 90.
Al-Haboodhi, 503, 504. Al-Istakhri, 501.
Al-Haboos, tribe of, 245, 383, 426. Al-Jabaliyeh, 378.
Al-Hadeed, village of, 422, 431. Al-Jafoor, or " unfrequented space,"
Al-Hadhramaut 523. , 385, 538.
Al-Hadi, 64. Al-Jahadim, tribe of, 429.
Al-Hadiyeen, tribe of, 426. Al-Jauzi, 92.
Al-Hadthr, 572, 573. Al-Jenebeh, tribe of, 429, 522.
Al-Hafa, 544. Al-Jerad, 429.
Al-Hajar, 22, 384. Al-Jiboor, 429.
Al-Hajar, province of, 90, 103, 112, Al-Jow, district of, 4, 22, 81, 112, 204,
391. 424. 250, 252, 294, 381, 428. 537, 538,

Al-Hajir, 471. 539-
,
Index. 585
Al-Jubabareh, 63. Al-Makharek, tribe of, 431.

Al- Julanda bin al-Mustatir al-Maa\vali Al-Manawera, tribe of, 431.
26. Al-Mansfash, 431.
Al- Julanda bin Mesood, 61. Al-Massoom, 91.
Al-Kaab, 243. Al-Mathhar bin Abdulla, Wazeer, 119.
Al-Kafila, 94. Al-Mattar, Shaikh, 72.
Al-Kaim, 577. Al-Medina, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39,
Al-Kamar, 501. 389.
Al-Kamed, 383. Al-Mehdi, 64.
Al-Kamil, 383. Al-Merazek, tribe of, 431.
Al-Kanooni, 164. Al-Mesakera, 383, 427, 432.
Al-Kar, tribe of, 428. Al-Mesnaah, 458.
Al-Kart, village of, 435. Al-Mesoodi, historian, 92, 410.
Al-Kasaim, 105. Al-Minadhera, tribe of, 431.
Al-Katar, 384. Al-Miyahebeh, tribe of, 432.
Al-Katr, 414. Al-Mizara, village of, 423.
Al-Kelbi, genealogist, 16. Al-Mobasila, tribe, 460.
Al-Khabba, 429. Al-Mohallebi, death of, no.
Al-Khadhr, 374. Al-Mohallebi, Wazeer, 109, no.
Al-Khadhra, 457. Al-Moharram, 280.
Al-Khalelee, Governor of Rostak, 343. Al-Mohathib, 123.
Al-Khanees, tribe of, 429. Al-Moktader Billah, Khalif, 91, 92.
Al-Kharma, village of, 422. Al-Moktafi Billah, 91.
Al-Kharoos, 539. Al-Morra, 384, 386, 439, 441, 538, 539.
Al-Khazaah bin Hazem settlers, 22. Al-Mostakfi, 108.
AI-Khazeer, tribe of, 430. Al-Mostakfi, deposition of, 108.
Al-Kheyrai bin Sirah al-Mujashai, 54, Al-Motadhid, 81, 91.
55- Al-Motamid, 577.
Al-Khishda, village of, 456. Al-Mowahkh, tribe, 432.
Al-Khodhra, 433, 435. Al-Mowairy, 91.
Al-Khowairej 535.
,
Al-Mowahk, tribe of, 432, 521.
Al-Khoweyrat, 457. Al-Muhenna, 72, 73.
Al-Khusraj, 4. Al-Mujahed al-Wathek al-Dhofari, Sul-
Al-Khuzraji, 505, 508. tan, 509.
Al-Kilaa, village of, 422. Al-Mujayaha, tribe of, 431.
Al-Kilhat, 522. Al-Mukaabir, 27.
Al-Kinda, tribe of, 430. Al-Mukheleef, 509.
Al-Kinood, tribe of, 430. Al-Murtadha, Naib, 123.
Al-Kosh, 567, 568, 569, 570. Al-Mustadha, Naib, 124.
Al-Kowasin, tribe of, 430. Al-Mustassim, 133.
Al-Kutna, 485. Al-Mutazz, 366.
Al-Maawal, tribe of, 430. Al-Muthi, Khalif, 108.
Al-Madain (or Seleucia), 64. Al-Muttaki, 102, 103, 107.
Al-Madaini, 366. Al-Mutti, Khalif, 119.
Al-Madh, district, 538. Al-Nadab, son of Shams, 22.
Al-Madha, village, 538. Al-Naeen, tribe of, 424, 432.
Al-Maghaira bin Roosin al-Julandai, 72. Al-Nawawi, 30.
Al-Mahafera, tribe of, 431, 459. Al-Nedabiyyeen, tribe of, 432.
Al-Madhaffar Yusuf bin Mansoor, 510. Al-Nizar, tribe of, 433.
Al-Maihirifa, tribe of, 431. Al-Nowafil, tribe of, 433.
Al-Majanibya, tribe of, 431. Al-Omra, Ameer, 99.
Al-Majiz, battle of, 76, 78. Al-Raby, 535.
Al-Makabeel, tribe of, 431. Al-Radha, 501.
586 Index.
Al-Radhi, 99, 102. Al-Udar, 501.

Al-Raish, 9. 'Al-Wafi, 383, 433, 530.
Al-Ramool, or " the sands," 385. Al-Waheebeh, tribe of, 33, 245, 383,
Al-Raudha, 74, 539, 386, 389, 424, 426, 429, 437, 459,
Al-Rehbiyeen tribe, 434.
,
487, 489, 491, 493, 494, 523.
Al-Riadh, 538. Al-Waheebeh Bedouins, fishing village
Al-Riyam, 36. of,
487.
Al-Rooda, village of, 438. Al-Wa shab, tribe of, 437.
Al-Rostak, 144, 458, 541. Al-Waleed, 55, 56.
Al-Roudha, 245. Al-Warith bin Kaab al-Kharoosy al-
Al-Ruwaisila, 456. Shari al-Yahmady, Shaikh, 65.
Al-Saabiyeen, tribe of, 436, 474. Al-Warood, tribe of, 437.
Al-Sabkheh, 384. Al-Yaakeeb, tribe of, 437.
Al-Saffah, 62. Al-Yaareba, tribe of, 437.
Al-Sahil, 475, 521. Al-Yahmad bin Homma, 22.
Al-Sakr, 389, 538. Al-Yamade, 438.
Al-Saleeba, village of, 422. Al-Yaman, tribe of, 438.
Al-Salt bin Malik, 73. Al-Yamedi, 432.
Al-Salt, deposition of, 73, 76. Al-Yemama, 451.
Al-Samiri, 518, 553. Al- Yemen, 178, 374, 384.
Al-Sanain, conical hill, " the idol," 445. Al-Yezeed, General, 105.
Al-Seea, village of, 422. Al-Zekawina, tribe of, 438.
Al-Seleyf, 22. Al-Zooab, tribe of, 438.
Al-Seririyeen, tribe of, 436. Alafy, Omani family,. 54.
Al- Shaikh, 474, 528. Aibicore, 409.
Al-Shaklokheet, 459. Albuquerque, Affonso d', 140, 142, 143,
Al-Sham, 81. 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152,
Al-Sharki, village, 518. 153, 198, 452, 474. 510.
Al-Sharkiya, 203, 245, 269, 291, 319, Albuquerque appointed Viceroy and
326, 377. 382, 437, 473- Governor-General, 141.
Al-Sharkiyeen, tribe of, 436. Albuquerque, Dom Jorge d', 156, 157.
Al-Shayadiyeen, tribe of, 436. Albuquerque, Pedro d', 154.
Al-Shemal, 204, 377, 378, 453. Albuquerque the "Terrible," death of,
Al-Shemoos, tribe of, 436. 155-
Al-Shihiyyeen, tribe of, 436. Aleppo, 172, 368, 504.
Al-Shihool, tribe of, 436. Alexander, death of, 15.
Al-Shikairi, 535. Alexander, Persian history of, 150.
Al-Sirr, 22, 81, loi, 263, 269, 378, 430, Alexander the Great, 8, 143, 450.
440, 441, 443. Alexander the Great's battlefield, 577.
Al-Sirr, pirate coast, all ports except Alexandria, 139, 142, 364, 365, 368,
Julfar reduced by Imam, 269. 369-
Al-Sohari, 30. Alexandrian Codex, 498.
Al-Sohba, 538. Alfgar or Hereward, 85.
Al-Sowadi, 260. Alfred the Great, 85.
Al-Sowaik, 436. Algerine, 231.
Al-Sowala, tribe of, 436. Algerines, 219.
Al-Soyuti, 92. Ali, Shaikh, 295.
Al-Suwafa, 436. Ali Beg, 180, 181, 182, 511.
Al-Tabara Wahrza, 25. Ali bin Abdulla bin Salim bin Towari
Al-Tabari, 26, 27. al-Afreer, 549.
Al-Tai Billah, 119, 122. Ali bin Abu Talib, 433.
Al-Tiryati, 509. Ali bin Ahmed, 113, 114, 204.
Al-Tow, town, 428. Ali bin Beleek, 97.
Index. 587
Ali bin Hattal, Commander, 123, 124. Amphitrite, 282.

Ali bin Himyar, 183. Amr bin al-As, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36.
Ali bin Khalfan, Shaikh, 522. Amr bin Ameer Mazeikeya, 19.
Ali bin Mobareh, 521. Amr bin Fahm, 16.
Ali bin Mohammed, 241, 543. Amr bin Kathir, division of Katheeri
Ali bin Mohammed al-Kharoosi, 243. tribe, 515.
Ali bin Mohammed Sahib al-Anbar, Amr bin Saasaa, 422, 436.
242. Amr Mazeikiyeh, 37.
Ali bin Munsoor, 340. Amr (" The Tearer "), 18.
Ali bin Nasir, 341. Amran, 18.
Ali bin Omar al-Katheeri, 510. Amran bin Shakeen, 114.
Ali bin Saif Shaikh, 538.
, Amru bin Omar, 68.
Ali bin Thebad, 184. Amsterdam, 207.
Ali Mubarek, 522. Anab, vine, 394, 398.
Alij, 482. Anbaila, 459.
Allai Beg, Turk, 562. Anbar, 64.
Almeida, Dom Lopo da, 237. Anbias, Ameer, 553.
Almeida, Duke of, 140, 141. Andaman Islands, 366.
Almeida, Luiz d', 181.. Andan, stream, 382, 489.
Almond, 379. Anderson, Captain, 272, 274.
Aloes, 360, 379. Anderson, writer, 226.
Alp Arslan, Sultan of Baghdad, 131. Andrada, Admiral Ruy Frere da, 446.
" Alte Geographic Arabiens," 386. Andrada, Dom Frere da, 185, 187,
Alton Kufri, 563. 189, 190, 193.
Alva, 207. Andromache, 331.
Alyites, 122. Anemones, 411.
Amalekite Beni Kerker, 24. Anezzeh, tribe, 574.
Amalekites, 4. Anfaloos, 409.
Amara, 420. Anglesey, 231.
Ambergris, 406. Anglo-Oman alliance, 292.
Amboyna, Dutch massacre of English Angria, pirate, 221, 234, 235.
at, 208. Angrias pirateg, sketch of rise of,.
Ameen, 69, 542. 267.

Ameer al-Omra, 99, 102, 103, 105, 107, Aniza Arabs, 466.
no, III, 112, 114, 116, 120, 121, Ankawa, Christian village, 565.
122, 128. Ankawans, 565.
Ameer al-Omra Muiz al-Dowla, death Anmar, descendant of Kahtan, 3, .
of, 115. " Annals of Oman," 16, 20, 24.

Ameer bin Ibrahim, 444. Annesley, President, 229.
Ameer Faisal, 344. Anoushirwan, 24, 25, 28.
Ameer ibn Raik, 102. Ansab al-Arab, 30.
Ameer of Oman, 88. Ansar, 49.
Ameer Umeyr bin Himyar, 183, 184. Anson, Captain, 549, 552, 555, 556,
America, 228, 536. 557- . .
American piece-goods, 468. Antiquities found, 560.

American whalers, 406. Antongil, 234.
Americans, 335, 341. Ants, 390.
Amiens, treaty of, 299. Antwerp, 207.
Amiri, tribe, 489. Apostle of God, 39, 47.
Amk al-Lakoot, 472. Apricot, 379.
Amk Kobair, 473. Aqueduct, 534.
Amman, 22. Aqueduct at Kilhat, 529.
Ammianus, 573. Ara, castor oil plant, 394.
X 2
588 Index.
Arab Bughlas, 183. Arabia, South and East, 355, 361, 469,
Arab coast, 406, 411, 448, 510. 546.
Arab coast, marked by Albuquerque Arabia, Western, 318, 359.
by trail of blood and flame, 153. Arabia, Western, political affairs in, 34.
Arab dynasty, new, 192. Arabian coast, 166, 167, 178, 179,
Arab empire, known as Eastern Khali- 233. 399. 414. 514. 554-
fate, overthrown, 505. Arabian coast, South, 327.
Arab ethnology, 419. Arabian Desert, descriptive names by
Arab genealogists, 418, 419, 420. Bedouins, 385.
Arab geographers, 375-6, 499. Arabian dominions, British advice to
Arab history, 16, 66, 79, 116, 435. protect, 334.
Arab horses, 230, 507. Arabian geographers, 496, 517.
Arab luxury, 369. Arabian geography, Ezekiel's notion of,
Arab poetry, 59. 359-
Arab race, 498. " Arabian Nights," 372.
Arab ships, 365, 373. Arabian peninsula, 374, 515.
Arab ships captured, 234, 235. Arabian Sea, 139, 140, 154, 164, 166,
Arab trade, sketch of, 362. 168, 171, 185, 213, 218,
172, 221,
Arab trade to Levant, 142. 227, 228, 233,
234, 276, 316, 355.
Arab traders or merchants, 13, 139, 358, 366, 373. 377. 404. 405. 407.
206, 257, 270. 408, 409, 476, 487, 512, 542.
Arab tradition, 532. Arabian trade, 357.
Arab tribes, 191. Arabians, 46.
Arab vessels burnt by Albuquerque, Arabic, 523, 548, 549.
I43> 153- Arabic language, 578.
Arabah, 23. Arabo-Chinese, 367.
Arabia, 8, 43, 46, 47, 70, 81, 95, 137. Arabs, 33, 34, 39, 40, 42, 45, 69, 70,
154, 155. 156, 210, 251, 270, 288, 88, 113,
105, 126, 128, 130, 134,
291. 342. 352, 353. 356, 357. 359. 140, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151,
360, 361, 362, 364, 368, 374, 375, 152, 153, 156, 157, 158, 161, 162,
376, 377. 384, 386, 388, 389. 39O' 163, 165, 168, 176, 178, 180, 183,
405, 418, 485, 491, 504, 505, 541. 184, 187, 188, 192, 193, 194, 195,
Arabia, Ameer of Eastern, 79. 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 206, 211,
Arabia, Central, 293. 212, ^14, 215, 216,
217, 218, 219,
Arabia Deserta, 324, 374. 220, 221, 222, 224, 225,
223, 231,
Arabia, divisions of, 374, 375. 232, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 251,
Arabia, Eastern, 143, 338, 355, 400, 252, 253, 256, 257,- 258, 259, 2O0,
411, 429, 430. 262, 263, 266, 267, 268, 275, 280,
Arabia, Eastern and South-eastern, 439. 283, 285, 288, 289,- 292, 300, 301,
Arabia, Eastern and Southern, sub- 309, 321, 323. 325, 331, 333, 340.
jugation of, 28, y^. 344. 345. 347. 350. 351. 352. 353.
Arabia Felix, 374. 355. 356, 358. 359. 360, 361. 362,
Arabia, first map, 338. 363. 364. 365. 366, 367. 368, 369.
Arabia, general condition in time of 370. 371. 373. 376, 377' 378' 379.
Alexander, 9. 381, 385. 388, 389. 39O' 393. 394.
Arabia, insurrection quelled in, 38. 395. 396. 397. 400. 401. 402, 403.
Arabia, island of, 148. 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409, 410,
Arabia, Northern, 386, 418. 411, 413. 414. 415, 416, 418, 419.
Arabia Petraea, 374. 420, 430, 439, 440, 442, 443, 444,
Arabia, revolt of Southern and Eastern, 447, 448, 449, 450, 454. 455, 461,
36. 463, 464, 467, 468, 471, 476, 477,
Arabia, South, 49, 167, 359, 360, 481, 482, 486, 488, 490, 491, 492,
375. 495. 507. 519. 550. 551- 493. 494. 496. 499. 502, 504. 511.
—
Index, 589
Arabs continued. Askitea, tribe, referred to by Pliny,

512, 529, 533, 536, 539, 541, 542, 516.
543, 544. 545, 546, 551. 554, 555, Asrar, 455.
556, 565. 566, 572, 573, 578- Assassination of Abu Saeed, 91.
Arad, island of, 322. Assassination of Bedr, plan to accom-
Araki, town of, 428. plish the, 308, 309.
Arbak, 461. Assassination of Samsamal-Dowla, 121.
Arbela, 562, 577, 578. Assawakee, 509.
Arbela, battle of, 15. Assay e, 352.
Arbil, 564. Assistance, 275.
Archipelago, 372. Assyria, 358, 574, 575.
Ardeshir, 26. Assyrian, 559.
Arfaja bin Harthema al-Barida, 36, Atabek, name for kings of Soor, 483.
38, 44- Atalanta, frigate, 299, 300, 301, 310.
Arhab bin Doam bin Malik bin Moawia Ateek, 4.
binKaab bin Duman bin Bakil bin Athlataine (or Sherkh), 486, 487.
Goshem bin Kheiman bin Nauf bin Atlantic, 233.
Hamdan, 434. At-Majja (species of hawk), 390.
Ariba, extinct race, 2, 4. Atrnajel, 389.
Aridh, 425. Attoobees, 275, 284, 291, 292, 293,
Armada, 158, 172, 236. 294, 295, 297, 303, 322, 329, 425,
Arman bin Amru bin al-Azd, 22. 516.
Armenian merchant ship plundered, Attoobees refuse to pay tax, 291, 292.
219, 230. Atwa, hill of, 434.
Army against Oman, assembly of, 81. Auckland, Lord, 341.
Arnaud, Monsieur, 17. Aufar, descendant of Kahtan, 3.
Arrian, 15, 468. Aufy, 268, 456.
Arslan Shah bin Kirman Shah, 131, Augsburg, 207.
132. Augustinian Friar, 192.
Art, influence of Persian or Grecian, Auhy, 534.
on Oman, 15. Aukzeez, 396.
Artemidorus, 17. Aurangzeeb, 218, 229.
Artemise, sloop, 352. Aurea (species of lonicera), 391.
Arthurs, 296. Aurora, cruiser, 321.
Artocarpus, jack fruit, 392. Aus, tribe, 4, 422.
Arts, 406. Avory, John or Henry, pirate, 220,.
Aryans, 33. 228,
229, 230, 232, 234, 235.
" Asabo Mons," 446. Awabi, 240, 424, 428, 458.
Asabon Promontorium, Claudius Awadh, Shaikh of Dhaboot, 551.
Ptolemy's name for Cape Mussen- Awal, island of, 127.
dom, 10. Awamir, tribe, 33, 245, 386, 389, 422,
Asharee, net, 402. 435, 436. 460. 493, 523, 556.
Asheera, 420. Axum, 24.
Ashraf, 23, 508. Azanjaj, 7.
Ashur, silk tree, 392. Azd of Oman, section of tribe of Azd,
Asia, 120, 154, 364, 372, 384. 4, 5, 9, 10, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24.
Asia, Central, 130. Azd of Sarat, section of tribe of Azd,
Asia, Southern, 227. 4, 16.
Asia, Southern and Eastern, 404. Azd Shenoo, section of tribe of Azd, 4.
Asia, Western, 42, 500. Azdi, 280.
Asiatic Christians, 467. Azdite, 425, 430, 433, 435, 438, 550.
Asiatics, 140, 171, 184. Azdite immigration into Oman, 16.
Askhara, 486. Azdite invasion, 19.
X 3
590 Index.
Azdites, Julanda family of, 364. Baghdad, seat of government trans-

Azdites, tribe. 19, 34, 37, 51, 54, 57, ferred from An bar to, 64.
60, 69, 76, 81, 419, 500, 501. Bahareh Abu Ahmed, slain, 89.
Azeez, tribe, 422. Bahila, 5, 20, 84, 88, 102, 119, 135,
Azevedo, Dom Antonio da Miranda da, 136, 183, 203, 251, 253, 255, 265,
164. 381, 425, 428, 436.
Azwa, 426. Bahla, 568.
Azza, tribe, 389. Bahr al-Hadhri (or " Lower Sea"),
Azzan, 525. 377, 382, 427. 488, 542.
384.
Azzan bin Kais, at Mokka, death of, Bahr al-Hikman, 489.
320. Bahrain, 12, 19, 21, 26, 27, 28, 36,
Azzan bin Kais, Imam, 318, 319, 320, 37, 45, 60, 79, 80, 88, 89, 90, 95,
437, 457- 96, 97, 148, 154, 156, 157, 159, 161,
Azzan bin Temeen al-Kharoosi, Shaikh, 166, 170, 173, 198, 199, 223, 237,
74, 75, 76, 77- 253, 275, 284, 322, 342, 343, 357.
Azzan bin Temeem, Imam, slain, 84. 358, 359, 366, 371, 376, 415, 423-
Bahrain, civil war in, 343.
Ba Mali, 386. Bahrain, disastrous expedition to, 166.
Ba Malik, tribe, 516. Bahrain, explored by Portuguese, 154.
Baalbec, city of, 12. Baida, extinct race, 2.
Bab al-Kebeer, 461. Bait al mal, crown lands, 265.
Bab al-Mandeb, Straits, 164, 229. Bait al-Nawab, 274.
Bab al-Methayib, 461. Baits (or batoons), 420, 429.
Bab-i-Sekunder, 450. Baiyasiieh, 501.
Bab Methayib, 192. Bajkam, 102, 105.
Babcock, Captain, 303. Bakhtiyar, 115.
Baber, first Mogul Emperor of India, Baktiari Mountains, 389.
171. Balance of power in the East, Turkish
Babington, Captain, 227. short-sightedness, 171.
Babool, of India, 391. Balkh, town of, 369, 502.
Babylon, 8, 9, 12, 14, 15, 356, 357, Balm, 357.
358, 359, 360, 361, 362. Balsam, 14.
Babylon, civilization of, 13. Baltic, 368.
Babylonia, 468, 532. Bama, village, 472.
Bactrian, two-humped camel, 388. Bamdus, 577, 578.
Badakshan, 372. Banana, 379.
Badans, small coasting vessels, 380, Banana tank or aqueduct, 214.
408, 412. Bandar, Shah, 158.
Badger, 214. Bandora, 222.
Badger's " Introduction," 23. " Banian," 347.
Baghdad, 44, 64, 65, 66, 71, 72, 73, Banian merchants, 151, 441, 442, 453,
77, 82, 85, 89, 90, 92, 93, 96,
78, 454, 456, 457. 458, 468, 521, 529,
97, 99, loi, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 550.
no. III, 114, 119, 120, 121, 122, Banian tree, 392.
127, 131, 133, 134, 172, 205, 271, Bantam, 206.
272, 289, 297, 302, 313. 363, 367, Bar al-Hadhei, 523.
368, 371. 372, 389, 466, 505. 560. Bar Jask, 177.
563. 574. 576. 577' 579- Baraka, 440.
Baghdad captured by Hulagu Khan, Barbarossa, 172.
133- Barek, 4.
Baghdad, civil war in, 103. Barga, small vessels, 70.
Baghdad, Khalifs of, magnificence of, Barghash, Shaikh, 425.
367- Baridi, 106.
Index. 591
Barkuk, apricot, 391. Bazaar, 561.

Barley, 380, 394, 395. Bazaars, of Eastern cities, 372.
Barmecide, feast, 262. Bazaars, wealth stored in, 70.
Barmekides, 57. Bazily, 250.
Barracoida, brig, 330, 331. Bdellium, resin, 392.
Barrea, John de, 169. Beaumont, Mr., 275.
Barretto, Captain Manoel Jules, 142. Bedeia, tribe of, 423.
Barros, de, 155, 161, 462. Bediyeh, 382, 383.
Barsalore, 220. Bedolah, 392.
Barter, trade carried on in Africa by, Bedonat, tribe of, 454.
371- Bedoo, 422.
Basalt, 400. Bedoos, tribe of, 386, 523, 530.
Bashaj, 389. Bedouin, 422, 423, 426, 428, 438, 459,
Bashderdes, 168. 491, 543-
Basheer bin al-Munthir, Shaikh, 79, 80. Bedouin Arabs, 89.
Bashhisch, artificial mound, 564. Bedouin tribes, worship of stars and
Basiya, 436. points of Sabean religion, 33, 81,
Basoom, 396. 85.
Bassain, 200, 216, 254. Bedouins, 161, 248, 286, 383, 384,
Bassein, snow, 288. 385, 386, 387, 390, 404, 422, 424,
Bassidore, 303. 426, 427, 428, 437, 439, 441, 467,
Bat al-Abuk, 567. 468, 486, 487, 494, 504, 509, 520,
Batavia, 224. 521, 539, 542, 543, 547, 556.
Bat eel, Arab boat, 303, 412, 441. Bedr, Shaikh, 510.
Batha al-Rakkas, 435. Bedr-ba-Towarek, 510, 515.
Bat ha Saham, 456. Bedr bin al-Habrali, Shaikh, 508, 509.
Bathing and taking the waters, 460. . Bedr bin Saif, 296, 297, 301, 304,
Batineh, district, 4, 30, 52, 53, 67, 76, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 312.
83, 162, 175, 183, 204, 235, 244, Bega, Diego Fernandes de, 153, 154.
246, 247, 251, 258, 259, 260, 261, Beglerbeg, 277, 284.
263, 275, 276, 277, 282, 298, 304, Behla, 155, 242.
305, 317, 319. 327, 332, 343, 344, Beidhawi, 364.
348, 379. 380, 381, 392, 393, 394, Beinoona, district, 538.
402, 406, 413, 422, 423, 424, 425, Bekra, 4.
426, 427, 428, 429, 430, 431, 432, Belad, 521.
433, 434, 435, 436, 437, 438, 453, Belad Beni Bu AH, 383.
454, 455, 457, 458, 460, 461, 468, Belad Beni Bu Hassan, town, 423.
532, 536, 541- Belad Ras al-Had, village, 484, 521.
Batineh, its industries, 380. Belad Sait, 244, 251, 381, 425.
Batl, 23. Belarab, 211, 216, 241, 242.
Batn, 420, 422, 433. Belarab al-Yaareba, 435.
Batoons (or baits), 420. Belarab bin Himyar al-Yaarebi, 250,.
Battain, 487. 251, 252, 253, 254, 262, 263, 264,
Battash, 423. 268, 277.
Battle between Turks and Carmathians, Belarab bin Nasir, 240, 243, 244.
112. Belarab bin Sultan, 214, 251, 252.
Battle of Arbela, 578. Belarab's death, '217.
Battle of Dibba, 57. Belle Potde, corvette, 307.
Battle plain of Alexander the Great Belooches, 184, 196, 252, 276, 282, 333,
and Darius, 565. 383, 394, 453, 454, 455. 458, 463. 554.
Battles between the Parthians and Ben Jaber, 148, 149, 151, 155, 161.
Azdites, 20. Benares, 327.
Baz, yellow-eyed hawk, 389. Bendall, Captain, 218.
X 4
.
592 Index.
Bengal, 235, 284, 307, 412. Beni Lahm, 27, 193.

