1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA,

VALENCIA AND MAJORCA

NORMAN ROTH

Valencia1

In July of 1391, shortly after most but not all of the attacks in Castile had
taken place, the city of Valencia was the scene of an attack. According to the
famous letter attributed to H asdai Crescas (as we shall see, there is reason to
doubt this attribution), there were some 1.000 Jewish households in the city2,
and 250 Jews were killed, some fled the city, and many converted. What do
we know of the facts?
The Aragonese king, Juan I, already wrote a letter, apparently no longer
extant, before the attacks, instructing the officials to take measures to pro--
tect the Jews. In a letter of July 9, the day after the attacks, an official of
Valencia relates that measures were taken to protect them. The Castilians
are particularly singled out for blame. Masters of tradesmen, etc., in the city
had been told that “although the Jews are infidels, both the permission of
the Church and [that] of the temporal government has granted them security
in every city and town”. Guards were posted all night in the Jewish quarter,
and the Jews were said to be “very contented” with these provisions. Nev--
ertheless, a band of some 40-50 men managed to attack, “and the archpriest
of Seville].
[Ferrant Martínez] came with his cross” and baptized the Jews. The Jews
closed the gates to the juhería, but rumors began to circulate among “vaga--
bonds”, strangers (not residents of the city) and other lower class people that
the Jews were killing the Christians. Prince Martín (“Duc de Montblanch” and
brother of the king) was called and he asked the Jews to open the gates so
he could quell the rumors and also provide protection to them, but the Jews
were afraid and refused to open the gate. This only increased the rumors. The

1
Hinojosa, Jews of the Kingdom of Valencia (henceforth Jews; see Bibliography for this and all
other references), p. 22, calls attention to various precedents in anti-Jewish hostility in Valencia which
may have contributed to the attack. Hinojosa summarizes, pp. 23-27, many of the details of the attack
on the city of Valencia. Particularly valuable are his account of what took place in other communi--
ties in the kingdom. See his excellent discussion of the physical boundaries and nature of the Jewish
quarter, “Reino de Valencia”, with brief notes also on other towns in the kingdom.
2
We do not know the actual number of Jews in the city; Hinojosa believes that it was more than 2,000
individuals, or 2,500-3,000 (“Préstamo Judío”, pp. 319-20); he made no mention of the figure
claimed in the letter, which would result in at least 4,000 individuals and is obviously an exaggera--
tion. Curiously, as we shall see, a contemporary rabbi who lived in Majorca gave the figure of about
1.000 householders for the capital city (Palma de Majorca).

Iberia Judaica III (2011) 49-75

50 NORMAN ROTH

juhería was then attacked by Christians from nearby houses and “in a short
time” some100 (or 230) Jews were killed3.
Official reports lamented the attack, but could not refrain from referring
to the “divine mystery” whereby Jews were killed in spite of the fact that
the gates were closed, as well as such “miracles” as a Jew who desired
baptism and who claimed that some days previously he had met three men
who had seen Jesus crucified, and another who saw a vision of St. Chris--
topher in the “great synagogue” sinagoga la major during the attack. The
synagogue in question was converted into a church, named San Cristóbal
in honor of the saint and occupied by Augustinian monks in 14094. Ac--
cording to another source, another synagogues was also converted into a
church5.
So many Jews were baptized (after the attack) that there was not sufficient
holy water for them (miraculously, water then began to appear in the font; the
“miracle” was repeated in Burriana “and in all of la Plana” and in Murviedro)
[Sagunto; Morvedre in Valencian]). All of the Jews of the city, except a few
(200 according to another document), were baptized, as were also those of
Játiva, Algecira (modern Alcira, or Alzira, not to be confused with Algeciras),
Gandía, as well as those of Liria and Cullera and “other small towns”6. This
is also important testimony as to the presence of Jews in this towns, some of
which are not known from other sources. The king expressed his outrage at
the attacks in a letter (July 16) to his brother, Prince Martín, in which he said
that he should have killed or hung 300 or 400 of the rioters who attacked the
Jews, which would have prevented an attack also on the Muslims the follow--
ing day. He also referred to the report of attacks on Jews in Murviedro and
ordered his brother “rigorously” to punish this (on the same day he also wrote
to the governor of Murviedo).
Some Jews had taken refuge in the houses of Christians in Valencia, while
others had been baptized. Some Christians wished to make a church of the
synagogue, which the king strictly prohibited (perhaps this was another syna--
gogue other than the sinagoga mayor, which already had been made into a

