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) )

ABU RAYHAN MUHAMMAD B. AHMAD AL-BlRL Xl


(d. 440 A.H. 1048 A.D.)

AL - QANUNU* L -MAS'UDI
(Canon Masudicus
Vol. II

(ANENCYCLOPAEDIA
OF
ASTRONOMICAL SCIENCES

Edited by the Bureau

from the oldest extant Mss.

Under the auspices of the Ministry of Education,

Government of India

Published
by
The Dairatu'l-Ma'arif-il-Osmania
( Osmania Oriental Publications Bureau
Hyderabad-Dn.
INDIA

1955^ o-7.
Lai U^iV^ ******
.

THIS WORK IS DEDICATED


TO
THE HON'BLE MAULANA ABUL-KALAM AZAD,

Minister for Education, Natural Resources and

Scientific Research, Government of India, in grateful

acknowledgment of the part played by him in the

achievement of our Independence, in the advancement

of education, in the promotion of scientific research,

in the enhancement of the cultural prestige of India

abroad, and as a tribute to his profound scholarship

and creative genius, placing the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif-i'l-

'Osmania in a unique position to publish one of the

masterpieces of Eastern science, the Qdnun-i-Mas'iidt

( The Canon Masudicus ) of the great philosopher,

mathematician, astronomer and scientist, Abu Rayhan


Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Biruni ( d. 1048 A.D. ), that

had remained unpublished for the past ten centuries

in spite of the serious efforts of distinguished scholars

and learned institutions of the East and West


# * <* $ *
. .

Manuscripts of al-Qdnunu'l-Mas'iidi of al-Birunl


arranged in chronological order and
utilised for a standard edition of the text

* * •* * v ** 7<¥" * x
4

The Director of the Dairatul Ma'arif il-Osmania

has been fortunate in obtaining information about the


earliest known Mss. of this work in the great libraries

of the world and also Microfilms of the most important


ones which are as follows :-

(1) The earliest knowfrMs. which is first half of the

text is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, (Or. No. 516)

dated 475 A.H. / 1082 A.D. (Abbreviation adopted "O")

(2) The second oldest Ms. which has recently been


acquired by the authorities of the Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris, France, is (Arabe No. 6840) dated 501 A.H./1108
A.D. ( Abbr. T").

(3) The third Ms. is in the Library of Millat,

(Jarullah No. 1498) Istanbul, dated 531 A.H./1136 A.D.

Abbr. "J").

(4) The fourth Ms. is also in Istanbul in the Library

of Bayazid (Valiuddin No. 2277) This Ms. has been trans- .

cribed sometime before 536 A.H./1141 A.D. andhas been

the base of the late Dr. Max Krause who copied it carefully,

verified the diagrams and collated it with three other Mss.

for nearly ten years, but could not finish it owing to his

untimely death in the bombarding of Hamburg in 1943

in the World War II. have followed Max Krause's


We
transcript closely, but compared and corrected it from

other better Mss. ( Abbr. "V")


.

(5) The fifth Ms. is the old Berlin one, now


bearing the shelf-mark ( Orient Quart 1613 ) dated 562
A.H./1166. A.D. and preserved in the University Library
of Tubingen. ( Abbr "B").
(6) The sixth Ms. is in the British Museum, London
(Or. No. 1997) which has been transcribed in 570 A.H./

1174 A. D. ( Abbr. "L" ).

(7) The seventh Ms. is the one that has been


transferred from the Tal'at Pasha collection to the
Egyptian Nationl Library, Cairo (Miqat No. 866 ) dated
673 A. H./1274 A. D. ( Abbr. "M" )

Detailed description of all these and other Mss. will

appear in the General Introduction of the Chief Editor.

M. N.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
TO
THE NEW SERIES
OF

THE DAlRATU'L- MA'ARIF- IL- OSMANIA,


PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUSPICES
OF THE MINISTRY OF EDUCATION,
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
. .

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

Since the achievements of Eastern authors in the fields

of humanities and sciences are of basic importance and


since modern historians of literature, religion, philosophy

and science are deeply interested in the evolution of


thought and are making great researches into the regions of
knowledge covered by the geniuses of the past centuries,

the Executive and Literary Committees of the Dairatu'l-


Ma'arif realising the great need of our times, have planned
,

a New Programme of Publications and included in it

several literary, scientific and historical works which had


remained unpublished and beyond the reach of students,
scholars and even experts for centuries

During the past seven decades, the Dairatu'l-Ma arif,

keeping in view its aims and objects and its resources, has

contributed its share to the advancement of Eastern

knowledge in various branches of studies and has published


nearly 150 independent works in 350 volumes of which
a cursory mention has been made in the Glimpses of the

Dairatu'l-Ma'drif ( 1888 - 1956 ),


published recently.

The year 1951 marks a great extension in the activities


of the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif and it may well be claimed as

one of the lasting fruits of Independence and a symbol of


our national re-emergence
1
Xhe New Programme of these Publications was first

announced in 195 1 at the XXII Session of the Interna-

tional Congress of Orientalists at Istanbul andwas finalised

at the Colloquium on Islamic Culture at Princeton in 1953.

It was highly welcomed by the great Orientalists that had


assembled there from the four quarters of the globe.

Xhe visit of the Hon'ble Maulana Abu'l-Kalam Azad,


Minister of Education, Government of India, to the city

of Hyderabad, the Osmania University and the Dairatu'l-

Ma'arif on 24th September 1952 and his survey of the

activities of the Daira and its future plans put a new


life into the work of the Daira and enabled it to render

greater service by reviving the glorious past of the East

and presenting to the world a few masterpieces of the

Medieval times which have been the coveted goal of the


Western nations during this and the past centuries This .

was but a consummation of the patronage that had been


extended to Oriental Studies by India in the past ages.

Xhe New Series of which a list is given below, ( this

work forms one of its components ) would not have seen


the light of day, had it not been for the continued
financial subsidy from the Government of Hyderabad
and the Osmania University, as well as for the specific

grant of the Ministry of Education, Government of India.


Thus the Daira has been fortunate in opening fresh

fountains of knowledge for new workers in free India and


has been able to depute a few silent ambassadors of our
own country to foreign lands where Arabic is studied
seriously and where Eastern thought and learning are
2
. . .

valued highly for the sake of liberal knowledge and for

preserving the cultural unity of the South-East Asian


nations

In spite of the magnitude of the task and the variety


of subjects and technical difficulties of editing such
highly specialised works, the Daira has, to an appreciable

extent, attempted to bring out these works in the original

Arabic text with as much accuracy as possible and with


as few drawbacks as are inherent in all human under-
takings and with as little equipment and resources as
are necessary for publishing such highly learned texts.

Details of all these efforts, the position of the author

in a particular branch of knowledge, the place of

a particular work in the literature of that subject,

the introduction, essays., notes and indices as are necessary


for modern research publications, have all been appended
to each and every work. The interested reader will thus

know the part played by a particular author in advancing

human knowledge in his own days and the importance of

that particular book in the present times

The Daira owes a deep debt of gratitude to all those

who have helped it to produce the works in the present

form. Due acknowledgment has been made of all such

benefactors in the right place. It further wishes to seek

the indulgence of all scholars for any shortcomings they


may come across and requests them to help it by their

advice in future also


»

3
) . ..

The New Series

SCIENTIFIC WORKS

(I) The SUWARU'L-KAWAKIB of Abul-Husayn


'Abdu'r-Rahman as-Sufl (d.986 A.D.). (Description
of the 48 Constellations and revision of Ptolemy's

Almagest or Syntax .

(II) The QANUN-I-MAS'UDI or Canon Masudicus

by Abu Rayhan al-Biruni (d. 1040 A. D.). Encyclo-


paedia of Astronomical Sciences and Chronology
of Ancient Nations etc. (VolsI-III) .

(III) The KITABU'L-ANWA' of Ibn Qutayba (d.879

A.D.) Meteorology of the Arabs, and exposition


of technical terms lexicographically

(IV) The HAWI FIT-TIBB of Abii Bakr Muhammad


b. Zakariyya ar-Razi( d. 925 A.D.). Compendium
of the Greek Medical Lore with Razi's clinical Ob-
servations and Treatment of Diseases (Vol.I-III)
( to be continued in 7 vols.

TRADITON & TRADITIONISTS

(V) AL-JARH WAT-TA'DlL of Ibn Abi Hatim


ar-Razi ( d. 938 A.D. ) •
( Criticism of the Sciences

of Tradition and Traditionists ) . Vol. IV, pts. i-ii

(Whole work completed in 9 vols ) .

4
. )

(VI) TA DHKIRA TU'L-HUFFA Z of Shamsu'd-Dln


adh-Dhahabi (d. 1347 A.D.). Standard work on
the Biographies of Traditionists ) . Vol.1. (Revised

Edition) ( to be continued .

(VII) KANZU'L-UMMAL of 'AH al-Muttaqi al-Hindi


(d. 1567 A.D. )
( An authentic Compendium of the

Corpus of Hadith literature ) . Revised Edition.


(Vols. IV&V) (to be continued in 16 Vols.) .

HISTORICAL & BIOGRAPHICAL WORKS

(VIII) DHA IL-I-MIRATU'Z-ZA MAN of Qutbu'd-Dm


al-Yunmi (d. 1326 A.D.) . A contemporary record
of Post-Crusade Kingdoms of Syria, Egypt and
other European Principalities). Vols. I-II.

( to be continued ) .

(XI) AD-D URA R U'L K AM INA - of Ibn Hajar


al-Asqalanl (d. 1448 A.D.) Biographies of the

Eminent Personalities of VIII century A.H.


(Vol. Ill)

(X) NUZHATU'L-KHWATIR of 'Abdul Hayy of

Nadwatu'l-'Ulama, Lucknow. Biographies of

Eminent Indians from the I-XIV century Hijra)


(Vols. IV&V) (to be continued ).

5
)

Besides these the Daira has planned its fresh Programme


of Publications for the next triennium after due consul-
tation and collaboration with famous scholars of various

countries. It is earnestly hoped that the Daira will

be enabled to complete the monumental works it has


already started to edit and publish, and to provide richer
and more original material in future through its later

publications also.

In conclusion, the Chief Editor solicits that his appeal

will meet with greater response in the coming years and


that with the help of distinguished collaborators and with

the financial subsidy of generous patrons, particularly the


Ministry of Education, Government of India, it will be
possible for the Daira to implement these great literary

projects in the near future, to maintain its past reputation,

to justify its position among the premier institutions of

Eastern research in India, to render greater service to the


cause of humanities and to promote cultural unity
amongst kindred nations.

D/3ist March 1956, M. Nizamu'd-Dm


I
tu 1-Ma arif-il-Osn
Dairatu'l-Ma'arif -il-Osmania ( Editor-in-Chief

Hyderabad-Dn. 7
:

STANDARDISATION OF THE TEXT AND A BRIEF


SURVEY OF THE EXTANT MANUSCRIPTS
OF THE QANUN-I-MAS'UDI OF AL-BlRUNl

Xhe Qdniin-i-Mas'udt, the magnum opus of al-Birum,

which was compiled in 421/1030 is one of those monu-


mental works that had remained unpublished for the

past nine hundred years inspite of the efforts of old and

new schools of Arabists and Mathematicians.

It was Nicholas de Khanekoff, Russian Orientalist,

who first drew the attention of European scholars in 1866


to the scientific achievements of al-Birum and the
necessity of a complete translation of his works. Edward
Sachau laid the scholars under a deep debt of gratitude

by editing and translating two of the important works of


al-Birum, the Athdrul-Bdqiya and the Kitdbul-Hind in

1878 and 1887 respectively, but the Qdnun had remained


a sealed book .

A proposal dated 30th April 1913 which emanated


from the portals of the Muslim University, Aligarh, by
Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed and Dr . Horovitz is found in the

files of the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif and it runs as follows

"Abu Raihan Muhammed Ibn Ahmed El-Biruni


lived in the time of Mahmud of Ghazni, with whom
he came to India on several occasions. He studied

Sanskrit and he acquired the reputation of a chro-

nologist and an astronomer. Two of his important

7
. . :

books, History of India and Chronology of Ancient


Nations,have been edited and published by Sachau,
the Director of Oriental Seminar, Berlin. Nallino,

who has made special study of Arabic, says of him


he is the most original, the deepest thinker that

Islam has produced in the field of physical and


mathematical research. The most important work
of his life, on which his reputation chiefly rests,i.e,

Qdnun-i-M as' udi has not yet been published. It

is the most complete and the most authentic work


of the Arab Astronomers, and it contains certain
theories which are commonly supposed to have
been discovered in Europe in XVII century.
Both the Oriental scholars and the Astronomers
have been demanding its complete publication since
1868, when Sir Henry Elliot published the tenth

chapter of the fifth book of Qdnun-i-M as' udi


The Royal Asiatic Society of England and the
Academies of Science of Paris and Berlin have
passed resolutions expressing very great desirabi-
lity of the publication of Qdnun-i-M as' udt "

In the following years, Dr.Ziauddin Ahmed, during his

own researches on higher Mathematics, contributed two

articles in the journal of Islamic Culture of Hyderabad in

1931 and 1934, emphasising the necessity of the publica-


tion and translation of the Qdnun-i-M as' udi.Eater another
Indian mathematician and physicist, the late Sir Shah
Sulaiman, once the Vice-Chancellor of the Muslim Univer-
sity, Aligarh, had collected lot of material and got it trans-

lated into Urdu with the idea of publishing it, but the
8
. . 1

scheme did not materialise and scholars all over the world
were anxious to see its text published
In 1951 when, the Dairatul-Ma'arif was making a fresh
inquiry into its assets, and re-orientating its policy of
publications, it included the Qanun-i-Mas udl in its new
programme of publications,little knowing the difficulties

that it will have to surmount in the implementation of


this project.

The present writer on whom the burden of the manage-


ment of the Daira had fallen recently announced in 195
at the XXII Session of the International Congress of
Orientalists at Istanbul the intention of the Dairatu'l-
Ma'arif to publish the Qanun-i-Mas''udi in its New Series.

This idea was welcomed by several Orientalists, parti-


cularly by Prof. Dr. Zeki Velidi Togan, Head of the Dept.

of Islamic Studies in the University of Istanbul, Turkey.

He had made definite contributions to Birunica by the


publication of "Biruni's Picture of the World " in the

Memoirs of the Archaelogical Survey of India. No 53.


Another great scholar, the Doyen of German Orien-

talists, Prof. Dr. Helmut Ritter, Director of the Orien-

talisches Seminar of the University of Frankfurt who had


made his researches in Istanbul libraries for more than
20 years revealed that Dr. Max Krause, one of the leading
German Orientalists and Mathematicians, had perpared
an edition of this work from the earliest known manu-
script which had remained incomplete owing to his cala-

mitous death in the bombardment of Hamburg in 1943


and was in possession of the mother of the late Dr. Max
Krause
9
:

That very day, a letter was addressed to her to release


the transcript as a posthumous bequest of her late son

to the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif and Professor Otto Spies of Bonn


and Dr. Roemer, Director of the German Oriental So-

ciety at Mainz, were approached to use their good offices.

In the meanwhile, the present writer was deeply en-


gaged with the work of collecting fresh information and
microfilms of the existing manuscripts of the Qanun-i-
Mds'udi in the known libraries of the world and had collect-
ed the requisite data for a standard edition of the text,
when in November 1952 through the kindness of Prof.

Otto Spies of the Orientalisches Seminar, Bonn, the much


longed for transcript of Dr. Max Kaurse arrived in Hyde-
rabad. It was a great gift and legacy of a very serious

nature. It would be in the fitness of things if the real debt


of the late Dr. Max Krause is acknowledged at this point.

It is his labours in the solution of the technical side of the


work, and in his contribution to medieval astronomy
that the Daira is reaping great benefit. His transcript of

1229 pages of foolscap size in his neat, clear, beautiful

hand is a marvel of European scholarship on scientific

subjects.

He had taken meticulous care in transcribing the

Arabic text from the Veliuddin (No. 2277) Bayazit Lib-


rary Istanbul Manuscript written certainly before 536
A.H. 1141 A.D. and
/ in giving variants and difficult read-

ings and emendations from the other four oldest manu-


scripts known to him at that time

(1) The Bodleian Library, Oxford, No. 5i6dated475A.H.


written almost 35 years after the death of the author.

10
. .

(2) The second best of the oldest Mss. Jarullah No 1498,


in the Millat Library/Istanbul, dated 531 A.H./1136 A.D.

(3) The third one, the so called Berlin Ms. No 213


acquired in 1927, once belonged to the Imperial Library
of Calcutta , is now preserved in the University Library,

Tubingen (Orient Quart 1613) dated 562 A.H. /1166 A.D.

(4) The Museum London,


British ( Or. No. 1997 ) Ms.
dated 570 A.H. 1174 A.D /

The technical subject-matter, enormous astronomical

tables, diagrams, figures, mathematical calculations,


geometrical and trigonometrical problems and their solu-
tions were a Herculian task which would have bewildered
any other scholar except Max Krause. Only those who
have worked on such undertakings can realise the amount
of scholarship and the labour of love bestowed on such
highly technical works. In fact our printed text may be
considered as a posthumous edition of Dr. Max Krause.

But when the transcript arrived in Hyderabad, the key

to the manuscripts was missing and the results of the

researches of Dr. Max Krause had not been completed

Therefore this edition had to be revised and collated


in the light of the new material acquired by the present

writer. There was no one scholar who combined in him-

self the knowledge of medieval mathematics and Arabic


language. The Daira with the help of one of its workers,

Maulavi Sayyld Zainu'l-'Abidm and another scholar of


mathematics, Prof. Khwaja Mohmd-Din of the Dept. of

Mathematics, Osmania University has attempted to

complete this task under trying circumstances.


11
.

All these efforts would have been of no avail, if the


discerning eye of the great scholar and statesman
Maulana Abu'l-Kalam Azad, Minister of Education,

Govt, of India had not perceived the real importance of


this work in the field of Medieval Sciences and enabled

the. Dairatu'l-Ma'arif to take up this difficult task by


sanctioning a specific grant for the publication of this
work and the works mentioned above in the General
Introduction.

His interest in the monumental works connected with


the past glory of India is so deeply grounded in him that
during the time of his visit to the Daira on the 24th of

September 1952, he gave his masterly instructions about


the editing, printing and publishing of this work and
thereby laid the Daira and the future generations under
a deep debt of gratitude by his trenchant advice, scholar-
ly guidance and generous support. It was he who fulfilled

the ambitions of the admirers of al - Bfrunl from XI


century A.D. down to our own times.