Beni Abdul Kais, tribe of, 37. Beni Maawal, 245.
Beni Abs, 434. Beni Mahra, 484, 521.
Beni Adi, 422. Beni Malik, 484.
Beni Ali, 421, 422, 424,^425, 433. Beni Mezroon, 428, 432.
Beni Ali al-Fitta, tribe of, 424, 456. Beni Mijlib, tribe of, 431.
Beni Araba, 422, 436. Beni Mohareb, tribe of, 431.
Beni Asamat, 54. Beni Muharib, 64.
Beni Assameh, tribe of, 93. Beni Naeen, 287, 291, 334.
Beni Azzan, tribe of, 423. Beni Nafa, 64.
Beni Battash, 423, 436, 470, 471, 472. Beni Najia, tribe of, 37.
Beni Bu Ali, 308, 326, 327, 383, 408, Beni Nebhan, 136, 432.
423, 424, 433, 475, 476, 484. 485. Beni Omar, tribe of, 427, 433, 457.
520, 525, 526, 530. Beni Rasib, tribe of, 433.
Beni Bu Ali tribe, expedition against, Beni Riyasa, tribe of, 434.
326, 327. Beni Ruwaihah, descendants of Ab,
Beni Bu Hassan, 383, 423, 433, 520, 202, 251.
521. Beni Ruwaihah, tribe of, 241, 428, 433,
Beni Bu Hassan Bedouins, 526. 434. 435-
Beni Eesa, tribe of, 424. Beni Ryam, 119, 241, 421, 434, 435,
Beni Ghafir, 241, 242, 254, 421, 422, 501, 532.
425, 429, 431, 432, 435, 436, 437. 438. Beni Saada, tribe of, 435.
Beni Gheith, 534. Beni Saeed, 202, 546.
Beni Ghozal, 484, 521. Beni Sama bin Lawa bin Glialib,
Beni Haddan, 76, 134. tribe of, 79.
Beni Hadeed, 5. Beni Shamoos, 456.
Beni Hajir, 439, 441. Beni Shekail, tribe of, 436.
Beni Hameen, 64. Beni Sinan, 471.
Beni Hammad, tribe of, 426. Beni Solaib, tribe of, 437,
Beni Harbee, 521. Beni Subh, tribe of, 436.
Beni Harras, tribe of, 426. Beni Surab, 491.
Beni Harth, 64, 76. Beni Teman, tribe of, 475,
Beni Hashim, tribe of, 434. Beni Temeem, tribe of, 423, 426.
Beni Hassan, tribe of, 427, 469, 470. Beni-wa-Beni, 484, 521.
Beni Hilal, 203, 204, 425. Beni Wahib, tribe of, 437, 469, 470,
Beni Hina, 76, 77, 86, 240, 241, 242, 472.
243, 244, 245, 250, 251, 425, 428. Beni Yas, 244, 287, 288, 319, 338, 350,
Beni Jaalan, or "Children of the 378, 384, 421, 422, 432, 438, 439.
Water-Beetle," 382. 440, 441, 442, 516, 537, 538.
Beni Jabir, 134, 278, 284, 428, 434, 435, Beni Zeed, tribe of, 425, 438.
470, 472, 473, 528, 532. Beni Ziyad Dynasty, 501
Beni Julanda, 4, 72. Bennett, Lieutenant, 314.
Beni Kaab, tribe of, 428, 432, 538. Bent, Mr., 502, 517, 519.
Beni Kataib, tribe of, 430. Benu, 23.
Beni Kattab, 242, 243, 249, 428, 432, Benu Abd al-Keis, 22.
441. 538. Benu al-Harith bin Kaab, 22.
Beni Kelb bin Wabara, 16. Benu al-Nabat, 22.
Beni Kelban, tribe of, 425, 429. Benu Amid, 22.
Beni Khalfan, tribe, 496, 497, 548. Benu Ruaheh bin Katiah bin Abs, 22.
Beni Khalid, 193, 429. Benu Ruwaihah, 23.
Beni Khanzareet, 501. Benu Said, 22.
Beni Kharoos, tribe of, 430. Benu Sasan, 26.
Beni Kodhaa, 5, 9, 16, 19. Benu Tamim, 22.
Index. 593
Benu Yashkar, 22. Bombay, frigate, 292, 293.
Beraimi, 91, 102, 117, 203, 309, 311, Bombay piece-goods, 468.
317, 319. 342, 344, 350, 378, 380, Bonaparte, 289, 290, 291, 292.
424, 437, 438, 441. 539- Bonaparte's letters to Tippoo Sahib
Beraimi, visit to, 532. and Imam of Muscat, 290.
Berenice, 531. Bonaparte's plans in the East, 289.
Berker, Mr., 206. Bonito, 409, 410.
Bersona, 222. Boo Felass, 438.
Betel Pepper Vine or Pan, 379, 392. Boo Karoon, 408.
Bibi Miriam, 481. Booma Salih, 192, 463.
Bible, I, 14, 418, 498. Booth, Captain, 232.
Bidbid, 306, 312, 381, 425, 427. Boraik Hajab, 133.
Bidda, 325, 473. Boralho, Dom Joao, 185, 186.
" Bijoux," 228. Bosher, village, 180, 432, 460.
Bill of Portland, 494. Bostans, hamlet, 469.
Bin Amara Kunud, " Seer's Fish's Bostans (or gardens), 231, 395.
Cousin," 411. Boswellia Bhaii Dajiana, 392.
*'
Bin Boor," or " Reprobate," 88. Boswellia Carterii, 392.
Bin Noor, 77, 80, 81, 85, 86, 87, 88, Boswellia (frankincense), 392.
89, 93, 130. Boswellia Frereana, 392.
Bint Nakhado, " the Captain's Boswellia trees, 543, 555.
Daughter," 410. Botanical exploration, 391.
Bir, 338. Boteler, Lieutenant, 330.
Birdwood, 392. Botello, Admiral Nuno Alvarez, 190,
Birket al-Mouz, 247, 381, 394, 397. 191.
Bissir, 396. Bouche, Captain de la, 233.
Bitnah, battle of, 263. Bouillon, Godfrey de, 132.
Bitumen, 573. Boulogne, 270.
^'
Black death," plague, 135. Bourbon, 323, 341. 343, 403.
Black Point, 458. Bowari, towm of, 383.
Black Torrent, 472. Bowaridh, village of, 426.
Black Village, 454. Bowen, Captain, 232.
Blair, Lieutenant, 450. Bowide dynasty, end of, 109, 121, 125,
Blandford, Mr. W. T., 469. 527-
Blau, 7. Bowides, 108, 109, 112, 114, 115, 120,
Blood feud, 113. 123, 126, 128.
""
Bloodshedder," The, 61, 63. Box fish, 410.
Blythe, Captain, 187. Braganza, Duke of, 165.
Boats, small wooden Arab, sewn or Brahmanism, 41.
tied together, 360. Branco, Jeronymo Castello, 175.
Bogle, Assistant-Surgeon, 292, 293,295. Brangion, Captain, 219.
Boha al-Dowla Abu Nasr Firooz, 121, B.R.A.S., 436.
122. Bratten Hill or Ethandune, 85.
Boha al-Dowla, death of, 22 - Brava, 330, 331, 345.
Bombay, 212, 213, 217, 218, 220, Brest, 299.
222, 223, 224, 230, 234, 235, 254, Brigs, capture of two English, 303.
267, 270, 285, 292, 295, 296, 306, Bristol, 228.
307, 312, 313, 315, 316, 317, 318, British, 293, 302, 310, 315, 3i6, 317.
319, 321, 323, 324, 325, 327, 328, 318, 321, 326, 330, 331. 334, 337»
329, 330, 332, 338, 341, 343, 352, 341, 342, 345, 353, 354, 453-
364, 392, 404, 405, 412. 427. 444, British, departure of, from Muscat,
447, 450, 451, 473. 490, 517. 519, 317-
530, 543, 549, 551- British India, 335.
594 Index.
British Indian port, 277. BusTSi— continued.

British Museum, 498, 579. 109, no. III, 112, 114, 124, 132,
British protectorate over Mombasa from 134, 138, 142, 168, 170, 171, 172,
Melinda to Pangani, disavowal of, 173, 182, 191, 198, 205, 209, 211,
330. 331- 212, 256, 268, 271, 272, 273, 274,
British Resident, 415. 275, 277, 282, 288, 289, 302, 303,
British Sound, 228. 304. 307> 313, 328, 329, 338, 363.
Brittle stars, 411. 364. 365. 366, 372, 449. 459. 503.
Broach, 45, 229, 360. 530.
Brovm, Eleanor, 235. Busra Arabs, 365.
Bruce, Mr., Resident at Bushire, 319, Busra attacked by Carmathians, 94.
321. 322. Busra, battle for, 109.
Brucks,' Commodore, 325, 327, 341, Busra, escape of supporters of Om-
440, 447. miade dynasty, 60.
Bruges, 207. But ha Fanja, 460.
Brydges, Sir H. I., 313. Buwaih, 107.
Bu Abali, village of, 425, 435, 458. Bwana, Shaikh, 329.
Budail bin Tahfa al-Bujali, 55. Byzantine, 364.
Bughlas, Arab race, 183.
Bughlas, boat, 312, 408, 412, 413, 441. Cable of Red Sea and Karachi Tele-
Bujaa or mullet, 404. graph Company landed at Hellaniya
Bukhait, 408, 546. in 1 861, 496.
Bukhara, 370. Cachalot or sperm whale, 406.
Buma or tower, 545. Cadesia, battle of, 364.
Bundar Abbas, 209, 256, 257, 261, Ccesar, 227.
271, 287, 291, 306, 340, 350, 351, Cairo, 138, 139, 290.
352, 430.
" Calamity " and " Butcher," 216.
Bundar Abbas, renewal of lease to Calatu, 474.
Saeed by the Shah, 351. Calcspar, 400.
Bundar Charbar, 177. Calcutta, 16, 224, 293, 302, 314, 316,
Bundar Gwadur, 177. 338, 393-
Bundar Jezeera, 492. " Calf." 554-
Bundar Khairan, 470. Calicut, 138, 139, 218, 371, 554.
Bundar Merbat, 515. Calmuk, no.
Bundar Raysoot, 515, 518. Calotropis Gigantea, silk tree, 392.
Bundar Sherbetat, 494. Cambay, 175.
Bunder Muscat, 198. Camel, 388.
Bunt a Fanja, 460. Camel's milk, 523.
Burbahari, 97. Camouflaged batteries, 184.
Burgash, son of Seyyid Saeed, 352. Campo, Captain Antao da, 142, 146.
Burj al-Shikairi, 535. Canals, two, near Babylon, 14.
Burka, 52, 243, 244, 248, 251, 254, Canton, 365, 366.
258, 261, 262, 276, 278, 284, 286, Cape Chansley, 493.
298. 307. 308. 309, 310, 318, 333, Cape Comorin, 237, 366.
334. 346, 424. 438, 457. 458, 459- Cape Delgado, 221.
Burmah, 372. Cape Fartak, 548.
Burton, 579. Cape Finisterre (orRas al-Had), 484.
Bushire, 206, 218, 256, 271, 272, 273, Cape Guardafui, see Guardafui.
274, 275, 276, 282, 284, 287, 288, Cape Isoletta, 492.-^^
289, 291, 295, 296, 312, 314, 319, Cape of Good Hope, 138, 139, 205,
328, 332, 334, 338, 344, 352. 210, 330, 510.
Busra, 52, p6, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 66, Cape of the Cross, 485.
81, 83, 8^ 90, 94, 97, 103, 105, 106, Cape Suagros, 375.
Index. 595
Capitan, Fort, 183, 192, 194, 196, 211. Chaldean manuscripts, 562.
Capudan or Admiral, 172. Chaldean priests, 561.
Capudan Priests, 567. Chaldeans, 562, 579.
Capudan Sidi All, 173. Challenger, H.M.S., 321, 444.
Caraccioli, pirate priest, 228. Chamerops, 385, 392.
Carangidae, 403. Charbar, 287.
Caravan route by Aden, 14. Charkh, falcon, 389.
Caravans loaded with articles brought Charles, 232.
by Omani ships, 12. Charles II., 213.
Carcharidse or true sharks, 408. Charming Mary, 227.
Caretta Imhricata (hawksbill turtle), Chart of the Inland Sea, first made by
405- Niebuhr, 450.
Carmat, 97, 103, 104. Chaul, 160, 186, 189.
Carmathian, 89, go, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, Chaves, Belthazar de, 186.
97, 98, 99, loi, 103, 104, 105, 108, Chavila, branch of Kattabene tribe, 5.
109, 112, 113, 114, 115, 121, 127, Cheny, Captain de, 277.
130. Chereman Perimal, Hindoo Raja of
Carmathian doctrine, 90, 91. Cranganore (known to Arabs as
Carmathians. 501. Abdul Rahman al-Samiri), 501, 553.
Carmathians, anti-Islamic sect, rise of, Cherry, 392.
89. Cherug, Indian, 389.
Carmathians and Ibadhis, amicable Chesney, Colonel, 338, 439.
relations between, 127. Chetedon, 410.
Carnatic, Rajah of the, 219. Chiffone, La, frigate, 316.
Caroline, frigate, 316, 321. Chikor, or Greek partridge, 387.
Carpets, 365. Chimnajee Appa, Mahratta General
Carruthers, Captain, 288. 254-
Carter, Dr. H. J., 392, 399, 400, 452, China, 13, 135, 210, 233, 236, 365,
469, 472, 475, 485, 491, 492, 495, 366, 367, 368, 372, 373. 404. 405.
502, 503, 510, 514, 519, 408, 490.
Carter, Mr., killed, 512. Chinese, 365, 366, 367, 370, 373.
Carthamus tinctorius, 394. Chinese commodities, 367.
Cashmere, 372. Chinese girls, 365.
Caspian Sea, 368. Chinese ships, 365, 455, 462.
Cassandra, 233, 234. Christ, 41, 42, 374, 393, 550.
Cassia, 357. Christian villages, 577.
•Cassia angustifolia, 394. Christians, 41, 140, 141, 159, 172, 181,
Castor and Pollux, 360. 194, 195, 197, 210, 213, 579.
Catamaran, 414. Chumba. island of, 352.
Catharine of Braganza, 213. Churches at Tilkeyf, 567.
Cautery, native remedy, 486. Churches, erection of three, in Yemen,
Cavaignac, M, de. Agent and Consul 23-
for France at Muscat, 299, 300, 301, Cihium guttatum (Indian salmon), 403.
310. Cinnamon, 357, 360.
Cave, double-storied, 543. Cintra, American vessel, 321.
Celtic Britons, 47. Circassians, 559.
Cetacea, 406. Circumcision, 41.
Ceylon, 54, 365, 366, 553. Cirne, 142.
Chagar Bey, 129. Cissus, 391, 392.
Chaldea, South, 358. Citron, 379, 392.
Chaldean church, 1,500 years old, 561. Citrullus Colocynthus, bitter apple, 392.
Chaldean inscriptions on marble slabs, Citrus decumana, 394.
565. City of Peace, 120.
596 • Index.
Civil war in Oman, 241-247. Conquest of Yemen by Abyssinian

Civil war, seven years, 74. Christians, 23.
Claudius Ptolemy, 374. Conquistador, 136, 151, 153, 157.
Clayton, Captain, 532. Constable, Lieutenant, 449, 452.
Clive, Colonel, 267. Constantinople, 137, 170, 172, 175,
Clive, cruiser, 350. 177. 368, 369, 514.
Cloth weavers, 446. Constantinople, conquest of, by Turks,
Clove, 206. 137-
" Clusters of Peaks," 447. Constantinople, Emperor of, 24,
Cochin, 140. Constantinople, world-wide commerce
Cochin China, 367. of, 24.
Cochrane, Captain, 312. Const ant ius II., 23.
Coconut, 392, 511. Convent, site of old, 569.
Coctivi, island of, 352. Convent at Al-Kosh, 570.
Cod, 407. Convent at Rabban Hormuzd, 570.
Cogan, Captain, 341. Coote, 326.
Coins, gold, 539. Copper, 360.
Coins from Oman mint 527. ,
Copper mine, 400.
Colabah, 212. Coral reefs, 397, 407, 490, 493.
Collier, Captain, 324. Corals, 409, 410, 411.
Colocynth, 385. Corbett, Captain, 313.
Colonisation of Eastern Arabia, genesis Corcura or Demetrius, ancient name of
of, 355- Kerkook, 560.
Colville Cove, 448. Cordia mixa, Selpertin plum, 392.
Combat between French and English Cormack, Mr., 206.
cruisers, 293. Cormorants, 557.
Commentaries, 142. Cornelius, Captain, 233.
Commerce, articles of, sources of origin, Cornwallis, 314.
of, 357-360, 370-372. Corodamon (or Khor Jeramah), 484.
Commerce, first link between East and Coromandel coast, 223.
West, 355. Correa, Antonio, 154.
Commerce, routes of ancient, 361,362. Corunna, 228.
Commerce of Oman by sea, 11. " Cosapo," 446.
Commercial education, scientific study Cosmography, Arabian simplified, 366,
of, by Arabs, 366. >7-
Commercial revival in Oman, 85. Costa, Captain A. Lopes da, 142, 146.
Commodities brought from India, 14. Cotton, 380, 392, 544.
Comorin, Cape, 231. Couperie, Prof, de la, 13.
Comoro Island, 5. Courier de I' Isle de France, 278.
Company, Members of the Third Joint Coutinho, Dom Garcia de, 156, 158, 160.
Stock, 209. Coutinho, Dom Gonsalvo da, 220.
" Company for Remote Countries," Coutinho, Dom Manoel de Souza, 182.
207. Coutinho, Thome da Souza, 181.
Concan, Northern, 200, 254. Couto, de, 142, 178, 462.
Concorde, English frigate, 296. Cowasses, 575.
Conde, 268, 270. Crabs, 410, 411.
Con dent, pirate, 235. Cranganore, Hindoo Raja of, 501, 518,.
Congoon, 295, 322. 553-
Conolly, Mr., 514. Cranganore, dream of last King, 553.
Conquest of Oman by Carmathians, Crayfish, 411, 543-
96. Crocodile, 345.
Conquest of Oman by Mujaah and Abdul Cromwell, 212, 213.
Rahman, 53. Crowther, Mr., 206.
Index. 597
Crusades, 369, 373. Dale, Sir Thomas, 208, 209.

Crustaceans, 410. Dalhousie, Lord, 352.
Cruttendon, Lieutenant, 514, 518. Dallons, Monsieur, 311, 317.
Cryptos limeen, 462. Dalma, island of, 440.
Ctesiphon, 19, 24, 25. Dalrymple, Mr., E. I. Company's hydro-
Cufics, 521. grapher, 450.
Culliford, 230, 231. Dam at Mareb, 17.
Culture, Hindoo, 13. Dam al-Akhwan, dragon's blood, 393.
Cummings, Captain, 303. Damascus, 44, 363, 371, 372, 576.
Cuneiform inscription on marble 565. Damascus, city of, 12, 56, 58.
Cunha, Dom Nuno da, 164, 165. Damascus, governor of, 48.
Cunha, Don Juan de (arms and super- Damaun, 218, 237.
scription of, on gun), 463. Damkot, 552.
Cunha, Simon da, 165, 166. Danes, 85, 368.
Cunha, Tristan da, 141, 142, 164, 166, Dank, 22.
510. Danver, 196.
Curlew, 324. Daood bin Yezen al-Muhallebi, 67.
Cushite Arabs, 361. Daood Pasha, 168.
Cushites, 418. Daoodia, 560.
Cushites, earliest known race to have Dar al-Hijra, fort, 94.
occupied Oman, i, 355, 357. Dara bin Dara bin Bahman, 8.
Cushites, Hamitic dwellers in Southern Dareez, 518, 544, 547, 552, 554.
and Eastern Arabia, 2. Darius Codomannus, 577, 578.
Cushites, progenitors of caravan trade Darling, 206.
and navigation of Arabian Sea, i. Daroo of Al-Sharkiya, 291.
Cushites of Oman, 2, 11. Darsait, 399.
Cushites of Western India, 11. Darse}^, 285, 461, 469.
Custard apple, 393. Date, 379, 391, 395.
Customs House, 157, 188, 192, 353, Date groves, 442, 443, 445, 452, 456,
463. 544- 545, 546- 458, 459, 471, 473> 475, 488. 535, 539-
Cutch, 313, 412, 453, 550. Date harvest, gathering of, 401.
Cuttle fish, 406. Date trees, 226.
Cyaxares, 361. Dates, 360, 395, 542.
Cypress, 391. Davis, Captain, 313.
Cyrene, 338. Dawa, 488.
Cyrus, 7, 138, 361. Day, Dr., 410.
" Day of Dibba," 38.
Dabul, 23. " Days of Ignorance," 43, 445, 534.
Dabul, pirates of, plundered eight De Messager, 343.
Moslem ships, 54. Debaye, 325, 378, 438, 441, 442, 548.
Dad Firooz Hashmushfan, 27. " Decadas," 142, 462.
Dafis, vale of, 538. Decaen, General, 299, 311.
Dagmar, 381, 382, 472. Dedan, 12, 13, 359.
Dahamina, tribe, 454. Deel, 456.
Dahir the Hindoo, King of Dabul, 54, Deep Water Point, 273.
55- Defeat of Oman by Mohammed bin
Dahis, 428. Noor, 84.
Dahis, horse, 23, 435. Deil, town of, 436.
Dahna, 37, 52, 384, 386. Delhi, 227, 230, 254.
Dai at Lahsa, 91. Delia Gratia, church of, 192.
Dailamites, 116, 117, 124, 125, 126, Delli Abbas, 558.
127, 129, 130. Delphinidae, 406.
Dakeek, casting net, 402. Denmark, 367, 368.
598 Index.
Deodand, 506. Dhul Raish, 7.

" Deputation," year of, 31, 63. Dhul Saris, 8.
Deraya, 298, 320, 322, 323, 324. Dhul Sogar, 8.
Deraya, siege of, 324. Dhul Taj Lakeet bin Malik, Azdite
Dereez, town of, 426, 431, 432. shaikh, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38.
Derimheh, 424. Dhul Yezen Abul Nurra, Himyarite
Deroo, trilje, 386, 389, 424. king, 25.
Dervish, 520, 521. Dhul Zind, 8.
Dervish AH, a Persian copyist of Dhurra or jowari, 379, 394, 544.
European prints for Europeans, 569. Diallage, 400.
" Description de I'Arabie," byNiebuhr, Diamond, 224.
450. / Diarbekr, 561.
Desfosses, Captain Romain, 345. " Diary of the Wazeer of Sanaa in the
Devil's Gap or Wady Thaika, 118, 382, Yemen," 197.
399, 423, 469, 471, 472, 473. Dibba, 155, 327, 447, 451, 500.
Deymanieh, islands of, 149, 175, 380, Dibba, battle of, 37.
459- Dibba or lizard, tribe of, 5.
Dhaboot, 552. Dibba, town of, 32, 38, 64, 287, 333, 334^
Dhahar al-Badir, 470. 378.
Dhahireh, 103, 112, 241, 242, 244, 245, Dibbal (turtle), 405.
246, 247, 253, 263. 277, 381, 433. Dictyopteris, 391.
Dhalak, in the Red Sea, 59. Dijalish, 559.
Dhamar, 118. Dijla, 3.
Dhank, fort, 203, 242, 247, 381, 422, Diklah, 3.
428, 432, 536. Diodon or porcupine fish, 410.
Dhareefa, wife of Amr (" the Tearer "), Diodorus, 4, 499.
18. Diorite, 358.
Dhibab, town of, 428, 472, 473. Disbrowe, Colonel, 453.
Dhiyam, 427, 428. Discovery, 327, 442.
Dhobyan, 23, 428, 434, 435, 472. Discovery Strait, 448.
Dhofar, 2, 14, 27, 32, 134, 148, 161, " Dispeller of Grief," 16.
164, 167, 168,
233, 321, 329,
358, Diu, 189, 196, 214, 215, 237, 511.
359' 361, 375. 37^> 378, 384.
392. Doctrinal divisions, 48.
393. 399. 400, 422. 476, 489,
490. Doge of Venice, 139.
498, 499, 500, 501, 503, 504,
505, Dolphin, 409.
506, 507, 508, 509, 510, 511,
512, Dolphin, 231, 450.
513, 514, 515, 516, 517, 518,
519, Dom Fernandes, 511.
541. 544. 545. 546. 547. 553. 554- Dom Joao IV., 193.
Dhofar, geography of, 514. Dominicans, 579.
Dhofar, history of, 498. Doohat Haifa, 451.
Dhofar, visit to, 541. Doohat Kabal, 451.
Dhofar al-Sahil, 499. Doohat Shisaa, cove, 450.
Dhofar al-Zaid, 499. Dookh, 407.
Dhow, 414. Doot, 381, 424, 435.
Dhu Joaisham, King, 8. Dordogne, 345.
Dhu Joaisham bin Akran bin Ali Doria, Andria, Spanish Admiral, 172,.
Malik, 7. 176.
Dhu Joaisos, King, 7. Dorothy, 233.
Dhu'l-Hijrah, month of, 95, 114, 508, Dowas, tribe, 539.
509- Dowasir, 386, 439, 441.
Dhu'l-Kaadeh, month of, 70, 104, 106, Dows, tribe, 4, 16.
119, 214. Dragon, H.M.S., 549, 550, 551, 552.
Dhul Khowaisira, Shaikh, 49. Dragon's blood, 393.
Index. 599
""
Dries," Roman Catholics, 567, 568. Egypt, I, 6, 9, 12, 15, 133, 138, 139,
Drift net, 402. 140, 164, 170, 172, 289, 290, 301,
Dromedaries, 386. 314, 318, 323, 328, 342, 356, 357,
Ducks, 390. 358, 359. 360, 361, 364, 371. 499.
Ducovedic, brig, 345. 512.
Dufa, 474. Egypt, agriculture in, 12.
Dula, 492. Egypt, Coptic church in, 60.
Duncan, Governor, 296. Egypt, invasion of, by Abdul Shams, 6.
Durand, writer, 414. Egypt, Sultan of, 139, 140.
Dutch, 137, 181, 184, 186, 190, 191, Egypt, Venice, and Turkey, decline of,
199, 205, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 138.
212, 219, 224, 230, 231, 233, 238, Egyptians, 139, 322, 342, 361.
256, 268, 283. Egypto- Venetian confederacy, 141.
Dutch and EngHsh as rivals to Por- Eija, Shaikh, 530.
tuguese, 184. Eijah, portion of town of Soor, 2, 475,
Dutch East India Company, 221. 476.
Dutch puttimar pirated by Jaafera Eiki Kifri, 559.
Arabs, 486. Einain, 381.
Duzzi Mustaffa Bey, 176. Eis, 521.
Ejasa, hamlet, 485.
El-Azd bin el-Ghaoth, known as Abu
Eagle, 185, 272, 273, 274. Mohammed bin Nebhan, 483.
Eagle or whip ray, 409. El-Kuriat, 483.
East, 140, 167, 171, 172, 184, 188, El-Murrowari, 482.
205, 207, 208, 210, 226, 228, 289, " Elephant," the storm, 177.
355. 356, 357. 361, 363, 387. 434. Ellis, Mr., 575.
468, 469, 498. Elmshah Reis, 176.
East African dominions, Saeed's strug- Eloy, Monsieur Aucher, 341, 391,
gles for his, 329-340. 392. 393. 394-
East India Company, 206, 212, 213, Elphinstone, 441.
223, 224, 230, 231, 267, 272, 291, Elphinstone, Mr. Mountstuart, Gover-
292, 315. 319. 321, 350. 399- nor of Bombay, 327, 447, 449.
East Indian, 345. Elphinstone Inlet, 327,378,447,450,451.
East Indies, 205. Embalming, ancient origin of, 356.
Eastern Arabia, Ptolemy's early his- Emery, Lieutenant, 331.
tory of, 10. Emin, tribe of, 4.
Eastern Islands, 365. Endeavour, 307.
Eastern Liturgy, 568. England, 85, 205, 206, 208, 209, 230,
Eastern Seas, 230. 234, 268, 270, 289, 290, 291, 299,
Eastern Turkey, 578. 330, 331. 335. 340. 345. 346, 352,
Eaudheh, 76. 368, 370, 407, 579.
Eblaetian Mountains, 452. England, Captain, 233, 234.
Ebony, 360. England and Persia, war between, 352.
Eden, 324. Enghsh, 137, 181, 184, 185, 186, 187,
Edgecombe, 231. 188, 189, 190, 191, 199, 205, 206,
Edom, 360. 208, 209, 212, 217, 218, 219, 220,
Edrisi, 375. 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 228, 229,
Education, Mohammed's instruction to 232, 233, 238, 254, 255, 257, 267,
obtain world-wide knowledge, 363. 268, 269, 270, 274, 277, 278, 283,
Eed el-Adhhar, 478. 284, 288, 289, 290, 291, 293, 299,
Eesa bin Jaafar bin Abul Mansoor, 301, 302, 306, 307, 313, 315, 317,
66, 67, 68, 69. 321, 324, 325, 326, 331, 335, 336,
'"
Egreja," a church, 164. 342, 444, 488, 511, 512, 578.
6oo Index.
English Foreign Office, 345. Expedition by Anoushirwan against

English Mission on Venetian overland Abyssinia, 25.
commerce, 205. Expedition commanded by Sultan
English pirates, 512. against Beni Naeem of Kishm and
Eratosthenes, curator of the Library of Hormuz, 287.
Alexandria, 9, 10, 17. Expedition sent by Ahmed against
Eridu, port of, 12, 358. Bushire, failure of, 7.
Er>'threan Sea, 10. Expedition to Busra, 302, 303.
Eschylus, 9. Expedition to Mahra country and
Escurial, 278. Hadhramaut, 39.
Esher, 507. Expedition to Pirate coast, 319.
Espirito Santo, 142. Expeditions against the Omanis suffer
Essex, 232, 512, 513. reverses, 50.
Estaing, Count D', 270. Expeditions by land and sea of Imam
Ethli, stream, 382, 489. Sultan, 236, 237.
Euphorbias, 385, 393. Explorer of Oman, pioneer. Lieutenant
Euphrates, 338, 466. Wellsted, description of Eastern
Euphrates, 12, 64, 338, 356, 358, Arabia by, 338.
361, 368. Ezekiel, 13, 359.
Euphrates, River, experimental voy-
age to test navigability of, by Colonel Fabian policy, 187.
Chesney, 338. Factory, refusal to allow English, Dutch
Europe, 135, 137, 141, 154, 171. 217, and French to build a, 268.
224, 226, 231, 251, 299, 310, 312, Fadhool, tribe of, 457, 458.
363, 364. 369. 370, 373. 391. 405- Fahil, island, 461.
Europe, West, 137, 207, 210, 211, 219. Fahil, male date tree, 178, 395.
European, 270, 276, 283, 316, 324, Fahm bin Warith al-Yahmadi, 74, 76,.
379, 402, 413, 440, 486, 532, 549, 7.7-
551- Faiz Allum, frigate, 348.
European competition in the East, Fajeere, 436.
206-210. Fakhr al-Deen Ahmed bin al-Daya,
European girls, 368. 134. 135-
European luxury, 368. Fakhth or subdivision, 420, 421.
European merchants, 369. Fakk al-Assad, 174, 449.
European pirates, 226, 227, 231, 496. Falcons, 389.
European population in Hormuz, Family relations of Saeed, 345-347.
188. Fanja, town of, 306, 381, 425, 427.
European powers, 225. Fannus, Indian, 392.
European ship captured, 234. Fanny, 228, 233, 234.
European writers on Oman, 247. Far East, 356.
Europeans, 370, 378, 384, 447, 449, Faris bin Mohammed, Shaikh, 67, 68.
471. 496. Fark, 73, 242, 264, 381.
Evil eye, 409. Farmer, Captain, 274.
Expedition, 184, 206. Ears, 6, 114, 117, 122, 125, 129, 131,
Expedition against Al-Baridi, 105. 198, 256, 261, 318, 371.
Expedition against Busra by Imam Farsistan, 58, 59.
Ahmed, 271. Fartak, Cape, 10, 148.
Expedition against Dahir, 54. Faseela, 420.
Expedition against Dju, 214, 215. Fasht village of, 443.
Expedition against Khor Fakan by Fath Ali Shah, Princess, grand-daughter
Saeed, 311. of, 328.
Expedition against Oman under Eesa " Father of Thorns," 410.
bin Jaafar defeated, 66. Favourite, H.M.S. frigate, 322.
Index. 6oi
Fazasija, tribe, 475. Fort Capitan, 463.

Fefai, papaya, 398. Fort of the Cup, 463.
Felej al-Bagly, 239. Fortune, La, 296.
Felej al-Motaridh, 533. Forty years' War between Abs and
Felej al-Semeny, 253. Dhobyan, 23.
Felej al-Shamal, 242. Fox, H.M.S., 312, 450.
Felej al-Sook, 27, 541. France, 268, 270, 289, 370.
Felejes, water conduits, 88, 226. Franckhn, Captain, 283.
Felspar, 400. Franco-Russian invasion of India, 299.
Ferahid, 20, Frankincense, 14, 357, 359, 360, 392,
Ferek, 561. 499, 502, 507, 516, 543, 546, 549,
Ferhan Kaleb, 575. 550, 555-
Ferhan Pasha, 574. Franklin's visit to Muscat, 471.
Fernandez, Antonio, 167. Franks, 198.
Fernandez, John, 167. Fremantle, Captain, 351, 496.
Ferreira, Gomez, 164. French, 230, 233, 268, 269, 270, 274,
Ferry boats, 566. 275, 277, 278, 282, 289, 290, 291,
Fez, town, 455. 292, 293, 299, 300, 301, 307, 310. 311,
Fezaniyyia, 399. 317. 335- 341. 342, 343, 345, 35i,
Fezara, 456. 512.
Fezek, town of, 434. French attempt to gain footing on East
Ficus carica, 393, 397. African coast, 342-343.
Ficus Indica, 392. French colonies, 335.
Fida, town of, 438. French Consul, 579.
Field rat, 387. French East India Company, 282.
Fig, 379. 397- French Mission to Muscat, Napoleon's
File or trigger fish, 410. instructions, 299-301.
pepper, 398,
Filfil, French pirates, 228.
" Fine Peak," 446. French possessions in the East, 299.
Fins, village, 472. French privateers in Persian and Oman
Firdusi, author, 8. Gulfs, 302.
Fish, 395. French Revolution, 289.
Fish maws, or sounds, 405. Freshwater Creek, 458.
Fish oil, 405. Fresh-water fish, 411.
Fisheries, 380, 400-411. Front Bay, 527.
Fishing, Arabian methods of, 401. Fruit trees grown in the Batineh, 379.
Fitch, Mr., 205. Frukeh (nestlings), 389.
Flat fish, 410. Frumentius, mission of, 23.
Flies, 390. Fryer, Dr., 216.
Flight of Khadi Moosa to Zikki, 75. Fulaj, 531.
Flight of the Julanda Prince to East Funkhor, Chief of Mashimi Gara tribe,
Africa, 53. 552.
Flight of the Khalif and Abu Jaafar, Funnel or Tower Hill, 493.
107. Fury, cruiser, 313.
Flight, third decade after, 48.
Flor de la Mar, 141, 142, 149. Gabriel, 564.
Flora of Oman, 390. Gabriel and Harmed, Abbots, 570.
Fly, brig, 296. Gagoor, fishing baskets, 556.
Flying Dragon, 235. Galleons, 168.
Flying fish, 409. Galletas, 168.
Formales (fishing net), 402. Gama, Dom Francisco da, 189, 190.
Formel, 414. Gama, Vasco da, 139, 183.
Forster, 521. Gampoo, 367.
602 Index.
Gangamela, 578. Ghassan bin Abdullah al-Fajhi al-

Gara Bedouins, 517, 543. Yahmadi, 69.
Garas, tribe, 513, 515, 518, 519, 523, Ghatafan, 428, 434.
543» 544. 546, 547. 552, 555- Ghazain, town of, 427.
Gareza (group of buildings or citadel) Ghazreem, 457.
at Muscat, 163, 164, 286. Ghee, 543.
Gareza or cathedral, 279, 464. Gheil al-Shaab, 472.
Garforth, 525, 526. Gheitha, 552.
Gargoor (fishing trap), 403. Gheriah, 235, 267.
Garmseer, 129, 130. Gherra, port of, 11, 12, 356, 357,
Gasib, descendant of Kahtan, 3. 358, 359. 360, 362.
Gautier, Peter, 132. Ghiadum (turtle), 405.
Gayer, Sir John, 230. Ghoass, divers, 416.
Gazelle, 387, 389, 439, 494. Ghobia (or Kiialeed), 175.
Geary, Grattan, author, 467. Ghobra, 460, 461.
Gediasa, 493. Ghobra, mare, 23.
Gems, 360, 365. Ghobra al-Taw, town of, 383.
Genesis, 359, 498, 515. Ghobut (fishing net), 402.
Genoese, 137. Gharak, 534.
Geology of Oman, sketch of, 399, 452. Ghotha, 529.
George Benlinck, 338. Ghubbet, 490, 491.
Georgia, 58, Ghubbet al-Kamar, 375.
Gereen, 396. Ghubbet al-Sifa, 470.
Germany, 370. Ghubbet Doom, 495, 516.
Ghab, village, 529. Ghubbet Fezaija, 519.
Ghabbi, fort, 203, 242, 244, 247, 381, Ghubbet Ghazira, 451.
383, 436. Ghubbet Haidi, 473.
Ghadaf or dwarf palm, 385, 392. Ghubbet Hail, 460.
Ghadeer, 573. Ghubbet Hashish (" Grass Bay "), 488,
Ghadfain, village of, 455. 489, 490, 494, 541. 542.
492,
Ghadiza, 556. Ghubbet Kowairat, 491.
Ghaf (species of acacia), 385, 391. Ghubbet Saukira, 492.
Ghafat, 245. Ghubbet Shaboos, creek, 450.
Ghaf eh, 4. Ghulla, 349, 460.
Ghafir, 425. Ghuma Said al-Hodsin, 4.
Ghafiri, 247, 251, 263, 264, 281, 283, Ghumr, 425.
284, 285, 286, 304, 323, 334, 382. Ghuz D5masty of Kirman, end of,
420, 423, 424, 425, 426, 427, 428, 135*

429, 430, 431, 432, 433, 434, 435, Ghuz of Kirman, 128, 133, 134.
436, 437. 438. 453. 520, 523, 525, Gibraltar, 452.
526, 537. 538. Gilda, 568.
Ghaiza, 556. Gilead, 357.
Ghala, 527. Gilliam, Captain James (pirate), 227.
Ghamn bin Ghalib bin Othman, 22. Gingelly, 394.
Ghanam Island, 448. Girba, 408.
Ghanee, mother of Saeed, 309. Girls, inhumation of living, 41.
Ghanoor, tribe of, 454. Gladstone, Mr., 579.
Ghareefa, 426. "Glorious," 463.
Ghasaib, 493. Goa, 141, 154, 155. 159. 161, 163,
Ghasb, 104. 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170,
Ghassan, 4. 176, 181, 183, 189, 190, 191, 195,
Ghassan al-Alowi, 245. 196, 198, 199, 205, 211, 215, 217
Ghassan al-Hinai, 64. 218, 220, 236, 237, 510, 511.
Index. 603
God, 534. Gums, 14, 543.

Godolphin, Lord, 225. Gunjava, 291, 293.
Goeje, Monsieur de, 89, 108. Gunjsowaee, 229, 235.
Golconda, 372. Guns, Turkish brass pieces, 565.
Gold, 232, 359, 360. Gusem, descendant of Kahtan, 3.
Gold brought from Africa or India, 13. Guthrie, 530, 531.
Gold mentioned by Ezekiel, 359. Gutta percha, 392.
Gombroon, 185, 191, 209, 211, 219, Guy, Captain, 327.
223, 224, 231, 239, 269, 270. Gwader, 181, 184, 206, 282, 284, 286,
Gongalo, Dom, 159, 160. 287, 410.
Gorgonias, 548.
Gorhum, descendant of Kahtan, 3. Haboo Fala (fakhth), 438.
Goshawk, 389. Haboobaya, town of, 427.
Gossypium, 392. Haboodhi, 504, 506, 552.
Gothland, 368. Haboodhi dynasty, 504.
Gourcomala, 577. Haboos, tribe, 386, 433, 434, 460.
Governor and Collector of Tribute, iii. Habrood, 555.
Gowan, Lieutenant, 313. Habs, 426.
Graham, Lieutenant, 314. Hadboora, 4.
Grampus or bottle-nosed whale, 406, Hadeed, Azdite tribe, 501.
409. Hadhaifa, 451, 500.
Grand Dai, 105, 108, 109, 112. Hadhr, settled Arabs, 85, 423, 426,
Grand Dai at Koufa, 89. 427, 428, 433, 438.
Grand Wazeer, 99. Hadhr bin Kinana, 8. ,
Great or Jani Mosque, 576. Hadhramaut, 6, 9, 17, 19, 23, 27, 28,
Great Mosque, burial place of Imam 39, 360, 361, 371, 374, 375,
46,
Ahmed bin Saeed, 280. 386, 427, 498, 500, 503, 505,
384,
Grecian, 476. 506,
508, 509, 515, 523, 550, 554-
Greece, 363, 499. Hadiyeh, 23.
Greek, 359, 363, 364, 366, 368, 374, Hadoram (Jorham), 3.
462, 484. Hadthr, 573.
Greeks, 578. Hafa, 518, 547.
Greeks, campaign against, 58. Hafeet, town of, 432.
Green, Mr., 273. Hafiz bin Saif, 193, 204.
" Green or Fertile," Hafs bin Mohammed, 133.
374.
Greenock, 230. Hafs bin Rashid, Shaikh, 117, 119.
Greenwich, 233. Hague, 211.
Greyhound, 232. Hahm, 529.
Guano deposits, 351, 491, 495, 496, Hail, village of, 248, 423, 460, 471,,
497- 534. 535. 540-
Guano deposits, French endeavour to Hail Ghaf (or Wady Thaika), 471.
get. 351- Haili, village, 537.
Guardafui, Cape, 14, 167, 359. Hainan, Straits of, 367,
Guava, 379, 393. Haines, Captain, 327, 493, 502, 513,
Guillain, Captain, 214, 221, 264, 345. 514, 519, 549.
Gulf, 173, 188, 189, 191, 199, 239, Hajar (Al-Hassa), 22, 379, 380, 381.
271, 275, 277, 284, 289, 290, 296, Hajar al-Aswad (Moslem venerated
297, 300, 302, 303, 305, 307, 313, black stone), 95.
314, 315, 316, 319, 320, 322, 325, Hajarites, 112, 114, 115.
326, 327, 343, 350, 352, 357. 359. Hajji Khalfa, Turkish historian, 172.
360, 402, 414, 442, 449, 450. Hajrah, or walled town, 283.
Gulf of Akabar, 374. Hakam, brother of Othman bin Abi,
Gulf of Tonquin, 367. 45-
Y a
6o4 Index.
Hakkim, 488. Hare, 231, 387, 439.

Hakluyt Society, 16. Hareen, village, 473.
Halbra, 573. Hareen Pass, 559.
Halebijesh, 571, 572. Harem, 463, 464.
Halfam, stream, 382, 489. Hares, 390.
Hall, Captain, 293. Harith, first king of Second Dynasty,
Hallet, 473. 8,9-
Hallet bin Eesa, 473. Harmal, 385.
Hallet Wilad Yusef, hamlet of, 460. Harmel, rue, 398.
Halliday, 558. Harold, 131.
Hallool, island of, 414. Haroon al-Rasheed, Khalif, 65, 66,
Halsey, Captain, pirate, 232. 68, 69, 80, 84.
Hamad al-Tamr, 396. Hart, 185, 187.
Hamadan, 363. Hart, Captain, 336.
Hamadheeym, village of, 422. Harth, tribe in Sharkiya, 245, 246,
Hamadireen, tribe of, 455, 456. 383, 426, 427, 432.
Hamaiah, town of, 383, 426. Harvest of the sea, 403-411.
Hamaid bin Majdal, 325, 326. Harwich, 232.
Hamanis, 106. Hasa, 198.
Hamar al-Nafoor, 489, 491, 492. Hasefam, 455.
Hamdan, 428, 434. Hasek, 321, 375, 501, 516, 548, 555,
Hamdan Carmath (or Obaidullah), 104. 557-
Hamdani, 359, 434. Hasham, 434.
Hamdanis, 103, 105. Hashim, Uncle of Mohammed, 431,
Hamed, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 322, 432.
332, 348, 349. 383. Hashimiyeh, 60, 61, 63.
Hamed, death of, from small-pox at Hasiki, islet of, 516.
Muscat, 285. Haski, 495, 496.
Hamed bin Ahmed, 330, 334, 336. Haski and Kibba, islands of, presented
Hamed bin Ahmed al-Samar, 344. to British Government by Seyyid
Hamed bin Azzan, 333, 337, 338, 339, Saeed, 496.
343. 347- Hasreet, 386, 427.
Hamed bin Mubarek, 548. Hassan, 473.
Hamer, tamarind, 394, 398. Hassan bin Abdulla al-Shihoo, Shaikh,
Hamerton, Captain, 341, 342, (Colonel), 269.
350, 351- Hassan bin Asem, 108.
Hamilton, Alexander, 196, 214, 217, Hassan bin Rahmah, Shaikh, 321, 325.
218, 219, 236, 464, 488, 511. 444.
Hamod, 520, Hassan Carmath, 89.
Hamoon (hawk's bill turtle, Turtur Hat air a, 446.
imbricata), 490. " Hateful Marriage," 41.
Hamra, 281, 428. Hattra, 572.
Hamza, 4. Havilah (Khaulan), 3.
Hamza (turtle), 405. Hawala (or Joasmee), tribe of, 256,
Hamza al-Ispahani, 7, 25. 269, 444.
Hanaidha, town of, 383. Hawkins, Commodore, 325.
Hanbalites, 97. Hawks, 387, 389, 390.
Handal, bitter apple, 392. Hawksbill turtle, 405.
Hangchen fu, 367. Hayoob, 503- .
Haramel, hamlet, 469. Hazarmaveth, tribe of , 3.

Haramies or robbers, 572. Hazim, 380.
Haramis, 520. Hazm, 277.
Haras (quarters), 463. " Heads of Mountains,"
447.
Index. 605
Heathcote, Captain, 320. Himyar, first dynasty, 7.

Hebrews, 418. Himyar (founder of two dynasties of
Hector, 206. Himyarites), 7, 8.
Hedadiba, tribe of, 427, 436. Himyar bin Munir al-Ryamee, 240.
Hedgehog, 387. Himyar bin Suliman al-Yaarebi,
Heebi, 456. 322.
Heeren, 360. Himyarite kingdom, rise of, 499.
Hega or female camel, 388. Himyarites, 40, 423, 436.
Hei Asim, 459. Hina, 425.
Heimali, 298. Hinai, 247.
Hejaj, 365. Hinawa, 245, 281, 283.
Hejaj bin Yusof, 50. Hinawi, 420, 422, 423, 424, 425, 426,
Hejaz, 6, 19, 27, 30, 35, 297, 389. 427, 428, 429, 430, 431, 432, 433,
Hejaz, invasion of, by Wahabees, 297. 434, 435, 436, 437, 438, 453, 520,
Hejazi (species of falcon), 389. 523, 537-
Hejazi adherents, 43. Hinawis, 247, 251, 263, 284, 382, 422,
Hejazi troops, 39. 427, 428, 432, 436, 525.
Hejrieen, 320, 426, 427. Hind, 55.
Heifer, Dr., 338. Hindoo rehgion, 554.
Heifer, Madame, 464. Hindoo temple, old site of, 529.
HeUaniya, 495, 497, 548, 556. Hindoo traders, 257, 297, 415, 441, 452,
Henjam, 171, 198, 293, 314. 453, 459, 468, 476.
Henna, 393, Hindoo traders from Cutch, flight of,
Hennell, Captain, 332. 151.
Hera, on the Euphrates, 21, 25. Hindoos, 41, 45, 388.
Heraclius, Emperor, 362. Hindustanee, 525.
Herat, 341, 352, 369. Hippalus, 15.
Herat, siege of, by Persians, 341. Hishm, 426, 427, 433, 545, 550.
Hereen, 15. Histiophorus (sword fish), 404.
Herodotus, 2, 14, 356, 358, 499. Hodges, Colonel, Consul-General at
Herons, 557. Cairo, 342.
Herrings, 407. Hodhaifa, 37, 38, 39, 42, 44, 541.
Hezkiel, 562. Hodhaifa bin Mohsan, 36.
Hibra, village, 296. Holland, 205, 211.
Hiddekel or Dijla, 3. Holy City, 95, 297.
" Hidden Port," 462. Holy Land, 132.
Hidhra (fishing trap), 403. Holy Sepulchre, 140,
High Hill, 442. Holy Virgin, 147.
Hijrah, 31, 500, 501, 502, 508, 515, Hommel, 3.
517. 546, 552. Honain, battle of, 31.
Hikman, tribe of, 427, 458, 489, 523, Honat, son of Malik bin Fahm, 20, 21.
542. Honey, 563.
Hilal, 332, 333, 381. Hoopoe, 387.
Hilal, eldest son of Imam Ahmed, 276. Hoora Barga (or Sohar Peak), 456,
Hilal, eldest son of Saeed, 345, 346, 347. 533.
Hilal al-Tameemi, 59. Hoorie (canoe), 413.
Hilal bin Ahmed, 264. Hoosain, Sidi Ali bin, 172, 173.
Hilal bin Atiyeh al-Khorasani, 62, 63. Hoosain bin Saeed, Shaikh, 161, 162,
Hilal bin Hamed, 318, 329. 163.
Hilal bin Mohammed, 333, 339. Hoossain, Shah, 239.
Hilal bin Omar bin Nebhan, 134. Hoppel Point, 233.
Hillet bin Heia, 459. Hor Kand, 366.
Himat, 136. Hormos, 474.
Y3
,
6o6 Index.
Hormur, 59, 83, 129, 134, 141, 142, Ibadhi, 61, 65, 69, 71, 73, 86, 87, 89,
143, 144, 145, 148, 149, 150, 151, 96, 100, loi, 112, 280, 422, 423, 424,
152, 153, 155,
154. 156, 157, 158, 425, 426, 427, 428, 429, 430, 431,
159, 160, 161,
162, 163, 164, 165, 432. 433, 434. 435, 436, 437, 438,
166, 167, 168,
169, 170, 173, 174, 482.
178, 181, 182,
183, 187, 188. 189, Ibadhi doctrines, 59, 61, 72, 79, 312.
190, 192, 193, 198, 199, 205, 209, Ibadhi MooUas, 135.
215, 271, 287, 293, 308, 403, 446, Ibadhis, 62, 63, 68, 70, 74, 77, 83,
463, 474, 482, 483, 510. 90, 91, 97, 98, 102, 117, 121, 122,
Hormuz, capture of, 151. 127, 198, 422, 427, 428, 435.
Hormuz, Lord of, 505. Ibadhis, first Imam of, in Oman, 61.
Hormuz, siege of, 189-191. Ibadhy Abu Hamza Mokhtor bin Auf
Hormuz dynasty, 134, 135. 49-
Hormuz dynasty founded, 134. Ibla, 106, 114.
Hormuzd, 580. " Ibhs," the Devil, 452.
Horn of the Ram, 95. Ibn al-Atheer, Kamil of, 97, 102, 106,
Hornblende, 400. no, 119, 121, 126, 503.
Horsburg's " Charts '
and " Directory," Ibn al-Haik, 506.
450. Ibn al-Mojawir, 117, 128, 454, 455,
Horsebreeders, 423, 471. 459, 471, 503, 533-
" Horseman of the Prophet," 98. Ibn al-Mukaire, tomb of, 528.
H6t, tribe of, 252. Ibn Batuta, traveller, 135, 153, 476,
" Hot Spring Creek," 508.
456.
Houl, village, 529. Ibn Bauon, 90.
Houtsma, Professor, 128. Ibn Ghordadbeh, 73.
Howair or wild indigo, 550. Ibn Haik al-Hamdany, author, 13,
Howajir, 475. 375-
Howard, Captain, 231. Ibn Haukal, 108, 518.
Howasina, 433, 457. Ibn Jedwan, 509.
Howaza, 255, 272. Ibn Keisar, 99.
Howazon, at Honain, 49. Ibn Khaldoon, 96, 108, 121, 503.
Howazui, tribe of, 31. Ibn Khodjer, 4.
Howeeya, 497. Ibn Koteaba, 26.
Howkeyn, tribe of, 422. Ibn Makrim, 124.
Hudad, 22. Ibn Modabbir, roll of, 72.
Hugh Lindsay, 338, 341. Ibn Mojawi, 375.
Hujrah (walled town), 283, 433. Ibn Mojawir, 502, 504.
Hulagu Khan, 133. Ibn Muljam, 482.
Huldi, turmeric, 399. Ibn Raik, 99, 102, 103, 105.
Hulton, Dr., 497, 514. Ibn Toghan, 113.
Humbolt, 363, 370. Ibra, 64, 203, 245. 426, 432.
Hummam or hot bath, 564. Ibrahim Agha, 574.
Hyde, Captain, 217. Ibrahim bin Kais, 457, 458.
Hyder Naik, 267, 273, 274. Ibrahim Pasha, 314, 323, 324, 342.
Hyena, 387. Ibrahim Reis, 570.
Hyra, village of, 443. Ibriyeen, 426, 432, 436.
Hystrix or coney, 518. Idolatry, crusade against, 30, 32.
Idrisi, historian, 370, 503.
Ikdaniya, 94, 95, 108.
lantore, 208. Ikhshidite Sultan of Egypt, 106.
Ibadh, doctrines of, 433. " Iklil," 13,
359.
Ibadheeism, 294. Ikrima, 37, 39, 451, 500.
Ibadheer, 65. Ikrima bin Abu Jahl, 36.
Index. 607
Imad al-Din Abu Kaleejar Marzaban, Imam Sultan bin Saif, death of, 214.
Malik of Fars, 122, 125. Imam Ward bin Ziyad, 119.
Imad al-Dowla, title of Ali, 108. Imam Warith, 67, 68.
Imam, 50, 51, 61, 65, 67, 70, 71, 72, Imam Yaarab, 240, 241.
7Z> 75, 76, 77> 83, 84, 93, 97, 98, Imamate, 49, 69, 94, 97, loi, 238,
100, 103, 193, 194, 195, 199, 200, 240, 241, 246, 254, 257, 266, 268,
204, 211, 216, 217, 220, 235, 237, 281.
238, 240, 246, 247, 249, 250, 252, Imams, 93, 264, 464, 577.
256, 257, 258, 259, 261, 274, 286, Imams, first of the rightful, 62.
354- " Imams and Seyyids of Oman," 16.