In fact, the dedication of this work to him is but a


meagre acknowledgment of his genuine interest in the

publication of this work. In the real sense of the term, he

is the motive-force behind all such cultural activities that


go to enhance the prestige and name of India in foreign

countries

In this connection two or three other scholars who have


taken genuine interest and have helped the Daira by their
advice and contributions also merit recognition. Prof.
'Abdu'r-Rahman Khan, a former Principal, Osmania
12
.

University College, now Vice-President of the Islamic


Culture Board, always helped the Daira by his counsels on
scientific and mathematical H. J.J. Winter
subjects. Prof.
of the University of Exeter, England,and Mr. Syed Hasan
Burney, the famous author of "al-Biruni "in Urdu, deserve
the highest praise for their voluntary contributions.

Prof. Winter's article on "The Place of the Qaniin-i-


Masudi in the History of Science/' is a masterly analysis

of the contents of the Qdnun-i-Mas'udi in which he has

also traced its influence on later astronomers.

Mr. Burney has very generously contributed his latest

researches on al-Bfruni under the title " Al-Bfruni and

His Magnum opus, al-Qdnunu' l-Mas' udi " and has dis-

cussed in detail the achievements of al-Bfruni in various


branches of knowledge; particularly portions relating

to the theory of the Universe, Cosmogony, the Geo-centric


theory, Calendars and Chronology, Trigonometry, Obli-

quity of the Ecliptic, Astronomical Geography, Predic-


tion about America, General Picture of the World, Measure-

ment of the Earth, Tables of Longitudes and Latitudes,


Names of Indian Places in the Qdnun, Projection of
Cartography, Determination of the Motion of the Apogee
of the Sun, the Length of the Solar Year, Physical Nature
of the Sun, the Fixed Stars, and his reliance on'Abdu'r-

Rahman as-Sufi's observations in the Suwarul-Kawcikib,

on the Eastern Movement of the Fixed Stars,the Anwa


(m Meteorology ), Lunar Theory, Distance of the Sun
from the Earth, Distance and Magnitudes of the Stars

from the Earth, Planets, Eclipses, Appearance of the New


Moon and other interesting problems which serve as eye

opener to modern astronomers


*3
A CONSPECTUS OF THE EXTANT MSS. OF
THE QANUN-I-MAS'UDI
I [Or. 516] Bodleian Library, Oxford dated 475/ 1082,
the oldest known Ms. and transcribed only 35 years
after the death of al-Bfruni and collated with an original

evidently a contemporary copy, contains only first-half

and ends with-the VI Maqala.lt retains all archaic features


and is written in a close cursive Naskh in maghribi script
in a scholarly hand. This Ms. has also been utilised for
recording of variants and correction of the printed text,
and gives very intelligent readings, and approximates the
printed text; hence much nearer the authors own version.

For want of the second-half, it could not be made as a base

of the text. It appears that the author originally intended

to divide the Book into two volumes and this being the

first volume, ends on the VI Maqala.


Its fuller description is found in the Latin Catalogue of
the Bodleian by Nicolli on p. 360, Codex CCCLXX. Folios

160; size 8 1
f
2 "x 7 */ 2
"
; 24 lines per page, 5 " length; without

diacritical marks but with dots on 2 as usual in the 5th

Cenury A.H. Defective in the beginning: Folio 1 a, begins

with uUaill jtl* (


j^J h jlsU J 0
\fc> and corresponds with

the printed text p. 62. /. 6 which is the end of the 3rd

Bab of 1st Maqala and ends on the VI Maqala with a

colophon and a note of collation on folio 160 b, but the

name of the scribe is not mentioned.


The text of this Ms. corresponds materially with the

Veliuddin Ms. used as a base for this edition and enhances


incidentally the value and authenticity of both the Mss,
T
4
as the variants are negligible. It is denoted by the letter
((
"O" for Oxford or \
" and the variants are given accor-
dingly in the footnotes to the printed edition.

II. [Arabe684o] Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, France,

dated 501 A H. /1108, A.D., is the second oldest known


Ms. recently acquired by authorities. This Ms. was kindly
shown to me by Prof. Georges Vajda, Cataloguer of the

recent acquistions as one of the priceless possessions of

the Bibilotheque Nationale, and is a complete copy of the


text,perhaps the oldest complete dated text known so far.

It bears the title in ornamental Kufic letters on / 3 a on


the frontispiece and several important endorsements on

the fly-leaf showing the authenticity and preciousness

of this copy.

The scribe is Abu Ghalib b. abi'ali who transcribed it

in Isfahan at the end of Ramazan 501 a.H. Apart from


endorsements of other owners, this Ms- has been in posse-

ssion of the Astronomer-Royal of Babu'l-'ali, Muhammad


known as Munajjimak the little-astronomer.

This is a historical Ms. bears several seals and endorse-

'ments of Royal Libraries, one in Yamanite handwriting,


recording that this Ms. belongd to'Abdu'llah b. Amiru'l
Muminin al-Mansur-bhTah-i-Rabbi-' AlamhYAli b. Amiri'l

Mu'minm al-Mahdi al-'Abbas, dated 4th Muharram 1220


A.H. It contains 204 Folios; its size is 38x 27 cm; 36 lines

per page; cursive Naskh, but very clearly and carefully


written; rubrications; tables and diagrams neatly drawn.
All headings in Kufic ornaments. The chief feature of this

Ms. is that it closely resembles with the oldest copies and


probably belongs to the same family, and corresponds
15
.

materially with the printed text. This again enhances the

value of the printed edition and leads to the standardisa-


tion of the text and adds to its athenticity. It has cursorily
been mentioned by Prof. Vajda in his List, but has not
been catalogued and is not known to scholars at all. It is

denoted by the letter "F" for France or l3 « »

III. [
Jarullahi.498] Millat Library, Istanbul dated 531

A.H. 1136 A.D.


f
is the Third complete important, correct

vocalised and dated Ms. of the Qdnun. It was especially

prepared for the library of a noble or ruler entitled

Makinud-Dawlatain Abi 'AH Ahmad b. Isma'Il whose


native place or kingdom is not recorded. It is no doubt
transcibed by an anonymous scholar in round bold cur-
sive but legible clear Naskh with archaic script. It con-

tains 401 folios; 20 lines per page, rubrications, tables

and diagrams very carefully drawn and the text is highly

vocalised and offers finest readings.

It has been extensively utilised by Dr. Max Krause for


collation and variants. In fact this may be considered
as a second base for our printed text, and has been the

prized possession of several astronomers and bibliophiles

in the past ages, one of them being Abu'l-Hasan 'All b.

Muhammad ash-shah rabadT in 639 A.H. It is a unique

phenomena in the history of editing of such a highly tech-

nical text, that the Daira has been fortunate in utilising

the oldest and the most correct Mss. of the work known
to the world as yet. This positively adds to the authenti-

city of the printed text of this work. This Ms. is denoted


by the letter "J" for Jarullah, or £- in the foot-notes to the

text. It has not been catalogued as yet, hence its descrip-

16
.

tion is given here for the first time

IV. [Veliuddin 2277] Bayazid Library, Istanbul, the


base of our text. The scribe of this Ms. has left out the
year of transcript in the Colophon on / 313 b; but after
mentioning his own name as Abu Ya'la Muhammad b. al-

Husayn bin Fatik? or Oatik? (without dots) al-Oashani

or Kashani has recorded: "Wednesday 14th Ramazan"


as the date of transcript without giving the year. This
according to calculation coincides with one of these

years, 487, 495, 503, 511, 519, 527 and 535 A.H. There is

an endorsement of an owner on the fly-leaf dated 536 A.H.,


so then, this Ms. according to the indications of the cha-

racter of the hand-writing and antiquity appears to have


been written much earlier than that 536, probably in the

beginning of the 6th century, about 503 A.H. or so. This

is practically the fourth dated Ms. of the Qdniin that has

been utilised for our edition of the text.

This Ms. has been selected rightly as the base of the


transcriptby Dr. Max Krause and variants have been
recorded from the other three Mss. utilised by him as
mentioned above on pp 10-11. As regards the accuracy
of the text and the variants it gives with the other six

Mss., it may be said that it offers a very reliable text

and the tables and diagrams are also neatly and carefully

drawn, although figures in the tables of almost of all

Mss. differ slightly. Again this Ms. probably belong to a

cognate family. Every attempt at standardisation of the


text has been made and intelligent readings from all the

above Mss. have been given in the foot-notes to our

printed edition. These show the extent to which attempt


17
. .

has been made to standardize the text, particularly the

variation of figures in the tables has been a very difficult

feature. While retaining or admitting Veliuddin Ms. as


a basic-text, minor variants have been noted in the
foot-notes

This Ms. contains 313 folios of 23 lines per page. It is

in broken Nashk and is vocalised in part s and written on


Khan-Baligh paper with bronze coloured ink. Frontispiece
and Unvans of chapters are in ornamental Kufic charac-
ters with endorsments of various imporant owners :

(1) An owner whose name is obliterated and who per-


haps purchased the Ms. in Baghdad in 536 A.H.

(2) Muhammad b. Muhammad at-Turbati? temporary


resident of the Great Mosque at Damascus, dated 774A.H

(3) Another endorsment of Muhammad b. Ahmad al-

Khatib, an inheritor of the book, dated 823 A.H.

Then it was acquired by Shaikhu'l-Islam Veliu'd-Din


for his own Library, as it bears his seal and autograph

signature. It is now preserved in the Bayazid Library;


Istanbul and is one of the most valuable Mss. of the
Qanun existing in the world. It is denoted by the letter
"V" for Veliuddin or j in the foot-notes.

V. [Orient Quart 1213,] now in the University Library

Tubingen, Ex. Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Berlin, bear-


ing old acc. No. 213, acquired by that Library in 1927, is

the fifth almost complete Ms. dated 562 A.H. / 1166 A.D.
which once belonged to the Imperial Library, Calcutta,
now the Indian National Library, Belvedere, Calcutta,
which is recorded on / 120 & 239, b and transcribed by
b

Abu'l-Fath Nasr b. Muhammad b. Hibatullah b. Mansur


18
THE PLACE OF THE QANUN-f-MAS'UDl
IN THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE

The second half of the eleventh century A.D. is highly


significant in the history of mankind as period of great

intellectual activity in Persia. Amidst this flowering of

the Persian genius the achievements of Abu Raihan


Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Bfrunl (973-1048 A.D. bear )

witness to a profound erudition and a generous humanity.


The spirit of this age may be said to dwell in the critical

al- Birum , the philosophical Ibn Sma , and the poet


Firdausi; whilst of the first-named Professor Sarton has

written :

'Traveller, philosopher, mathematician, astronomer,

geographer, encyclopaedist. One of the very greatest

scientists of Islam, and all considered, one of the great-

est of all times. His critical spirit, toleration, love of

truth, and intellectual courage were almost without

parallel in medieval times".

Born in Khwarazm in 362 A.H. our celebrated author


passed his adult life first at the courts of Oabus b. Wash-
magir, Prince of Jurjan, and of AbuVAbbas Ma'mun b.

Ma'miln; but soon after the assassination of the latter in

407 A.H. 1016 A.D, he went to Ghaznah, where he came


under the patronage of the Ghaznavi Sultans Mahmud

1. G. Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science I, 707. Baltimore, 1927 •

I
.

and Mas'ud. It was during their invasions of India that

al-Birum was able by accompanying them to gain at first

hand his deep understanding of Hindu thought. He died

at Ghaznah on 2nd Rajab, 440 A.H. ( 1048 A.D. )

Amongst the many important writings of al-Birum


l

are al-Qdnun-ul-Mas udi, the subject of the present

notice, and three others which inevitably enter into our


discussion of it, namely, al-Kitdb al-Athdr al- Bdqiyya
(Vestiges of the Past, or Chronology of Ancient Nations),

Tarikh al-Hind (History of India,) C. 1030 A.D. and


al-Tafhlm li-Awd'il Sind'ati't- Tanjlm .

Al-Qdnun ul-Mas'udT is a lengthy and important


encyclopaedia of astronomy dedicated to the Sultan
Mas'ud. The preface relates how Mas'ud overcame his

opponents in the struggle for succession, and the work

itself consists of eleven books, subdivided into chapters

which are still further sectionized. It was written in

Ghaznah between 421 A.H., when Mas'ud came to power,

and 427 A.H., when it appears in the list of completed


works set down by the author himself. After the stormy

reign of Mahmud, al-Bfruni was sincerely thankful to be

able to settle quietly to the writing of what is probably


his greatest work, for Mas'ud, despite his other failings,

gave the astronomer-astrologer the much-needed respite


from material cares. There is no doubt that al-Bfrum had
an uneasy time during the reign of Mahmud and had
little to admire this sovereign, for he says of this period,
"
. . . . it is quite impossible that a new science or any
new kind of research should arise in our days. What we
have of sciences is nothing but the scanty remains of
.

bygone better times;" 1 but in the preface to al-Qanun ui-

Mas'iidT where high-sounding phrases extol the virtues


of the new ruler, a feeling of gratitude permeates his
words-" Is it not he who has enabled me for the rest of

my life to devote myself entirely to the service of


science,

The eleven books of this encyclopaedia deal respec-

tively with, fundamental definitions, calendars of different

races, properties of the circle, the mathematical astrono-


my of the sun and constellations and its use in the study
of night and day and of the latitudes of cities, the further

mathematical treatment oflatitude and longitude, motion


of the sun in the zodiac, motion of the moon, eclipses of

the sun and moon, the fixed stars, the motions of the five

planets in their spheres, and finally, motion of a planet


in the zodiac and its astrological significance. Embracing
as it does the whole field of observational astronomy and
the measurement of time, together with the mathematics

of the Ptolemaic system, a work of these dimensions


cannot be discussed fully within a short space for it raises

many interesting questions, but it is hoped in this notice

to indicate its main features and to emphasize its signi-

ficant place in the history of science

To realise the personal background of the author in

this connection is important. He had studied and mas-

tered both Greek and Hindu astronomy, though after he

had returned and settled in Ghaznah he does not seem


to have made any progress beyond what his Indian

(i) E. Sachau. Alberuni's India, I, 152. London, iqio.

3
travels had taught him; indeed, as with most Islamic
astronomers, he shows overwhelming support for Greek
methods, preferring the lucid deductive argument and
the geometrical representation. Of critical independent

outlook, he did not merely follow tradition in this, being

in fact anti-Arab in disposition and for his times, extre-

mely tolerant of the intellectual outlook of other nations.

It was simply that he preferred the directness of Greek


methods to the subtler analytical ideas of the Hindus,

which usually had philosophical and religious implica-

tions. Thus we find his work lucid and orderly, with each

section usually divided into three parts - a short general

introduction, a statement of the problem under discus-

sion, and an elaboration of his own. In this last he at-

tempts to get a better understanding and to arrive at a


conclusion, often by comparison with Greek and Hindu
evidence on the subject. He uses the manuscripts of ear-

lier writers with the utmost discretion, exposing errors

of both authors and scribes. We find a special regard for

the astronomical investigations of Ptolemy. As for al-

Birum's knowledge of the geometry of the sphere, whilst


it reveals a thorough acquaintance with the Greek con-

tribution, it is in no way a complete anticipation of the


great treatise on spherical trigonometry which was to
appear some two hundred years later from the hand of
Nasir al-Dm at-Tusi. Finally, one should not ignore the
medieval mind in al-Biruni when praising the objec-

tivity of his outlook in regard to scientific problems. He


undertook a lengthy study of Hindu and Greek astrology,
being especially influenced by the latter, and undoubtedly

4
.

made the customary assumption of the influence of

the planets and the zodiacal signs upon the destinies of


men. An Arabic translation with commentary of Plato's
Timaeos found an honoured place in his library

In the introductory Book al-BTruni deals with the nature


of the universe and with the system of planetary spheres,

the division of night and day and of the year into months
and days by different races, and the solar and Lunar
years. These general conceptions are essentially those of

Ptolemy. However , on the possibility of a motion of


translation of the earth, al-Biruni's objective outlook ,

with its realization of the relativity of astronomical mo-


tions, seems to have led him to a position of reserve, for

in the Tarikhal-Hind there are to be found these words:-

"Besides, the rotation of the earth does in no way impair


the value of astronomy, as all appearances of an astro-
nomic character can quite as well be explained according

to this theory as to the other [with the earth immov-


able ] . There are, however, other reasons which make it

impossible . This question is most difficult to solve . The


most prominent of both modern and ancient astrono-
mers have deeply studied the question of the moving of

the earth, and tried to refute it. We, too, have composed

a book on the subject called Miftdh Ilm-al-Hai'a


'
( Key
to the Science of Astronomy ) , in which we think we have

surpassed our predecessors, if not in the words, at all

" 1
events in the matter .

Calendaric problems occupy the whole of the second


book. Following upon his earlier reference to the practices

(i) Ibid i, 267-277. this requires further research.

5
of the Arabs, Jews, Hindus, Romans, Nestorians, Copts
Persians, and Sogdians in respect of the division of the

year, al-Biruni now deals in detail with the three systems

of chronology adopted by Muslims, Greeks, and Persians,


their similarities and the conversion of dates between
them, obscurities and errors, and the comparison of these
three with Hindu chronology. Next the periods of fasting

and the great days of the feasts are considered in respect

of Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and the ancient Persian


religion. Finally, a chronological survey is made through
Chaldaean, Assyrian, Babylonian, Medean, Persian,Alex-
andrian, Ptolemaic, Roman and Byzantine times to
Muhammad, al-hijra, and the Caliphs. This work is similar

to that in al-Kitdb al-Athdr, and on the question of Hindu


eras it reveals no progress beyond what is also mentioned
in Ta'rikh al-Hind. In fact, al-Biruni mixes up the era
of the astronomers, as in the Khandakhddyka of Brahma-
gupta, with the Guptakala.
Book three is of an entirely different character. It

provides the fundamental plane geometry and trigono-


metry required for subsequent chapters and deals princi-
pally with the reckoning of angles. Its importance rests

in (i) the use of the sine and (2) the trigonometrical treat-

ment of the shadow of the gnomon. There is also an


interesting reference to terminology in which al-Biruni

says that the word zTjat (tables) derives from al-ziq (the
measure of a chord), which may be traced to a Persian
word which he writes «
O )} again, jtvabd ( half-chord ) is

called in India jibdrd, but since the half-chord is widely


used there instead of the chord it has taken the name of

6
the whole chord (jiba). The main treatment is that of the
sides of circumscribed polygons, al-BfrunT establishing

these sides as the fundamental units from which other

chords might be evaluated; thus, he derived the chord of


a particular arc in the case where the chord of the supple-
mentary arc is known; the chord of the double arc given

the chord of the single arc and vice versa; so, by a pro-

cess of halving, the chord of the quarter arc, etc.; also, the

chord corresponding to the sum and difference of two


known arcs. This investigation was extended to include

the determination of the chord of i °, the properties of

the nonagon, and the relation between the circumference


and diameter of the circle by successive approximation.

al-Birum's value of pi was slightly greater than the accep-


ted 3 1466 from Greek and Hindu sources. Superseding
.

now the Greek method of reckoning by chords, al Biruni

calculated the sine (al-jaib) of an angle from the corres-

ponding arc, and vice versa, and treated similarly the


sinus versus (jaib mankus ) ; his sine table was based on
intervals of 15 1 whereas that of the Surya Siddhdnta had
been in intervals of 3°45 r. An important application of

plane trigonometry to the gnomon miqyas ) enabled


( al-

Biruni to measure the shadow in terms of the length of


the gnomon, to define the tangent and co-tangent and
angular elevation, and to investigate elevation by move-
ment of shadow. Tables of shadows ( Zill-i-ma'kus), corres-

ponding to tangent tables, could then be constructed.