Imam, expeditions by, 202-204. Imam's naval power in 1715, 236-7.
Imam, war declared against, by Shaikh Imams Ward and Hafs, 118.
Sakar, 281. Imogene, H.M.S., 336.
Imam Abbad bin Abd, 50. Imran bin Amru bin Ameer Mael
Imam Ahmed bin Saeed, 263, 268, Sema, 21.
270, 271, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, Incense, 358.
278. 279, 280, 340, 455. Incobrice, Cape, 450.
Imam Ahmed, description of charac- India, 46, 54, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141,
ters of sons of, 276. 142, 144, 149, 151, 153, 156, 159,
Imam Ahmed, tomb of, 560. 164, 166, 167, 171, 175, 177, 181,
Imam Al-Julanda bin Mesood, 63. 185, 188, 189, 191, 205, 206, 207,
Imam Al-Massoom, 91. 209, 212, 213, 217, 218, 219, 222,
Imam Al-Muhenna, 71.- 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 229, 234,
Imam Al-Salt, 74. 235, 236, 239, 251, 254, 255. 267,
Imam Al-Warith, drowned, 69. 270, 271, 273, 289, 290, 291, 292,
Imam Azzan bin Kais, 459. 293- 299, 301, 302, 312, 313, 315,
Imam Azzan bin Temeem, 82, 86, 100. 318, 320, 321, 323, 324, 329, 331,
Imam Baba Gurpeer, 562, 563. 336, 341- 343, 349, 353, 355, 356,
Imam Belarab, 216, 261, 263. 357. 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 365,
Imam Mohammed, 155. 368, 372, 388, 391, 395, 397, 468,
Imam Mohammed, tomb of, 560. 471, 474, 476, 481, 484, 486, 496,
Imam Nasir, 194, 203, 210. 511, 513, 519, 532, 547, 554.
Imam of Oman, 71, 272. India, French preparation for conquest
Imam of Muscat, 290. and occupation of, 299.
Imam Omar, 136. India, products of, 12.
Imam Omar bin Mohammed, 96, 97. India, Western, 70, 266, 268, 313.
Imam Omar bin Sherrif, 136. Indian Archipelago, 210, 405.
Imam Rashid, 74, loi, 102, 104, 127. Indian coasts, pirates off, 323.
Imam Rashid bin al-Nadhr, 74. Indian commodities, 367, 369.
Imam Rashid, scorned by his own Indian Government, 430, 444, 513,
people, 104. 548-
Imam Saeed, 281, 283, 284, 285, 286. Indian Hajji, 478.
Imam Saeed bin Abdulla, 100. Indian khojas, 516.
Imam Saif, 218, 219, 221, 222, 223, Indian navy, 338, 339, 341, 407, 452,
224, 237, 238, 250, 251, 252, 253, 454, 497, 514, 519-
262. Indian Ocean, 171, 177, 178, 211, 215,
Imam Saif bin Sultan, 241, 244, 258, 221, 225, 227, 228, 231, 232, 233,
259, 264, 266, 268. 267, 302, 355, 366, 373, 406, 407,
Imam Suliman, 51, 52. 429, 430, 449, 476, 496, 510.
Imam Sultan bin Murshid, 259, 262, Indian Ocean, Cushites pioneers of
264. navigation in, 11.
Imam Sultan bin Saif, 212, 213, 214, Indian Ocean infested by European
217, 236, 237, 238 240, 259. pirates, 226-235.
Y 4
6o8 Index.
Indian pilgrim ship, 233. Isaiah, 359.

*
Indian puttimars, 444. Ishmael, 2.

Indian Queen, 233. Ishmaelites, 418.
Indian Rorqual, 406. Isidore of Charex, 7.
Indian Seas, 140, 226, 231, 234, 267, Isinglass, 405, 490.
481. Islam, 28, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38,
Indian ships, 373. 39, 42, 46, 47, 57, 63, 80, 89, 90, 94,
Indian trade, 139, 205, 216, 228, 335, 95, 104, 132, 171, 364. 367, 372,
357. 358, 360, 361, 362, 364, 365, 368. 375. 388, 418, 428, 430, 431, 451,
Indian traders, 546, 549, 552, 554. 455. 499. 503, 534. 535, 54i. 553-
Indian vessels, right to pirate, 321. Islam, change to, bloodless and peaceful,
Indians, 367, 412, 476. 32.
Indian's grave, 450. Islam, rise of, 15, 24.
Indigo, 379, 380. Islamic doctrines, anti-, 89.
Indigo glauca, 393. Islamitic, 437.
Indus River, 224, 364, 368. Island of Awal, revolt in, 127.
Industries in the Batineh, 380. Island of Birds, 477.
Industry, arts, and commerce of Oman, Island of Karrack, 233.
72. Island of Maseera, 187.
Infidels, 141, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, Island of Perim, 229.
188. " Island of Victory," 178.
Inquisition, 181. Isle of France, 301.
Inscription in coloured stucco by Ispahan, 184, 185, 206, 207, 255, 278,
Persian artist, 527. 363-
Inscription in Hebrew on black marble, Istafel, custard apple, 393.
569- Istakari, historian, 455, 518.
Insects, 390. Isthmus, 443.
Inspector, schooner, 327. Istikbal, 559, 564, 567.
Insubordination, acts of, by Saif and Italy, 370.
Sultan, sons of Imam Ahmed, 276- Ithel, 394.
277, 279-280. Itimad Khan, 229.
Insurrection at Hormuz, 157-161. Ivory, 360.
Insurrection in Oman against rule of Izz, town of, 435.
Mohammed bin Noor, 86, Izz al-Dowla, 115, 116, 120.
Internecine wars, 30 years, in Oman,
238-264. Jaafera, sub-tribe, 485, 524.
Intrepid, 293. Jaafera Arabs, 486.
Intrigue of Ali bin Ahmed, 113. Jaaferees, 523.
Intrigue of Hamed, eldest son of Saeed, Jaalan, 423, 426, 433, 487, 520, 523,
283-284. 528.
Intrigue of Samsam al-Dowla, 121. Jaalan, Governor of Adam, 71.
Intrigue of sons of Imam Ahmed as to Jaalan (or Water-Beetle), tribe of, 5,
succession, 276. 269, 326, 382, 383, 490.
Invasion by Wahabees of Oman, 294. Jabarites, acceptance of doctrine of
Invasion of Oman by the Khalif 79. ,
Fatalism by, 48.
Iphiona horrida, 391. Jabir, 429.
Irahl, 428. Jackwood, 412.
Irak, 55, 57, 58, 59, 63, 64, 81, 90, 92, Jacobite Patriarch, 579.
no, 116, 120, 428. Jadis, tribe of, 4, 8.
Irak, Arabi, 44, 79. Jadtham, 420.
Irak, change of minor governors in, 55. Jafoor. 378.
Iran, Shah, 131. Jahafa, tribe of, 437.
Iron ore, 400, Jahiz, 366.
Index. 609
Jaid bin Murshid al-Yaarebi, 243. Jebel Nakhl, 379, 471.

Jaimi, village, 537. Jebel Nankel, 383.
Jalali, 192. Jebel Noos, 516.
Jalia ibn Ali Omair, 500. Jebel Qumaan, 477.
Jamaica, 234. Jebel Rasham, 518.
Jamal bosh (pack camel), 388. Jebel Saffan, 485.
Jambu, plums, 398. Jebel Samhan, 520.
Jamhoor, 420. Jebel Shaibeh, 97.
Jami, mosque, 544. Jebel Shamma, 383.
Jami Masjid, 153. Jebel Shem, 448.
Jamsetjerd, near Sohar, 27, 534, 541. Jebel Sherbateen, 490.
Janissary, 559. Jebel Showamira, 495.
Jasain, tribe of, 4. Jebel Sibr, 450.
Jask, 185, 186, 187, 206, 207, 209. Jebel Sohteri, 400.
Jasper, 400. Jebel Sotari, 471.
Jasses bin Omair bin Rashid al-Hai- Jebel Tyeen, 381, 460.
raney, 250. Jebel Wakba, 422.
Java, 231, 266, 365, 367. Jeboor tribe, 572, 575.
Jayaker, Dr., 436. Jedda, 141, 143, 170, 228, 229, 296,
Jazer, 437. 314. 328.
Jebel Ablak, hill, 17. Jedida, 558.
Jebel Akhdar or Green Mountains, Jeifar or Habkar, 30, 32, 33, 36, 39,
5, 24, 52, 69, 75, 119,264, 341, 376, 44. 45-
379. 381, 390. 392, 394. 399. 400. Jeifar al-Julanda, King, 47, 63.
434. 458. 489- Jelal al-Din Abul Fath, 131.
Jebel Ali, 442. Jelali (or San Joao), fort of, 259, 279,
Jebel al-Karha, 518. 280, 297, 304, 348, 463.
Jebel Arkam, 518. Jemadi, month of, 108, no.
Jebel Bait Faya, 518. Jemidar, 560.
Jebel Bait Zebeed, 518. Jena, 427.
Jebel Bekan, 518. Jenah bin Abbadeh bin Kais bin Omar
Jebel Dhayern-wa-Salat, 518. al-Hinai, 60, 61.
Jebel Gharabeh, 27, 533, 541. Jenani, a khan or caravanserai and
Jebel Habrood (corruption of Kabr garden, 558.
Hood), 516, 555. Jendeen, 383.
Jebel Hadbad-wa-Mara, 518. Jenebeh, tribe of, 217, 308, 383, 408,
Jebel Hafeet, 381, 536, 537. 421, 422, 429, 437. 475, 476, 485,
Jebel Hajar, 236, 534. 486, 488, 489, 493, 494, 495, 520,
Jebel Hareen, 378, 451. 521, 522, 523, 525. 548, 556.
Jebel Harzait, 493. Jenghis Khan, 133.
Jebel Harzat, 518. " Jerad al-Bahr," 409.
Jebel Jaalan, 382, 486. Jeramah, 531.
Jebel Jabjr, 400, 428, 472. Jerboa, 387.
Jebel Jinjieri, 516. Jerdideh, 558.
Jebel Karoon, 382. Jereit, town, 473.
Jebel Kewi, 378, 451, Jeremiah, 360.
Jebel Kilhat, 400, 474. Jereyf, 528.
Jebel Koor, 88, 380, 381. Jerjool-, 408.
Jebel Makhul, 389. Jeroon, island of, 135.
Jebel Minoof, 383. Jerran, a whale, 407.
Jebel Mi sht, 381. Jesus, representation of, 570.
Jebel Mughrub, 487. Jethoo, 520, 524, 525, 530.
Jebel Naheez, 518. Jewari, 394, 395.
6io Index.
Jewish slave dealers, 368. Jowari, 379.

Jewish traders, 559. Jowasim, 249.
Jews, 41, 361, 569. Jowf 20.
,
Jezair Beni Khalfan, 496. Jowl, 296.

Jezeera Maawal, 487. Jujube tree, 394.
Jezirat al-Hamra, 284, 443. Jukes, Dr., 326.
Jezirat Ghanim, island of, 448. Julanda dynasty, 431.
Jibal Jabir, 472. Julanda dynasty in Oman, end of,
Jiboor, tribe of, 276. 53, 72.
Jibsh, 399, 486, 488, 523. Julanda Princes, 24, 27, 33, 34. 35, 36,
Jifneh, 44. 38, 44, 45, 53, 62.
Jinjelly, 547. Julanda bin al-Mustenir, 30.
Jinjeri, 555. Julanda bin Kerker, King, 364.
Jinn, 532. Julanda bin Mesood, 61, 98.
Jirat, 435. Julandaites, 50, 63, 64, 72.
Jiritch, 394. Julfar, 53, 63, 64, 81, 91, 105, no,
Jisseh, 51, 469, 470, 529. 114, 116, 155, 188, 193, 199, 203,
Joasmee pirates, 312-316, 440. 243, 253, 256, 269, 275, 284, 296,
Joasmee pirates sue for peace, 306. 303. 304, 305, 430, 440, 443-
Joasmees (or Hawla), tribe of, 263, Julfar, battle at, 63.
269, 274, 275, 276, 279, 281, 284, Julfar pirates, attack of European
288, 296, 297, 299, 303, 304. 305, ships by, 275, 276.
306, 307. 308, 311, 312, 313. 314. Julfara, Persian name of Arab coast,
315. 317. 320, 321, 323, 324, 325, 440.
338, 348, 349. 378, 430, 440. 442, Jumbo, 379.
444, 445, 446, 447, 450, 453, 454. Juniper, 391.
469. Juno, H.M.S., 351, 496, 543.
Joasmees after three years war succumb Jurrah (fledglings), 389.
and accept Wahabee doctrines, 288. Justinian, treaty with, 25.
Joasmees more powerful by land and Juzbushi, or Jemidar of police, 558.
sea, 274.
Joasmees, treaty to trade with English Kaab, tribe of, 443, 445.
ports, 307. Kaaba (or temple) at Mecca, 29, 95.
Joaz, walnut, 394. Kabeela, 420.
Job, 357, 359. Kabil, 383, 426, 427, 432, 535.
Johanna, 228, 233, 234. Kabr Hood or Kabr Saleh bin Hood,
John, King, 164. 516, 555.
John, St., Fort, 196. Kabr Sali bin Hood, 516.
Johnston, Captain, 275. Kabras, 250.
Jokha, 332. Kadam, 102.
Joktan, 498. Kaderiyeh, 371.
Joktan, son of Eber, 2. Kadhi or judge, 421, 549, 552.
Joltanite race, 498. Kadhi Khamis bin Saeed, 193, 202,
Jonah, picture of, 565. 204.
Joon, 459. Kahdi Moosa bin Ali, 71.
Joonagur, 227. Kadhis, 50, 60, 75, 547.
Jorham, brother of Yarab, 6. Kadiba Cove, 446.
Jorham or Hadoram, 3. Kadir Bey or Kaward "the Wolf,"
Joseph, 357, 359. 129.
"Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society," Kafir, 54.
16. Kahir Billah, 96, 97, 99, 122.
Jow. 239. Kahlan, successor to Abdul Shams, 7,
Jowamia, island of, 543.
Index. 6ii
Kahlan bin Arib bin Zoheer bin A jam Kara Katayans, Ghuz family of, 128.
bin Hamoza, 8. Kara Mustapha, 176.
Kahtan, descendants of, 3, 4. Kara Teppeli, 559.
Kahtan, Shem stock, part progenitor Karamissa village, 578.
of Arabian race, 2. Karara, 456.
Kahtan bin Omar al-Nebhani, 506. Kareen Khan, 264.
Kahtanite, 418, 419, 428, 429, 432, Karezes, 563, 572.
437- Kariakos, 567.
Kahtanite, Southern, 418. Kariz, 564, 572.
Kai Kaoos, King of Persia, 8. Karoon, drift net, 402.
Kaids, 113. Karrachee in Sind, 23.
Kaimakan, 564, 565, 576. Karrack, island of, 233, 292, 341.
Kais, 296, 304, 305, 306, 308, 309, Karwaw, 494.
311, 348, 349, 350, 358, 503. Kasbiyet Yal Beraik, 423.
Kais, third son of Imam Ahmed, 276, Kasbya, 457.
281, 282, 283, 286. Kasha, fish, 402, 404.
Kais bin Ahmed, 287, 304. Kashain, 493.
Kais bin Ahmed elected as Imam in Kashani dome, 576.
place of Saeed, 282. Kashani tiles, 481.
Kais bin Azzan, 348, 349. Kashda, village of, 438.
Kais bin Zoheir, Shaikh of Abs, 23, 435. " Kashf al-Ghummeh," Arabic chronicle,
Kais Mohammed bin Majid, 489. 16, 17, 21, 26, 56, 94, 225.
Kajar dynasty, 287. Kasim al-Maziny, slain, 51.
Kalaat al-Tasa, 463. Kasim bin Shiwah al-Maziny, 50, 51.
Kalah (Kalahbar), 366. Kasin, Shaikh, 269.
Kalb al-Bahr, 408. Kasin Bi-Amr-Allah, Khalif, 128.
Kalba, 414, 483. Kasr, or palace, 571.
Kalbuh, Pass of, 192, 382, 462, 467, Katani, descendant of Kahtan, 3.
489. Katar, village, 537.
Kalbuh, stream, 397. Kateef, 22, 90, 148, 198, 212, 326, 414,
Kalfah Mumi, 176. 415. 457-
Kali or Keora, 394. Kateef, Sanjakof, 89, 170,324, 359, 360.
Kalik, 574. Katheeb, 385.
Kallek, 566. Katheeri, tribe, 515, 546.
Kamar, 434. Katheeri d5masty, 510.
Kamar, bay, 5. Katheeris, tribe, 508, 510, 518, 547.
Kamar (or Moon), tribe of, 5, 503. Kathak Tenka, 411.
Kamaran, island, 512, 513. Katib, or deputy, 113, 114.
Kamaran, island, occupied by Turks, Katibi, nom-de-plume of Capudan of
164. Egypt, 172.
" Kamil," 131, 383, 426, 503. Katn, 392.
Kamin Bi-amr-allah, Khalif, 131. Kattab, 287, 288, 429.
Kamoos, 4, 459. Kattabene, tribe of, 5.
Kamoran, island of, 164. Kattiawar, coast of, 321.
Kamr, 501. Kawam al-Dowla Abul Fowaris, Malik
Kan, village, 535. of Firman, 122.
Kanats, 527. Kawar (fish spear), 403.
Kand, sugar cane, 397, 398. Kaward, 129, 130, 131.
Kandabeel, 59. Kawardian d3masty, 133.
Kane, 13, 359, 360, 361. Kazi, 576.
Kaneaira, 446. Kefeer, custom of, 523.
Kanowja, pirate, 267. Keir, Sir W. Grant, 324, 326, 327
Kantab, 469. 444.
6l2 Index.
Keith or summer, 556. Khalif Ali bin Abi TaUb, 47, 48.
Kelat, 282. Khahf Bi-Amr- Allah, 131.
Kelb Ali, 258, 259. Khalif Kadir Billah, 122.
Kemball, Captain, 350. Khalif Kasin Bi-Amr-Allah, 128.
Keora, screw pine, 398. Khalif Mahdi, 363.
Keramitah, 96. Khalif Mamoon, 70.
Kerbela, 59, 272. Khalif Mamoon ibn Haroon, 500.
Kereem Khan, 271, 273. Khalif Mansoor, 363.
Kerkook, 559, 560, 56I; 562, 563, 564, Khalif Motamid, 73.
576, 578. Khalif Motassim, 71, 576.
Kesra, 24, 25, 27, 394. Khalif Motowakkil, 72.
Kesroo, 25. Khalif Mustansir, 379.
Kestrel, 389. Khalif Muttafi Billah. 105, 106.
Keswani, 428. Khalif Omar, 45.
" Key of the Persian Gulf," 468. Khalif Othman, 47.
Khabba, 430, 521. Khalif Radhi Billah, 99.
Khaboora, town of, 258, 298, 304, 305, Khalif Suliman, 58.
332, 349, 427, 456, 457. Khalif Waleed, 365.
Khadhaah, 22. Khalifa of Islam, 528.
Khadhra, 400. Khalif ate, 49, 50, 56, 71, 78, 91, 94,
Khadis, 282. 99, 102, III.
Khadrawein, 454. Khalifate, claim to arbitration for, 48.
Khafeers, 520. Khahfate, Eastern, 133.
Khaffan (green locust), 390. Khalifate of Omar, 45.
Khaisat al-Jeera, 485, Khahf eh, 55.
Khaisat al-Shaikh, 470. Khalifs, 202, 363, 372, 576, 577.
Khalaf bin Nasir, 329. Khalif s Yezard and Merwan, 50.
Khaled, 58. Khalil bin Stathan, Imam, 121.
Khaleel, 177, 460. Khalis Canal, 558.
Khalelee, 348. Khamees bin Munir al-Hawaly, 243.
Khalf al-Kuseir, 426. Khamees bin Salim, 262.
Khalf bin Mubarak al-Hinawi, 243, Khamis, 339.
244, 245, 247, 248, 249, 250. Khamis, Kadhi, 193.
Khalfan bin Mohammed al-Wakeel Khan, village, 442.
al-Bu Saeedi, 309. Khan or governor, 209.
Khalfan bin Mohammed bin Abdulla, Khan Soweyma, 559.
262, 263, 268, 269, 270, 271, 275. Khans, 558.
Khalid, 340, 346, 347, 350. Khansa or Quinsai, 367.
Khalif, 36, 38, 44, 45, 49, 52, 53, 54, Kharaba, 459.
56, 61, 63, 64, 65, 68, 71, yy, 78, Kharak, dried date, 396.
81, 84, 85, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 99, Kharboza, melon, 393.
102, 103, 107, 108, no. III, 116, Kharejite doctrines, 50, 51.
126. Kharejite victories, orthodox his-
Khalif carried off to Mosul, 103. torians not fond of recording, 118.
Khalif Abdul MaHk, 51, 54, 58. Kharejite wars, 57.
Elhalif Abu Bekr, 36, 44. Kharejites, 47, 48, 49, 50, 57, 58,
Khalif Abul Abbas, 62. 64, 66, yz, 74. 78, 80, 89, 102, 103,
Khalif Al-Mansoor, 64. 112, 118, 198, 328, 481.
Khalif Al-Moktadir, 92, 94. Kharejites, introduction of doctrine
Khalif AI-Moktafi Billah, 91, 96. of, 49.
Khalif Al-Motadhid, 97. Kharejites defeated, 126.
Khalif Al-Mutti, 119. Khareyyiz, hamlet of, 460.
Khalif Al-Tai Billah, 120. Kharita, 259.
Index. 613
Khartan Martan (Kooria Mooria), is- Khor Hamman, 436.

lands, 496. Khor Hamsa, 555.
Kharzad bin Marsis, 25. Khor Hejareh, 143, 383.
Khasab, 10, 191, 195, 198, 256, 269, Khor Jeramah, 143, 383, 484, 530.
378, 446, 447. Khor Kawi, 448.
Khasab Bay, 446. Khor Kelba, 453.
Khasad, fishing village, 550. Khor Lafan, 441.
Khasaif, Shaikh, 542. Khor Meraisi, 458.
Khashaeem, 492. Khor Milh, 428, 489.
Khatal, 396. Khor Odaid, 439, 441.
Khatan bin Saif, 348, 349. Khor Reiri, 517, 554.
Khatar, descendant of Kahtan, 3. Khor Rekot, 516.
Khaufee or Gampoo, 367. Khor Sedha, 516.
Khaulan, branch of Kattabene tribe, 5. Khor Seive, 517, 554.
Khaulan (Havilah), district of Yemen, 3. Khor Thaka, 517, 554.
Kliawaleh, 22. Khor Wilad Ghowaif 457.
,
Khazer, river, 578. Khorasan, 58, 60.

Khazim bin Khozaimah, 63, 64. Khordadbeh, historian, 368.
Khazro Soo, 577. Khoth, 460,
Kheir al-Deen (Barbarossa), 172, 176. Khowairej, 535.
Khidhr, 478. Khowarij, 58.
Khodhaa, tomb of, 5, Khutba, 115, 129, 482, 528.
Khodhra, town of, 453. Kibla, 370, 544.
Khodrung (cotton cloth), 380, 393, 457. " Kibla Numa," 370.
Khofrre {sic) Su, 563. Kiblia, island, 496, 497.
Khoja merchants, 415, 456, 458, 461. Kidd, William, pirate, 230, 231, 232.
Khoja Zein al-Deen, 160. Kidrong (Arab fifth sea), 367.
Khojas, 454, 517, 542, 543. Kifri. 559, 560.
Khongee, 367. Kiladar, 59.
Khoorshid, General, 342. Kilah Shargat, 575.
Khor, 527. Kilhat, 135, 143, 144, 148, 152, 153,
Khor Adheeba, 460. 155, 156, 157, 159, 160, 163, 164,
Khor Abu Thubi, 441. 383, 399» 428, 471. 473> 474. 475.
Khor al-Bazim, 440. 479, 481, 482, 503, 505, 520, 521,
Khor Bazim, 440. 526, 527, 528, 529, 531, 550.
Khor al-Doan, 539. Kilhat, arrival of Portuguese fleet at.
Khor al-Farad, 460. 144.
Khor al-Hamar, 456. Kilhat, castle and seaport, 20, 134.
Khor al-Kiirm, 461. Kilhat, Muscat, and Hormuz, chief
Khor al-Shem, 315, 325, 327, 447. marts in Persian Gulf, 143.
Khor al-Shuam, 447. Kilhat, Muscat, and Sohar, trading
Khor Bukkera, 460. stations of Portuguese, 156.
Khor Fakan, 118, 150, 151, 155, 170, Kilhat, visit to, 528.
173, 174, 256, 257,
189, 281, 284, Killa Jalali, 182.
311, 316,
323, 327, 333, 334, 348, Killa Merani, 183.
349, 378, 430, 447. 452, 453, 483. Kilwa, 220, 266, 425.
Khor Ghanatha, 441. Kindih of Kara Teppeh, 559.
Khor Gharabi, 441. King al-Madhaffar, 508.
Khor Ghazira, 451. " King Dick of Massalage," 235.
Khor Girab, 441. King James, 207.
Khor Groob Ali, 448. " King Kelly of Manningory," 234.
Khor Hajara, 484. King of France, 282.
Khor Haloo, 458. King of Persia, 253.
6i4 Index.
" King of Ranger Bay," 229, 234. Kuriatain, village of, 422.
King of the Yemen, 507. Kuriyat, 87, 119, 136, 145, 154, 193,
" Kings of the sea," 408. 194, 195, 198, 204, 321, 376, 382^
Kirby, Captain, 233. 383, 400, 423, 471, 472.
Kirman, 21, 54, 58, 59, 107, 115, 119, Kuriyat al-Kabeera, town, 471.
122, 128, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135. Kuriyat al-Sagheera, village, 118, 471.
Kirman, burial ground of Turks who Kuriyat conquered by Albuquerque,.
died in battle at, 473. 145.
Kirman, Seljooks of, 128. Kurzooait, 497.
Kismatis, village, 577, Kush, date, 396.
Kisheen, 167, 511, 549, 550. Kusht, reeds and rushes, 546.
Kisheen, Sultan of, 142, 164, 548. Kuttekin, 102.
Kishm, island of, 170, 287, 288, 304, Kuyunjik, 579.
306, 307. 308, 324, 326, 383, 403. Kuzl (species of hawk), 390.
Kitia, 522. Kwait, 294, 297, 312, 356, 362, 414,.
Knight of the Bath, 493, 551, 556. 415, 442.
Kodama, chronicler, 72.
Kodhaa, tribe, 10, 16, 382. Lahsa, 12, 81, 90, 91, 92, 94, 96, 105,-
Koko, a worm, 396. 109, 127.
Kong, 198, 199, 206, 209, 219, 227, Laird's, two steamers built at, 338.
236, 237. Lake, Lord, 301.
Koofa, 60, 122, 363, 364. Lakeet, Omani Chief, 451, 500.
Koofa, siege of, 58, 96. Lakeet, revolt of, 43, 44.
Koomaz, 379. Lakhm, 408.
Koomzar, town of, 447, 448. Lally, Count, 270.
Koomzaries, 448. Lambert, Captain, 282.
Koords, tribe of, 389. Lamoo, 281, 329, 345, 346.
Kooria Mooria, islands of, and Bay, Lancers, 17th, 321.
143, 351, 429. 439. 486. 494, 495,
" Land's End," 484.
496, 510, 514, 516, 523, 548. Lang, Captain, 541, 542, 543, 544, 548.
Koork (or Sanganian), pirates, 70. Larek, 191, 450.
Koraid, 434. Larewi, 366.
Koran, 24, 32, 42, 47, 91, 252, 363, Laristan, 59, 389.
367, 397. 421, 431. 478, 482, 545. Lascars, 275.
Koran Soora (" The Cave"), 364. Lashkhareh, 522, 523.
Koreish, 49. Latin poem, 373.
Kosham Mali, 366. Latin priests, 568.
Kotub al-Deen, King of Hormuz, 135. Lawa, 194, 203, 204, 455.
Kowad, 385. Lawi, descendant of Kalitan, 3.
Kowasim, 243, 430, 440, 442. Lawsonia (mertus or alba), 393.
Kowasina, tribe of, 378. Layard, Sir H., British Ambassador
Kremer, 3. at Constantinople, 571, 572, 575.
Kubdee, 529. Layhan of wheat, 563.
Kufri, 578. Lead, 400.
Kumana, reedy stream, 559. League of tribes to quell rebellions,
Kunud (or Seer), fish, 403, 490. disapproved of, by British, 334,
Kurd robbers, 559. Leather-back, 406.
Kurdish language, 578. Lebak, Selpertin plum, 392.
Kurdish villages, 566. Lebeed, 484.
Kurdistan, 389, 578. Leeds, Mr., 205.
Kurdistan, high snowy mountains of, Leeke, Admiral Sir H., 352.
578. Leekli (fishing net), 401.
Kurds, 560, 566, 580. Legumes, 380.
Index. 615
Lefeef (species of falcon), 389. London, 231, 346.

Lememe, Captain, famous privateer, London, 185, 186, 187, 209, 220.
296. London, orders from, 223.
Leon, Monseigneur, Pope's Legate, 568. Lonicera Aurea, 391.
Leopard, 408. Loongies, 380.
Lepanto, battle of, 172. Lootf Ali Khan, General, 239.
Lesser Gate, 467. Lord of Hadhramaut and Dhofar, 510,
Levant, 359. 515.
Levantine confederacy, 140. Lord of his Age, 170.
Levantine trade, 137. Lord of Oman,
102, 104, 106, 163, 506.
Leven, frigate, 330, 331. Loz, almond, 391.
Lhasa (or Nejd), 439. Luban, frankincense, 392.
" Libertatia," pirate colony, 228, 229. Lucerne, etc., grown in the Batineh,
Libina (site of old village of), 443. 379. 393-
Lilies, 411. Luminosity or phosphorescence of the
Lima, island of, 155, 173, 327, 451. sea, 411-412.
Lime, 379. Lusitanian power in East, decadence of,
Lime kilns, 565. 181.
Limes, 393. Lycus, 577, 578.
Limestone of Eocene period, 380. Lyttleton, Commodore, 231, 232.
Linaria, 391.
Lingah, 303, 320, 415, 442.
Lingua franca, Arabic, between Muscat Ma al-Sama, 70,
and China, 365. Maad, 418.
Linoi, Admiral, 299. Maaddic, tribes, 80, 81, 323, 418, 422,
Linschoten, 207. 424, 428, 430, 434, 436, 437.
Lion, H.M.S., 320. Maan, son of Malik bin Fahm, 21.
" Lion's Mouth," 448. Maashera, 470.
Lisboa, Dom Joao da, 169, 170, 182. Maawal bin Hodan, 431.
Lisbon, 138, 139, 140, 141, 147, 156, Maawal tribe, 430, 431.
157, 164, 166, 181, 182, 185, 195, Maawal Valley, 317.
198, 205, 207. Maawal Valley, battle of, 317,
Lively, schooner, 313. Maawali, tribe of, 24.
Liverpool, 324, 325, 328, 332, 333, 336, McCalmont, Mr., 497.
353- Macdonald, Lieutenant, 313.
Lizard (Dibba), tribe, 5, 451. Mace, 360.
Lizard Point, Cornwall, 469. Macedo, Manoel da, 166.
Lizzak, 410. Maceta, 360.
Loadstone rocks under sea, Arabic Maceta of Nearchus, 4, 8, 15.
behef, 373. Machad, Diego, 180.
Lobsters, 543. Mackerels, 407.
Loch, Captain, 324. Maclure, Captain, 450.
Lockyer, 224. Macnamara, Captain, 278.
Locust, 390, Macray, Captain, 233, 234.
" Locust of the sea," 409. Madagascar, 226, 228, 229, 230, 231,
" Locust " tribe, 429. 232, 233, 234, 235, 330, 345, 367.
Logan, Mr. W., 553. Madain, 24.
Lohaih, Shaikh of Nishton, 555. Madder, 393.
Loheia, 512. Maddheh, 428.
Lokek, lake, 557. Madhaiby, 245, 383.
Lokman, constructor of dam of Mareb, Madi, descendant of Kahtan, 3.
17- Madraka, 399, 492.
Lokook, 494. Madras, 223, 232, 270, 283.
6i6 Index.
Madrasseh (or college), 214. Malik al-Fatteh Abdul Kadir bin Abdul
Madripore coral, 445, Wahid bin Wathek Ibrahim bin al-
Magalhaes, Aires de S. da, 164. Madhaffar Amr bin Ali, 510.
Magdesho, 334. Malik al-Tajar, 229.
Magees al-Nowafil, village of, 433, Malik bin Abul Arar, 202.
455. Malik bin Abul Arar al-Yaarebi, 201.
Magpie, H.M.S., 470. Malik bin Ali al-Howari, death of, 135.
Maha, 416. Malik bin Deenar, 554.
Mahatt, village, 529. Malik bin Fahm, 19, 20, 21, 23, 430.
Mahdi, 577. Malik bin Fahm bin Ghanim bin Dows
Mahin, 254. bin Adnan bin Abdulla al-Azd, first
Mahmood al-Ajamee, 249. Azd to come to Oman, 16, 26.
Mahot, 375, 382, 383, 397, 427, 488, Malik bin Fahm, death of, 21.
489, 490, 541, 542. Malik bin Hamza, 5.
Mahra, breed of camel, 389. Malik bin Nasir, 242.
Mahra, tribe of, 19, 39, 142, 375, 386, Malik bin Saif al-Yaarebi, 241.
427. 434. 485, 494. 496, 500, 501, Malik bin Zoheir, 23.
519, 521, 523, 548, 550, 551, 552, Malik Deenar, 128, 133.
555. 556. Malik Dinar Oghli Jeladdin, 177.
Mahrahs, revolt of, 71. Malik Madhaffar Yusuf bin Ali, 505,
Mahrattas, 200, 226, 254, 277. 506, 507, 508.
Mahyool, town of, 433. Malik Mogheth al-Din Mohammed, 132,
Maida, 475, 529. 133.
Mahkaiba, 426. Malik of Fars, 118, 120.
Main, 23. Malik or rulers, 201.
Mainwaring, Captain, 296. Mahk Shah, 131.
Maitland, 296. Malwiyah, 576.
Maiz, descendant of Kahtan, 3. Mamelukes, 512.
Maize, 380. Mamoon, 69, 363.
Majid, 456, 520, 522. " Man " or " maund," 13.
Majid bin Khalfan, 297, 310. Manchester piece-goods, 468.
Majid bin Sultan, 262, 264. Mangalore, 220, 274.
Majis, 412. Mango, 379, 390, 393, 471.
Majood, town of, 435. Mangroves, 393, 397.
Maka promontory, 532. Manh, 103, 155, 244, 435.
Makabeel, 433. Manha, 381.
Makai, town of, 424. Mani bin Sinan, 203.
Makhzoom bin Fellah bin Mohsin, 201. Manisty, Mr., 288, 289, 303, 313.
Makiniyat, 203, 244, 246, 381, 429. Manjuwiya, 503.
Makki, 394. Manoel, King Dom, 139, 140, 144.
Malabar, 226, 227, 230, 231, 233, 347, Mansab (fishing net), 402.
365, 412, 413, 442. 476, 514. 554- Mansoor, 363, 367.
Malabar, 232, 233. Mansoor the Dailamite, 94.
" Malabar," by Mr. W. Logan, 553. Mansoora or Merbat, 506, 507, 510.
Malacca, 210. Manufactures, artistic, Persians famed
Malartic, Monsieur, 270. for, 370-371-
Malcolm, Captain John, 292, 293, 301, Manuscript copies of Book of Nahura
315. Hebrew, 569.
in
Malcolm, General Sir John, 451. Mar Georgius, church of, 569.
Malcolm Inlet, 199, 327, 378, 451. Mar Kariaby, 568.
Malek, 250. Mar Michael, Church of, 569.
"Malek al-Bahr," 407. Mar Suliman, 561.
Malik, son of Himyar, Governor of Marco Polo, 471, 474, 507.
Oman, 7, 17. Mareb, 15, 18, 19, 361, 419, 550.
Index. 617
Mareb, bursting of dam of, 17. Mazen bin Azd, progenitor of Mazen
Mareb, dam, said to have been rebuilt tribe, 4.
by Abdul Shams Taba, 17. Mazenderan, forest of, 255.
Mareb, metropolis of the Sabians, 5, 6. Mazin bin Ghadhubah, 30.
Mareb, named Mariaba by Eratosthenes, Mazkan, Sassanian governor, killed, 34*
17, 360. Mazoon, 4, 252, 381.
Mareer, 379, 453, 454. Mazun, 22.
Marghil, 272. Mecca, 19, 29, 31, 94, 96, 148, 164^
Mariaba, 17. 296, 297, 328, 360, 362, 369, 386,
Marine fauna, 407, 411. 512, 514-
Marine Insurance Offices in India, Mecca, rendezvous for Mohammedans
302. of Eastern Africa and Asia, 369.
Mariner's compass, discovery due to Mecca al-Shereef, attacked by Car-
Arabs, 369-370. mathians, 94.
Marion Moore, wreck of, 472. Mechanical arts, Arabs famous in, 370^
Maritime war between Arabs and Por- Medes and Persians, 14.
tuguese, end of, 200. Media, 364.
Mars, field of, 85. Medina, 31, 43, 44, 324, 328, 362, 363.
Mar veil. Lieutenant, 450. Medinat al-Salaam, 363.
Mary, 230. Mediterranean, 357, 358, 369.
Marzaban or governor, 27, 541. Medjidie, Order of the, 514.
Masaibili or bajri, 544. Meedar, 402.
Masbafira, 424. Meer Ali Beg, 179.
Mascarenhas, Dom Filippe, 195, 196, Meerza Nasir, 224.
198. Mehrab, 544.
Maseera, Gulf of, 488, 492. Meida, 527.
Maseera, Island of, 143, 217, 400, 406, Meina, descendant of Kahtan, 3.
478, 479, 488, 541. Meira, Joao de, 159.
Maseera Channel, 375, 487, 489. Mekran, 54, 55, 59, 177, 181, 206, 252^
Mashimi, tribe, 544, 555. 282, 294, 320, 410.
Mashwa, 413. Mekran, insurrection in, 54.
Masood bin Mohammed al-Ryamee, Mekran coast, Sultan sailed to Gwadui"
239- on, 281.
Masoodi, historian, 366, 518. Melchior Calaca, 182.
Masulipatam, 217. Melia azidiracta, 393.
Mataira, 462. Melinda, 331.
Materia medica. Eastern, 372. Mello, Diego de, 163.
Matran or bishop, 562. Mello, Martino Affonso de, 192.
Matthews, Commodore, 235. Melons, 379, 393.
Mattos, Braz Caldeira da, 196. Menai, H.M.S., 328.
Maud, Captain, 322. Menamah, 45, 154.
Maund, 13. Menasir, tribe of, 441.
Maurice, Captain, 223. Mendes, Duarte, 157.
Mauritius, 266, 268, 270, 277, 278, Mendoza, Christevan, 165.
282, 296, 299, 300, 310, 403, Menezes, Dom Duarte de, 159, 182.
512. Menezes, Dom Fernandez de, 173^
Mawalah, son of Shams, 22. 174. 175- 1
May Frere, 528, 530, 531. Menezes, Dom

.
Luiz de, 160, 161, 162^

Mayotte, 345. 237-
" Mazeikeya or Tearer," 19. Menhali, 386.
Mazen, great seafaring race, 4, 5. Mentony, 333.
Mazen bin Azd, Lord of Oman, first Menzes, Dom Gongales de, 178, 181.
proclamation of, 8. Menzes, Lopo Henrique de, 163.
6i8 Index.
Merani, fort of, 259, 279, 463. Minarets of Ibadhi and Sunni Mosques
Merbat (moorings), 329, 497, 501, 502, destroyed, 307.
503, 504. 505. 506. 507. 510, 513. Minaseer, 384, 386, 538.
515, 516, 517, 520, 542, 543. 545, Minaseer Bedouins, 439, 538.
546, 547, 548, 552, 554, 555. Mineral springs, 460.
Merbat Bay, 516. Minerva, 306, 313.
Merchant's Delight, 217, 488. Minji, 495.
Mercury, brig, 321, 326, 486. Minjui dynasty, 502, 546.
Merkhond, 8. Minjuis, 502, 504, 546, 547, 552.
Merv, 369. Minmar bin Julanda, 364.
Merwan II, murdered, 60. Minto, Lord, 315, 316.
Mesakera, tribe of, 423. Mirat al-Zeman, 178, 179,
Meseeh al-Leehai, 461. Miriam Adhra, or the Virgin Mary, 567.
Mesenat, 549. Mirza Kelb Ali Khan, 256, 257, 258,
Mesha, 2, 498. 260.
Mesineh, 523. Mirza Mehdi, treaties with English by,
Mesnaah, 52, 243, 258, 282, 286, 308, 291, 292, 293.
309. 319. 333. 457- Mirza Mehdi Ali Khan, 291, 292.
Mesood bin Ramdhan, 203. Mirza Mohammed Taki Khan, 256,
Mesood bin Ramzan, 194. 257, 258, 259, 260, 261.
Mesood bin Rashid bin Abdulla bin Misbakh, 460.
Araba al-Ausi, Ameer, 422. Mishmish, 379, 393.
Mesoodi, 192. Missioî of Frumentius, 23.
Mesopotamia, i, 12, 13, 14, 15, 49, 81, Misson, French pirate, 227, 228, 229.
102, 112, 266, 289, 356, 359, 363, Mitchell, author, 174, 176.
365. 367. 371. 468. Mithaays, nullahs, 573.
Mesopotamia, travels of Authorin, 558. Mithridates, 9, 15.
Mesopotamian commerce, 14, Mizra Alowi, 470.
Mesquitta, Antonio, 186. Mizra Sefara, 470.
Metoot (small fish), 404, 446. Moawiya, 47, 49, 50, 97.
Metowwa, 427. Moawiya bin Abi Sofyan, Governor of
Metowwa Khalelee, 348. Damascus, 48.
Metowwas or priests, 348, Mocha, 206, 290, 511, 512, 514.
Mezeri Chief, 330. Mocha, 231, 321.
Mezini, 336, 340. Moculla, 194, 462.
Mezini dynasty, ended by murder of Moculla Chini, 175, 366, 462.
Rashid family by order of Saeed, Moculla Wabr, 472.
340- Modhar, tribe of, 5, 503,
Mezra, 529. Moghistan, 206.
Mezrook bin Abraha, King of Abys- Moghul, 229, 267.
sinia, 25. Moghuls of Shiraz, incursion of, 134.
Mib^m, 473. Mohajir, 39.
Mibbe Eupas, 568. Mohallib, 49.
Middleton, Captain, 283. Mohammed, 266, 526, 541, 551.
Middleton, Sir Henry, 206. Mohammed, announcement of prophetic
Migration after bursting of the dam, 19. mission, 29.
Migrations of the Azdites, 17. Mohammed, birth of, 29.
Milburn, 450. Mohammed, death of, 3, 35.
Milburn's " Directory," 493. Mohammed, Imam, 155.
Mileyyeneh, 534. Mohammed, Prophet, 7, 8, 9, 24, 29,
Millet, 394. 33. 34. 35. 36, 39. 40> 41. 42. 43. 44.
Mimosas, 391. 46. 49. 57. 91. 363. 364. 397. 419.
Minaret, 564. 499, 500, 512, 553.
Index. 619
Mohammed, tax demanded by, 31. Mohammed bin Salim, 328, 329, 332,.
Mohammed Abu Bekr, 505.
Mohammed Abu ibn Mohammed, Mohammed bin Suliman al-Yaarebi^
Abbaside General, 500. 264, 277, 281, 283.
Mohammed Akil, 329, 555. Mohammed bin Suliman bin Ahmed bin
Mohammed al-Harrase, 244. Mofarrij, 136.
Mohammed al-Ismaili, 136. Mohammed bin Yezeed al-Kindi, 97.
Mohammed Ali, 314, 323, 324, 328, Mohammed bin Zaid, Governor, 500.
342, 344- Mohammed ibn Ziyad, 500, 501.
Mohammed Ali, tomb of, 517, 543. Mohammed Ibrahim, 127.
Mohammed vain career of aggres-
Ali, Mohammed Nasir al-Jabry, 296.
sion in Syria and Arabia, 342. Mohammed Shah, 192.
Mohammed and Abdul Rahman, sons Mohammed Taki, 264.
of Abu Bekr, 504. Mohammed Taki Khan, 453.
Mohammed and Moawiyeh, 54, Mohammedan shrines, 568.
Mohammed bin Abu Affan, 65. Mohammed's Code of Laws, 40.
Mohammed bin Abu Bekr, Shaikh, 509. Mohammed's tomb, guardian of, 216.
Mohammed bin Abul Kasin al-Sami, Mohammerah, 287, 352.
79, 80. Moharram, month of, 81, 107, 127^
Mohammed bin Ahmed, 286. 204.
Mohammed bin Ahmed Kara, Prince, Mohrim, 550.
509- Mohulles, 475.
Mohammed bin Ali, 269.- Mojira, son of Muhallib, 58.
Mohammed bin Ali bin al-Hassan al- Mokataah, annual sum paid in lieu of
Killai, 504. poll tax and tithes, 64, loi.
Mohammed bin Ali bin Hamed, 537. Mokha (district of Soor), 320, 475.
Mohammed bin Bukail, Gara Shaikh, Moktader Billah, Khalif, 92.
555- Moktadi Bi-Amr-Allah, 131.
Mohammed bin Habees, Imam, 132. Moktafi, 107.
Mohammed bin Hakim Abu Keshir, Mokteri, village of, 446.
509- Molesar, 207.
Mohammed bin Ismael al-Ismaili, 144. Mombasa, 164, 165, 181, 212, 220, 221,.
Mohammed bin Jafir, 183. 222,249, 251, 253, 266, 285, 329,
Mohammed bin Khalfan, Wali, 282, 330, 33i> 332, 333- 334. 335. 336,
283, 284, 296. 339. 340-
Mohammed bin Khalid, 501. Mombasa, attempts to besiege, by
Mohammed bin Khanbash, Imam, 132, Saeed, 329-333-
133- " Monarchs of the Main," 227, 512.
Mohammed bin Mohammed, 503. Monotheism, 32.
Mohammed bin Mohenna, 183, 184. Monsoons, 14.
Mohammed bin Mombarek, 212. " Monster of cruelty," Mohammed bin
Mohammed bin Nasir al-Ghafiri, 241, Noor, 79.
242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, Moocha, 277.
249, 250, 251, 258, 425. Mookl, resin, 392.
Mohammed bin Nasir bin Mohammed Moolla, 525.
al-Jabry, 284, 285, 304, 305, 308, Moolla Hoossain al-Maeeni, Shaikh of
309, 310, 311, 312, 317, 322, 333, 337. Kism, 306, 307, 308.
Mohammed bin Noor, 79, 81, 82, 83, Moollas, 282.
84, 87, 88, 90, 93. Moon (Kamar), tribe, 5.
Mohammed bin Omar, Sultan, 549. Moon Bay, 375.
Mohammed bin Osman al-Mezrui, 253. Moonis al-Mudhaffer, eunuch and gen-
Mohammed bin Raik, Ameer, 99. eral, 96.
Mohammed bin Saeedal-Maamiri, 250. Moorad Pasha, 170, 171, 172, 173.
z 2
^20 Index.
Moorad Reis, 173. Mowalik, 458, 459, 484, 485.

Moore, Mr. Henry, 272. Mowarak, son of Abu Sofra, 57.
Mooriniya, fort, 94. Moweed al-Deen, 508.
Moorish prizes, 166. Moza, Sultan's sister, 304, 333, 343.
Moorish trade, 141, 142, 168, 511. Mozambique, 156, 190, 220, 249.
Moorish vessels; 143, 167. Mubarak bin Saeed bin Bedr, Wali, 246.
Moors, 510. Muccadum of Seyoon, 510.
Moosa, 361, 551. Muccadums (headmen), 551.
Moosa bin Abu Jabiral-Askani, Shaikh, Mudir, 559, 563.
65- Mudir Georges, 567.
Moosa bin Idris, 506, 507. Mudir Yusof, 567.
Moosa bin Jabir al-Muali bin Moosa Mufadhal, son of MuhaUib, 58, 59.
bin Mejad, Imam, 132. Mugheir, the Ur of the Chaldees, 12,
Moosa bin Moosa, Kadhi, 73, 74, 75, 358.
77, 100. Mughoo, town of, 432.
Moosa bin Rabeea of the Al-Udar, MuhaUib, conqueror of the Kharejites,
501. 38, 58, 80.
Moosafee (district of Soor), 475. MuhaUib, son of Abu Sofra, 57, 58.
Moota Ali Shah, 257. Muhallibites, famous Omani race, 56,
Mopla Seyyid Fadhl, 514. 58. 59-
Moresby, Captain R, 328. Muhammadan, 174.
Morgan, Captain, 327. Muhammed, 61.
Moringa aptera, 393. Muhammed bin Haroon bin Zuraa al-
Moringa Arabica, horse radish tree, Mamari, 54.
391. 393- Muhammed bin Jenah, 61.
Morning Star, 233. Muhammed bin Zaidah, 64.
Mornington, cruiser, 303, 306, 313, 513. Muhenna, 238, 239, 240, 243.
Moseilama, 36. Muhenna al-Yaarebi, Shaikh, 296.
Moses, 41, 358. Muhenna bin Jeifar al-Fejhy al-Yeh-
Moskan, 30. madz, 71.
Moslem pilgrims, 365, 553. Muheyreh, 32.
Moslems, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 47, 49, 55, Muiz al-Dowla, title of, 107, 108, 109,
57. 59. 63, 69, 80, 89, 115, 172, 174, no. III, 112, 114, 115.
176, 198, 368, 370, 500, 562. Mujaah bin Seer al-Temeemi, 54.
Moslems' first battle, 37. Mujaah bin Shiwah, 52, 53, 54.
Mosque, 564, 576. Mukan al Ghabeh, 576.
Mosques, Minarets of Ibadhi and Sunni, Mukatash (tribute), 54.
destroyed, 307. Mukhaileef, 456.
Mosquitoes, 390. Mukhallid, son of Yezeed, 59.
Mostakfi, 107, 108. Mukhtar, 58.
Mosul, 96, 105, 107, 172, 363, 371, 372, Muktaa, 441.
562, 566, 567, 570, 571, 572, 573, 574, Mukuddasi, author, 375.
576. 577. 578, 579- Muladis bin Amru bin Adi bin Harithah,
Mosul, steamer, 575. 21.
Motadhid Billah, Khalif, 77, 80, 84, Muland, 478.
" Mulatto Tom," 229, 235.
89, 90.
Motara, tribe of, 445. Mulberry, 379. 393.
Motaridh, 537. Mullet, 404.
Motawakkil, Khalif, 93. Multenies, descendant of Kahtan, 3.
Motazilites or Kadarites, 48. Muludda, village of, 435, 453, 457.
Mother-of-pearl shell, 406. Mundhir bin Naaman, 27.
Mouz, banana, 392. Munsoor, a Saint's tomb and garden,
Mowafiik Nasir al-Din, 77. 558.
Index. 621
Murad, Sultan, 564. Muscat, expedition against, by Ameer

Muraena, 410. Saood, 311-312.
Murato, Alvaro, 178, 179, 180. Muscat, expedition to pillage, by Turks,
Mursa Hasek, 477. 178-181.
Murvill, Captain, 224. Muscat, expulsion of Portuguese from,
Musaab bin Suliman, 74. 210.
Musabbih, 39. Muscat, French influence 310-311.at,
Muscat, 5, 7, 9, 10, 16, 45, 50, 53, 70, Muscat, French Mission to obtain
105, 136, 138, 143, 145, 148, 149, erection of factory at, 282.
153. 154. 155, 156. 157, 158, 159. Muscat, French residency at, 301.
160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, Muscat, Persian expedition against,.
168, 169, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 188.
178, 179, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, Muscat, relief of, by Ruy Frere da
186, 187, i88j 189, 190, 191, 192, Andrada, 189.
193, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 203, Muscat, riots at, 199.
204, 206, 207, 209, 210, 211, 212, Muscat, seizure of, by Sultan, 285.
213, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, Muscat, siege of, by Kais, 304.
221, 223, 224, 226, 228, 230, 232, Muscat, sieges of, 194-198.
234, 236, 239, 240, 243, 246, 248, Muscat, struggle between Bedr and
250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, Kais for, 305.
257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, Muscat, struggle between rival claim-
266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 273, ants, 192.
274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, Muscat Arabs, 13, 14 214, 215, 217,
282, 283, 285, 286, 287, 289, 291, 219, 220, 221, 223, 224, 226, 237,
292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 239, 251, 254, 306, 358, 361, 364,
300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 365, 517-
307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 314, Muscat navy, 222.
315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320 321, Muscat trade with Mauritius com-
322, 323, 324, 326, 327, 328, 329, menced, 270.
330, 332, 333, 334. 335, 336.
337, Muselliun, 478.
338. 339, 341, 342, 346, 347,
348, Musjid, 525.
349, 350, 351, 352, 353. 358,
359, Muslama, 57, 59.
362, 364, 365, 366, 378, 380,
381, Muslim bin Rashid, 325,
386, 387, 392, 399, 400, 402,
405, Mussendom, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10, 105, 116, 136,
406, 408, 409, 411, 413, 414,
415, 151, 171, 173, 182, 284, 291, 314^
421, 427, 431, 437, 44b, 446,
447, 327, 376, 378, 399, 400, 404, 430,
450, 453, 455, 459, 461, 462,
463, 436, 447, 448, 449, 450, 471.
464, 467, 468, 469, 470, 471,
472, Mussendom, Cape, battle fought at, 5.
475, 476, 486, 488. 496, 510,
511, Mustafa Beg, 511.
513, 514, 516, 526,
519, 523, 525, Mustafa, Prince, 171.
528, 532, 535, 542, 543, 548,
549, Mustapha Pasha, 164.
552, 555-. Mutasalim (governor), 272, 289.
Muscat arrival of three French men-of-
, Mutasserif or governor, 579.
war from Mauritius, 282. Mutenier, descendant of Kahtan, 3.
Muscat, battle of, 172. Muthi Billah, 108.
Muscat, Captain Set on. President at, 300. Mutlak, death of, 320.
Muscat, commercial treaty with French, Mutlak al-Mutairy, 312, 317, 318, 319,.
323. 320, 427.
Muscat, conquered bv Albuquerque, Mutran Georges, 567, 568.
145- Mutrans, 568.
Muscat, description of, by Albuquer- Muttaki Billah, 103.
que, 147. Muttrah, 180, 193, 195, 211, 221, 255^
Muscat, description of position of, 462. 257, 258, 259, 260, 279, 285, 304,
z 3
—
622 Index.
Mutt rah continued. Nasir bin al-Malik al-Moghith, 508,

305. 306, 327, 412, 461, 462, 467, Nasir bin Katan al-Helali, 203, 204.
469. 525- Nasir bin Khamees, Shaikh, 429.
Muttrah Bay, 461. Nasir bin Mohammed al-Bu Saeedi,
Muttuk (date tree disease), 396. WaH, 520.
Mynah, talking bird, 92. Nasir bin Murshid al-Yaareby, Imam,
Mysore, 268, 274. 192, 193, 195, 202, 205, 437.
Myrrh, 14, 357, 360, 549. Nasir bin Suliman al-Narbyah, Kadhi,
250.
Naab, bluff on Devil's Gap, 471. Nasir bin Suliman bin Mohammed,
Naaman, castle, 278, 279, 284, 309, Kadhi, 246.
458. Nasir bin Sultan al-Meskeri, 336.
Nabha, 455. Nasir Khan, 271, 282.
Nacre, 417. Nasr, 19.
Nadhr, 423. Nassau, 219.
" Nadir ft al-Tajarah," 366. Natal, 403.
Nadir Shah, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, Native treachery, 511-512.
259, 261, 262, 264, 271, 430, 455. Naucrates Dtictor, 409.
Naeem, 242, 249, 263, 276, 277, 287, Nautical Survey, 449, 514, 519.
443, 536, 537- Nautilus, 314.
Nafa, 526. Naval expedition to Tanna coast. 45.
Nafaa, 421, 436. Naval war of 100 years between Muscat
Nafi, slave, no, in, 112, 114, 249. Arabs and Portuguese, 254.
Nafir, descendant of Kahtan, 3. Naval warfare by the Arabs, 218-224.
Nahawan, battle of, 48. Navies, Tyrian and Carthaginian, fad- 1
Nahm,406. ing between India and Persian Gulf,

Nahum the Al-Koshite, tomb of, 569. 13-
Nahum the Prophet, bones of, 569. Navigators, the first Arab, 355, 357.
Naib, or deputy, 123. Nawab Adad al-Dowla, 115.
Najaf, 271. Nawab of Mungrole, 227.
Najia, tribe of, 39. Nearchus, Admiral of Alexander the
Nakhl, 97, 184, 202, 216, 243, 244, 245, Great, 8, 15, 406, 450, 451. 532.
250, 254, 259, 264, 276, 277, 281, Nebbi Yunnus, 579.
283, 296, 318, 322, 380, 391, 423, Nebhan bin Fellah, 201.
426, 430, 436, 438, 453, 459. Nebhan, Wali of Rostak, 240.
Nakhl, date palm, 393. Nebhani, 192, 430.
Nakhod Ibrahim Khan, 229. Nebhani dynasty, decline of, 201.
Nakhoda (master), 185, 416, 533. Nebhani dynasty, termination of, 437.
Nakims, 56. Nebhanis, tribe of, 133, 134, 135.
Naphtha springs, 563. Nebuchadnezzar, 13, 64, 359, 363, 418.
Naples, 228. Nebuchadnezzar's bid for trade, 14.
Napoleon, 138, 299, 300, 301. Nedab bin Hambra al-Hinoo bin Azd,
Napoleon fits out an expedition to the 433.
East, 299. Nedab bin Shums, 432.
Napoleonic wars, 310. Nedabiyyeen, tribe, 422, 426.
Narange, orange, 398. Neel, indigo, 393.
Narayel, coconut, 392. Neem, melia azidiracta, 393.
Nasir, 339. Nefood, 52.
Nasir, Shaikh, 273, 275, 295. Negoos, 24.
Nasir al-Deen Mohammed bin Amr al Nejd (or Lahsa), 5, 10, 19, 23, 46, 95,
Tiryati al-Dhofari, Prince, 509. 293. 297' 311. 314. 316, 319, 322,
Nasir al-Din, 204. 324, 350, 384. 386, 425, 432, 438,
Nasir bin AbduUa al-Mezrui, 221. 439, 444. 532, 536, 538, 539.
Index. 6,^3
Nejd al-Makharim, 380. Nizariyeh, 285.