Such tables are to be found later in the Zij-i-Ilkhdn'i of

Nasir al-Dln al-Tusi and the Samarqand Tables, Zlj-i-

Ulugh Beg. The basic relationships for the horizontal

7
h

and vertical shadows, m and n, cast by a gnomon of

length q are given as -

m^qcoth ,
n^qtanh
where h is the angle of elevation, or (when the shadow is

along the mid-day line) the meridian height, of the sun.


This next .book IV is a long treatise of 26 sections in

which (1) this basic theory of the gnomon is fully elabo-

rated and applied by al-Biruni and in which (2) trigono-

metrical relationships are developed for the sphere . Thus


problems of geographical latitude are particularly promi-
nent since they involve both (1) and (2) . By considering

a meridian section of the celestial sphere in which the


horizon, zenith, celestial equator, and N pole of the hea-

vens are shewn, al-Biruni was able, through the maxi-


mum and minimum heights, h T and h 2 , of the path of a
circumpolar star around the celestial axis ( or through

the " Zenith heights" of the Sun when in positions known


with respect to certain constellations ), to determine the

latitude of the place of observation in the form

hl Plus h2
Phi =
2

This expression, written as Phi h 1 Plus 1/ 2 (h 2 -h I ),

actually occurs as early as al-Battani (c. 929 A.D.); and


again, - il 2 ( I -h 2 ) is to be found in the work entitled

On the Use of the Astrolabe by 'AH ibn Tsa Mahan ( ), who


flourished still earlier, c. 850 A.D. What is especially signi-

ficant about al-Biruni's treatise in his interpretation of the

implications of this equation and his good result (33 0 35 1 )

for the latitude of Ghaznah. A table of meridian heights

8
.

of the sun as observed from Ghaznah was also compiled;


a similar one had been recorded for Baghdad by Habash
al-Hasib (c.870). If the suns latitude reckoned from
Aries is Lambda, and in relation to Cancer is Lambda -90°,

the corresponding sun's declination is Delta, and the


obliquity of the ecliptic is Epsilon, then
Sin Delta — Sin Epsilon Sin Lambda .

Also since Delta and h are related by the equation


h - go°-Phi Plus Delta
the approximate meridian height h for any day may be
calculated and compared with the direct measurement

made by quadrant or octant. In addition, al-Biruni

discussed in this fourth book the nature of the obliquity

of the ecliptic, and the method suggested by Muhammad


ibn Sabbah for its determination in which the assumption
of the sun's passage through equal distances in equal

times al-Biruni shows to be false. He also describes the

principal types of alidade, and here he reveals his depen-

dence upon Ptolemy


In book V al-BTruni extends his mathematical dis-

cussion to the problems of longitude. He writes especially

of the longitudes of cities in terms of the distances between


them and in relation to the occurrence of solar eclipses,

and effects trigonometrical calculations such as the deter-

mination of the distance between two cities of known


longitude and latitude. There is also an important chapter

on the direction of the qibla. In concluding this book, the

author deals with tables of latitude and longitude for the

location of cities on the earth, and describes the regions


of the spherical universe as a whole in terms of these two

9
. . .

conceptions
The earlier part of Book VI deals with the latitude of

Ghaznah, and of Alexandria according to Hipparchus;


whilst there is a discourse on intersecting orbits with
reference to the zodiac. Later, this discourse leads on to

a study of the orbit of the sun. Ptolemy in Almagest


Book III, had explained the excentric and epicyclic theo-

ries, the epoch and mean path of the sun the anomaly
of the sun (with a table), solar days and the solar year.

This investigation had been well conducted by Ptolemy,


and we find that al-Bfrum has closely followed him
Motion of the moon is the subject which occupies al-

most the whole of the next Book. Here the author deals
with the path of the moon in the zodiac, its phases, the

discrepancies between its observed and calculated posi-


tions, and the first and second anomalies. Again, the
elaborate treatment of Ptolemy in Books IV and V of

Almagest, in which he not only applies corrections to

the moon's motion for longitude and anomaly, latitude


and epoch, but compiles a table for the complete double
anomaly, and adds further chapters on parallax and on
the moon in syzygy :
— this is indeed so full that al-Biruni

could hardly hope, whilst retaining a geocentric system


of the universe, to give a better account

Following once more the general plan of Ptolemy's


Book VI, al-Biruni proceeds in his own Book VIII to

deal fully with the characteristics of lunar and solar eclip-

ses both from the standpoint of orbital motion and the


optical questions of light intensity and shadow. He dis-

cusses the limiting conditions beyond which eclipses

10
cannot occur, deduces the diameters of luminous and
illuminated bodies and of the shadows of the latter, and
has several chapters devoted to such subject as the times
of rising and setting, twilight, the '
mansions" of the
moon, and the lunar calendar.
The last three Books of al-Qdnun ul-Mas'udi are con-

cerned almost entirely with the motions of the spheres


of the five known planets, their rising and setting, pe-

riods and conjunctions, and their positions with respect to

the "mansions" of the moon according to the Arabs and


Hindus; and especially with the way in which Ptolemy
accounted for their motions in the final five Books IX-(

XIII) of Almagest. al-Birum, with his leanings towards


astrology, was clearly interested in knowing the time of

arrival of a particular planet at a given position in the

zodiac; so we find him, in sections 7 and 8 of his last

Book, writing about the fortunes of children in terms of


the years and months and days of their birth. Owing to
the tremendous influence and the extensive mathematical
investigation of Ptolemy's planetary theory it is worth

re-stating some of those major features which could scar-

cely fail to determine al-Biruni's approach. In Almagest

Book IX, the Greek astronomer, after setting up tables

for the mean path of the five planets in longitude and

anomaly, discussed the orbit of Mercury, proved that

whilst in its circular path the planet could twice attain

its greatest elongation, and calculated the numerical


values for the epicycle of the planet. A similar treatment

followed in Book X for the apogee, epicycle, period, and

excentricity of the planets Venus and Mars:- a compli-

11
cated mathematical section using Euclid, VI, aud ending
with tables of anomalies for the five planets and the
calculation of their longitudes. Jupiter and Saturn were
investigated, with tables of anomalies, in Book XI. Gene-
ral planetary theory, an attempt to account for the ap-
parent irregularities of motion, based largely upon the pure
geometry of circles and chords ( Euclid III, VI ), occupies
the whole of the last two Books. Ptolemy investigates
the extent of recession, or slowing down in a part of the

orbit, for each planet in turn also the greatest elongation


of Mercury and Venus, obliquity conditions and the path
in latitude, and helical rising and setting. Difficulties

which could only be met by more corrections and an


increase in the number of circles, as in Ptolemy's general

theory, are the result of the adherence to a geocentric


theory and reveal at once both the ingenuity and the
limitation of the Greek mathematical mind.

In conclusion, we summarise briefly the real significance

of al-Qanun u'l-Mas'udi. Encyclopaedic in character, it is

representative of those great medieval treatises, written

by such scholars as al-BirunT and Ibn Sina, which by the


power of synthesis and zeal for completeness in their
authors, remain for historians of science a mirror of all

the knowledge of their day. In the nature of their vastness,

compilation overshadows originality, and one has to


search, as in al-Qdnun ul-Mas'udT, amongst the accumul-
ated achievements of past generations and earlier races
to find whether the author has himself contributed any
new knowledge. With al-Birum the debt to Ptolemy, and

in turn Hipparchus, within the field of general planetary

12
. .

theory is: almost cbmf)lete.:cHutian!- other directions, as for

instance, in the manner of recording astronomical data,

in certain problems of spherical trigonometry, and in the

knowledge of the calendars, of the ancient peoples of tin-

East, he advances the cause of science. It is true that sines


occur as early as c. 1007 in the Hakemite Tables of ibn
Yiinus, but al-BirunT, with his unique knowledge of Hindu

sources, both explained their value and extended their

use. Though the scope of his work relating to the sphere

is not comparable with that in the treatise Shakl iil-qatta

of Nasir al-Din.at-Tusi, it is by no means insignificant,

for he exhibits versatility in his application of the sine

relationship for spherical triangles. Moreover, he was able

to use the method of orthographic projection. As for chro-

nology, al-BlYiim $ al-Atharu' l-Baqiya 1 (c.iooo A.D., 390/1

A.H.), with all its technical and historical detail of the

various methods for computation of time, is a primary

source; and since al-Qanun ul-Mas'udi draws upon it in

certain respect we must attach considerable importance


also to the latter. Al-Biruni is always liable to introduce

some new, fact. Thus his list of names of the months of the

Sogdians is the scanty remnant of a lost Iranian dialed

and therefore of considerable interest to philologists. Upon


the author's accuracy we can generally rely. In spite oi

occasional lapses, e.g. in the interpretation of experimen-

tal results or in poornees of expression, he had great faith

in his own instruments and methods, and originality was

seldom lacking
1878. English edition,
a. E. Sachau Chronologic Orientalischcr Volker. Leipzig,

London, 1870

13
.

We end with a quotation from E. Sachau's preface to the


English edition of Ta'rikh u'l-Hind published in 1910 :—

"As far as the present state of research allows one to


judge, the work of Albiruni has not been continued. In
astronomy he seems by his Canon Masudicus to represent

the height, and at the same time the end, of the indepen-

dent development of this science among the Arabs. But


numerous scholars toiled on in his wake, whilst in the
study of India, and for the translation of the standard
works of Sanskrit literature, he never had a successor

before the days of the Emperor Akbar." 1

Whilst joining Sachau in his general commendation of


the eminent medieval scholar, we have to modify some-
what his opinion regarding al-Blruni's achievements in
astronomy, without however detracting appreciably from
the high excellence of al-Brrunl's learning as a whole

Dated 9th January 1956,)


University of Exeter, H.J J. WINTER
J
England )

(1) E. Sachau. "Albiruni's India" I.XLIII. London, 1910.


"

AL-BIRUNI AND HIS MAGNUM OPUS


Al-QANUN U'L-MAS'UDI

( So )

"And I pray for God's favour and spacious bounty

to make me fit for adopting the right course and help

me in perceiving and realizing the truth, and facilitate its

pursuit and enlighten its courses, and remove all impedi-

ments in achieving noble objects. He is all powerful to do

as He pleases.

( From the autograph Ms. dated A.H. 416,

of al-Birunfs Kitdbut-Tahdid p. 45)

{ \ . i
Ji J^) )

"
I do not scorn to accept truth from whatevei
"
source I can find it . ( idem p. io 4 )
.

THE MILIEU
A very early tradition tells us that when al-Birunl
dedicated his magnum opus to Sultan Mas'fid of Ghaz-
nah, after whom the work is named, the Sultan in his turn

rewarded him with a camel's load of silver, but the


savant thankfully returned it, saying that he did not need
the money, nor loved money for its own sake. Truly no
amount of riches could match the wealth of knowledge
that this really great work contains. With the publication

of al-Qdnunu' l-M as' udi , the historians of astronomy


would, as never before, be in a position to appreciate
the actual achievements of the Muslim astronomers, as

well as al-Bfruni 's theoretical and practical contribu-


tions to his favourite subject.

His times, talents and experience were all perfectly

suited for the work in which he undertook to render a com-


plete and up-to-date account of astronomy, when it had
reached its climax amongst the Muslims
He had, at his disposal, about half a century's inces-
sant personal labours as well as more than two centuries
of continuous labours of other Muslim astronomers.

In the Preface to this book, he says that from the very


outset he had devoted himself exclusively to this

department of knowledge, and did not count his achieve-


ment in so many other fields of learning, almost encyclo-

paedic in its range . For no other scholar ever before or


after him has combined the study of all that was available
in his times from the Indian, Greek and Muslim sources
and at the same time left behind him so many original

contributions of his own in numerous spheres of learning.

i
.

This is hardly the place to give a fuller account of all

his achievements. Something to that effect has already


been attempted by the present writer in his Life of
al-Birum and some other writings including a lecture
on "al-Biruni's Scientific Achievements" delivered in 1952
in the Iran Society of Calcutta. Here I would like to confine
myself to a brief account of al-Biruni's life and contribu-
tions in relation to the work in hand
Like all great men al-Bfruni was a product of his age

and his greatness lies in his being much ahead of his own
times. His age was particularly marked for its keen inter-

est in astronomy. Its history, of which, at present, we


have some glimpses only, has got to be written com-
pletely .

That history goes back to the beginning of the 'Abbasid


Caliphate in the first half of the second century of the
Hijrah and received its greatest impetus at the hands of

the most enlightened Muslim sovereign, al-Ma'mun. The


Muslims started with some translations of the Indian and
Persian works on astronomy and then with the transla-
tions of the Greek astronomers, including Ptolemy, whose
magnum opus Syntaxis, better known as Al-Magest,

occupied a special position in their minds. Most of


those translations and original works of al-Ma'mmVs
times are lost. We know what happened to the scores of

books in Baghdad at the hands of the Mongol hordes of


Hulaku, and much of what was left, was eventually des-
troyed later by the ravages of time and subsequent wars
in the Muslim countries. Some glimpses of these we have in

the works of authors like al-Blruni. A searching study


ii
would reveal a very fascinating story of the achievements
of al-Ma'mun's scientists, particularly the astronomers of

the age. We know that he had setup at ]east two well-


equipped centres for astronomical observations and resear-
ches in Baghdad and Damascus under a band of disting-

uished astronomers. He had almost a passion for this


science and sought verifications and necessary corrections
on every particular point. Let us take one instance. He
wanted to ascertain the actual dimensions of the earth

and got a single degree measured more than once at seve-

ral places. But his insatiable zeal for research is vividly

illustrated by a curious anecdote mentioned in an unpub-


lished work of al-Biruni, where he relates that towards the
end of his life in the course of his invasion of the Byzan-
tine territory, while al-Ma'mun happened to pass by a
mountain adjacent to the sea, he ordered one of his astro-
nomers, Sind b. 'All, to ascertain the earth's dimensions
by a trignometrical method, which was later success-

fully repeated by al-Biruni at Nandnain India. A glance

at the chapter of this book dealing with the Obliquity

of the Ecliptic (^kc^l J^) will be sufficient to show that


a large number of independent observations, as against
a couple only of the times of Greek astronomers, were
carried out in the lands of the Eastern Caliphate to verify

the actual degree. al-Bfrum himself carried out at least


three of his own, two in his homeland and the last at

Ghaznah.
The Muslim astronomers tried to reinvestigate almost

the entire field of astronomy and, it appears, speciallv

directed their attention to those parts where differences


Hi
. .

of observations or opinions existed. As we proceed fur-

ther al-Biruni's efforts in this direction by carrying out


his own independent researches on such points will be

noticed markedly.
The fourth and fifth centuries of the Hijrah ( X & XI
centuries of the Christian era ) were marked by conflic-

ting political divisions in the Muslim world. The cultural


contacts, however, did not altogether cease amongst the
various parts and what was written in one part was often
after a short while available in the other parts, except

perhaps the extreme East "or the West. From al-Biruni's

books it appears that he was not cognizant of the resear-


ches in the Fatimid land of Egypt, and the Umayyad
land of Spain. No references to his contemporaries, Ibn
Yunus and Ibnu'l-Haitham in Egypt, or Maslamah and
Ibnu'l-Samh in Spain are found. By this time these
countries had also improved in their scientific studies,

but the Eastern lands had a much earlier start in this

respect

By reading al-Q dnunul-M as' udi one can have a glimpse

of that spirit of scientific adventure that had been infused


in these countries and the rivalry that existed amongst
the several states. One finds, references to some of these

distinguished astronomers and their chain of observations


from the metropolis of the Eastern Caliphate, Baghdad,
and the headquarters of the Buwaihids to semi-indepen-
dent states at Isfahan, Hamdan and Raiy to Khwarazm
and Ghaznah and other important places. al-Biruni had
a knowledge of the results achieved in all these centres in
the East and kept himself in touch with the chief organi-
sers of those establishments

iv
HIS LIFE
He was born in the fore-noon of Thursday, the 3rd
of Zilhij, 362 A.H. (4th September, 973 A.D.) of an
unknown family, in the outskirts of Kath, the old capital

of Khwarazm, and most probably was left an orphan at


a very early age. He was brought up and educated by Abu
NasrMansurb. 'AH b. 'Iraq, a distinguished member of the
ruling family of Khwarazm and a leading mathematician
and astronomer of his time, who by oral and written
instruction instilled in al-Birum an insatiable love for

scientific studies. It was Abu Nasr who put al-BTruni in

contact with the former's own veteran teacher, the

famous astronomer, Abu'l-Wafaal-Buzjanl, then living in

Baghdad, for simultaneous observations of solar eclipses,

for determining the longitudes in Khwarazm. In his


"
unpublished al-Tahdtd" al-Birum says that he almost
,

lost his eyesight by repeated solar observations in the

observatory he had set up for himself in a small village


near Kath. He began his literary career very early. His

activity was unfortunately disturbed towards the end of

385 A.H. (995 A.D. )


by the war between the two rival

chiefs of his country, M'amun ofjurjania andAbu'Abdillah


Khwarazmshah of Kath, resulting in the la tier's murder
and the fall of his ancient dynasty. al-Birum did not stay

there for long after the event and shortly after 387 A.H.

(997 A.D.) left home in search of some suitable patron

and for a time found one in Shamsu'l-Ma'alT Oabus b.

Washmgir, the Ziyarid ruler of the neighbouring country

of Jurjan, and himself a distinguished poet, literateur and


lover of learning, to whom al-BTruni dedicated his first

v
major work al-Athdru'liBaqiyya, which deals with the
calendars and chronology of all the peoples known to

him. Oabus held al-Biruni in very high esteem and

j desired him to share the ruling power. But al-Birum


left Qabus as he did not like his patron's tyrannical

nature. Previous to his visit to this court al-Birunl had


stayed for a short time in Raiy and met al-KhujandT, an
eminent astronomer of those parts and the inventor of the
sextant known as sudsu'l-Fdkhir for which al-Biruni has
,

expressed much admiration. Some time in 394 A. H.


: (1003-4 A.D.) he returned home at the invitation of 'All b.

Ma'mun who had succededhis father in 388A.H.(g98A.D.).


Time had healed the old wounds and al Biruni found

in 'AH and his Vazir Abu'l-Husain Muhammad b. Ahmad


aJ-Suhaili more humane and enlightened patrons at

home, where later on, the third of the line, M'amun, proved
to be a great lover of learning and in later days appears
to have appointed al-Biruni his Minister, till after that

king's murder by the rebels in the army and the fall of his

short lived dynasty in 407 A.H. (1016 A.D.). Mahmud in-

vaded and annexed Khwarazm in 408 A.H.(ioi7A.D.).


al-Biruni set up an observatory in the royal palace and
was particularly busy in those days in his studies in

astronomical geography.' This was probably the most


unhappy moment in his life. Not only was his scientific

work once again disturbed and his most loving patron


dead, but he was also himself carried away by the con-

queror to Ghaznah and for a short period even kept as


a political detenue in the fort of Nandna, where, however

he was able to carry out his measurements of the Earth's


vi
. .

dimensions. Next year we find him wandering in the vici-

nities of Kabul alid Qandhar carrying out his researches

for latitudes in those parts. He met Mahmud somewhere


on the way, while the latter was returning after his famous
expedition to Mathura and Qannauj and showed to al-

Blrum the unique precious stone weighing some 450MY/A-


qals taken from a temple in Mathura. al-Birunl, who has
described it in his al-Jamdhir was not much impressed
by its quality and Mahmud discerning the fact inmedia-

tely withdrew it from al-Biruni's view just to keep up


the much exaggerated notions of its value in the people's
minds . This curious incident very well illustrates the
relations that subsisted between these two great men.
al-Birum was forgiven and allowed to continue his work
and establish an observatory in Ghaznah. He was even
consulted now and then on scientific matters, and pro-
bably highly valued as an astrologer, but he was never
totally reconciled to his fate at that court

In his "al-Tahdid" an autograph Ms, or at least contem-


,

poraneous copy of which exists in Istanbul (dated 416


A.H. 1025 A.D.) , we find him most disconsolate, but not

altogether despairing of resuming his scientific work which


he had left incomplete at home and regaining all the mate -

ria]s including a hemisphere on which he had been mark-


ing all the longitudes and latitudes of the various p]aces
ascertained by his own exertions. Of the several works he
wrote at Ghaznah, we have fortunately recovered two
mathematical treatises Istikhrdjul - Autdr and Ifrddul-
Miqdl written in 413 A.H. ( 1022 A.D. ) , both published
by the Dairatu'l -Ma'arif, like several other tracts

connected with al-BTruni


vii
.

But by far the most notable event of his life in those

days was his study of Sanskrit and extensive researches


on India, its people, literatures, and sciences, specially

mathematicas and astronomy. Out of a number of his

profound studies in this particular line, including a very


exhaustive work dealing with Indian Astronomy, which
are all lost, we are still left the most valuable Kitdbu'l-
Hind, the unique testimony of his arduous labours on
India so well known throughout the world

By his vast Indian studies the later generations were


so much impressed that they believed that he had tra-

velled in India for forty years. But after a long study of

the subject, I am fully convinced that most of his studies


were carried out in Ghaznah with the help of the Indian

scholars living there. There is no doubt that he travelled


in some parts of the Western Punjab up to Multan. But
beyond that he never went and knew of Sindh, like other

parts of India, only from the account of other people


who had travelled in or, belonged to those regions.

How many years did he actually devote to these


Indian studies ? It may surprise many, but it is another
proof of his great genius, that before writing his Indicci
he does not appear to have given more than four or five
years of his time to these exacting Indian studies. But
he never ceased to continue his work in this special field

along with his other studies, for some five years after we
still find him keen on finishing his books and translations
on Indian subjects. What other books he was actually

able to write on India even after 1his we do not know;


for no records are available and such books, like so many
viii
.

others of his, are lost. We have his own list upto 427 AH.
f 1035-36 A.D.), when he was already 65 but still full of

zest for life and work in the future. He tells us that at


the age of 60 he had fallen ill severely and recovered
after much difficulty. No doubt all these Indian studies
must have taxed him a great deal

Something of his method in pursuing the Indian stu-

dies is mentioned in the Indica, but not very explicitly.

Some references in other works throw further light on


the subject. At first he relied entirely on the interpre-
ters, whom he tried to check by sheer tact. Later on he
made appreciable progress in testing them by the texts

themselves. By this time he must have gained sufficient


knowledge of Sanskrit for his purpose. Further on, he

advanced far enough to translate by himself from Sans-


krit into Arabic and vice-versa. But of this later stage
we have not much left to form our final judgement.
He had collected a whole library of Indian books
from far and wide. It is a matter of great regret for us
also that on account of political strife and warfare bet-
ween his own people and the Indians, he was precluded
from visiting the real centres of Indian learning like
Benares and Kashmir.

What interest Mahmud himself had in these studies is

not quite clear? Evidently through al-Biruni's influence


Mahmud got some of his coins struck in Sanskrit legends.

But al-Biruni was never in sympathy with Mahmud's


ways in India and we do not know
, as yet of a single work
which he dedicated to the conqueror. On the other hand
a well known passage in the Indica actually speaks dis-

ix
paragingly of his Indian exploits .

All this attitude of al-Birunl changed with the great con-


queror's death. The first thing he did was to take stock

of all that he had learnt of India, while writing Indica.

With Mas'ud's accession to the throne the atmosphere

became distinctly favourable for al-Birum. We know


there was not much love lost between the father and the
son. In the last days Mas'ud had been actually labouring
under Mahmud's displeasure. Mas'ud was temperamen-
tally a very different man from his father. Never so much
successful in the affairs of state, he was quite a learned
person and an enlightened patron of the sciences.

In this very book we have al-BirmrTs own testimony


that the Sultan was very good to him and it was only
as a mark of sincere gratitude that he dedicated al-Qdnun

to that ruler. From the internal evidences in the book, it

appears that it was begun some time before 421 A. H. 1030 /

A.D. and completed sometime after 427 A.H. / 1035 A.D.

HIS SUBSEQUENT LIFE

He wrote some other minor works for the Sultan, but


during Mas'ud's reign his main occupation must have
been the completion of the Qdnun. It appaers that as soon
as he had finished it, he took up other works. For his
successor Mawdud, he wrote his famous "al-Jamdhir" on
Gems and Precious Stones, which has also been published

by the Daira. This is reputed to be the best book written


on the subject during the whole Muslim period. He
wrote another book on Ethics for the same ruler. His best
known work compiled after he was eighty, is a Medical

x
.

Treatise Kitabu' s-Sazdana dealing with simple drugs,


some extracts from which have been published by Prof.
Zekl Valid! Togan of Istanbul in the Memoirs of the
Archaeological Survey of India. No :
53 pp. 108-142.
An imperfect translation of this work was made in India

in the times of Iltutmish, the slave-king of Delhi, and


the late Dr. Meyerhof ]eft an incomplete edition of it

which is now lying in the Institute Francaise, Cairo.

We do not know the exact date of his death, but the


traditional date, Friday, the 2nd. of Rajab, 440 A.H.

( 11 th. Sept. 1048 A.D. ), after he was seventy-seven, is

altogether fictitious. Unfortunately we have no precise

knowledge in regard to the last 15 or 16 years of his life.

From a contemporary jurist we have a report showing

al-Bfruni's anxiety to learn something new even in the


very throes of death
In "al-Tahdtd" al-Biruni has remarked that a scholar
,

should try to learn at least the basic principles of every


science, even though it might not be impossible to master
all the details of a science. He wanted everybody to be

a philosopher i.e. a true lover of wisdom in the real sense


of the word.

His method of study was to concentrate on one parti-


cular branch of science at one time and after exhausting

all its contents to take up fresh studies, never losing


sight of his main concern as a specialist while trying

to make his own, what ever else he chose to deal with.


Thus every book that he has written bears the distinct

impress of his genius and in every science that he has


undertaken to deal, he has left original contributions of

his own. What a vast range of studies he commanded and


xi
what a balanced and mature mental critique he had deve-
loped, is not easy to imagine. He is a most independent
scholar and no respector of personalities where truth is

concerned. He was always very critical of Aristotle's scien-

tific theories, and no less of Ptolemy's and pointd out


boldy wherever he found that they had swerved from
the right path. Thus al-Qdnun bears ample testimony

to his independence of judgement.

As soon as we open the book, we find him disputing


and censuring some of Ptolemy's arguments in support
of the very first propositions of this science. And if he
accepts the rotundity of the Earth or the Heavens it is

not for the reasons given by Ptolemy, which he rejects


one after another, as being mere assumptions of an un-
scientific nature. Ptolemy thought that the sun and the
moon and other heavenly bodies were of divine nature
uncreated, everlasting, incorruptible and spherical in

form and moving in circles, as the sphere and the circle

were the most perfect form and more becoming for those

bodies and their movements. For such fantastic views


al-Biruni had no patience, he ruled them out as altoge-

ther beyond science's sphere. He even contends the idea


that the circle is better suited than the other forms like

the elliptic. If al-Biruni thinks that the Earth is not in


motion and stands at the centre, he accepts and expounds
the view for strictly natura] and scientific reasons of his
own. He is almost free from the theological or even
metaphysical bias and works with an entirely independ-
ent mind rejecting all the supernatural or superstitious

notions about Astronomy.


xii
.

AL-QANUNU'L-MAS'UDI
In the face of great achievements we are apt to forget

the spade work and other preparatory labours leading to

such astonishing results. In the case of al-Blruni they had


involved a tremendous effort. There is hardly any portion
in this book which had not already received from him
ampler treatment elsewhere. It appears that with that
rare insight, which is part of his genius, he had directed his

studies in a most ordered manner. He had, for example,


started with the subject of Calendars and Chronology on

which he had written elaborately some 35 years before.


Then he took up Trignometry and Shadows and on these
two subjects we have two of his earlier works published
by the Daira. On the Longitudes and Latitudes he wrote
several books including al-TahiTd, which deals much more
in detail with topics like the Obliquity of the Ecliptic. On

the measurements of the Earth, he has treated more fully

in the same book and in a special treatise of 120 pages

no longer available to us

From his early age he had begun to collect an exten-


sive library of his own on his favourite subjects, and
apparently possessed all the well known books on Astro-

nomy written within the area extending from the Me-


diterranean Sea to the Bay of Bengal. These included all

the extant Greek, Indian, and Muslim authors, except

probably those belonging to the Western Muslim lands


of Spain and Egypt.

He is not one of those who are reluctant to acknow-

ledge the debt of his predecessors. In the preface he

xiii
expresses his full sense of gratitude to all of them and
takes equal care to indicate his own share and views

where occasion arises. He intended al-Qdnun to be an


up-to-date Encyclopaedia of Astronomy supplanting
all previous works ranging from Ptolemy's al Magest to
al-Magestiush-Shdhioi his own teacher, Abu Nasr. Almost
a tradition had grown up of writing comprehensively, and
there was another such work written by Abu'l-Wafa also.

For those who have not studied his life and works
it is not easy to realize the pains he had taken to master
the entire subject before putting his pen to this book.

He had already commented on all the outstanding

works of his predecessors like Habash, al-Khwarazmi,


al-Fargham, al-Battam, Abu Ma'shar and the Siddhan-
tas of the Indian Astronomers. He had himself com-

piled formerly some more restricted and moderate sized


texts on Astronomy, and even Astrology, in which he
was thoroughly versed but does not appear to have
implicit faith, though in the people's mind and in the

court he was treated as the greatest astrologer of the


world. Some five years earlier he had compiled for an
educated lady of his native land named Raihana his
Kitdbut-T afhim both in Arabic and Persian versions,

treating of the elementary Mathematics, Astronomy and


Astrology. There he remarks that most people consider
the last subject as the real fruit of the entire science,
although on his part he prefers to range himself on the
side of the minority, i.e. those who think otherwise.
In al-Qdnun al-Biruni's method is to collect the best
available information on every point and sometimes in

xtv
. .

important matters to render a historical and comparative


treatment and to disclose whatever he had personally ob-
served or investigated as well as the complete processes
by which the various results had been achieved
He had a special skill for devising instruments and
equipped under his own supervision two observatories in

his native land and one at Ghaznah. He has left quite the
best book on Astrolabes named al-Istidb still extant in
manuscripts. He invented for the cathedraLmosque of
Ghaznah a time-machine based on the Roman calendar,

but was much annoyed by its rejection by the Imam on


account of its being based on a non-Muslim calendar sys-
tem. He remarks that the measurement of time was a

purely secular matter and convenience and utility were


the only considerations which should prevail.
It would, however, be unjust to compare al-Qdnun with
an Encyclopaedia of modern astronomy, as the former
has a very limited range. It is only when we compare al-

Birum's work with his predecessors and contemporaries,


that we notice his advance on all sides

AL-BIRUNI'S THEORY OF THE UNIVERSE

al-Birunl had some ideas very strikingly similar to

those of Einstein and other modern scientists regarding


the Universe as a whole. Like them he considered it to be

situated on the outermost surface of a limited sphere.

Like Einstein he also rejected the idea of the universal


gravitation as an actual force on the ground of its being

altogether opposed to experience :

xv
.

Further al-Blrum considered that when a part of a

mass at rest moves from one part to the other, it moves


in a straight line, but on the other hand its movement
round another body at rest is of a circular nature and

represents a movement round a fixed point like the

Earth's centre.

Here too he is very much in agreement with Einstein,

who held that curvature of the space-time in the neigh-

bourhood of the Sun causes the planets to describe el-

lipses, whereas if all the masses were infinitely removed

they would describe straight Hnes

No doubt al-Bfruni's conception of the Universe was


more static than that of our modern astronomers who

hold it as an altogether restless body full of movements


and even expanding and contracting. Of course some of

these most advanced theories can in our present state of

knowledge be considered as more or less of tentative

nature only.
xvi

Newton's theory of Universal Gravitational pull re-


mained undisputed for two centuries till it had to be modi-
knowledge and substituted by
fied in the light of better
Einstein's more advanced
theories of Relativity, which
have revolutionalized our ideas of Space, Time, Matter &
Energy as conceived by former thinkers, so much so that
in the present state of our knowledge we find Bertrand
Russel remarking :

"In fact because all motion is relative we cannot


distinguish between the hypothesis that the Earth goes
round the Sun and the hypothesis that the Sun goes
round the Earth. The two are merely different ways of
describing some occurence like saying that A marries B
or B marries A To Kepler and Galileo and
their opponents, however, since they did not recognize
the relativity of motion the question in debate appeared
to be not one of convenience of description but of objec-
tive truth. " (Religion & Science, pp. 30-31) .

It should go to the everlasting credit of al-BirunT that


much in advance of his times he held an identical view
and has expressed it in his al-Istidb :—
Ja-~j ^j)' (ja l^k^l ^j^clJ! j Jl j

< SLAV ;Up J ^O^U ' \^sj6 JA l^AmM JpjSa^l

^^tytyvMl J) *j
fj> dJUii ca* JA* j Ai&y
xvii
.

?
I saw a kind of simple Astrolabe, invented by Abu-
Said-alSijzT, not composed of the Northern and South-
ern sections of the Sky, and known as az-ZauraqL
I liked it immensely and praised him a great deal, as it

rested on an independent foundation, the basis of


.
its

operation and construction lies in some people's belief that


the motion lies in the Earth and not in the Sky. I swear
that it is an uncertainty extremely difficult to resolve or

by my life contradict. The Geometricians and Astronomers


who depend merely on the lines resulting from measure-

ments, have no means to contradict this theory. For in


view of the fact that it is the same so far as the movement,

itself is concerned whether one ascribes it to the Earth

or the Heavens. In both the cases it does not affect their


science, but if it is possible to contradict this belief and

resolve the uncertainty, then amongst all the philoso-

phers it should be the concern of the physicists/'


It may be pointed out here that the question of the
Earth's movement was being very keenly debated
amongst the Muslim Astronomers in the 10 th and n th
centuries of the Christian era, and the echoes of their

discussion are still discernible in al-Qdnun, where (pp. 50


&51) al-Birunl has tried to meet their objections. It is

a pity that the works of az-Sijzi and others who held such

views have not survived. It is certain that centuries before

Copernicus, a few Muslim Astronomers had freely believed


and worked on this hypothesis

Similarly, regarding gravitation some of al-Biruni's

contemporaries, and Newton centuries after believed in

a universal force residing in matter and attracting the


xviii
— .

bodies* lAlrBiruni did not believe in such; a universal force.

Nor did his illustrious, contemporaries Ibnu'l-Haitham


;

arid Abu4Sahl-al-Qiuh|.: Like; JJinstein


,
all these believed

that gravitation is only ;t>hei accelaration of the mass and

is neither derived from outside nor parts the mass and

would not deviate unless obstructed by some impediment


I take liberty to quote from al-Khazim who wrote some
75 years after al-Biruni, borrowing from the two above-
mentioned Muslim savants:

jf^ §|\ -.\j>\ iJli ~oy> dJ j*z &j — II


y> JJKll p4-l j ( v )

j 3a2 Jl &j£ oji 4 ^JJl JJKl! jl ^1 Ja£ jllJI

jLi' 4^ J oyi\ dUr £y V j


4
jf>l l«i
J—!' Ui i£\
. ^\ air

( jv> ^tr ) j»

Some day we may perhaps discover some unpublished

work of al-Biruni where in he may have dealt with the

subject in detail, but we have sufficient indications in

al-Qdnun that like our modern scientist, he did not at all

believe in the objectivity of such force in the Universe.