Nejdi, kind of frankincense, 543, Noah's Ark, 471.
Nejdian, 323, 350, 438, 504. Nob, pearl tax, 416.
Nejdian Bedouins, 504. Noman, posthumous son of Yasar bia
Nelson, Horatio, 274, Sacsac, 7.
Nelson, Midshipman Horatio, 274. Noora (slaked lime), 405.
Nepean, Sir Evan, 318. Noorah Pasha, 172.
Nereid, La, frigate, 313, 314. Norman Conquest, 131.
Nerium oleander, 394. Noronha, Affonso da, 142, 150, 152^
Nestorians, 561, 568. 511-
Netherlands, 210. Noronha, Alvaro da, 168, 170.
Neutrality, third breach of, by French, Noronha, Diego da, 171.
274. Noronha, Dom Antonio da, 168, 173.
" New Account of the East Indies," Noronha, Dom Juliao da, 194, 195.
Hamilton's, 196, 511. Noronha, Dom Miguel da, 193.
New England, 231. Noronha, Dom Pedro da, 220.
New Testament, 150 years old, 562. Noronha, Fernandes, 511.
Newbery, Mr., 205. Noronha, Joao Rodrigues da, 160.
Newbold, Captain, 400. North, Captain, 231.
Newbolt, Captain, 469. North Star, 370.
Newport, Captain, 206. Noses, ceremony of rubbing, 549.
Nezwa, 20, 27, 30, 31, 34, 36, 44, 64, Nosse Be, 343.
65, 69, 70, 71, 73, 83, 84, 87, 88, 93, Noubara, a species of bustard, 387.
97, 100, loi, 103, 104, 112, 117, Nourse, Commodore, 331.
118, 119, 123, 125, 126, 133, 134, Nova, Captain Joao da, 141, 142,.
i35> 155, 202, 204, 205, 214, 235, 146, 149.
240, 241,
242, 243, 244, 245, 246, Nowafil, tribe, 455.
250, 251,
253, 254, 255, 265, 276, Nullahs, 573.
286, 381,
389, 422, 425, 429, 430, Nuwai, bluff on Devil's Gap, 471.
434. 435. 437. 482, 490, 527.
Nezwa, battle of, 104.
Nezwa, description of, 482. Oak, 391, 563.
Nicholas, M. H., 548. Obaid Ullah bin Beshir, 57.
Nicobar Islands, 366. Obaid Ullah bin Nebhan, 54, 55.
Nidab, sub-tribe of Azd, 57. Obaidullah, 92, 94, 95, 104.
Nid4biyeen, 57. Obal, tribe, 3.
Niebuhr, Carston, traveller, 270, 499. Obeydullah, 561.
Nieburia (flowering shrub), 391, 394. Obolla, town of, 14, 25, 26, 371.
Nikah al-Makt, ceremony, 41. Obre, 84, 203, 253, 381, 437.
Nile, 274. Obri, 22.
Nimarani, 408. Odnid, 384.
Nimrood, 571. Odium' theologicum, 66.
Ninadhera, tribe of, 436. Ogeyr al-Far, 3, 8, 9.
Nineveh, 12, 14, 356, 361, 566, 577, 578, Ohmia (sardines), 544.
579- Okoad, 518, 546.
Nineveh, civilisation of, 13. Olab, 456.
Nishapoor, 369. " Old Tom," grampus whale, 407.
Nishton, 551. Oleander Nerium, 385, 529.
Nizar, tribe, 31, 51, 52, 70, 74, 75, 76, Oleanders, 578.
77> 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 90, Olibanum (or frankincense), 14, 392,
91, 93, 95, 96, loi, 102, 112, 202, 498, 499, 511.
203, 204, 241, 242, 244, 251, 284, Olive groves, 579.
418, 425, 433, 437. Om al-Gewain, 443.
z 4
>
^24 Index.
Om Khareematein (district of Soor), Oman, expulsion of Persians from, 33,

475. Oman, flora of,390-395.
Omai, 117. Oman, geology of, 399.
Omair bin Himyar, 201. Oman, Gulf of, 5, 229, 230.
Omair bin Masud bin Saleh al-Uhaferi, Oman, insurrection in, 332.
244. Oman, invasion of, by Kaward, 129.
Oman, i, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 15, 16, Oman, invasion of, by Turkomans,
19, 20, 21, 22, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 128.
32, 33. 34, 35. 36, 39. 40, 42, 43, 44. Oman, legendary history of, 15.
45. 46. 47. 49. 50, 51. 52. 53. 54, 55. Oman, partial independence of, 92.
56, 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 67, 70, 71, 72, Oman, position of, in time of Alfred
78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 88,
90, the Great, 85.
91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 103, Oman, products of, 395-399.
104, '105, 106, 108, 109, no, III, Oman, recon quest of, 114.
113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, Oman, recon quest of, by Sultan of
120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 127, 128, Turkey, loi.
129, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 143, Oman, subjugation of, 55.
144, 150, 151, 155, 156, 158, 160, Oman, ten invasions of, by land and
163, 164, 168, 178, 185, 188, 191, sea in 200 years, 130.
192, 193, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, Oman, time of greatest prosperity, 225.
209, 211, 216, 217, 221, 225, 235, Oman, traditional history of, 8, 141.
238, 239, 241, 243, 245, 246, 247, Oman, tribes of, 422.
249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, Oman under Turkish rule, 99.
260, 261, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, Omana (or Omna) of Pliny and Ptolemy,
269, 271, 272, 274, 277, 281, 283, 532.
284, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, Omani, 280, 297, 302, 303, 319, 389.
292, 293, 294, 295, 298, 302, 303, Omani Arabs, 85, 221, 360, 454.
304, 306, 309, 312, 314, 316, 317, Omani commerce, piratical fleet attack-
319, 320, 322, 323, 324, 326, 327, ing, 298.
332, 333. 334. 335. 338, 339, 341, Omani historians, 73.
342, 343. 344. 346, 347. 349. 350, Omani Kharejites, 62, 82.
352, 355. 356, 357. 358, 359. 360, Omani Moslems, 36.
364, 366, 371. 372, 374. 375, 376, Omani tribes, 36, 38, 46, 83, 386, 494.
377 378, 380, 381. 382, 383, 384, Omanis, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 58, 61,
386, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 63, 68, 70, yy, 83, 84, 87, 88, 104,
394. 395. 396, 397. 399, 400, 401, no, 112, 118, 119, 125, 127,
114,
406, 407, 411, 412, 419, 420, 421, 129, 130, 204, 217, 263, 294,
198,
422, 424, 425, 426, 427, 428, 429, 298, 299, 307, 312, 315, 317, 319.
430, 431, 432, 433, 434. 435, 437, 355. 356, 357. 358, 387. 397-
438, 439, 440, 448, 450, 451, 453, Omanis defeated by Wahabees, 298.
455. 459. 460, 473, 475. 476, 477, Omanis, defeats of, 118, 119.
479, 482, 483, 486, 488, 500, 501, Omanis, migration of, 6.
503. 511, 522, 523, 527. 532, 533, Omanis, moral state of after Islam, 44.
,^
537. 538, 539. 540, 550. 553- Omar, 45, 364, 482.
Oman, ancient colonisation of, i. Omar bin Abdullah bin Sabihah al-
Oman, annexation of, by Adad al- Ausary, 56.
Dowla, 116. Omar bin al-Khattab, Khalif, 44.
Oman, brother of Yarab, 6. Omar bin Katab bin Mohammed bin
Oman, conquered by Muiz al-Dowla, Ahmed bin Shidan bin Salt, Imam,
III. 135-136.
Oman, division into provinces, 377-384. Omar bin Kathir, division of Katlircri
Oman, expedition against by the tribe. 515.
Prince of Fars, 116. Omar bin Mohammed bin Matraf, 93.
Index. 625
Omar bin Nabhan al-Tai, 116. Pangani, 331.

Omar bin Nebhan, 134. Pantos, Patriarch, who rejected the
Omar bin Sherrif, Imam, 136. Bull, 570.
Omar bin Towari, Sultan of Kisheen, Papaya, 379, 393.
549- Pardon of AlAfiies by Muhammed
Omar II as Khalif, 56, 58. Kasim, 55.
Omar II died in Rajab, 59. Paris, 278, 282, 391.
•Omar Pasha, 271, 272, 273. Parker, Captain, 208, 230.
Omayyad dynasty, 500. Parma, 207.
•Ommiade dynasty, 57, 59, 60. Parrot fish, 409.
Ommiade treacherously
family, mur- Pars, John Rodrigues, 167.
dered, 60, 63. Parsons, Abraham, 272, 417.
Ommiade Khalif, 47, 57. Parsons, writer, 387.
Ommiade refugees, 62. Parthians, 9, 10, 17, 20, 21.
Ommiades, 59. Partridges, 390.
*'
One Tree Point," 472. Pasha, 302, 342.
Onslow, 233. Patriarch, 568.
Opis, city of, 12. Patriarch Frank, 568.
Orange, 379, 393. Patriarch Yusof, 566, 567, 568, 570.
Ord, Hendson, and Hayes, firm who Patta, 220, 249, 329, 330, 337.
leased islands of Kooria Mooria for Pattimars, Surat boats, 321.
five years, 496. Paul, Emperor, 299.
Oriental bazaar, 372. Payualigo, Signor, ambassador, 139.
Oriental trade, 207, 221, 361. Peach, 379, 393.
Orme, Captain, killed, 512. Peacock, U.S. sloop of war, 334,
Ormuz, 177. 490.
Oryx, 387, 439. Pearce, Mr., 209.
Oryx Beatrix, 494. Pearl bank, 378, 414.
Ostrich feathers, 387. Pearl coast, 414.
Otaiba, 423. Pearl divers, 409, 415.
Othman, 482. Pearl fishery, 148, 154, 155, 223, 253,
Othman bin Abi al-Asi al-Sakeefi, 269, 294, 297, 374, 384, 414-417*
44, 45- 438, 440, 441, 442, 443, 445.
French Consul at
Otter, M., Journal of, Pearl fishery, annual value, 417.
Busra, 256, 258, 388. Pearl fishery at Al-Bahrain, invasion
Ousely, Sir George, Ambassador to of, by Sultan, 294-296.
Persia, 320. Pearl merchant, 416.
Ovington, author, 217, 511, 512. Pearls, 14, 360, 365, 368, 417.
Owen, Captain, 221, 330, 331, 493. Pearls from Bahrain, 358.
Owkad, 506. Pelican, 231.
Oxus, river, 368. Pelly, 414.
Pemba, 220, 330, 331, 336, 340.
Padan, 578. Penguin, 512.
Palace, 463. Pennel, 296.
Palestine, 2, 12, 356, 476. Penruddock, Captain, 233.
Palgrave, 392, 455, 459, 460. Peppercorn, 206.
Palinurus, brig, 399, 543, 552. Percival, Caussin de, 2, 6, 9.
Palma Christi, 394. Peregrine, 389.
Palmerston, Lord, 342. Pereira, Michael, 190,
Palms, not grown from seed, 396. Perforated rock, 448.
Palmyra, city of, 12, 361. Perim, 232.
Pandanus odoratissimus, screw pine, Perimal, King, 554.
394. Periplus, 9, 10, 14, 499.
626 Index.
Persia, 6, 9, 13, 15, 34, 96, 171, 177, Phoenix dactylifera, date palm, 393, 395,.
181, 185, 187, 206, 207, 209, 218, 223, Physeter Macrocephalus, 406.
237, 239, 252, 253, 255, 256, 261, 262, Piedmontese, 337.
266, 269, 271, 273, 283, 287, 289, 292, Pigeon, 512.
295, 313, 315. 318. 352, 353, 360, 364, Pilot fish, 409.
365. 367. 372, 376, 445. 45i> 454. 468. Pinjabu, 525.
476. 505. 527. 529. 535. 541- Piracy, Arab, doomed, 323-326.
Persia, Ambassador to, 313. Piracy, expedition against, practically
Persia, American vessel, 321. fruitless, 316.
Persian architecture, 153. Piracy, increase of, due to wavering
Persian coast, 400, 430. policy of Bombay Government, 315.
Persian 'Empire, 7, 15. Piracy, revival of, 320-321.
Persian Gulf, 2, 10, 14, 15, 46, 52, 70, Pirate Coast, 319, 320, 327, 350, 378,
85, 114, 116, 135, 137, 138, 140. 143, 414, 415, 430, 438, 439, 440, 441, 442,
154, 156, 160, 167, 170, 178, 181, 184, 443, 445, 454. 548.
187, 193, 198, 207, 209, 211, 212, 213, Pirate dhows, twenty-two, attack the
219, 220, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, Bassein snow, 288.
232, 233, 236, 237, 253, 256, 266, 268, Pirates, disappearance of the Angrias,
270, 273, 276, 282, 287, 291, 294, 312, 267.
319. 338. 341. 355, 356, 357, 358, 359. Pirates, Koork or Sanganian, in Sind,
360, 361, 363, 364, 365, 366, 369, 373, 70.
374, 377' 393. 400, 403. 406, 409, 414, Piri,Pasha, 168, 169, 170.
418, 430, 439, 442, 444, 446, 447, 449. Pishkush, 318.
450. 453. 476, 503. 513. 538, 539. 553. Plague, 194.
556. Plane, 391.
Persian Gulf, church at, 23. Plantain, John, 229, 234, 235.
Persian Gulf, pioneer of steam naviga- Plants and trees, list of Arabian,.
tion in, 338. 398-9-
Persian ports, 415. Playfair's " Fishes of Zanzibar," 409.
Persian ruins, 539. Pliny, 10, 17, 358, 452, 459, 499.
Persian Sea, 148, 455. Plum, 393.
Persian trade, 184, 186. Political Agent, 293.
Persians, 33, 34, 113, 115, 117, 118, 119, Political Agent at Mysore, 274.
130, 134, 135, 144. 146, 152, 153, 155, Pombeyro, Dom Martin Affonso de
156, 157, 159, 161, 162, 178, 187, 188, Mello, 182.
189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 198, 199, 204, Pomegranate, 379, 393.
209, 213, 219, 220, 222, 223, 224, 235, Pondicherry, 299. ,
236, 237, 251, 253, 254, 256, 257, 258, Poora, pirate, 267.
259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 266, 267, 271, Pope, 568.
272, 273, 275, 284, 286, 287, 292, 295, Pope Urban, 132, 140.
297. 312, 318, 322, 328, 341, 344, 350. Pope's Bull, 567, 568.
351. 367. 368, 370,371, 379, 383, 394. Popes of Rome, 50.
396, 406, 440, 443.446, 448, 450, 453, Poplar rafts, 563.
455. 502, 533. 534. 559- Porcelain, 365.
Persians and Arabs losses, 199. Porpoises, 406.
Petra, 357, 361. Port Louis, 270, 302.
Philip II, 181, 205, 207. Porte, 139, 173.
Philippe, Don (arms and superscription Porter, Captain, 450.
of, on gun), 463. Portugal, 137, 138, 140, 144, 145,
Phillips, Mr., 331. 149, 150, 152, 163, 166, 169, 171, 181,
Philomel, H.M.S., 486, 490, 520, 528, 192, 193.
541. 548, 556. Portugal regains independence from
Phoenicians, 2. 12, 357, 358, 359, 361, 476. Spain, 193.
Index. 627
Portugal under domination of Spain, Ptolemy's " Geography," 9,

181. Public works carried out by Imam
Portuguese, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142, Saif, 226.
143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 150, 151, 152, Public works erected by Imam Sultan
153, 154, 155. 156, 157. 158. 159. 160, bin Saif, 214.
161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168, 169, Pulse, 380, 395.
170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 178, 179, 180, Puna, 412.
181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, Purple cloths, 360.
190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, Pussnee, 181.
198, 199, 200, 203, 204, 205, 207, 208, Puttimars, native craft, 313.
209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 215, 216, 217,
218, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 227,
228, 233, 235, 236, 239, 249, 250, 251, Quartzite, 400.
254, 266, 268, 285, 286,
446, 455, 463, Quedah Merchant, 230.
464, 468, 471, 485, 492. 497, 510, 511, Queen, cruiser, 305.
554- Queen Victoria, accession of Her late
Portuguese, loss of Persian Gulf trade, Majesty, 340.
193- Queen Victoria, present from, 464.
Portuguese armada, 140. Quince, 393.
Portuguese conquests, 141. Quoins, 450.
Portuguese fortifying Muscat, 182.
Portuguese galleons, 174.
Portuguese grave, 485. Raamah, town, site unknown, 13.
" Portuguese man-of-war," 411. Rabana Regia, township of, 10.
Portuguese navy, 178. Rabban bin Holwan bin Amran, tribe,
Portuguese settlements plundered by 10.
Imam Saif, 225. Rabban Hormuzd, 570, 579, 580.
^'
Post und Reise Rout en," 386. Rabeea, 457.
Postmaster-General at Baghdad, 105. Rabi, month of, 115, 119, 183.
Pottery, 380. Rabi al-Akhir, month of, 72, 205.
Powell, Captain, 453. Rabi al-Awal, 509.
Prawns, 543. Rabi al-Khali, or " empty habitation,"
Precious stones, 360. 385-
Predestination and free will, doctrines Rabi al-Thani, 69.
of, 47. Rabiah bin Ahmed al-Walshi, 249.
" Preserved of God," 91. Rabiah bin al-Arith bin Abdullah bin
President, 217. Ameer al-Ghitrif, 21.
Pretexts for war by Shah of Persia, Radama II, King of Madagascar, 337.
271. Radhwan, 434.
Prevoyance, 282. Rafsa, 431.
Priest Gendis's Christmas Eve affair, Rabat, 420.
grievances concerning, 567. Rahmanee, 336.
Primula, 391. Rahmani, 273, 274.
Prince of Pars, 119. Rai, 363.
Prizes, Turkish and Moorish, cruising Rainsford, Colonel, 213,
after, 166. Rairi, 502.
Propagation of Moslem faith by sword, Rais Delamir Shah, 160, 161.
43- Rais Hamed, Persian governor, 154.
Prosperous, 232. Rais Noor al-Deen, 154.
Protozoa, 411. Rais Shahab al-Deen, 156, 162.
Psyche, 315, 327, 440. Rais Shahab al-Deen, attempt by Por-
Ptolemy. 5, 10, 375. 446, 484, 499. 516. tuguese to arrest, 156.
538- Rais Sherif, 163, 165, 166.
. >
628 Index.
Raisins, 563. Ras Jezaniya, 495, 556.

Rajab, month of, 77, 506, 509. Ras Jezaniyya or Showamiyya,Meridiai>
Rajab, month of, battle at Busra in, of, 375-
90. Ras Jezeera, 492.
Rajab Reis, 171. Ras Jibeh (or Kiiroon), 486.
Rajapore, 217, 218, 267. Ras Jisseh, 469.
Rak, 385. Ras Kabr Hindi, 450.
Rakyoot, 519. Ras Kaisat al-Yokh, 491.
Ralanis of the Greeks, river, 578. Ras Kantur, 440.
Ramas (ratamaran), 414. Ras Karvvaw, 494, 556.
Rameh, 359. Ras Kaukeri, 555.
Rampoora, 230. Ras Keziakigan, 470.
Rams, town, 281, 284, 445. Ras Khabba, 485, 521.
Ramzan, month of, 76, 103, 104, 114, Ras Kharaba, 484.
173. 176, 509- Ras Khashaeem, 492.
Ranavolana Manjaka, 337. Ras Kileet, 487.
" Ranger Bay," 234'. Ras Komaila, 485.
Ras Abana, 490, 491. Ras Kowairat, 491, 492.
Ras Abu Daood, 470, 471. Ras Lima, 451.
Ras Ahmar, 375, 519. Ras Lowaiz, 471.
Ras Aja, 494, 495. Ras Madraka, 491, 492, 556.
Ras al-Aanee, 491. Ras Mahh, 461.
Ras al-Ahmar, 461. Ras Mallaha, 378, 379, 453, 454.
Ras al-Ahmir, 461 Ras Merbat, 555.
Ras al-Bab, 448, 449. Ras Merkaz, 491.
Ras al-Daffa, 485. Ras Met ah, 491.
Ras al-Dala, 491. Ras Mohammed bin Majid, 487.
Ras al-Had, 2, 136, 143, 154, 168, 178, Ras Montejeb, 495.
179, 221, 318, 377, 400, 432, 471, 472, Ras Mukkhalif, 448.
484, 485, 489, 521.
Ras al-Had al-Scor, 475.
^ Ras Muscat, 462.
Ras Mussendom, 169, 173, 400, 449.
Ras al-Hafar, 475. Ras Nakhreir, 491.
Ras al-Janaiz, 485. Ras Noos, 516, 522, 523, 555.
Ras al-Khabba, 485. Ras Raysoot, 519.
Ras al-Khyma or Julfar, 188, 269, 297, Ras Rowais, 485.
303, 311, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317. 319. Ras Sarik, or " Thieves' Point," 486.
320, 321, 322, 324, 325, 378, 430, 441, Ras Sarkim, 451.
442, 443, 444, 445, 446, 497. 513. Ras Saukira, 493, 551.
Ras al-Solaib, 485. Ras Sedeera, 491.
Ras Arkeet, 491. Ras Shaikh Mesood, 446.
Ras Ashreen, 486, 487. Ras Shajr, 376, 472, 485, 514, 517, 518^
Ras Baraka, 439, 440. 519. 552.
Ras Berdistan, 269. Ras Shateefi, 461.
Ras Bintot, 490, 491. Ras Sheea, 484.
Ras Bu Mogheera, 473. Ras Sheerat, 448.
Ras Fartak, 166, 375, 550. Ras Sherbet at, 493, 494, 510, 548.
Ras Fins, 472. Ras Showamkya, " Gloomy Cape," 495
Ras Guardafui, 221. Ras Showaniya, 556.
Ras Haboot, 518. Ras Shuam, 446.
Ras Hanno (or Groon), 487. Ras Sikla, 486.
Ras Hasek, 439, 516, 556. Ras Sowadi, 458.
Ras Jadi, 446. Ras Surab, 491.
Ras Jaffan, 486. Ras Tarbat Ali, 549.
Index. 629
Ras Um al-Shew (or Mishsiyh), 487, 489. Red Sea, work written by Agarthacides
Ras Zeiwani, 489. on, 9.
Ras Zuheir, 516. Red Town, 443.
Rasa and Bedr al-Shahab al-Habrali, Redhouse, 505.
509- Rehbiyeen, tribe, 422, 426.
Rasami (kind of frankincense), 543. Reis (governor), 134.
Rashad al-Zooab, village, 438. Reitz, Lieutenant, 331.
Rashid, 23, 530. Rekoot, 556.
Rashid, Shaikh, 159, 161, 165. Religious antagonism between Shihrs
Rashid, son of Salim, 339, 340. and Ibadhis, 122.
Rashid Billah, 126. Rennell, 577.
Rashid bin Ahmed bin Abda, 503. " Reprobate," 88.
Rashid bin al-Nadhr, Shaikh, 73, 76. Resagh Khor al-Jena, 475.
Rashid bin al-Waleed, 100, 102, 103. Resolution, 231.
Rashid bin al-Waleed, elected as Imam, Restoration in England, 1660, 213.
100. Revenue and expenditure of Hormuz,
Rashid bin Ali, Imam, 132. 155-
Rashid bin Hamed, Shaikh, 534. Revenue from Customs at Muscat, 270.
Rashid bin Musellim, pilot, 531. Revolt of tribes after death of Moham-
Rashid bin Muttar, Shaikh, 269, 271, med, 35.
274. 430- Revolt of tribes quelled, 38.
Rashid bin Saeed, death of, 127. Reza Kola Mirza, 328.
Rashid bin Saeed, Imam, 126. Rezaa, 470.
Rashid bin Shathan bin al-Nadhr, 64. Rhamnus, 385.
Rasib, 383. Rhamnus Nebeca, 394.
" Rasm al-Ardh," 366. Rheumatism, remedy for, 392.
Rasooli, dynasty, 505, 507, 508, 510. Rhodes, 172.
Rasooli, King of the Yemen, 506. Rhododendrons, 578.
Rasooli, Princes, 506. Riadh, 344.
Rasooli troops, 509. Ricca, 106.
Rasoolites, 505, 509. Rice, 395.
Rassam, 523. Rich, 577, 579, 580.
Rassam, Mr. Hormuzd, 579. Ricinus, 394.
Rassam, Mr. Nimrood, 579. Rifleman, H.M.S., 532.
Ratab, 396. Rig, islet, 488.
Rawandooz, 561. " Right Hand," or Al-Yemen, 374.
Raymond, Admiral, 205. Rise and influence of Saeed on com-
Rays, 408. merce, 353.
Raysoot, 19, 20, 501, 506, 518, 546, Rising Eagle, 232.
550. River Kara, 560.
Rayzoni, kind of frankincense, 543. Riyam, Pass of, 192, 462, 467.
Read, Captain, 232. Riyam bin Nahfan bin Tobba bin Zaid
Rebellion among Sunni tribes, 72. bin Amr bin Hamdan, 434.
" Reckless Captains," 227. Riyasa, tribe, 455.
Reconciliation between Hamed and Roba al-Khali, desert of, 374, 494.
Sultan, 285. Robat, 504, 509, 510, 518, 547.
Red Island, 443. Roberts, Mr., envoy to Muscat, 334,
Red Sea, 14, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 490.
143, 148, 157, 164, 167, 168, 171, 182, Robertson, 558.
220, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 233, Robinson, Commodore, 326, 450.
235> 237, 266, 290, 320, 321, 324, 338, Robson, Captain, 307.
359. 360, 361. 364. 368, 369- 406, 412, Rock fish or Wrasse, 409.
444, 496, 510, 511, 512, 513. Rod of Moses, 95.
630 Index,
Rodondo (or Kurzooait), island, 497. Riiy Peyneno, 142.