COSMOGONY
In al-Qdnun, al-Birum has not hazarded any scientific
hypothesis about the origins of the Universe, but in at-

Tahdid we have a long discourse on this subject. Against

the prevalent philosophical ideas of the Universe he has


%%%
demonstrated that it cannot be treated as eternal. On
the other hand from the evidence of the rocks and the

study of the natural forces like water and fire on the surface
of the Earth, he concludes that in the long periods of its his-

tory it has been and is still under-going changes. But it is

not easy to compute the precise time the Earth should have
taken since its very beginning. He was very much interes-

ted in the various Cosmogonies known in his time arid had


even collected some of them in his book;

i
'
( £jj V- o* <^J 6 )

\\ which formed a supplement to another earlier collection

by a physician, Abdu'l-Malik of Bust relating to the begin-


'

ning and the end of the Earth. It would repay to persue


this subject in Prof. ValTdi's extracts and more completely
in the original text of the Kitdbu t-Tahdid •

THE GEO-CENTRIG THEORY OF AL-BlRTJNI


In al-Qdnun, al-Blruni has upheld the Geo-centric
theory, not because he was unaware of or belittled the Hel-
io-centric theory, In fact time was not yet ripe for decid-

ing this problem with absolute certainty^ The Astrono-


mers were still busy in observing and collecting their

data for checking as well as correcting the former obser-


vations. It goes very much to his credit that al-Blruni,

as we know, throughout kept an open mind in such


matters. We have to remember the 1

difficulty in support-

ing the Helio -centric theory. It was the absence of arty

apparent changes of the distant stars' places in the

Heavens or of the objects falling from? the height 1


on the
xx
.

earth s surface. After very complicated modern observa-


tions and computations such shift (parallax) has Been

actually observed in the case of some nearer stars and


even the distant Nebulae. But in the absence of the
telescope and other modern instruments of precision, the

ancients had no means to ascertain such displacements.

In fact except a few philosophers like Ibn Slna and


Fakhru'd-Dm Razi, they thought that all the fixed stars

belonged to the one and the same Heaven and calculated


its distance from the Earth at a much shorter range than

evenour nearest star. Each planet, they thought, had a


separate Heaven for itself. And then they had another
difficulty to face, i.e. the supposed movement in the

circle, an idea originally based on Plato and Aristotle's


metaphysical notions of perfection and beauty.
Even in his earlier days, in his controversy with Ibn
Sma, al-Biruni had questioned the soundness of this

notion, asserting on his part the equal validity of the


elliptical or oval form. The same is his view in al-Qdnun.
It stands to his credit that he came so close to the very
revolutionary idea of Kepler, who for the first time

enunciated the planetary movements in the elliptical

forms
Even from his own teacher Abu Nasr's treatise on the

Sphericity of the Earth ( * / J )


published by the Daira ,

it is evident that to him and his pupil, the circular move-


ments of the Heavens always meant mere geometric re-

presentation of man's observations from the Earth's plat-


form and nothing more real or sacrosant: —
^ \ J*' O* 2 o\ ^ J J* 3

xxi .
"

Similarly al-Birum remarks in al-Qdnun: —

olJj ^ j^JJaj jVx**! ^r*!®


* IJLa© jl LUj jl L>1 jL^I jl

14
It is equally conceivable that the shape of the Universe
be spherical, or oval or elliptical or cylindrical or coni-

cal or consisting of several sides, Ptolemy's argument


from the stars retaining the same magnitudes in all the

parts of the Heavens and keeping the same direction is no


sufficient reason by itself, but it precludes the other

forms owing to the nature of the motion itself as well as

the figures that the heavenly bodies describe in their


movements.
It cannot, however, be denied that all these old mas-

ters were straining the evidence to bring it in line with


the idea of describing the movements of the heavenly bo-
dies in circles. For if it were true that the Earth is in the

centre and the Heavens move round it, it should have


served as its real centre and the very pivot of their Geo-

centric Heavens. But all those planets' centres never


actually corresponded with the Earth's centre and they

had to invent the cumbrous system of the Eccentrics

xxii
.

and Epicycles to describe the zig-zag paths as recorded

by the stars in the course of their apparent motions.

With the advance of science we are always wiser


than our predecessors, but let us give them the credit

that is their due. This theory, how-so-ever faulty, achiev-

ed its object to a very great extent, so far as the study of

the apparent aspects of the Heavens was concerned. For


ordinary purposes it hardly matters whether we consider
the day and night due to the movements of the Earth or
the Sun.
How some eminent Astronomers like Aristarchus, Aryy-
abhatta and al-Sijzi were able to advance the Helio-cen-
tric theory could only be described as lucky flashes of
inspiration, not much based on the known demonstrable
data as on more or less barest assumptions. The same is

true of Copernicus, who was yet far from any precise the-

ory of the Universe. He retained the system of circles

and Epicycles. It was really an advance on many fronts,

the invention of telescope, use of pendulum and the pre-


cise observations of Brahe and subsequent theorization
of Kepler that eventually led to Newton, and in our times

to Einstein. We, however, do not know if we have yet

reached the Ultimate, perhaps we shall never reach the


end in our scientific adventure
It was only the labours of the great scientists like al-

Birum that gradually led to extend our range of know -

ledge. Some of their observations are still valuable and

probably of perennial interest. Others have lost their in-

trinsic value. As AbuNasrMansur rightly remarked: This

only shows that human knowledge, like human nature is

xxiii
imperfect. The truth is difficult to reach and the ultimate
or absolute truth is beyond the reach of science:—

(M 'T;Af\iJ? • W ilL- J
)

CALENDARS AND CHRONOLOGY


After discussing in an original manner Ptolemy's six

basic propositions regarding the sphericity of the Heavens


and the Earth and the latter's fixed and central, but ex-

tremely insignificant, position in the Universe, and the


nature of the Eastern and Western motions in the Hea-
vens, al-Biruni proceeds to define those imaginary circles

like the Poles, Equator, Longitudes, Latitudes, Obliquity,


and the signs of Zodiac etc. which are used by the As-
tronomers as technical terms for their treatment of the
Heavens and the Earth and which every student should
know before entering the subject .

The next part from the fourth chapter of the first Maqa-
la to the end of the next Maqala (pp. 63-270) relates to
the discussion of Time as treated in Astronomy, and after
defining the day-night and the various kinds of lunar and
solar months and years, proceeds to render a detailed

account of the calendars of the different peoples known


to the author. In al-Qdnun he has supplied additional in-

formation about Indian systems and the mode of convert-

ing the most important Indian era Sakkala into the Hij-

rah, Yezdgerd and Alexanderian eras and vice -versa.


According to al-Biruni's researches Zoroaster, the noble
prophet of Iran, lived 267 years before Alexander, (p. 50)

xxiv
and 1218 years before the last Persian Emperor Yezdgerd
( p. 131 ). Similarly he points out that the era known after

Alexander began from the tenth year of his death, and


most important era Sakkala precedes by 587 years the
other called Guptakala on which the Indian A stronomical
treatise Khandakhandyaka is based.
He points out that the beginning of the Muslim era of

al-Hijra corresponded with the first of Ramzan according


to the pre-Islamic calendar. He calculates that exactly

3472 days had elapsed between al-Hijrah and Yezdgerd.


He informs us that the ancient Arabs had learnt the
system of inter-calation from the Jews of Yathrab some
200 years before the Prophet's migration to Medina, and
the pilgrimage to Mecca as well as the marketing days
and festivals fell in fixed seasons. In the year of the Pro-

phet's migration, the pilgrimage fell in Ska ban, and so the


Prophet did not like to perform it and restored it to its

ancient position after the conquest of Mecca. It*is also

noteworthy that according to al-Bfruni, the Prophet died


on the 8th of Rabi'u'l-Awwal, and not on the 12th as it is

generally believed now. He calculated that nine years,

eleven months and twenty days had elapsed since the


date of his migration.
Very valuable and curious information may he gleaned
from this part of the book by those interested in the

history of ancient Persians, Jews and Christians living in

the Muslim lands in al-Blrunl's time. For instance, he


points out that the Jews and Christians very much diffe-

red amongst themselves in reckoning the date of Adam's


birth. He, on his part, thought that it was not possible
XXV
. . '

to assign any exact dates for such remote events for


which no reliable reports were available (p. 145 ). On the
other hand like our modern Geologists, he believed that

very long periods of time were needed to account for the


past history of the Earth.

TRIGONOMETRY
The third Maqala dealing with Trigonometry has
already been translated in German by Carl Schoy and
subjected to critical study by Mr. M. A. Kazim of the

Muslim University, Aligarh, in his article "Al-Biruni and


Trigonometry "in the"Al-Biruni Commemoration Volume"
which he concludes by paying a tribute to the mathema-
tical genius of al-Biruni:
"How astonishing it looks to modern mathematicians
that a person existing thousand years back happens to

produce so much original work inspite of very little

resources of those times, at the same time plays a consi-

derable part in diverse fields with astonishing accuracy

and mathematical care


The world still knows very little of al-Biruni as a
great mathematician and many of his original contribu-

tions to mathematics still lie hidden in the pages of his


master-work the Qdnun-i-M as' udi and many of his other
books which perhaps may never come to light.'

OBLIQUITY OF THE ECLIPTIC


The fourth Maqala opens with the detailed discussion
of the Obliquity of the Ecliptic, a subject of much histo-
rical and scientific importance

We know that in its path round the Sun the Earth's


axis is keeping an inclined angle of about 23 I
I 2 degrees.

xxvi
. .

al-Blruni calls it the angle formed by the inter-section of


the Celestial Equator and the Ecliptic

( fk&$\ J:^ j* 3 '


Jju* ^Ur * jlj
)
The Indian, Chinese and earlier Greek Astronomers
agreed that it amounted to 24 degrees. But the later
Greek Astronomers like Eratosthenes, Hipparchos and
Ptolemy found that the angle had declined to 23 0 51 1

and some seconds ranging from 19 1


to 23 1 only. When
the Muslim Astronomer renewed their observations in
al-Ma'miin's time they discovered that it had still further
decreased in the meanwhile. They thought that it was
due to the defect in the instruments, and the matter was
pursued continously by their successors to establish the
real value

After many observations from time to time the results


were found to vary from 35 to 32 minutes. al-Biruni him-
self repeated the observations several times in Khwarazm
and Ghaznah and found that his results, amounting to
2 3 0_ 35 I tallied with those obtained by his illustrious pred-

ecessors like Muhammad and Ahmad sons of Musa,


al-Battani, Ibnu's-Sufi and Abu'l-Wafa. According to

Nallino, al-Biruni's value exceeds to a nominal extent of

0.57 only.
It did not, however, strike al-Biruni that in reality the
angle of the Obliquity itself had been declining progres-
sively. It was reserved to some other subsequent Muslim
Astronomers like al-Zarqali and Nasiru'd-Din at-Tusi to
come to this conclusion, which corresponds with the view
of our modern scientists, who compute that the change

amounts to about a minute in 125 years.

xxvii
ASTRONOMICAL GEOGRAPHY
In this and the next Maqala al-Bfrum deals with the
theories of Latitudes and Longitudes and their applica-

tions in determining times in day and night and fixing the


positions on the Earth's globe. This was a very favourite

subject of al-BirimT and his at-Tahdid mainly concerns

with it. There he mentions that he had an idea of compiling


a Geography, combining the features of the Samanid Minis-
ter a]- Jaihani's work (now lost), describing the various

countries and illustrating them by maps, and other kind


of books ( like that of Ibn Khurdadbih ) on the Routes and
Distances of important places meant for the benefit of the
state and the travellers. He tells us that he spared neither
his influence nor money for collecting information and
constructed a hemisphere of about 15 feet in diameter on
which he marked the Longitudes and Latitudes ascert-
ained by his own investigations or from other reliable

sources. As we know the work was interrupted by


Mahmud's invasion of Khwarazm in A.H.408.
His researches in Geography constitute a very signifi-

cant part of his original contribution to our knowledge.


Dr. Zeki Validi Togon has already published some extracts
from the al-Qdnun, as-Saidana and al- Jamdhir in the above

mentioned Memoir entitled Blrunis Picture of the World,

particularly from the at-Tahdid, which served as a middle

stage between his researches in Khwarazm and the much


more advanced knowledge amassed before undertaking
al-Qdnun .

It is a pity that most of the other books he wrote on

this subject are lost beyond much hope of recovery. We


xxviii
: j)

know at least the following titles from his own list com-
piled in 427. A.H. \ \ 1 .

5 JJ V* • J oteL* ^-^sad UiJI oU$ Ajtitf cjtT ( \

*j3X" J J*>Vij j*jjJ\jy>**; j Jl^ vJl VL Vv^j (r)

j £ • J Jl j^Vl j (^j^J! 0^ J j*^ sJl***; ^tT j (r)

SjjY* JU*^ J>)l j jAJI cm" J^>l j(o)

c
and half a dozen
^ ltij^

treatises
^ « c^^l »
( rr ^ )

on the correct determination of


' Jjj^s sJ^—

the Muslim Qibla, a subject also briefly dealt h with in

al-Qdnun, and at-Tahdid where he rightly emphasises its

importance for the correct performance of Muslim pray-


ers. Besides the theoretical discussion, we know he actu-

ally took the trouble to fix such direction from Ghaznah


and another place in Afghanistan called Bust.

THE EXISTENCE OF
HIS PREDICTION ON
THE AMERICAN CONTINENTS BEYOND
THE WESTERN SEAS
In chapter nine of the fourth Maqalah, where al-Birum
presents a short account of the inhabited world, he re-

marks that the Greeks had terminated the inhabited


xxix
world on their side by the coastline of the Atlantic Ocean,
as they had no reports except about those islands ( Cana-
ries and Madeira), not very far from there. Nor did the
reports from the Far East exceed beyond the limit of a

half circle, thus confining the known inhabitation mainly


to the two northern quarters of the globe, not because,

says our author, it is necessary by nature or climatic


conditions but simply because of the lack of reliable

reports about the remaining quarters. It is indeed most


remarkable that he goes still further in his at-Tahdid by
asserting that land must exist beyond the seas between
the Western and Eastern coast lines of the known world,

thus anticipating the discovery of the American Conti-


nents in the Western hemisphere:-

(J* >U j yi\ j JJ (j d j\c*" l»! »

( Ml ^L-U o\sL** ^>c-ad Jb


)
"There is nothing to prohibit the existence of inhabited
lands in the Eastern and Western parts. Neither extreme
heat nor cold stand in the way and
therefore it is necessary that some supposed regions do
exist beyond the known remaining regions
(
)
of the world
"
surrounded by waters on all the sides .

HIS GENERAL PICTURE OF THE WORLD


Even the general picture of the world as presented by
al-Bfruni is remarkably accurate. He tells us that the
length of the inhabited world is greater than its breadth.

It is surrounded by the seas on all its sides, and the


. . . 1

various oceans in the North, East, West and South all

combine at different points. In the North, his limits are

set by the habitations of the Suwars, Bulgars Russians,

Sclavs and Azovs, in the West by the northern regions


of Africa, Spain, France and some other parts and un-
known lands, and then the coldest regions unsiiited for

habitation. In the South, except the groups of East-Indies

Islands ( 4-* 3 gj) j J\ J J\ 3 j$ 3 3 ) and

Ceylon and a few others, he admits nothing much is

known of the lands or people from the sailors in those

parts. In the East, China forms his terminus, although as


mentioned above, he very much believed in the existence

of the regions (
e.g. Japan lying
)
in the Far Eastern ocean
as in the West
Except for the upper portions, he knows nothing much
of Africa beyond the sources of the Moon across the

Equator after which he thought the oceans coming from


the West and the East combined. His detailed knowledge
of the seas, gulfs and inland lakes like the Caspian is

very precise

MEASUREMENT OF THE EARTH BY AL-BlRUNI


In chapter seven of the fifth Maqala, al-Biruni deals
with the dimensions of the Earth's globe. As I have al-

ready treated this subject in full detail in my special

study "Muslim Researches in Geodesy" • in the Comme-


morative Volume published by the Iran Society in 195

on the occasion of al-BTrum s Millenary Celebrations,

I propose to touch upon it here rather very briefly

The ancient Greek and Indian Astronomers had


xxxi
attempted the measurement of the Earth, but the stan-
dards of their measurements were not precisely known to
the Astronomers of al-Ma'mun who was keen to know the
actual dimensions. He, therefore, ordered two praties to

measure separately two degrees of Longitude by operat-


ing from the same point in opposite directions in the

plains of Sin jar near Mosul. After comparing their results

they computed that a single degree consisted of 56 2


/ 3

Arabian miles and the Earth Vcircumference 20, 400 miles,


which according to my calculations come to 364, 106 */
4

feet, and 24, 825 3/ 4 English miles respectively and when


compared with the modern calculations the former ex-
ceeds by ?/„ mile and the latter by 171 miles only.
In order to satisfy himself, al-Birum tried without
success to measure a degree by the same method in the

plains of Dihistan (Jurjan) . But later on, while in detention


in the Fort *of Nandna ( in West Punjab ), he resorted to

a trigonometrical method as suggested by al-Ma'mun's


Astronomer Sind b/ All. The whole operation is described in
at-Tahdtd without mentioning his actual values, al-Blrunl
obtained his own by calculating the height of the peak

of a mountain in the neighbourhood plain and ascertain-


ing in the sight the decliniation of the horizon from the

same point. He found the length of a degree to consist

of a little more than 56 Arabian miles, which, according

to my calculations, falls short by about 12 miles in the

radius and 70 */ 2 miles in the cricumf erence as compared

with our modern scientists.


A slightly different account of this event is also given

in at-Tahdtd, irom which I conclude that it must have


ocococtt
.

happened sometime towards the end of A.H. 408 or to-

wards the very beginning of 409 , when soon after we


find al-Birum in a very sore state of mind wandering in

the neighbourhood of Kabul.

I may further mention, by the way, that subsequently


al-Biruni also measured the area of the Earth's surface,

and its volume and weight in gold.

We should, however, remember that although his results


came very close to those of al-Ma'mun's Astronomers,

al-Birum has preferred to use their measurements, as he


says their instruments were more precise and their labours
of extremely exacting and fastidious nature

TABLES OF LONGITUDES AND LATITUDES


In at-Tahdid al-Biruni tells us that as he had made
Ghaznah his second home, he was anxious to carry out all

his favourite scientific researches there, and determine


for the first time the correct Longitude of Ghaznah by
reference to Baghdad. He had fixed the former's Latitude

as soon as he was there, but the establishment of the

Longitude was a much more complicated affair. By the

time he wrote the present work he had accomplished it

successfully.

It is necessary to remember that in the matter of


Longitude much confusion prevailed in those days. Some
had taken the Canaries Islands as the starting point,

according to which they calculated Baghdad lying 80


degrees to the East, while others treated the farthest point
on the Atlantic coast as the primary Longitude, according
to which Baghdad was supposed to lie at a distance of

XXXti 1
70 degrees only. al-Birunl determined that the difference
between the Longitudes of Baghdad and Ghaznah amoun-
ted to 24 0 - 20 1 wonderfully close to the actual difference
,

of 23°-34 I
,
considering the fact that it was by indirect

method of calculating -from distances and directions that


this result was obtained. He, however, admitted that
inspite of his best efforts there might still be existing
slight differences in his computation.

In order to ascertain the vast amount of altogether


new information collected by him, one has to compare
his list of more than 600 names with al-Battani's 100

only and the contents of some contemporary geogra-


phical works like Hududu 'I- Alam compiled
,
only half a
century earlier. One will notice that extensive regions
like India, little or altogether unknown to the outsiders,

have come into full light. Of course, his knowledge of


India is incomparably the finest for his times, and even
later when we come to Abul-Fazl's ^m of Akbar's time.
It is, however, necessary that excepting a few, the Longi-
tudes and Latitudes in al-Qdnun have been computed by
the author by means of comparing their positions to one
another and the distances ascertained from travellers or
inhabitants of those countries or on the basis of other
written and oral reports.

After a close scrutiny, I find that generally speaking


the Latitudes are more approximately correct than the

Longitudes, in respect of which he has erred to a much


larger extent. But allowing for such inevitable deficien-

cies, some of the results are strikingly successful. For the


benefit of the readers who want to make a detailed com-

xxxiv
parison it may be pointed out that al-Biruni has chosen the

most distant place of the West African coast on the


Atlantic Ocean near Susu'l-Aqsa as his prime meridian,

according to which he calculates the Longitude of Cor-


dova in Spain as 9, 40 e, and its Latitude as 35, 2 n. Now
according to the Greenwitch Meridian its position is

4,48 w and 37, 52 N. al'BTrunrs coastline should, therefore,


be some 14, 28 w of Greenwitch line.
But as we proceed Eastward and reach Cairo the
difference exceeds the right value by a considerable ext-

ent. Cairo's position is 31, 13 e, and 30, 1 n. In al-Qdnun


it is 54, 40 E and 30, 20 n. Thus his Latitude corresponds

quite closely. But according to his prime meridian it

should be 45, 51 e i.e., 8, 49 degrees less than the calcula-


ted position in al-Qdnun.

By the time we reach Baghdad the discrepancy has

still further widened. According to Greenwitch line Bagh-

dad is 44, 30 e and 33, 18 n. In al-Qdnun it is 70 e and

33, 25N. Here again the Latitnde corresponds, but the


Longitude exceeds the correet position by about n
degrees.

Let us stop here and consider the point. al-Biruni had


admittedly no personal knowledge or direct means to
check the correctness of the true Longitudes and Lati-
tudes in those distant regions. He had generally to

depend on his predecessors and take their estimate more

or less on credit. We know, e.g., that Ptolemy's Africa

was too wide and vastly exaggerated particularly in the

South and the East, virtually connecting itself with Asia

and making the Indian Ocean a ]ake surrounded on all

XXXV
its sides by land. This unreal extension of land in the Far
East was responsible in fostering a belief in the mind of
Columbus that it was possible to reach Asia by direct

navigation across the Atlantic. Leaving the dark Conti-


nent of Africa and most of the Western and Central
Europe aside, al-BTrunf s knowledge of Asia and the
Indian Ocean was vastly superior to that of any earlier
Geographers. Africa too he does not extend much beyond
the source of Nile in the Mountains of the Moon, i.e., not
very far from the Equator, and thereby joins the Atlantic
Ocean with the Indian Ocean. He has a very accurate
idea of the position and form of the Indian Peninsula.

As to China, which to him meant the rest of the Far

East land beyond India, including the Indo-Chinese and


Malay Peninsulas lying between the fifth and the fortieth

Latitudes and hundred sixteen and hundred sixty two


of his Longitudes, i.e. some 46 degrees, his knowledge,
thanks to the Muslim sailors and traders, had grown to

some extent, but as compared with India it was still rather


vague, and we find that in locating some of the identifi-

able places like Khanfu (Canton) the Latitude are much


lower down than their exact positions. On the other hand

of the Turkish lands, which also included the homelands


of the Tartars and the Mongols, he has a better knowledge.
During his stay at Mahmud's court two embassies from

the Far-Eastern part Jiad visited Ghaznah and al-BfrunT

may have collected information about those lands which


he has utilised in al-Qdniin.

Of the Muslim countries in Asia his knowledge is full

and most reliable . In his Kitdbut-Tahdid he remarks that


xxxvi
.

in his times owing to the extension of Islam on the three


continents all the barriers and impediments which existed

in Ptolemy's times and forced him mainly to depend on


hearsay in determining his geographical positions had
been removed and facilities for travelling, trade and explo-
ration greatly increased, resulting in a much better know-
ledge of the countries and the nations of the world

MENTION OF INDIAN PLACES IN AL-QANUN


A map of India based on the tables in al-Qdnun would
not on the whole present a very distorted picture. Unf or-
nately al-Blrunl had no opportunity to travel widely in

this country. As explicitly mentioned by him in his Indica

he visited only a few places in the Western Punjab and


determined their Latitudes. " I have myself found the
Latitude of the fortress of Lauhur as 34 0 10, 56 miles from ,

the capital of Kashmir, half the way being rugged country


and the other half plain. I enumerate in the below what
other Latitudes I have been able to observe myself :—

Ghaznah 0
33 35' Lamghan 34° 43'
0 0
Kabul 33 47' Purshavar 34 44'

Kandi, the guard-station W aihand


T
0
34 30'
0 20'
of the prince 33° 55' jailam 33
Dunpur 34
0 20' The fortress Nandna 32 0 o'

The distance between the last place and Multan is

nearly 200 miles.

32 0 5 8
'
Sialkot

Mandakkakor 31 0 50'
0
Multan 29 40'

We have not travailed beyond the places mentioned


xxxvii
. .

above nor learnt any Longitudes and Latitudes from the


Indian books. God alone will help in achieving our obj ects'
*

By the time he worte al-Qdnun he had collected


sufficient data to determine the positions of the Indian
places. (Kitabu'l-Hind, p. 163 and English Translation
Vol. I. pp. 317-318).

Extent of India from Peshawar (his Long. 970, 10 e)


to the mouth of the Ganges (
Long, no, 40 e ) would
amount to 13 1
/ 2 degrees, while according to the modern
calculations it should be 17 degrees, thus making
al-Bfrunf s estimation short by 3 */ 2 degrees only. His

Southern-most Latitude for the Adam's Bridge (o,n) is

most exact differing by 15' only while its Longitude 119 e


exceeds by 3 degrees as compared with our 79, 30 e. Simi-

larly the position assigned to Ceylon is nearly correct so

far as the Latitude goes but exceeds by about 4 degrees


towards the East. In the case of other inland places in
the South like Tanjore and Rameshwaram the Longitudes
are wrong by as many as 8 to 9 degrees and even the
Latitudes by 4 to 4 1
f2 degrees

Judging from the positions of the forts in the moun-


tains of Kashmir's Southern boundary at 33 n, we find

that estimation of India's length is amazingly close to


the real dimension
So was his idea of its Peninsular form. In an outline

map of the inhabited world in the manuscripts of his

at-Tafhlm reproduced in the Encyclopaedia of Islam


under its article on Geography and also in the Persian

edition of the book itself, he gives an almost correct


representation of India's shape and place in the Eastern
xxxviii
. )

hemisphere. The superiority of his notions can very easily


be judged by comparing his world map with that of Ibn-

Hauqal (c. A.D. 975) reproduced from a manuscript of

the nth century facing page 86 in the 'Legacy of Islam .

Proceeding Eastward and taking Ghaznah as our start-


ing point, we discover that there is hardly a difference
of a degree or so upto the place occupying the site of mo-
dern Lahore. By the time we reach Mathura the Latitude

errs slightly by more than one and a half degree but the

Longitude by one sixth only. Meerut's Longitude is WTong


by 2 z
/4 degrees and Gwalior's by less than a degree and
their Latitudes are short by a single and a quarter deg-
ree respectively. Pryag ( modern Allahabad ) suffers by
half a dergee in its Latitude and one and a half degree in

the Longitude; Benaras by less than a degree (Latitude)

and two and a half degrees (Longitude), Ajodhya by


one and a half (Latitude) and two and a half (Longitude)
Oannauj both by about one and a half degree, Patliputra
by two and a half both ways and Mongair by four deg-
rees ( Longitude ) and less than three (
Latitude )

On India's West coast Somnath's Longitude is wrong


by 3/ 4 degree and Latitude by 4 T
/ 4
degrees, Cambay by
two degrees both ways and Bharoach by U degree 1
(Lati-

tude) and 1 1
/ (Longitude). Maharashtra is placed con-
4

siderably North and its Longitude is wrong by two deg-


rees. Thanah's (Bombay) Latitude (19.20) corresponds
with its correct position ( 19.12 ), but its Latitude (104)

exceeds by more than four degrees and a half. In Sind

Daibal on the mouth of the Indus river ( called Mehran

nearly corresponds with the modern Karachi. Multan's


%%%%%
.

Latitude errs by half a degree and Longitude by one. In


the innermost places Dhar's Longitude is slightly wrong
by more than a degree and Latitude by one and a half

and Mhow's Latitude by one and a half and Longitude


by three degrees

In the Western Punjab Sialkot's Longitude is in excess

by one and a half degrees and Latitude by I


l 2 of a degree,

Jhelum's Longitude by less than r


/ 2 and Latitude by less

than 3( 4 of a degree, and Peshawar's Longitude short by


less than a half and Latitude more than a degree only.
It may, however, be pointed out that al-Birum's tables

do not mention either Delhi or Lahore, nor does his


Indica. The inference is clear. Both did not exist or were
unknown by these names in his times. As to Delhi my
own researches have led me to conclude that it was foun-
ded some time after. Lahore, which is called Lohawar,
is mentioned as a regional name and its capital as Mand-
kakaur ( j jCT ) in the best readings of the manus-
cripts of the Indica and al-Qdnun. This name should not,
however, be confused with the name of a fort called Lau-
haur in the mountains of Kashmir as the latter's Latitude
is at least two degrees removed from modern Lahore.
But some places near about Delhi like Sunnam, Meerut,
Sursawa (now Sarawa) and Thaneshwar, the holy city of

the Indians are mentioned. But my own place, Baran,


(now Bulandshahr) which was supposed by modern his-

torians to be one of the places conquered by Mahmud in

the course of his famous campaign against Mathura and

Oannauj in A.H. 409, is equally missing. I am, therefore,


convinced that the place mentioned in the contemporary
xl
.

history written by 'Utbi tallies with Meerut and by the


mistake in the manuscripts has been corrupted to Barana,
as in the Arabic script the two names are easily liable to

be confused. al-Blruni, however, has mentioned another


place in the neighbourhood of Bulandshahr named as
Ahar, which occupies a very ancient site. The inference
is equally clear, i.e. , like Delhi the fort of Baran did not
exist or was unknown by this name in those times.

As to Ujjain, the prime meridian of the Indian Astro-

nomers, al-Biruni's reckoning of the Latitude and the


Longitude is most correct
Longitude ___ Latitude

al-Blruni Modern al-Blruni Modern


105 50 79 58 26 25 27 3
Let us show how we have worked it out. According to

al-Biruni Ghaznah has a Longitude of 94.20. The diffe-

rence between the two places is n.35°.The modern Longi-


tude of Ghaznah being 68.25 * ne difference is 11.35. Thus
both the results are identical.

But al-BirunT vehemently rejects the Indian Astrono-

mers' theory of its being situated on the middle-line of


the inhabited world, called the Cupola of the Earth,
j VI -ii) running from Lunka on the Equator to the
Meru mountain on the top of the Northern Pole, and
passing through Ujjain, Rohtak fort, Thaneshwar plains,
the Jamuna region and the Himalyas. (p. 504). The
Persian Astronomers had also borrowed this idea from
India and the tradition passed on to the earlier Muslim
Astronomers, who corrupted the word Ujjain to Uzain and

eventually to Arin, which persisted for long times to denote


the prime meridian by which the Longitude according to
the Indian system were calculated in their books.

PROJECTION AND CARTOGRAPHY


al-Biruni was intensely interested in both and, as he
mentioned in al-Athar, devised ways for Cylindrical and
Conical Projections for the Geographical purposes. In his
list of books he mentions

i.e. a full description of the inhabited world with illus-

trative maps. If he was ever able to complete these books,

they should have served as valuable guides and models


to the subsequent writers like IdrisI of Sicily, who com-
piled his well-known Geography and Atlas for the Nor-
man ruler Rogerll.Unforunately none of such maps could
be included in al-Qanun which was treated by al-BfrunT
as a mere summary of his vast knowledge of Astronomical

subjects, each of which received his separate exposition

in more elaborate treatises.

AL-BJRtJNl'S determination of the


MOTION OF THE SUN'S APOGEE
From the Earth al-Biruni passes to the Heavens and

begins with the Sun. Ptolemy had held that the Sun's
Apogee ( the highest point from the Earth ) was fixed,

pointing to the same spot in the Heavens as was long


before determined by Hypparchus. When the Muslim

Astronomers commenced their observations they found


that the Apogee had moved further east from tho point

mentioned by the two Greek Astronomers. al-Beruni


mentions one by one the observations by Al-Mamun's
xlii
. .

Astronomers, Khalidul-Marwazi, Ali b. Isa-ul-Harrani


and Sind b. Ali, and later on the sons of Musa and
Abul-Wafa in Baghdad, al-Battani at Al-Raqqa and
Sulaiman b. Asbah at Balkh and Abul Hamid al-Kho-
jandi at Raiy (pp.655-664). Subsequently he carried out
his own observations in Jurjania and Ghaznah and was
thoroughly convinced of the Muslim Astronomer's obser-
vations as against Ptolemy's observation. He rightly

remarked that the new results obtained during the pre-


ceding two centuries and supported by his own could not
be brushed aside.
Rejecting in Chapter seventh of the sixth Maqalah
Ptolemy's view about the fixity of the Sun's Apogee he
proceded in the next chapter to determine the correct
value of this movement. All his predecessors had deter-
mined it as amounting to one degree in 66 years, and, as

it appears from his Kitabut-Tafhinihe also depended on


al-Battani's researches and accepted this value. But six

years after further advance and careful studies of his


own, all embodied in so much detail, in al-Qdnun, he

at last discovered that the movement took more than


70 I
l 3 years to cover a single degree of Heavens' circle,

and o° o 1 7 11 44 111 54 IV in a single day (p. 677)

This result obtained by al-Blrunl is very much in

accord with our modern researches,which make the move-


ment as 52.2 every year and one degree during 72 years.
THE LENGTH OF THE SOLAR YEAR
Hipparchus and Ptolemy had fouud the length of the

Tropical year to be 365 days 5 hours and about 56


minutes
xliii
.

Continuous observations by the Muslim Astronomers


from the days of Al-Mamiin had shown that the length
of the year was really much less.

Observations at Damuscus found it as 365 days 5 hours

and 46 minutes, and the same were confirmed by Yahya


b. Abi Mansiir in his observations at Baghdad, but his

earlier observations had shown it as 365 days 5 hours and


54 minutes.
Al-Birunl tells us that Al-Mamun was very keen to

measure the correct length of the Tropical year, and for

that purpose set up an iron pillar at Dair Marwan in

Damuscus, but after comparing its measurements was


surprised to find out that the pillar had decreased to the

extent of a barley's length during the intervening night.


Consequently he almost despaired of ascertaining the
true length of the year with the help of the available

instruments. Commenting on this episode al-Biruni re-

marks that a single individual's life -nay, even the lives

of several generations put together are not sufficiently

long as compared with the requirements of such matters.


This, on the other hand, should be a sufficient warning

to an individual against constituting himself the sole

authority on the basis of his own observations only. It is,

therefore, necessary that the process of observation should

continue over many generations, one passing the work to


the other (p- 637 )

al-Battani's reseaches had resulted in establishing the

solar year as consisting of 365 days 5 hours, 46 minutes

and 24 seconds. But the subject engaged the attention


of other Muslim Astronomers also and eventually
xliv
.

al-Biruni undertook to solve it for his own satisfaction.

After complicated researches based on his own repeated


observations as well as those of his predecessors, of which
he has rendered a detailed account from the days of
Hipparchus and Ptolemy, he found the length of the year

as 365 days 5 hours, 46 minutes and between 46 and 47


seconds (or 47 seconds as he puts it in At-Tafhim)
In an article on the Jalali Calendar, based on the results
of the Muslim Astronomers including Omar Khaiyyam,
(published in Islamic Culture, Hyderabad Deccan, 1943,

pp. 166-175 ) we have dealt with the researches of the

Muslim Astronomer for determining the correct value,


which soon after al-Biruni eventually led to the best
reformed solar calendar of Jalaluddin Malikshah Seljuqi.
It appears that his Astronomers found the length of the
year as 365 days 5 hours and 49 minutes, whicn most
nearly approximates to the true length of the mean Tro-

pical year according to the most modern researches, i.e

365 days 5 hours, 48 minutes and about 47


x
/2 seconds.

It is, however, still a moot question whether the length


of the year has always been constant or has been grad-

ually increasing progressively. But for the specialists al-

Biruni's careful researches and observations may yet

serve as a useful record.