Roe, Sir Thomas, 206, 207. Ryan, 434.
Roebuck, 185, 186, 187.
Rolim, Dom Francisco, 183.
Roman, 368. Saabiyeen, 459.
Roman Catholic missionaries, 566. Saad bin Salim, Sultan, 549.
Roman Empire, 24. Saad bin Zaid Monat bin Temeem, 39-
Romanists, 569. Saada, 558.
Rome, 228, 363, 368, 499, 561, 566. Saadi Khan, 318.
Rookh, Shah, 136. Saasah bin Rumbah, 221.
Roos al-Jebel (or Cape Mussendom), 378, Saba Jezair, 459.
447- Sabal, 422.
Rosalgate (wrongly called by old writers Sabal (monkey), 388.
Ras al-Had), 475. Sabeans, 6.
Rose-laurel or Neriutn Oleander, 385, Sabeism (or Stellar worship), 40.
394- Sabkheh, 37, 81, 95, 538.
Roselie, Count de, 282. Sabkheh Matta, 376, 538, 539.
Ross, Colonel Sir E. C, 16, 424, 505. Sabkoe, 539.
Ross's " Annals of Oman," 21, 84, 94, Sabota, 361.
99, 121, 127, 132, 136, 141, 194, 214, Sabotha, 360.
237. 247. 541, 550. Sabr, aloe, 391.
Rostak, 74, 99, 123, 201, 202, 203, 210, Sabt, village, 426.
225, 235, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, Sabuktegin, Chamberlain, 120.
244, 245, 246, 248, 250, 254, 255, 261, Sacsac, son of Wathil, 7.
262, 264, 265, 269, 275, 277, 279, 280, Sadakat (poor rate), 71, loi.
281, 285, 286, 333. 334, 337, 339, 347, Sadik Khan, 272, 273.
349, 380, 422, 430, 432, 438, 457. Sadler, Captain, 324.
Rostak, rebellion in, quelled by British Saeed, 364, 520, 524, 553.
influence, 333-334- Saeed appeals to Persia, 318.
Roula, banian tree,. 392. Saeed counselled his children to stand
Rousseau, Consul-General, 278, 282. loyally by British, 354.
" Rouzat al-Safa," 8. Saeed, pilgrimage to Mecca, 328.
Rowi, 427, 437, 467. Saeed, second son of Imam Ahmed, 273,.
Rowtha, 469. 276, 279, 280, 281, 301.
Royal Library at Mosul, 579. Saeed sends envoy to Bombay, 318.
Ruaka (district of Soor), 475. Saeed, son of Imam Abbad, 50, 53.
Rue, 385. Saeed and Salim, brothers rule con-
Rug al-Jazir, 493. jointly, 309.
Ruins at Al-Balad, 544-546. Saeed bin Abbad al-Julanda, 52, 53.
Ruins at Al-Gharabeh, 540. Saeed bin AbduUa, slain, 99.
Ruins at Kilhat, 526. Saeed bin Ali al-Habd, 509.
Ruins at Shargaleh, 575. Saeed bin Aslam bin Zuraa al-Kelali, 54..
Rukn al-Deen Mahmood bin Ahmed al- Saeed bin Khalfan, 333.
Kashi, 134, 505. Saeed bin Khahfeh, 194.
Rukn al-Dowla, title of Hassan, 108. Saeed bin Lebeed, Governor, 500.
Rumais, 459. Saeed bin Musallim, 522.
Rumman, pomegranate, 393. Saeed bin Mutlak, 336, 339, 342, 344.
Russell, Mr., Vice-Consul, 566, 567, 573, 427.
574, 575, 579- Saeed bin Seleyyim, 520.
Russia, 312. Saeed bin Shamasa, 509.
Ruwais, 521. Saeed bin Sultan, 304, 306, 308, 309,
Ruy Bale, 159. 310, 312, 315, 317, 318, 320, 322, 323,
Ruy Grande, 142. 326, 327, 328, 329. 330. 331. 332, 333,
—
Index. 631
Saeed bin Sultan continued. Saiful Dowla al-Hamadani, 115.

334. 335, 336, 337. 338, 339. 340. 341, Saihoot, 549, 550.
342, 343, 345, 346, 347> 35o, 35i, 352, Saiji (Arab seventh sea), 367.
353. Sail canvas, 380.
Saeed bin Sultan, name inscribed in Sailan, 455. t
Arabic on Gun, 536. Saima, 473.

Saeed Mohammed al-Akhabari, 331. St. Anthony, order of, 580.
Saeed's appeal for assistance to Bombay St. Dominica, picture of, 565.
Government refused, 318. St. Dunstan, 348.
Saeed's fortunes now in ascendant, 320. St. Ephraim, 569.
Saeed's navy, 353-354. St. George, church of, 565.
Safaiz, hamlet, 488. St. John, church of, 565.
Safar, month of, 74, 84. St. Joseph, picture of, 565.
Safarjal, quince, 398. St. Mary, island, 229, 230, 231, 232,
Safee, pools, 529. 233, 234, 235.
Safflower, 394. SS. Peter and Paul, 567.
Safhni bin Lam al-Hamani, 54. Sakalava, Queen, 343.
Safir, 23. Sakar, Shaikh, 269.
Safoor, 396. Sakar, son of Shaikh Rashid, 274, 275,
Saham, 248, 249, 422, 456. 276, 279, 281, 284, 288, 289.
Sahban, 23. Sakherat, 529.
Saheel, 535. Sakhers, 475.
Saheyyi village, 571. Saladin, 575.
Sahil, 521. Salaif, town, 431, 436.
Sahra or " desert," 385. Salama and her daughters, 450.
Sahujee Raja, 267. Salama-wa-Bent (Arab name for the
Said, 23. Quoins), 450.
Said bin Omar bin Khalfan, 497. Saldanha, Antonio da, 166.
Said bin Juwaud al-Hinawi, 245. Saldanha, Marquis of, 140.
Saif, 216. Sale, 24.
Saif, Governor of Sohar, 343. Saleh bin Ali, 525.
Saif, son of Imam Ahmed, 276, 277, 278, Saleh bin Juma, 530.
279, 280, 281, 282. Saleh bin Saeed al-Hadhrami, 250, 253.
Saif bin al-Hany, 56. Saif a, truce, 421, 431.
Saif bin Ali, 286, 294, 295. Salhao, 516.
Saif bin Dhul Yezen, 25, 28. Salih, 277, 278.
Saif bin Hamed, 347, 348. Salih, capture of, by French privateers,
Saif bin Hamid, Shaikh, 556. 277-278.
Saif bin Himyar, 255, 259. Salih, Shaikh, 288.
Saif bin Islam, 503. Salih bin Abdul Rahman, 56.
Saif bin Mohammed al-Hinay, 201. Salih bin Abdul Rahman al-Leithy, 55.
Saif bin Mohammed, Governor, 293. Salil bin Rizak, writer, 16, 264, 274,
Saif bin Mohammed, Shaikh, 194. 283.
Saif bin Muhenna, 255. Salim, 331, 332, 336, 337.
Saif bin Nasir, 250. Salim, Shaikh, 260.
Saif bin Nebhan, 351. Salim, the Haboodhite, 506.
Saif bin Suliman bin Saeed al-Nedabi, Salim bin Ahmed, 333, 339.
Ameer and Kaid, 433. Salim bin Idris al-Haboodhi, 505, 506.
Saif bin Sultan, 215. Salim bin Khamis al-Ofri, Shaikh, 253.
Saif bin Sultan al-Yaareba, 216, 225, Salim bin Mohammed, Shaikh, 536.
235, 240, 241, 245, 246, 248, 250, 253, Salim bin Mohammed al-Naimi, Shaikh,
254, 255, 256, 257. 539-
Saif am, town, 244, 245, 436. Salim bin Mubarek, 551.
632 Index.
Salim bin Sultan, 294, 296, 297, 304, Sassanians, 19, 24, 28, 29, 365, 541, 599..
308, 309, 310, 317, 318, 327. Saukira Bay, 493, 556.
SaUala, 517, 518, 544, 546, 547, 552. Saulnier, Chevalier, 282.
Salmonidae, 407. Sawbridge, Captain, 230.
Saloot, 20, 381. Saweih Beni Bu Ali, 521.
Salsette, 218, 222. Sawfish, 409, 416.
Salt, 403, 489, 542. Say, Captain Edward, 217, 488.
Salt bin Malik, 94. Sayel (species of acacia), 385, 391.
Salt Koor, 578. Scabbard or ribbon fish, 409.
Salter, Mr., 288. Scenic beauty, 534.
Saltpans, 560. Sceptre, 230.
Sam Jorge, 142. Schismatics, 130.
Sama, tribe, 87. Science and mathematics, Arabs pio-
Samah bin Loweij bin Ghalib, 22. neers in, 370.
Samarcand, 43, 369, 370. Scott, Captain Peter, 277.
Samarra, 71, 576. Scourge, 216.
Sambhoo, 267. Sculptures at Al-Balad, of Persian
Sambook (boat), 550. origin, 546.
Sambub, pirate, 267. Seaborne trade, encouragement of, 266.
Samhan (or Crescent) range, 375, 516, Seahorse, H.M. frigate, 274.
517. 518. Sectarian quarrel between orthodox
Samiri, 552. party and Kharejites, 64.
Samiri, conversion of, to Islam, 553. Sedab, village, 179, 192, 215, 244, 467.
Samit, 23. Sedeyree the Wahabee, 521.
Sampayo, General Dom Luis de, 163, Sedgwick, 231, 234.
249. Seeb, 379, 453, 459, 460.
Sampayo, Vasco Perez, 167. Seeb, district, raided by Mohammed
Samr, acacia vera, 391. bin Mohenna, 183-184.
Samsam al-Dowla Abu Kaleejar Marz- Seedees, 520, 522.
ban, 121. Seef, town, 383, 426.
San Joao (St. John) Fort, 182, 192, 463. Seek, 434.
Sanaa, 17, 24, 29, 361, 510. Seer (fish), 403, 407.
Sandalwood, 360. Seer Beni Yas, island of, 440.
Sandgrouse or Kata, 387. Seera, island, 527.
Sanganian, pirates, 70. Secret al-Gharbiyeh tower, 462.
Sanna, 499. Secret al-Sharkiyeh tower, 462.
Sanquinette, 477. Sefawis, 253.
Sanscrit, 554. Sefawis dynasty doomed, 239.
Sansool (sword fish), 404. Sehal Harmel, 467.
Saood, Ameer of Nejd, 288, 297, 302, Sehlat, 534.
305> 310. 3". 312, 3I9» 320, 322. Sehwa (horse mackerel), 403.
Saood bin Ali of Burka, 333, 334, 337. Seija, town of, 428, 438.
Saood bin Tahnoon, 350. Seil al-Aswad, 472.
Sapor II, 22. Seima (sardine), 404.
Sapphire, 313. Seine nets, 402.
Saracens, 474, 507. Seiyoon, 515.
Sardines, 402, 404, 407, 410, 544. Sekakara, 383.
Sarkoe of Ptolemy, 538. Selami bin Malik bin Fahm, 425.
Saris, Captain, 206. Selby, Captain, 292.
Sarm al-Shibeybee, 458. Seljook Ameer, 131.
Sassanian monarch, 364. Seljook dynasty, 128, 533.
Sassanian Persia, rotten civilization Seljook race, first established in Govern-
oi, 43- ment of Kirman, 128.
Index. 633
Seljook Shah, 132, 133. Seyyid Saeed, 314, 316, 318, 319, 320,
Seljookian Conquest, 127. 321, 324, 333, 338, 342, 349,
337,
Sdjooks, 129, 130, 131, 132. 352, 429, 464, 496,
513, 514, 536.
Seljooks, Turkish, 125. Se5îd Saeed, death of, 352.
Semail. Valley, 51, 53, 184, 216, 241, Seyyid Salim, 314, 316, 533.
245, 247, 248, 253. 254, 255, 263, Sejîd Sultan, 287, 296, 302, 459.
265, 284, 306, 312, 317, 318, 337, Seyyid Thowaini, 348, 432, 447, 456,
381, 382, 431, 432, 435, 459, 460, 459. 461.
537- Se5ryid Thowaini bin Saeed, tomb of,
Semed al-Kindes, 430. 533-
Semed al-Shan, 203, 381, 383, 400, Seyyid Turkee, 384, 427, 455, 458.
429, 438. Seyyid Zuhair bin Abdulla al-Hashima,
Semed al-Shan, battle at, 83, 84, 86, 543.
382. Seyyids, 547.
Semiramis, frigate, 341. Seyyids Salim and Saeed, 319.
Semites, 33. Shaab, 420, 472, 473, 531, 532.
Semitic, 419. Shaaba, village, 433.
Semitic invasion from N. Arabia, 2. Shaaban, 64, 75, no, 527.
Senaina, 84, 535. Shabka (fishing net), 401.
Senaisila (hamlet of Soor), 475, 521, Shaddock, 394.
525- Shafaa, village, 422.
Senana, 432. Shagreen, 405.
Senna, 385, 394. Shah, 199, 207, 209, 224, 257, 271, 272,
Senna Makki, senna, 398. 287, 292, 341, 351, 352.
Senow, Governor of Adam, 71. Shah Abbas, 192.
Sephar, mount, 2, 498. Shah Allum, 336, 354.
Sepoys, 341, 444. Shah Bandar, 158.
Sequeira, Dom Diego Lopes da, Viceroy, Shah Hoosain, 218, 237.
154, 156, 157. Shah Mahommed of Mogestan, 134.
Serai, 561, 564. " Shah Namah," 8.
" Serais " or rest houses, 12. Shah of Persia, 211, 271, 506.
Serapis, island of, 375. Shah Rais Delamir, 160.
Sereer, hamlet, 491. Shah Rookh, 136.
Sereet, island of, 452. Shah Suliman, 218.
Seremdeb (or Ceylon), 372. Shah Tahmasp Suffar, 171, 185.
Seroor, 381, 425. Shahab Ahmed bin al-Tiryati, 509.
Sesamum indicum, 394. Shahab al-Deen, 134, 157.
Seton, Captain David, 295, 296, 300, Shahab al-Deen Ahmed bin Amr al-
305, 306, 307, 315, 316, 319. Habrali, 508.
Seven Islands, 459. Shahab al-Deen Ghazil, 506.
Severndroog, 277. Shahat, 454,
Seyyid Abdulla, 554. Shahbunder, 236.
Seyyid Ahmed, Kadhi of Dareez, Shahireh, 456.
552. Shahriyar bin Tafeel, 127, 129, 130.
Seyyid Ali bin Saif, 269. Shaiba, town, 429.
Seyyid Alowi, 554. Shaiballa, 486, 487.
Sejryid Azzan bin Kais, 456, 536. Shaikh Ali, 530.
Seyyid Bedr, 534. Shaikh Bedr bin al-Habrali, 508.
Seyyid Bedr bin Saif, 310, 459, 532. Shaikh Dhul Khowaisira, 49.
Seyyid Hilal bin Mohammed, 457. Shaikh Hamed, 536.
Seyyid Khalban, 471. Shaikh Saeed tribe, 459.
Seyyid Mohammed Akil, 512, 513. Shaikhs, 421.
Se57yid Nasir, 525, 530. Shaima (or Ras Kileet), 487.
2 A
^34 Index,
Shakboot, Shaikh., 319, 325. Shihr doctrine, 117.

Shakihak, 477. Shihr pilgrims, 271.
Shalahat (Arab fourth sea), 367. Shihrs, 122, 406, 576.
Shammar, tribe of, 572, 574, 575. Shilling, Captain, 187.
Shams al-Deen, Ameer, 506. Shinas, town, 67, 316, 317, 332, 348,
Shannon, brig, 303, 306. 349, 378, 454, 455.
Shapor, persecution by, 562. Shipbuilding, 380, 412.
Sharaf al-Dowla Abul Fowaris Sheer- Shipbuilding by the Imam. 217.
zaid, 120, 121. Ships of the desert, 388.
Sharaizi, 396. Shir Mahi, " lion fish," 478.
Shargah, 281, 321, 325, 342, 378, 414, Shira or treacle, 396.
442. 454- Shiraz, 83, 108, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125,
Shargaleh, 574, 575. 209, 257, 261, 272, 295, 318, 322, 351,
Shark, 404, 407, 408, 409, 491-492. 363-
Shark fins for soup, to China, 365, Shiraz, Prince-Governor of, 295.
542. Shirka, euphorbia, 393.
Sharkiya, 5, 245, 246, 251, 318, 381, Shirley, Sir Thomas, Ambassador to
383, 423, 424, 426, 427, 429, 431, Shah, 184, 185, 206.
432, 433, 437, 438. Shirs, 423, 427, 457.
Shasha, 380, 395, 413. Shivers, Dutch pilot, 231.
Shasha (surf boat), 380. Shofee, village, 20, 529.
Shat al-Arab, 26, 109, 143, 272, 273, 364. Shook or horse mackerel, cara.nx
Shativa, 370. species, 490.
Shazan bin al-Maan al-Salt, 74. Shooram, 394.
Sheba, tribe, 3. Shoraf, 119.
Sheddard, riding saddle, 389. Shotafee, 408.
Shedjer, 177. Showal, month of, 70, 76, 103, 114, 509.
Sheep Island, 448. Showaries, 537.
Sheera, hamlet of Soor, 475. Showawi, 460.
Shell fish, 410. Showeyta, gorge, 552.
Shem, 2, 498. Shrine of Wali Afeef at Thaka, 554.
Shem, village, 447. Shuam, 378, 445, 446, 447.
Shemal, tribe, 243, 249, 281, 284, 287. Siabeyeen, tribe, 423.
Shemal of Oman, 5, 118, 378, 380. Siam, 365.
Shems, 423. Siawash, Prince, 8.
Shenas, 535. Sibarba, daughter of Dhul Sogar, 8.
Shenluke bin Jubab, 19. Sick Man of Europe, 13S.
Shenoo, 521. Sidaira, 437.
Sherbetat, 494, 548. Sidha, 547.
Shereef Mustafa Pasha, 172. Sidi Ali bin Hoosain, 172, 175, 177, I78.
Shereef of Mecca, 229, 296, 297, 328. Sidlabra, battle, 58.
Shereefs, 547. Sidr, 385, 394.
Sherif al-Deen, 152, 153. Sidr (fish), 404.
Sheriff, Colonel, 341. Siege of Madras by English, 270.
Sherkh (or Athlataine), 487. Sifa, 471,
Sheroo (spotted turtle), 405. " Sifat al-Jezeerat al-Arab," chronicle,
Shibam, fort, 505, 515. 501.
Shiban, General, 62, 63. Siffin (or Isfrin), 529.
Shibba, 483. Sifra, 572.
Shihiyyeen, 5, 243, 378, 442, 445, 446, Sih al-Harmel, 211.
447. Sikhreet, 39.
Shihr, 5, 7, 8, 9, 117, 125, 164, 166, 168, Sikket al-Mudfa, 463.
490. 508, 509, 511, 523. 554- Siliya (or Dakeek), casting net, 402.
Index. 635
Silks, 365. Sohar, port, 8, 21, 26, 27, 36, 37, 45, 50,
Silva, Captain da, 220, 236. 64, 67, 68, 70, 72, 76, 83, 92, 105,
Silva,Captain-Major Antonio da Mir- 116, 117, 118, 125, 128, 134, 135,
anda, 164. 149, 150, 155, 156, 159, 161, 162,
Silveira, Diego da, 167. 163, 181, 183, 188, 189, 193, 194,
Silveira, Hector da, 164, 510. 198, 204, 216, 244, 245, 248, 249,
Silver, 360, 400. 250, 251, 254, 257, 258, 259, 260,.
Simaneas, 141. 261, 262, 263, 264, 268, 269, 276,
Simonovich, Count, Russian Envoy, 277, 281, 286, 287, 294, 298, 304,
341- 305. 306, 308, 317. 320, 325> 327,
Simsim, 394. 332, 334> 338, 339. 343. 347. 348,
Simsim and Jiritch, Sesamum Indicum, 349. 350. 352, 358,. 359' 362, 364.
398- 365, 366, 372, 380, 412, 431, 435.
Sinan bin Mohammed, Wali, 244. 455, 456, 457, 458, 483, 532, 533,
" Sinbad the Sailor," 449, 457. 535, 536, 540. 541-
Sinbala al-Himara, 409. Sohar, capture of, 189.
Sind, 54, 55, 59, 70, 226, 313, 315, 321, Sohar, sons of Said bin Zaid, 4.
365. Sohar, surrender of, 194.
Smow, 437. Sohar, tribe, 4, 20, 23.
Siraf, 70, 114, 116, 365, 366, 372, 503. Sohar and Busra, decline of trade, I34.
Sirajeke, 558. Sohar menaced by two Arab armies,-
Sirdar, Persian, 258. 161.
Sirhan bin Said, writer, 16, 21. Sohar Peak, 456.
Sivajee (founder of Mahratta Empire), Sohtari, mountains of, 382.
218. Soko, 141, 143, 152.
Siwi, 330, 337. 344. Soko, bombarded by Portuguese, 142.
Siwi, Saeed's campaign against town of, Soldada, 231.
ends in disaster, 344. Soldan of Aden, 507.
Skate, 410. Sole, 410.
Skinner, Captain, 231, 234, 307. Solima, son of Malik bin Fahm, 21.
Slave trade, treaty for suppression of, Solomon, 361.
347- Solomon, Spanish Jew, richest in
Slavery, female, Koran's instruction, Hormuz, 170.
367-368. Somali Coast, 232.
Slaves, 360. Somaliland, 359.
Slaves, negro, from E, Africa, 14, 265. Soodah bin Ali bin Amr bin Ameer, 70.
" Slaves " of Kais, 5. Soof Ali, the murdered father of
Smith, Colonel Lionel, 316, 317, 320, Ferhan Pasha, 574.
454- Soojak, 574.
Smith, General, 326, 327. Sook (or bazaar), 521.
Smith, Sir Lionel, 454. Sook al-Kadeeri, village, 422.
Smith, Mr., 205. Sook Hasek, 516, 556.
Snooks, 403. Soonais, 520.
Snow, 390. Soor, 2, 15, 136, I43> 187, 193, 194, 195.
Snow, sailing boat, attacked by Joas- 198, 204, 209, 308, 326, 352, 357,
mees, 275. 360, 361, 383, 400, 408, 412, 423,
Snowstorm, 566. 427, 429, 431, 435> 457> 472> 475.
Socotra, 141, 142, 151, 153, 166, 487. 476, 479, 484, 488, 490, 520, 521,
Socotrians, 414. 524, 525, 526, 527, 528, 530.
Soda (or Black Island), 495, 496, Soor al-Hayiz, town, 435.
Sofra, son of Abu Sofra, 57. Soor al-Hiyan, 432.
Sofrite Dhahak ibn Kais al-Sheibani, Soor al-Lowatya, 461.
49- Soor al-Makinyat, town, 435.
2 A 2
636 Index,
Soor al-Shayadiyeen, 436. Sucking fish or Remora, 410.

Soor al-Sheyadee, 456. Success, 272, 275.
Soor Hassain, 426. Sudd, 411, 461.
Soor Soor (or Al-Balad), 475. Suez, 138, 139, 168, 170, 172, 177, 290,
Soor Wilad Hadeed, 459. 338.
Soorijal-Deen, Shaikh, 553, Suff or alliance, 242, 419, 422, 423, 432,
Sooree boats, 288. 433-
Soories, 383, 429, 476. Sugar cane, 379, 394, 397.
Soos, 407. Sulaf , battle at 57. ,
Sophar, 498. Suliman, 164, 493.