AL-BIRUNFS OPINION ABOUT THE PHYSICAL


NATURE OF THE SUN
In al-Qdnun al-Biruni did not as a principle enter into
matters which he thought should belong to the domain
t)i¥nysf6s rather than Astronomy, which had not yet
emerged from its geometrical stage. It was reserved for
'xlv
.

our modern times to develop the dynamical and physical


aspects and make them necessary parts of Astronomy.
Anyhow, it goes to al-Blrunl's credit that wherever he has

rarely touched on such questions he has generally main-

tained sane views. For instance in the case of the Sun,


against the prevalent metaphysical or rather mythological

notions, inherited from the Greeks, making it a spiritual


body destitute of any mundane elements, al-Biruni uni-

formly held that it was a fiery body and the, solar promi-

nances noticeable during the total eclipses were just like

the flames arising in the atmosphere round some burning

body (p. 646) .

j£ j <LSji\ <j~wJI J y t^j L-i Jli Jjil <_jIo^ olji LI j

jM\ jU-I

THE FIXED STARS


In the total absence of any evidence of the proper
motions of the stars, detected in a few cases by our mo-
dern Astronomers with the help of their new instruments
and intricate methamatical computations and other phy-
sical phenomena, it was impossible for the Astronomer
of the former times to imagine or treat them except as
fixed points in the Heavens serving as useful background
and points of reference for determining the movements
of the Planets etc.

Al-Biruni knew that the skies were full of innumerable


bodies of various magnitudes and it was impossible to

determine their number by sight even in a small part of


the sky
xlvi
. . .

He admits that the instruments of his times were un-


able to help the eyes in ascertaining their numbers

The ancient astronomers had tried to fix the positions

of a number of the more brilliant ones visible to the bare

eyes upto the sixth degree of their apparent magnitude

The foundations of the science of placing the heavenly

bodies on the celestial hemisphere were laid amongst the


Greeks by Hipparchus, who is believed to have prepared

a catalogue of more than iooo. Ptolemy's catalogue in


his al-Magest rests a great deal on that of Hipparchus
and al-BTrum has rightly remarked that it is not at all

certain if Ptolemy himself carried out his own obser-

vations or intentionally left them out considering the


matter as a mere branch (p. 991 )

During the Muslim period when the whole field of

Astronomy was being checked afresh, Abdu'r-Rahman


b. Ibnul-Sufi, the court-astronomer of Azudu'd-Dawla of

the Buwayhid dynasty, a great lover and patron of

sciences, devoted his entire life to this single branch, al-

Blruni has rightly placed his confidence in Abdu'r-

Rahman's unrivalled performance and considered him as


a specialist to be the best informed of all the angles and
minute of his subject.
.

( W^ ) ^ 4ife ^ dili
^
al-Bfrum frankly admits that he himself never under-
took a complete charting of the Heavens, except in a
restricted manner, and has contented himself in al-Qdnun
to rest his list of stars on Ptolemy's as revised by Ibnul-
Sufi, resorting to such corrections as were necessary to
bring their position up-to-date according to their apparent
progress in Heavens to the further extent of some 13 deg-

rees as computed by al-Biruni himself (p. 1012). But for

this purpose he claims to have compared all the available

copies of Ptolemy's text and its Arabic translations


available to him
( \ * \ Y O*) J J 0* 5^ La! I ilu!! ju>

In his catalogue, however, he has dropped such descri-


ptions as colours, considering the matter to be better

suited for physics. He was not much impressed by


the prevalent theories about the causes ascribed by the
physicists about siich matters. At best they were surmises
of uncertain nature.

On the Nebulae and the milky-way he has some


U*) ^ pj?

stri-
^
'
: t f ? jCJ ; f .. .... \ .

king remarks in a small chapter (p. 992). I quote him


01 '

IB i
'<

j i 10 :

in extenso.
!
i

f
" In the skies wahave some objects not resembling the (

stars in their roundness and light. They are the white

patches called the Nebulae. Some of these are considered


. . .

to be composed of the clusters of the stars".

He disagrees with Aristotle and his supporters' opinion

about the position of the Milky Way being below the


sphere of the planets and rightly believes them to belong
to the highest sphere of the stars.

Similarly he has discarded the views held in Astrology

and supported by Aristotle that they injured the sight

and caused sorrow and misfortune

THE EASTERN MOVEMENT OF THE


FIXED STARS
Al-Biruni holds that all these stars moved to the East

on a central axis and parallel to the Zodiac line.

The nature and extent of this revolution could be

ascertained by observations spread over long periods and

al-Biruni has tested the matter by comparing his own


restricted observations with those in Ptolemy's catalogue

His gauge year is 400 of Yezdgerd Era, which corres-


ponded with Sultan Mas'ud's return to Ghaznah after his

father's death in A.H. 422. He found that the stars had

moved to the extent of 13 degrees as compared with


Ptolemy's time

He adopted the revised magnitudes of Ibnus Sufi.

/ Every nation, he says, (p. 1020), had given the stars

different names in their languages and ascribed imaginary


oclix
. . ,

figures to their groupings and even assigned some tradi-

tions and stories suited to the early stages of civili-

zation (
p. ioio )

The Arabs, for instance, had their own system of no-

menclature, but al-BfrunT had prefered the Greek system


of 48 figures and 12 constellations arranged on a belt,

remarking at the same time that these resemblances are


seldom accurate enough to comprehend all the stars, and
in fact leave a number of them outside their ranges.

Al-Biruni has discarded all such descriptions as their


tempers resting on colours and more or less other supersti-
tious and Astrological notions. The scientific value of

such descriptions is mainly the concern of Astrophysics


which enters into the question of their composition, age,
evolution and even distances etc. But it would take us
on a discursion hardly pertinent to our present study.
Ptolemy had calculated that the sphere of the stars

moved in 100 years to the extent of a single degree out

of a total of 360 degrees (p. 998). All the preceding Muslim


Astronomers except Ibn Yunus were in agreement that it

took only 66 years to make a complete revolution

In At-Tafhim al-Blrum, relying on al-Battani, had stated


that each of the fixed stars as well as the apogees of the

Planets moved at the rate of 66 years for a single degree

(p. 135, Persian edition) and 23, 760 years for the complete
belt. The ancients had made it 36,000 years (p. 132). al-

Biruni and Ibn Yunus, however, independently, calculated


that it took more than 70 years to complete the revolution.
They only differed in the additional fraction, 1
/ 4 according

to Ibn Ynnus and 1/3 according to al-Blrum. This is in

I
. . .

complete accord with the modern researches which makes


it about 72 years for a single degree and 25,867 years
for the complete circle

All the subsequent leading Astronomers like Nasiru'd-Din

TusT, Qutbu'd-Din Shirazi and Ulugh Beg computed it as


70 years
Thus al-Biruni 's result is the nearest approach to our
modern calculations, next best being that of lbn Yunus,
who, however, had preceded him by many years and in

point of time can claim priority for correct valuation

I have discussed this subject a little more in detail to

show that al-BTruni's list of the stars' positions is not a


mere copy of any one of his predecessor's catalogues. For
this purpose, taking Ptolemy's catalogue for his basis, he
worked out /
his own results and there is no doubt that
judging from the value assigned by him to the precession
of the stars in his times, his revised computation of their

positions has to be taken on its own merit and should not

be considered to be a mere second-hand affair. This, how-


ever, is not intended to belittle al-Battani or Ibnus Sufi's
valuable researches, as such matters, in the words of

al-Birunl, depend on many minute observations spread


over long periods,

and, we may add, the exceptional genius of persons like


al-Birunl and lbn Yunus.
THE ANWA
The Anwa (the plural of Nau, a star) mean certain

atmospheric phenomena like the rains, winds, heat, cold

U
. . .

and moisture etc. which were supposed to be subject to


the influence of the stars. Strictly speaking Nau initially
concerned the rains.
The art of recognizing the Anwa formed a special
science with the Arabs. They closely connected the Anwa
with the Moon's mansions. The Indians had their own
system of connecting the lunar mansions with their
astrological system. The Muslims, who had inherited both

the systems, combined them and compiled annual calen-


dars forecasting the meteorological, agricultural and even
medico-hygienic aspects for the various periods
This information, based on long observations general
experience and popular ideas, inherited from the past,
could not be of a strictly scientific order and as pointed

out by al-Biruni varied from place to place. The seasons


and the natural conditions produced by the former are
really the result of the relative position of the Sun in

the sky. All such forecasts were, therefore, of a tentative


nature
For instance, winter starts at various times in various

places. He points out that the whole system reflects

an analogy to the results arising out of the Sun's move-


ments in the Zodiac

(nn u") Jj^ 1

AL-BlRUNl'S LUNAR THEORY


The theory of the Lunar motions has always formed
an important part of Astronomy and al-Biruni has devot-
ed wholly the Seventh Maqala and parts of the next to
-
this subject. / 1
a tii si j

m
. .

The Moon does not revolve in a perfect circle and its

maximum and minimum distances appreciably differ.

Its mean distance is estimated between these two limits

Moreover, the Moon is always changing its path and


its motions are subject to variations. Astronomers and
Mathematicians have always been much perplexed by its

irregularities and their combined efforts have not yet


been crowned with perfect success in computing and
predicting its exact positions at different times. Thanks
to continuous improvements in the Lunar theory these
inequalities have been gradually reduced to the mini-
mum. Exact records of the past observations, specially

of the Lunar eclipses are, therefore, of immense value.

Hipparcus discovered a considerable inequality in the

Moon's course and Ptolemy detected a second inequality


and tried to cover it by means of an epicycle. When the

Muslim Astronomers took up their observations they

appear to have realized that even Ptolemy's theory did


not fully account for the Moon's motions. It is, for ins-

tance, claimed that a third inequality was detected by

Abul-Wafa, but his claim was disputed by some modern


scholars in favour of Tycho Brahe's. But with reference
to al-Birum the point is not so difficult to settle. As the
matter has enjoyed some importance I would like to give

al-Biruni's views a little in detail to show that he cer-

tainly knew the inadequacy of Ptolemy's theory and tried

to remove its defects

al-BirunI points out that the Moon's movements


very much differ from those determined by the ancient
Kit
. . .

Astronomers of Greece and India and believes that


Ptolemy had missed some of its motions in the same
way as he did in the case of the Sun

dl)S oldj^CJI olSjl j jtfZ \ Uii£ i 3j!l


^ ^jJ^> j ^j^- j^l

He further remarks that it is not difficult to observe


the Moon's return to its former place with refernce to
the fixed stars, but over long periods it is always altering
its path and eventually the minute differences accu-
mulate and cause the difficulty, (p. 785). The solution

suggested by him is to keep a constant watch over it

and collect reliable data from generation to generation.


"The Moon's movements," says al-Biruni, nay, those of

all the moving bodies in the heavens are not ascertain-


able in a single attempt, as they vary from time to time.

So they are at first determined in a larger and more


approximate manner. When we repeat our observations

second time we come nearer to the true value, and as we


keep comparing our later results with the previous ones
we arrive at a greater precision. This method should go
on ad infinitum and that is all that is required of an

original worker in this field, (p. 776)

Even a bare outline of his discussions relating to the


complicated motions of the Moon would land us into the
very depths of Mathematics and we confine ourselves
here only to a few of his important results of general
interest

liv
2

First of all, he has tried to determine the length of the


ordinary Lunar month corresponding to the period of the

Moon's movement from one phase to the same phase


again, technically known as the Synodic month, ( i.e.,refer-

ing to its position to the Sun), and, relying on previous

accounts of anceint observations, he has computed it as

a little more than 29 £ days, (to be exact 29 0 3V $o li

8 m 9 iv 20 v i3 vi ). He has determined its daily average to

be 13 0 io 35" 1 iH
6 iv (or in the alternative 7
iv
io v 4 vi )

(P- 730).

In the next chapter he has undertaken to rectify the


Mean and the Anamolistic daily movements of the Moon.
The latter has reference to . the nearest point of the
,

Moon's approach to the Sun (


perihelion ) and back to
the same, which takes a bit longer than its movement
from one star and back to the same. The extreme pains
that he has taken in fixing both may very well be judged
from the minute results of his investigation. According
v vi
to him the first is 13 0 io 34 2 7 i7 8 25
ii
i iii iv vii
57
viii
25 lx
iv v
42 x and the second i3°3 i3 54 8 5 3i 32 9
iii vi vii viiii lx ii
44 .

He had obtained these values after comparing the results


of his own three consecutive Lunar observations in A.H.

393 & 394 (P- 746) carried out after the most careful
precautions <aj& 3 <j j (p. 745).

Just to illustrate al-Birum's advance we may point out

that according to al-Battani the mean daily motion

amounted to i3°io'35" and the Anamolistic to i3°3'54"-

Now al-Biruni's mean motion is the closest approxima-

tion to the modern researches which compute it as 13 0

Iv
io { 34 i{ 5 2iii 3 iv Equally improved are his other values.

In respect of the mean Obliquity of the Moon's Eclip-


tic he has accepted the more accurate value of 5 degrees,
as determindby Ptolemy, against 4 I of the Indian As-
tronomers and al-Battani and 4 § of al-Mamuns' Astro-
nomers, Yahya b. Abi Mansnr &Habash and later on the
sons of Musa. In this particular matter he frankly admits
that he did not know the way to ascertain and check it

(p. 776).

The Moon looks larger when nearer to the Earth and


smaller when more distant. Its apparent diameter, there-

fore, varies relative to its distance from the Earth

( P 865).
.

Al-Birunis researches established that its Longest dis-

tance was 63 0 52' 40" times of the Earth's radius and the
shortest 31 0 55' 5" (p. 844). As to its diameter he rejected
0
al-Battani's calculation of 33 33' 20" of the Earth's

diameter remarking that it was not noticeable at any one


of the Moon's distances from the Earth. He points out
that howsomuch the Moon's diameter may appear to
differ at various distances its real diameter should be a
constant value. He has preferred Ptolemy's value of 31/
20" as compared with the Earth's diameter, and this very
much corresponds to the mean apparent diameter 31' 7"
as determined by the modern researches. Similarly he

prefers the ratio between the Earth's shadow on the sur-


face of the Moon during the Lunar eclipse as bearing a
Ivi
.

relation of 2 3
/5 to 1. This corresponded equally with the

results obtained by Ptolemy as well as al-Battani.

THE DISTANCE OF THE SUN FROM THE EARTH


Al-Blruni had serious misgivings about Ptolemy's cal-

culation of the Sun's distance from the Earth, as it was


based on total eclipses and in complete disregard of the
annular eclipses, which implied much larger distances,

(pp. 868-870).

la^taM Jsl] J*£ j crC^uiJt oli ^j=r j!t l-Ul*^

iJti *U }U? j dUJo IjV ^jVI dUi J lJ^I

<jp 0 \a\ j l^- j\ ^J* J \f*&i ^j^jA] <JaS

(^y, -/^a ^) J^uifl JV <-jJ!I Ja^ jit Jl jA J VI ^r^tlt

According to Ptolemy the Sun's distance amounted to


286 times of the Earth's radius (p. 874). Al-Biruni con-

fesses his inability to check or correct Ptolemy's calcu-


lations. Unfortunately he never happened to observe a
total Solar eclipse nor possessed precise record about them
to rely upon. (p. 874)

( Avr ) • ltjt^ ^ ^

That al-Biruni was perfectly justified in his doubt is

Ivii
. .

borne out by the researches of our modern Astronomers.


The ancients had hopelessly erred in determining the
distances and the magnitudes of the heavenly bodies,

except in the case of the nearest of them, the Moon, which


was amenable to the operation of the instruments they
possessed. "But the Sun/' says al-Blruni, "is still immea-
sureable by our instruments and remains an object for
conjectures." (p- 857).

cfct L>^ * * 0 Js~^ V £ J&jDb J# Li J

THE DISTANCES AND MAGNITUDES OF THE


STARS FROM THE EARTH
Al-BTruni admits that it was not possible to ascertain
their distances and magnitudes, as there was no real way
known to detect the parallex of the fixed stars (p. 1303).

The way suggested by the Greek Astronomers was to

place the stellar sphere next to the most distant Planet,

i.e., according to Ptolemy 19, 666 times of the Earth's


radius (p. 1310)
Similarly he calculated the diameter of the stars of the

first magnitude and of Mars to be I


/2 of thd Sun's dia-

meter. A Muslim Astronomer Abu-Jafar al-Khazin in his

book on the distances and sizes of the heavenly bodies'

( f\ 3 ) had stated that the stars of the first

magnitude had I
/ 7 of the Sun's diameter, those of the

second the third I


/ 2 i, the fourth the fifth

^27 and the sixth


J
/36. He did not mention if he had
himself determined them nor did he explain the method
by which he had arrived at his results

Iviii
. .

Al-Biruni then quotes the various values by the Indian


and some other Astronomers. Those who are interested
in his detailed exposition of Ptolemy's results are referred

to the Persian edition of the Kitabut Tafhim wherein he


has worked out complete figures in the Earth's radius as
ascertained by al-Mamun's Astronomers. The learned
editor claims to have taken pains to check the table. In

the light of modern advances in Astronomy such figures

have only antiquarian interest, as all the ancient and


medievial Astronomers lacked the necessary equipment
for the precise computations.

We now know that the Sun is nearly 300 times more

distant than what those former scientists had thought


The nearest star is at least 300,000 times the distance of

the Sun and for the purposes of measuring such vast dis-
tances not even the Earth's orbit is sufficiently large.

And the nearest Nebula is supposed to be at a distance


of 7 million light years! Words are wholly powerless to

evoke even a remote idea of the scale of our Universe.

Undoubtedly our old Astronomers had a very limited


notions of the dimensions of the world. Al-Biruni,however,
knew that they had not yet even satisfactorily ascer-

tained the Sun's distance. He himself never ventured to


hazard any theory of his own where he was not certain of
his grounds

THE PLANETS
The Tenth Maqala deals with the planetary move-
ments.In this part of the book al-Birum follows Ptolemy
implicitly and considers him almost inspired, crediting

lix
.

with haying perfected the theory of planetary motions in


the best possible manner (p. 1161 ). Herein al-Biruni lays
claim to no original contributions of his own, except the
modifications in the Eastern movements of their apogees

to the same extent as that of the Sun's apogee-i.e., one

degree in 70 J instead of 100 years suggested by Ptolemy

(p. 1166).

Al-Biruni remarks that although the earlier Muslim


Astronomers had not taken the trouble to explain the
mathematical processes in their calculations, yet the
positions of the Planets's apogees mentioned by al-

Mamun's Astronomers, Yahya and Habash very much


agreed with his own (p. 1197).