Souza, Manoel de, 160, 173. Suliman, son of Imam Abbad, 50, 52, 53.
Sowadi, 458. Suliman, Wali, 330.
Sowadi Rocks, 380. Suliman Agha, 272, 273.
Sowaih Beni Bu Ali, 485. Suliman al-Alafy, 54.
Sowaik, 258. 286, 298, 332, 337, 339, Suliman bin Abbad, 53.
457- Suliman bin Abdul Malik bin Bilah al-
Sowala, 457. Saleeni, 56, 83.
Sowara, 456. Suliman bin Ali, 60, 330, 331.
Sowi, 473. Suliman bin Khalfan, 241, 285.
Spain, 193, 205, 210, 367, 370, 375. Suliman bin Nasir, 242.
Spano-Portuguese interests, 206, 207. Suliman bin Suliman bin Muzhaffer
speaker, 232. al-Nebhani, 136.
Spearheads, 360. Suliman Pasha, 510.
speedy Return, 232. Suliman Reis, 171.
Speer, yellow-eyed hawk, 389. Suliman Sultan (known as Sahib Keran),
Sperm whale, 411. 164, 170, 171, 172, 177.
Spermaceti or blubber, 406. Suliman the Magnificent, 511.
Spice Islands, 208. Sulimania, 561.
Spiders, 390. Sullani darab, or rozul road, 573.
" Spirits of the deep," Arab navigators Sulphur fires, 562.
endeavour to propitiate, 449. Sultan, 237.
Sprenger, Dr., 4, 14, 386, 499, 50T. 538. Sultan, corvette, 536.
Squids or cuttle fish, 411. Sultan, death of, 303.
" Stallion," 461. Sultan, eldest son of Saif, 235, 286,
Stamboul, 172. 289.
Stanley, 360. Sultan, Shaikh, 311.
Staper, Mr., 205. Sultan, son of Imam Ahmed, 276, 277,
Starfish, 411. 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 291, 292, 293,
States-Greneral,"207. 294, 295, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302, 303,
Steel, Mr., 185, 206. 304, 306.
Stephens, Mr., 218. " Sultan al-Bahr," 408.
Stewart, Captain, 283. Sultan al-Dowla, death of, 122.
Sting ray, 409. Sultan al-Dowla Abu-Shujra, 122.
Stockholm Museum, 368. Sultan bin Abul Arar, 202.
Storie, Mr., 205. Sultan bin Ahmed, 284, 285, 286, 287,
Strabo, 4, 17, 499. 288, 307, 337.
Straits of Hainan, 367. Sultan bin Ahmed's return from exile,
Suagros, Cape, 375. 284.
Suakim, 471. Sultan bin Himyar, 183, 184.
Suar, village, 537. Sultan bin Mesood, 161, 162.
Subdur of rebellion, 482. Sultan bin Murshid bin Jadi, 254, 255,
Subkha Mutta, 384, 439, 257. 258.
Sublime Porte, 168, 272, 273. Sultan bin Saif, 195, 210, 211.
Index. ^17
Sultan bin Sakar, Shaikh, 307, 310, 314, Syrian expedition, 290.
319, 320, 321, 325, 333, 348. Syrian trade, 137.
Sultan Ibrahim, 142. Syro-Chaldean Mutran, 578.
Sultan Ibrahim bin Yusuf, 508.
Sultan Kutb ul-Deen, Malik of Hormuz, Taab, town, 473.
482. Tabari, writer, 36.
Sultan Mohammed Shah, 133. Tabaristan, 58.
Sultan Nasir, 508. Taborackasset, 573.
Sultan Muscat, 421.
of Taflowa, mound, 566.
Sultan Turkey, 528.
of Tafool (fishing float), 402.
Sultan Shah, 131. " Taful or Gamester," 167.
Sultan's choice between French and Tagus, 141.
English influence, 289, 291. Tai, tribe, 81, 437.
Sumatra, 167, 218, 270, 365. Taibi, village, 482.
Sumbaja Angria, 217. Taifa, 420.
Sumr (species of acacia), 385. Taiwaa, 426,
Sunf (Arab sixth sea), 367. Taiwee, 134, 144, 153, 160, 163, 187,
Sunni, 422, 423, 424, 425, 426, 427, 428, 428, 473, 528, 532.
429, 430, 431, 432, 433, 434. 435. 436, Taiz, 510.
437. 438, 528. Takeh Abuk, 492.
Sunni and Nizar tribes, 61, 62, 65, 72, Takeh Abuk, curious geological forma-
78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 86, 89, 90, 97, loi, tion, 492.
102, 112, 127, 202. Takhallus (nom-de-plume), 172.
Sunni faith, 72. Taki Khan, 273.
Sunni mosque, 576. Takreet, 389.
Sunni party in Oman, 63, 74, ']']. Talib, 19, 333.
Sunnite, 482. Talla, 396.
Superstitious Portuguese sailors' fear, Tamarind, 379, 394.
174. Tamarisk, 385, 391, 394, 572, 573.
Supreme Being, 174. Tanna, 45, 254, 364.
Surat, 19, 177, 185, 187, 206, 207, 209, Tannejee tribe, 446.
212, 213, 218, 224, 227, 228, 229, 230, Tanoof, 391.
232. 236, 256, 257, 274, 277, 293, 307, Tanoof Valley, 74, 247.
313. 321. Taoogh, 560, 564.
Surmanrai, 576. Tarboza, melon, 393.
Survey of Coasts of East Africa and Tareef town of, 435, 453.
,
Madagascar, 330-331. Tareekh al-Mustabsir, 128.

Survey of Coasts of Oman and Persian Tarikh Mombasa, 221.
Gulf, 327. Tarrath or Pentateuch, 562..
Surveying expedition, French, to Mada- Tasm, tribe, 4, 8.
gascar and East Africa, 345. Tavares, Manoel de Souza, 158, 159,
Susa, civilization of, 13. 160.
Susiana, 9. Tavora, Captain Francisco da, 142,
Suwafa, tribe, 431. 146.
Sword blades, 360. Taylor, Lieutenant, 313.
Swordfish, 416. Taylor, pirate, 234.
Sycamore, 391. Tayyib, 482.
Sylph, 314. Taza Kharminthe, 560.
Symson, Captain, 511. Taza or Fresh River, 578.
Syria, 12, 41, 81, 120, 138, 205, 342, Tazeek, 129, 130.
359. 361, 363, 365. 367, 368. Tazirat, 478.
Syria, immoral monkeries of, 43. Teaching of Mohammed, 39-42.
Syrian desert, 289. Teak, 360,412, 476.
2 A 3
638 Index.
Teazer, 4, 67, 468. Thurston, Mr., 209.

Teen, fig, 393, 397. Tibba, 453.
Teez, 181. Tiger, 273.
Tehama, 500. Tigris, 3, 14, 64, 356, 361, 571. 575. 576,
Teignmouth, 313. 577. 578-
Teloreet, 106. Tigris, 338.
Tekrit, 574, 575, 576. Tilbury Hope, 185.
Teleskof, 568. Tilkeyf, 567, 568.
Tell Abithur, 573. Timsa, 253.
Tell Afr, 572. Tippoo Sahib, 290.
Tell Ebri, 572. Tissin, 560.
Tell Sifra, 573. Toar, Sancho da, 190, 191.
Tellicheri, 232. Tobacco, 379, 394, 454.
Temeemeh, or head shaikh, 86, 241, Tobacco pipe or gar fish, 409.
421, 422. Tobbas, 9, 499.
Tenan, 22, 424. Toghrul Bey, Seljook, 128, 129, 131.
"Tent Head," 443. Tomb at Kilhat, 526.
Terada, native trading boat, 185. Tomb of Ahmed bin Saeed, inscription
Terass, pearl tax, 416. on, 280.
Teredon (afterwards known as OboUa), Tomb of Imam Saif destroyed by
trade emporium, 14, 358, 359. Wahabee general, 225.
Teredos (ship worms), 405. Tomb of Nahum, the Al-Koshite, 569.
Tereem, 515, 552. Tomb of Patriarch Yusof with inscrip-
,
Terlan (yellow hawk), 390. tions in Latin, Syriac and Arabic,

Ternate, 300, 513. 570-
Terrible, 233, 234. Tomb of Seyyid Zynbair bin AbduUa
Tew, Captain, 228. al-Hashima, 543.
Texeira, 134. Tomb of Virgin, spurious, 578.
Thaalibi, 9. Tombs of Daniel and Shadrach, Meshach
Thaika Pass, 87. and Abednego, 578.
Thaka, village, 502, 517, 518, 544, 546, Toolajee Angria, 267.
554. Toorkee, 352, 354, 433.
Thakeef, tribe, 31. Toorun Shah, 131, 160.
Thamood, tribe, 4. Toosoon Pasha, 314.
Tharmud, 435, 457. Toot, mulberry, 398.
Tharthar, 572, 573, 574. Tooz Khurmati, 559.
"The Five Fingers," 559, 560. Toozoon, 103, 106, 107.
Thebes, 356. Torin, Captain, 288.
Theophilus Indus, 23. Torpedo or electric ray, 410.
Theophrastus, 393. Tortoiseshell, 405, 490, 542.
Thetis, 324. Towar (adults), 389.
Thetis, La, 278. Towwam, district, 4, 22, 36, 62, 72, 81,
Thighs or fakhths, 420. 91. 253.
Thirmud, 453. Trade and conquest, ancient Arab
Thoghara, tribe, 501. literature on, 364-365.
Thomas, 206. Trade of Mareb between India and
Thomas, St., fort, 142. Egypt, 18.
Thome, David, dragoman, 568, 569. Traders, Arab, 13.
Thompson, Captain, Political Agent, Trade's Increase, 206.
236. Trading operations in Persian Gulf
Thowaini, 336, 338, 343, 344, 346, 347, commenced by French, 268.
349. 350, 351. 352. 521. Trafalgar, 274.
" Through Asiatic Turkey," 467. Tragacanth, 561.
,
Index. 639
Trammel, 402. Turkish mercenaries, 99.

Trankies (rowing vessels), 237. Turkish naval expeditions, 167, 168.
" Travels," graphic description of H.H. Turkish Pasha, 302.
harem given in Mme. Heifer's, 339. Turkish prizes, 166, 167.
Treachery by Joasmees against Viper, Turkish rule, 511.
288. Turkish rule, Chaldeans contented
Treaties, English and French, with under, 561.
Oman for trade with Zanzibar and Turkish soldiers and sailors, 177.
East African coast, 335. Turkish troops, 324, 342.
Treaty, American, with Oman for Turkish vacillation, 302.
Zanzibar trade, 335. Turkish villages, 577.
Treaty, commercial, with English, 341. Turkish zaptiahs, 574.
Treaty, commercial, with French, 345. Turkomans, 130, 133.
Treaty of Munster, 210. Turks, 112, 120, 128, 130, 134, 137,
Treaty of Paris, 1857, 352. 164,167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172,
Treaty of 1619, 208. 173, 174, 175, 177, 180, 182, 199,
Trees and plants, list of Arabian, 398- 272. 273, 302, 323, 324, 371. 505. 573-
399- Turtles, 405, 410.
Tribal feuds, 16. Tuyan (or " The Wells "), 467.
Tiibes, classification of, 420. Tye Arabs, 566.
Tribes, distribution of, 3. Tyeen valley, 382, 460.
Tribes, extinct, 3. Tyrant Sultan, 103.
Tribes,origin of, 418. " Tyrants," 63.
Tribute, collection of, by agent of Tyre, 2, 12, 14, 357, 358, 359, 365, 476.
Khalif, 93. Tyre, trade of, 13.
Trimmer, 303, 306.
Tripoli, in Syria, 205. Ulemas, Ameer, 553.
Tristan da Cunha, 141, Um al-Direes, 485.
Trunk, coffer or tortoise fish, 410. Um al-Jareet, 456.
Turfa, 394. Um Rasas, 488.
Turfa and Ithel, tamarisk, 398. Umk, 455.
Turk Grand Fleet routed, 178. Umm al-Teifa, town of, 429.
Turkee, 523, 525, 526. United States, 334, 335.
Turkey, 138, 139, 177, 271, 312, 476. Upper Egypt, 512.
Turkey, declaration of war against Upper Mesopotamia, 578.
Russia, 312. Upton, Commodore, 234.
Turkish Arabia, 578. Ur of the Chaldees, 358.
Turkish armada, 173. Urban, King, 358.
Turkish company, 205. Ustad Hormuz, Persian Governor, 120
Turkish designs, 168. 121.
Turkish envoy, 274. Uzal, tribe, 3.
Turkish firmans, 568.
Turkish fleet, capture of part of, 511. Valdez, Dominic da Tirale, 193.
Turkish fleet defeated, 329. Vaphrizes, 26, 29.
Turkish fleets defeated by Portuguese, Vasco da Gama, 138.
170-178. Vasconcello, Duarte Mendes da, 156,
Turkish galleots or galleys, 167, 173, 157-
174, 175, 180, 181. Vasconcello, Manoel da, 166.
Turkish Government, 182, 563, 574, Vassal Kings of Dhofar, 507, 508.
575- Vaz Lopo, 164.
Turkish Governor, 312, 328. Vedor (or treasurer), 195.
Turkish guns, 167. Vegetable oil, scarce, 405.
Turkish language, 578. Vegetables, 380.
640 Index.
Veiga, yas de, 159. Wady Bair, 473.

Venetian Republic, wars of, with Genoa, Wady Batha Saham, 379.
137- Wady Beni Ghafir, 242, 250, 379, 457.
Venetians, 137, 139, 207. Wady Beni Khalid, 423, 426.
Venetians, false commercial policy of, Wady Beni Kharoos, 119, 379, 430, 458.
139- Wady Beni Kharoosi, 240.
Venice, 137, 138, 140, 207. Wady Beni Ruwaihah, 3, 381.
Venus, 282. Wady Bosher, 427, 437.
Vestal, 321. Wady Darseyt, 461.
Viceroy of India, Albuquerque, 154. Wady Ebri, 572.
Viceroy of India, Duke of Almeida, 140. Wady Einana, 493, 556, 557.
Victoire, 228, 229. Wady Ethli, 383.
Victor, 233. Wady Fakk, 473, 528.
Victoria, frigate, 351, 352. Wady Feda, 422.
Vidal, Captain, 330, 331. Wady Ghazalet, 557.
Vikings, 368. Wady Ghowaisa, 472.
Vine, 231. Wady Gozalet, 493.
Vines, grape, 394, 396. Wady Haiwi, 473.
Violet, 391. Wady Halebijesh, 572.
Viper, 288, 296. Wady Halfain, 75, 375.
Virgin, inscription on chapel to, 463. Wady Ham, 436.
Virgin, picture of, 565. Wady Hammam, 379, 432, 458, 459.
Virgin del Rozario, church of, 192. Wady Hanifa, 539.
Virgin Mary, church of, 569. Wady Hatat, valley, 51, 396, 470, 538.
Visby, 368. Wady Hatta, 67, 379, 423, 437, 454.
Visit of Hilal, Saeed's eldest son, to Wady Hermali, 298.
England, 345. Wady Howasina, 244, 264, 379, 427,
Vogelia Leprosa (species of flowering 433, 456.
shrub), 391. Wady Ibrahim, 572.
Vologaces II, 20, Wady Issa, 474, 475, 528.
Wady Jezza, 117.
Waber, tribe, 4. Wady Jezzi, 246, 260, 294, 378, 379,
Wachri, falcon, 389. 430, 533. 534, 535. 538, 540-
Wadda ibn Hameed al-Aizdi, 59. Wady Joghranah, 49.
Wady, or stream of water, 377, 379. Wady Kabdi, 475.
Wady Abaila, 535. Wady Kahza, 434.
Wady Abdan, 572. Wady Kalbuh, 69, 100, 264.
Wady Abyad, 458. Wady Kebeer, 467.
Wady Ahin, 379, 422, 424, 456. Wady Khalid, 383, 526.
Wady Ain, 380, 381, 536. Wady Koor, 424, 428, 454.
WadyAkk, gorge, 5, 326, 382, 433, Wady Kubdee, 529.
434- Wady Maawal, 250, 264, 430.
Wady al-Ara, 459, Wady Maih, 51, 396, 437, 470.
Wady al-Bahayis, 460. Wady Makabeel, 431, 456.
Wady al-Kabir, 379, 457. Wa4y Maseela, 550.
Wady al-Lowami, 460. Wady Mawa, 455, 458.
Wady al-Nakhr, 102. Wady Mesudi, 537.
Wady al-Safam, 535. Wady Misthal, 458.
Wady al-Sohba, 539. Wady Mylis, 471.
Wady Andam, 426, 437. Wady Rekot, 375, 386, 495, 516.
Wady Arash, 460. Wady Rostak, 379. 431, 432.
Wady Asin, 526. Wady Sahah, 383.
Wady Bahila, 214, 241. Wady Sakrat, 527.
Index, 641
Wady Semail, 20, 104, 136, 242, 259, Walnut, 390, 394.
341, 381, 425, 427, 429, 431, 460. War between England and Persia, 352.
Wady Seraya, 470. War of succession between Sultan and
Wady Sheea, 484. his brothers. Imam Saeed and Kais,
Wady Sifra, 574. 286.
Wady Taiwee, 473. War with Joasmees, 274, 275, 276, 284.
Wady Taleefa, 383. War with Persia by Imam Ahmed, 271.
Wady Thaika (or Devil's Gap), 118, 471. War with Turkey by Shah of Persia,
Wady Tharthar, 572. 271-273.
Wady Tyeen, 87, 118, 381, 382, 383, Ward, rose, 398.
471. Ward bin Ziyad, Shaikh, elected as
Wady Wasit, 535. Imam, 117.
Wady Yabreen, 439, 538. Warren, Commodore, 231, 232.
Waeel, tribe, 386. Warms, madder, 393.
Wafee, 521. Warsae, author, 368.
Wahabee doctrines, 288. Waseel bin Atha, founder of sect Mota-
Wahabee Empire, final destruction con- zilites, 48.
templated, 323. Waseem bin Jaafar, Mahrah chief, 71.
Wahabee invasion, 427. Wasit, 103, 105, 106, 114, 120, 363.
Wahabee vengeance dreaded by Saeed, Wastain (yearlings), 389.
310. Wataia, 461.
Wahabees, 225, 289, 294, 295, 297, 298, Water Beetle (Jaalan), tribe, 5.
300, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, Watershed, 377, 382.
309, 310, 312, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, Wathek, 510.
319, 320, 322, 323, 324, 326, 334, 336, Wathek Billah, vassal ICing of Dhofar,
- 339. 342, 344. 348, 350, 378, 440, 442, 507, 508.
444, 454, 475. 521, 525, 528, 532, 535, Wathek bin Yusuf 506. ,
537, 538. Wathek Ibrahim, 508.

Wahabeism, 288. Wathil, or Wail, son of Himyar, 7.
Wahashat, tribe, 454. Wathil bin Garith. 8.
Waheebeh, tribe, 455. Watson, Admiral, 267.
Wahib, 23. Wazeer al-Hoossani ibn al-Wasim, 96.
Wahraz or Vaphrizes, family title, 25, Wazeer al-Mohallebi, 109.
26. Weaving, 380.
Wail or Wathil, 7. Wellesley, Marquess of, 291.
Wail, tribe, 383. Wells, loi, at Kilhat, 529.
Wainwright, Captain, 316. Wellsted, Captain, 452.
Wakf, 568. Wellsted, Lieutenant, 338, 414, 514.
Wakf (religious endowments), 236. West, 355, 356, 361, 363, 468.
Walad Metowwa (bandit), 429. West African Coast, 139.
Waleed, " Pharaoh of the Ommiades," West Indies, 226, 227, 228, 230.
55.
" Western India," 226.
Wali, or governor, 54, 68, 240. Western Point, 448.
Wali Afeef 554.
,
Western Nations, 370.
Wali Ahmed bin Saeed, 455. " Wets," Protestants,
567, 568, 569.
Wali Muhammed, 55. Wheat, 380, 394.
Wali of Adam, 71. Whish, Mr., 212.
Wali of Egypt, 168. White, Captain, 232, 233.
Wali of Muscat, 243. Whitelock, writer, 414, 447, 452.
Wali of Nakhl, 240. Wibal, tribe, 3.
Wali Saeed bin Aslam, killed, 54. Widam, town, 431, 433, 435, 457.
WaU Sinan bin Mohammed, 244. Wilad Abd al-Salam, 456.
Wali Suliman, 544. Wilad Abs, 434.
642 Index.
Wilad Dhabba, 428. Yakoot, 134, 135, 376.

Wilad Dhobyan, 428. , Yal, tribe, 423,
Wilad Eesa, 427. Yal Ali, tribe, 443.
Wilad Harbi, 485. Yal Beraik, tribe, 423.
Wilad Hosin, 427. Yal Hamad, 426, 459.
Wilad Jahdim, 429. Yal Omair, 433.
Wilad Maala, 424. Yal Saad, 435, 453, 457.
Wilad Miyahaba, 425. Yangijeh, 558.
Wilad Mujab, 436. Yarab, birth of, 6.
Wilad Waid, 426. Yarab (formerly known as Yerah), 3, 6»
Wilad Yahmad, 426. Yarub, descendant of Kahtan, 3,
Wilad Zikree, 425. Yas, myrtle, 398.
Wild ass, 387. Yas bin Amr, 438.
William the Conqueror of England, 131. Yasar bin Sacsac, 7.
William the Conqueror, pilgrim steamer, Yashjob, successor of Yarab, 6.
519- Yateema, famous pearl, 95.
Williamson, pirate, 233. Yazbashi, 559, 564, 566.
Wilson, Captain John, 338, 414. Yazidi villages, 577.
Wilson, Captain S,, 290. Year of Deputations, 30.
Wines, 360. " Year of the Elephant," 29.
Wolf, 387. Yel (trawl net), 402.
Wood, 563. Yemama (old district of Tasm and Jadis
Woodi, 550. tribes), 4, 10, 27, 36, 360, 384, 386.
Wool, 561. 439. 504. 539-
Woollen cloths, 365. Yemen, 2, 5, 7, 15, 18, 19, 22, 24, 26, 28,
World, Oriental, 355. 29. 31, 39. 70. 75. 77> 78, 79. 86, 90,
Wright, author, 23. 95, 97, 119, 164, 167, 177, 246, 284,
Wright, Captain, 227, 230. 356, 357. 359. 360, 371. 372, 376, 383,
Wrought iron, 360. 389. 393, 419, 425, 433. 434, 500, 501.
Wiistenfeld, 4, 433. 505, 506, 508, 509, 510, 511, 547. 550.
Yemen, expedition against, 25.
Yaarab bin Belarab, 239, 240, 242, 243. Yemen, founder of, 6, 9.
Yaarab bin Kahtan, 437. Yemen, gold and silver mines in, 13.
Yaareba, 277, 281, 430, 438. Yemen Arabs, 138.
Yaareba adherents, 250, 264. Yemenite, 418, 425, 426, 429, 434, 437.
Yaareba dynasty, 201, 210, 265, 266, Yemenites, heretical, 79, 82, 84, 202,
468. 203, 243, 244, 245, 248.
Yaareba dynasty, collapse of, 238. Yenkal, 201, 244, 245, 247, 264, 380,
Yaareba dynasty, foundation of, 437. 422, 456.
Yaareba dynasty, rise and fall of, 265. Yerah (now known as Yarab), 3.
Yaareba Imams, favourite residence of, Yessur, 393.
456. Yezdejbid, 580.
Yaareba Princes, 217, 221, 225, 262, 263, Yezeed, slain, 59.
264, 268. Yezeed, son of Muhallib, 58.
Yaareba revolt, 269. Yezeed bin Ali Aslam, 55.
Yaareba Sultans, 458. Yezeed bin Muhallib, governor of Irak,
Yabreen, 214, 216, 241, 245, 246, 247, 56, 57. 58.
248, 381, 539- Yezeed bin Saif bin Hany al-Hamadain,
Yadmad, tribe, 202. 56.
Yahia bin Abdullah Azeez, 68. Yezeed II, 56, 59,
Yahia bin Najih, 62, 68. Yiti, sandy beach of, 51, 399, 470.
Yahmadi, tribe, 71, 202. Yoktan, father of Hadhramaut, 6.
Yakeeb, 425. Yom of Shaaban, 75.
Index. 643
Yuba, district, 489. Zanzibar, Saeed's preference for, 350.

Yule, author, 373. Zaphir, 568.
Yusof, 524, 525. Zaptiahs, 575.
Yusof assassinated by Nafi, a black Zareeka, small vessels, 70.
slave, xio. Zaroo, tree, 392.
Yusof bin Wajih, 97, 102, 103, 104, 105, Zazibut, 559.
106, 108, 109, no, III. Zebeed, city, 500, 506, 511.
Yusof's flotilla, destruction of, by fire, Zenj (negro soldiers), 116, 117.
106. Zhafar, 478.
Zhafier, church at, 23.
Zaab, tribe, 456. Ziarat, tomb of Samiri at, 553.
Zab, 564, 566, 577, 578. Zikki, town, 16, 20, 75, 87, 202, 214, 216,
Zabej (or Java), 367. 241, 242, 247, 253, 254, 265, 283, 318,
Zaffar, 177. 381, 424, 433, 434, 435, 438, 490.
Zahaba, tribe, 458. Zikky, 483.
Zai, village, 445. Ziyad, 22.
Zaid bin Khaleefa, Shaikh, 538. Ziyad, Ameer of Oman, 56, 57.
Zaili, 164. Ziyad, son of Muhallib, 58.
Zaimas, 412. Zizad bin Mahallib, 84.
Zakat (tithes), 34. Zobara in Katar, 297, 318.
Zalim, descendant of Kahtan, 3. Zohair, Shaikh, tomb of, 445.
Zalim ibn Sarrak al-Atecki al-Azdi, 57. Zoroaster, 41.
Zamorin, 138, 218, 554. Zoroaster, repulsive religion of, 43.
Zanzibar, 15, 55, 97, 220, 221, 232, 266, Zoroastrian religion, 563.
329. 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, Zoroastrians, 41.
337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, Zwemer, traveller, 441.
345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, Zygana malleus, 408.
426, 427, 484, 489, 490, 521, 542, 550.
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The Countries and Tribes of The Persian Golf

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Old fort Rostak The capital of Oman before Musqat

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COUNTRIES AND TRIBES

Price £1 lis. 6d. net the two volumes.

The Persian Gulf Under Islam 29

The Portuguese in Eastern Arabia ... 137

Colonel S. B. Miles Frontispiece

An Arab Group facing p. 65

Part of the Fort at Bahila p. 129

The Fort at Yabreen P193

Wind Tower and Fort at Bahila . .

Seyyid Hamed Bin Azzar's House at Rostak P-393

Date Palms p. 521

The present volumes, dealing with the ancient and modern

mbdified certain portions of his narrative and supplied full references

Samuel Barrett Miles was the son of Major-Gen. Miles, of North

1838. He was educated at Harrow and entered the Indian Army

Agent and Consul at Muscat in 1874 ; Consul-General of Baghdad

HISTORY OF EARLY COLONIZATION.

The history of the ancient colonization of Oman in Eastern Arabia

The question, however, regarding the origin of the pristine

view of the part taken by them in promoting the cause of civilization

of thirteen branches or tribes whose posterity has continued to occupy

district in the Yemen ; while Hommel has connected Diklah with

Thamood, who are said to have been of gigantic stature others ;

of whom are known to have been represented in Oman.

were further divided into nine principal families —Ghassan, Aus,

Ghassanites." The Mazen had, it is said, four divisions. They

it from Malik bin Hamza, but it is probably of higher antiquity.

The tomb of Khodhaa, the personification of the tribe, is said to

or Chavila, which formed a colony and dynasty in Oman, but at

the land after their own name.

The Bahila, an ancient tribe of dubious derivation, which

probably founded the town in Cape Mussendom, where a decisive

6 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.

Caussin de Perceval, in his essay, informs us that Yarab,

of Rome, and if this chronological calculation be accepted, it would

Kahlan and Himyar. Kahlan, according to some, succeeded his

uncertain, as traditional history of Oman at this period is extremely

8 Country and Tribes of the Persian Gulf.

who inhabit Ajam, Arabia and Shihr."

Harith, a descendant of Himyar through Wathil bin Gauth Harith :

was a conqueror and supposed to have invaded India, and ruled

over all the provinces of Southern Arabia. He took the title of

" Tobba," which apphes to all his more strictly only

at that time a dependency of Persia, it necessarily followed the fate

on Arabia have perished. The first Greek writer to mention the

and it may be suitable here to subjoin an outline of the maritime

bold, enterprising Cushites, who possessed the land, soon learned

We see, therefore, that, taking advantage of their position

India and the Euphrates and enjoying a most lucrative trade.

in proportion, their vessels landing merchandise at Erridu, Mugheir

suitable anchorage and depot to the northward of Oman, where

Ezekiel, who died about 570 B.C., gives a valuable account of

and measure for some 5,000 years.

and built Teredon (afterwards known as OboUa) as a trade emporium

precious stones, silks, and embroideries. Other items were ebony,

distance of over_^^ooo miles from Zanzibar, in a few days. The

Arabs, in fact, knew of the north-west and south-west monsoons

the influence of Greek art, are described in glowing terms by

The ordinary works on Arab history may be ransacked in vain

entire omission 01 any allusion to the bursting of the dam of Mareb,

of splendour and magnificence of the great city in its prosperity,