In chapter sixth of the maqala he strikes an original


note, doubting the accepted order of the Planets that
placed the Sun between the Moon and the two so called
inferior Planets. Venus and Mercury, adding that it was
quite possible that the Sun is below all the other Planets
except the Moon, as it is equally possible that some Pla-
nets intervene between the Sun and the Moon (p. 1301 )

Later on in Spain Jabir b. Aflah ( c. 1140 ) held it more


probable that Mercury and Venus were above the Sun.
THE ECLIPSES AND THE APPEARANCE OF
THE NEW MOON
The Eighth Maqala deals with the Lunar and the
Solar eclipses and the appearance of the New Moon. It is

marked by a masterly exposition of their theory in all

its aspects. I donot propose to enter into the details, as

there is apparently nothing very much novel to mention,


ix
.

except two topics, one relating to the appearance of the


New Moon, and the other, in the last chapter, relating to

the Indian theories of eclipses called Khayalai-ul-Kusu-

fain, "the images of the eclipses " which pass on the faces
of the Sun and the Moon and do not really affect their

bodies. In his list dated A.H. 427 he mentions a treatise


of his own specially devoted to this subject.

"And I have prepared a book on the two united and


equal axes and entitled it as the idea of the eclipses ac-

cording to the Indians. It is a subject well-known to them


and none of their Astronomical treatises is devoid of its

treatment, but it is not known to our Muslim Astrono-


"
mers .

He has summarized the theories and adduced the


requisite proofs in their support, relying on Paulis, the
Greek, and Brahma Gupta's Khandakhandayaka. As the

English translations of the latter, with necessary notes


and appendices by Mr. P. Gangoly, and of the Suryasid-

dhanta by Burges and edited and annotated by the


former, and both published by the Calcutta University,
are easily available, I refer the readers to the chapters

five and six of the former and chapters fourth to seventh


of the latter work for the Indian treatment of the Lunar
and the Solar eclipses

The appearance of the New Moon, says al-Blrum,is an

altogether uncertain affair and predictions do not some-


Ixi
times come to be true. Ptolemy and other Astronomers
did not concern themselves with any theory about the
Moon's appearance. But the Muslim Astronomers like al-

Fazaif, Ya'qub b. Tariq, and al-Khwarazml on the one


hand and Habash-ul-Hasib and al-Battani on the other
made it a subject of their special study and devised laws

concerning the appearance of the New Moon. al-Birurm


has relied on the researches of H abash, which he says
were the best on this subject.

DAWN AND SUNSET


This subject enjoyed sufficient importance with the
Muslim scientists, as the two phenomena helped in deter-

mining the times for some prayers, and fasting. We


know that the greatest Muslim writer on Optics, Ibn-ul-

Haitham, determined that the twilight begins or ceases


when the sun is 19 degrees below the horizon, and
attempted thereby also to measure the height of the
atmosphere. In Chapter XIII of the VIII Maqala al-Birum
deals with the subject, and it is remarkable that he was
cognizant of still better results, for he informs us that

both these phenomena occured when the Sun was 18 deg-


rees below the horizon. He adds that some people deter-

mined it as 17 degrees. The former result corresponds


exactly with the best modern researches. Evidently both

the results, slightly different from Ibn-ul-Haitham's, are


based on independent researches. We know that Optics

was one of al-Biruni's favourite subjects in which he left

some original researches of his own. It is a pity that none


of his books on this subject ,,are 'available, now, although
Ixii
. .

at least one of them, al-Lam'at, was known and utilised in

our country by the author of the Jami'-i-Bahadur Khani,


an Encyclopaedia of Mathematics, produced in the beginn-
ing of the last century

AL-BlRUNl AND THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF


ASTROLOGY
In al-Biruni's time Astrology, already a fully developed
system, had a strong hold on people's mind. Muslim theo-
logians and philosophers were generally opposed to its

claims, but the Astronomers commonly supported its

theory and adopted its practice as part and parcel of their

profession. Many Muslim rulers believed in its efficiency

and patronized their Astronomers equally for their know-


ledge of Astrology. So generally speaking both Astronomy
and Astrology went hand in hand in those days

The Mulims, however, enriched their system of Astro-


logy by combining and harmonizing the various elements
derived from the Iranian, Indian, Greek and other sour-

ces. This is not a place to write the interesting history of

Astrology amongst the Muslims or in the Medieval

Europe, which borrowed its entire system from the for-

mer. Only one point needs stressing. The Muslims appear


to have taken Astrology rather seriously and almost in a
scientific spirit and given it a respectable form, by press-

ing in its service their knowledge of Spherical Trigono-

metry and Mathematics. In their hands it thus became a

highly complicated and technical system.


There is absolutely no doubt that al-Biruni was tho-

roughly versed in the theoretical and practical aspects of


Ixiii
.

Astrology and wrote a number of times on it. The titles

of his books in this particular line may be gleaned from


his own list of A.H. 427. Kitdbut-Tafhim, (extant both in

the Arabic and Persian versions), is the best surviving

work, the latter half of which is devoted to Astrology,


while his Tamhidu l-Mustaqarr published by the Daira,
,

deals exclusively with a single topic of Astrological import

called mamarr, i.e., the passage of one Planet over the

other, which also forms in a brief manner the subject


matter of Chapter X of the last Maqala. In al-Qdnun,
al-Biruni confines himself to the methods of Spherical

Trigonometry and Mathematics, deemed indispensible for

determining the movements and relative positions of the


heavenly bodies, on which are based all the results of
Astrological import. In this limited range also he claims

several new methods of his own


Of all the Muslim Astronomers his attitude to Astro-
logy is most clear and definite. He repeats his views again

and again in his various books. The last section of

at-Tafhlm pertaining to Astrology opens with the remark


that for most people it is the highest product of the whole

Mathematical science. He, however, ranges himself with


the minority -i.e., those who do not hold this opinion

(p. 316).

In other places in the same book he is very hard


upon those who practised Astrology and preyed on the
Ixiv
.

ignorance of the people. It also appears that he did not


consider most of them as even fully informed in their

difficult subject and warns the people to be on their

guard against their sharp practices (p. 360).

He had a special book on this topic called

In his Kitabu't-Tahdid (p. 324), he pronounces a similar


verdict against the whole system itself.

lmJI ^ l^i Jill iip j < l#L,li

"The system of predictions in Astrology rests on


totally absurd principles, weak deductions, contradictory
guesses and merest assumptions, opposed to certainties "

It is, therefore, certain that, like his illustrious contem-


porary and friend Ibn Sina, al-Birum was totally oppos-
ed to Alchemy and Astrology. The most eloquent testi-

mony of the views on the latter is, however, available in


the opening passage (p. 1354) of the last Maqala where
al-Birum says :-

"This science ( of Astronomy ) to which this book is

devoted is absolutely self-sufficient in its own excellent

principles. But the heart of those people, who cannot


conceive of any joy except in the things that can save
them from bodily pain, and of any gain except in the

wordly boons, are not attracted and are even inimical to


it and its votaries. This was the reason that led the ancient

Ixv
.

thinkers to connect the events of the world with the

Astronomical propositions and thereby establish the in-

fluence of the heavenly bodies in a delusive manner, and


thus devise the bases for the principles governing the fore-
cast of the future occurences and persuade the people to
accept Astrology as the very fruit (of Astronomical
science). This those thinkers did to gain their following,

knowing that the masses are greedy to learn the means


whereby they can derive benefit, avoid harm, ward off

disgrace and avert biting calamities"

From a personal anecdote in his al-Fihrist we learn


that at the time of his serious illness in A. H. 422 he con-

sulted the Astrologers to find out the remaining years of

his life, but, to his utter disappointment, they hopelessly

differed amongst themselves and produced altogether con-


flicting and even impossible results (p. 41).

It is, however, very curious that in subsequent times


he was rated as the greatest Muslim Astrologer and some
evidently false anecdotes, like those in the Persian work
Chahar Maqalah, (written in the middle of the 6th. cen-
tury), were invented to show his greatness as a most
wonderful Astrologer.

I do not propose to enter here into further details of


the various topics relating to the calculation of the 12

celestial domus (o the juxtaposition with reference

to the signs of the Zodiac, the contiguity of the planets

in their longitudes and latitudes, the casting of horos-

copes, the ascension, and declension of the planets and the


passage of one planet over the other etc. These matters
Ixvi
.

were too difficult and complicated to find place in the

earlier and more elementry book, at-Tafhim, which is

very much suited for those who are interested in Astro-

logy as a profession. But you could never know his great-

ness even as a perfect master of Astrology, unless you


have studied his last Maqala, wherein he has undertaken
to enunciate the universally admitted bases on which was
raised the enormous structure of Astrological practices

We sample out here two themes of general interest


forming the subject-matter of the last chapters of the

book.

The first deals with the theory of the Qirans (ol'lji)

the conjunction of the Planets, an idea which had origi-

nated in the land of ancient Iran. The Astrologers set a


great store by this theory, which, they claimed, helped
them in predicting important public events and careers
of men born under such conjunctions. Of these, the con-
junction of Saturn and Jupiter were considered as the
most auspicious.

was supposed to take place at the end of twenty years,


the second, more in use, 240 years and the third 960 years.
al-Binini points out that even according to the works of

the ancient Persian Astronomers, who carried out their

calculations on the basis of 360 days for a year, the first

should take place, not in 20 years, but in 19 years,

3 months and 26 days, and even much less, according

to the solar year of more than 365 days, as calculated by


Ixvii
. '

Ptolemy and the Indian Siddhantas.


"This," says al-Biruni, "I mention to warn you against
the ravings and patchings of these Astrologers on account
of their love of the number '12' in respect of the con-

junctions'' .

These Astrologers were, of course, extremely displeased


by his criticism of their favourite theory, but, as rightly

remarked by al-Birum, 'truth does not follow our wishes


.

o*) <sj^
The Jast chapter deals with the Millenia and other
Astrological periods. Here he has offered some very pun-
gent remarks, which are, perhaps, equally applicable to
our times, in which there is no dearth of hypothesis
relating to the beginning of our universe and its other
component parts.
He makes no secret of his views that the Iranian and
Indian systems of calculating the beginnings of the Uni-
verse, the Earth and the Human race and assigning them
cycles of thousands or other specified periods, are all un-

certain guesses, based on no demonstrable data. On the


other hand he believes that such beginnings are alto-
gether unknown and the human reason is incapable of

precisely determining or describing such events

Traditional lore and religious books differ hopelessly


Ixviii
.

and even the Quran is silent on this particular point.

The Indian system of periodic revolutions of the heaven-

ly bodies is full of inconsistencies and rests merely on the


ancient traditions. The same is true of the theory of con-

junction of all the heavenly bodies in the beginning, and

previous to all the subsequent events in the Universe


He, therefore, rejects all such speculations one by one
and contents himself in the end to narrate what the

Iranians and Indians had to say on this subject :-

CONCLUDING REMARKS
In a work of such vast dimensions and rich contents
it is not easy to pick and chose. I do not claim to have
exhausted or even copiously utilised the inexhaustible
store of materials in this work. My main idea has been to

demonstrate the value of this book even to a layman.


I have, therefore, avoided the more complicated or techni-
cal matters which I thought belong to the domain of a
highly specialised scholar. I, however, believe that the
best course for any one would be to select a limited theme
at one time and work on it in a detailed and exhaustive
manner, e.g., by taking up the Prolegomena dealing with
the first principles, or anyone of the subsequent parts rela-

ting to Chronology and Calendar, Geography, the Solar,

Lunar or Planetary theories, the stars and so forth. The


space and time at my disposal have permitted me only a

very brief treatment of the themes chosen for this study,


which was being carried out the same time that the book
Ixix
.

was passing through the press. I, therefore, earnestly beg

my readers to overlook its imperfections and shortcom-

ings. However, I hope, in the words of Ibn Sina in the


preface of his al-Qdnun on Medicine :-

>
to renew in the near future my labour on a much larger

scale, if God spares me life and good luck favours me to

do so.

After its publication the most important thing in my


opinion would be al-Qdnun s translation and annotation
in some modern language of international status on the
lines of the great Italian savant C. Nallino's unrivalled
performance in the Latin language in connection with
al-Battanl's work. In al-Blrum's case a still wider know-
ledge of the sciences, languages and history would be

necessary, besides the fact that he is rather a difficult

writer who, while on his part does everything to furnish

the required proofs, demands at the same time an


extremely careful and exacting devotion to his work,
specially in this one intended for the most advanced
scholars

This brings us to some of the most distinguishing and


original features of this work mentioned by the author
himself towards the end of his Preface, i.e., the particular

care he has taken to unravel the basic principles, to

demonstrate the propositions enunciated in the book,

to adduce the proofs of his deductions and to indicate his

personal observations and researches. These features, says


al-Biruni, were very much lacking in his predecessor's
Ixx
.

works and in his opinion, were indispensible to enable


the scholars to judge and check the results. For in a

growing science like Astronomy it is well nigh impossible

to overlook the work done by the former scholars. So he


gratefully benefited himself by the previous researches
and theories, but freely and fearlessly criticised where he
thought they had missed the mark or gone astray. The
whole passage on pages 4 and 5 is a true exposition of

his scientific method, consistently pursued in all his

works. He had already written very extensively to furnish


the missing proofs for the researches of the leading
Astronomers like al-Khwarazmi, Habash, al-Farghani
and Abu-Ma'shar, and the Indian compilers of the
Siddhantas, Karana-Khand-Khandayaka etc. (cf. his al-

Fihrist, pp. 30,32 & 43). His firm belief in the laws of
nature, his insistence on continuous observations and

collection of reliable data and the successful application


of all these principles, mark him out as one of the greatest

exponents of the true scientific method

Another important aspect of this work needs emphasis.


During the five or six years that had elapsed after the

completion of his Indica in A.H. 422, al-Biruni had gone


further ahead with his Indian studies. His most exhaus-

tive work of 1100 pages exclusively devoted to the Indian

Astronomy :-

5 jj 00*

is apparently lost. It would, therefore, be necessary to


elucidate his special debt to the Indian Astronomers, for
Ixxi
.

there is no doubt that in some parts, like the Solar and


Lunar theories and the Eclipses, they had worked inde-
pendently and even surpassed the Greek Astronomers.
On the other hand it would be worth-while, although not
so easy, except by indirect reasoning, to trace the influ-

ence that his own works in Sanskrit exerted on the con-


temporary or subsequent Indian Astronomy. For, while
seeking enlightenment from the Indian sources, he on his
part ]oved to pay back his debt by introducing the
Indians to the principles of Muslim Astronomy at its best

period

If al-Biruni was lucky in his life in having some enligh-


tened and even learned patrons, he is no less lucky now
after his death in having an illustrious patron of his
works in Maulana, Abu'l-Kalam Azad, to whose worthy
name the present edition of the book has been rightly

dedicated. For I know from my personal experience the


unlimited admiration he has got for al-Biruni and his
works and even found time during his busy life as the

Education Minister of India to contribute some apprecia-


tive articles of his own on al-Biruni.

The publication of this marvellous work would indeed


be an event in the field of scientific studies. It was the
ambition of many savants and learned bodies to bring
out a complete edition of this book. More than 40 years
ago, when I published the First edition of my " Life of

al-Biruni," in Urdu and some 12 years after, its Second


edition, M.A.O. College, Aligarh was hoping to bring out

the text and translation of al-Qdnun. But unfortunately

Ixxii
.

nothing came out of those labours, except the preparation


of a transcript from the beautiful and precious ^manuscript
of A.H. 562, then belonging to the Imperial Library,
Calcutta, and the careful comparison with the photo-
stat of the oldest, 1 ) [Or. 516 Bodl. ] but incomplete
manuscript in Oxford, and a much more recent copy which
originally belonged to Syed Mahmud, the illustrious scion

of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, the founder of that famous


institution. The transcript then prepared and some abor-
tive attempts at its translation in Urdu, should still be in
the keeping of the University Library.

The Dairatu'l-Ma'arif-il-Osmania at Hyderabad - Dn


deserves to be congratulated for bringing out a standard

edition of the whole text, which, I hope, should serve as a

basis for all the future researches relating to this book

A word of caution is, however, necessary to add here


for the benefit of those who would like to undertake the
study of the parts or the whole of al-Qdnun or even a
single topic therefrom. They should as a rule compare the
text of the printed parts of this edition with some of the

best available *) manuscripts, and go even a step further to


check the results, for in a work like this where the author
has generally resorted to the system of numeration by
means of the Arabic letters, and very sparingly by the
Indian numerals, no text of such a big magnitude, full of

innumerable minutae, can, inspite of the care bestowed


by its editors, remain totally immune from errors and
misprints. In his times al-Biruni himself had to face

1) See supra for descriptions " Conspectus of the Extant Mss of the Qanun "p. 14

Ixxiii
. .

and tackle similar difficulties in the manuscripts. And,


moreover, even the best Mathematicians commit mistakes
in their calculations and we know that al-Biruni was no
exception. See, for instance, the various corrections of

this kind that the learned editor and translator of the


Indica had to make in his English notes with the help of

a great Mathematician of his times

Some other valuable works of al-Biruni exist in good


manuscripts and deserve early publication. To one of
these, I would particularly draw attention here. It is the
autograph, or at least a contemporaneous copy of al-

Bfruni's Kitabu t-T ahdid , dated A.H. 416, which in my


opinion should be published in photographs, for it would
serve as a beautiful palaeographical souvenir of the early

5th century of the Muslim era. I am really very much


indebted to the learned Director of the Daira and the
Chief-Editor of al-Qanun for procuring for me its microfilm

from the Fateh Library in Istanbul . The work by itself

constitutes one of the smaller masterpieces of al-Bfrum,

written soon after his arrival at Ghaznah in A.H. 410, i.e.,

after his release from detention in the fort of Nandna

Another minor work of special interest is al-Istiab on


Astrolabes, which exists in several good manuscripts in

Iran and other countries.

These and all other available works of al-Biruni may,


one after the other, be taken up by the Daira under the
care of its present Director, Dr. M. Nizamu'd-Dm, whose
knowledge and experience are only equalled by his love

of learning, specially where the East is concerned. As for

Ixxiv
.

myself, I am further indebted to him for furnishing me


with the instalments of the book in the course of its prin-

ting, suggesting some excellent formal and verbal modifi-


cations in the typed copy of my article and eventually
relieving me to a large extent in correcting its proofs for

the press

And above all I thank God that I have been able to


complete this work which I had undertaken as a labour

of love in honour of an author whom I have always con-


sidered as one of the greatest and best that the world has
produced or would produce in the future. For as we know
more and more of his works we are bound with the pass-
age of time to bestow on him still greater honours that

are reserved only for the elite of our human race.

Hasan Manzil, "\

Bulandshahr, U.P., > Syed Hasan Barani


Friday, the 15th June, 1956 J

Ixxv
)

CORRIGENDA

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iv 1. 26 delete 'to' between the Buwaihids & semi-independent.


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