3
Text in Chabas, “Judíos Valencianos”, pp. 184-86; Villanueva, Viage Literario 2: 173-77. Never--
theless, another source written at the time of the attack states that 230 Jews were killed (Danvila,
“Robo”, p. 392, and his note in El Archivo [see Bibliography], p. 236; this is accepted by Hinojosa,
Jews, p. 35). Incidentally, it is possible that the mass burials and skulls that exhibit wounds or blows
(perhaps from swords) in the newly discovered Jewish cemetery may be those killed in 1391 (the
author, however, carefully does not suggest this); see Matías Calvo Gálvez, “Necrópolis Judía de
Valencia; Nuevos Datos”, in -XGHUtDV \ 6LQDJRJDV (see Bibliography), pp. 583-604 and note plates,
pp. 608, 609, 610. There are a few additional letters, particularly from Martín to his brother the king,
in Riera, “Tumultos Contra las Juderías”.
4
Briefly in Villanueva, Viage Literario 2: 23; complete text in Chabas, “Judíos Valencianos”,
pp. 186-88; Hinojsa, Jews, pp. 332-34. The most extensive details concerning the history of the church
are given by Chabas, pp. 41-45. The monastery was apparently demolished in 1868. The site of the
synagogue-church is in Calle del Mar in Valencia (Fernando Sanz Ruiz,
Guía de recorridos históricos de Valencia [Valencia, 2006], p. 93.
5
Manual de Novells Ardits 1: 16: “e en lo dit call fo feta altre esgleya sots invocacio de Sancta
Maria de Gracia...”. Other details of the attacks on the Jews are found there, pp. 17-18.
6
See complete text in Hinojosa, Jews, p. 340, last paragraph. It should be mentioned that there are
other documents in Chabas, “Judíos Valencianos”, which are not in Hinojosa or other sources.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 51

church)7. Nor should any Jew be forced to convert “other than of his own free
will, for an act of force is neither meritorious nor legal”. The Jewish quarter
should be repaired and returned to its former status, and Martín was enjoined
to guard and preserve the Jews8. The king also wrote his brother on August
1 ordering him to protect the Jews and for this purpose to transfer them to
the fortress of Murviedro, and further to revoke any measure against them on
the part of any ecclesiastical official in Valencia9. The king later wrote that
in August he intended to come to Valencia to see the stolen property of the
Jews. He also wrote to Francesc Eiximenis, an anti-Jewish Franciscan who
was confessor of the queen, and two other friars asking them to examine the
“many and diverse” Hebrew books which had been robbed and were currently
kept by some conversos, and those which are not contrary to the Christian
faith should be sent to him10.
At the beginning of August, Queen Violante wrote the captain of the Si--
cilian expedition assembled in Valencia noting that the riots were primarily
caused by “men of the sea” [preparing, apparently, for that expedition]. There--
fore, when the ships arrived in Barcelona the queen instructed the captain to
take every precaution that no similar riots would take place against the Jews
there (to no avail, as we shall see)11. She also wrote the pope (Clement VII in
Avignon) concerning the attacks on the Jews in Valencia and asked him not to
issue any bulls protecting the Christian instigators nor encouraging them12.
After prolonged negotiations, recriminations and counter recriminations,
finally in November of 1392 the king issued practically a blanket pardon for
all those involved in the attack. However, five of the “most culpable”, already
imprisoned, were sentenced to death and others who had fled the city were to
be exiled from the entire kingdom. Those mentioned by name were all trades--
men or craftsmen and one son of a converso (and not conversos, plural, as in
Danvila)13.

7
Hinojosa, “Reino”, speaks of “la sinagoga” of Valencia, p. 126 ff., yet later mentions, p. 130, “otras
dos sinagogas”; see also Hinojosa, “Sinagogas Valencianas (1383-1492), 6HIDUDG 28 (1978): 297-
307.
8
Baer, Die Juden1, 655-57, No. 409; 657, No. 410; also in Piles Ros, Judería de Valencia, pp. 99,
101. As usual, Baer (who of course did not actually edit most of the documents in Die Juden) gave
a less than correct interpretation of this, History of the Jews 2: 100-01. On 30 Jews who were saved
by the governor of Valencia in his own home, see Hinojosa, Jews, p. 346, Document 40. Hinojosa,
“Reino”, p. 96, notes contradictory attitudes on the part of the king as to the restoration of the Jew--
ish quarter (yet does not cite this text); in 1392 he officially declared the aljama (so) destroyed and
abolished, yet a year later he issued a privilege for the creation of a new Jewish quarter.
9
Hinojosa, Jews, pp. 344-45, Document 35. In October, the king wrote to the baile of Murviedro
ordering him to protect the Jews there (Baer, Juden 1, No. 436).
10
Francisco de Bofarull y Sans, “Datos para la historia de la bibliografia en la corte aragonesa”, %ROHWtQ
GHOD6RFLHGDG$UTXHROyJLFD/XOOLDQD2, no. 72 (1888): 206-07.
11
Die Juden 1: 665-66, No. 416.
12
Ibid., 665, No. 415.
13
Danvila, “Robo”, p. 395 (excerpt of the letter of November 8; complete text in Chabas, “Judíos Va--
lencianos”, pp. 195-200); see the summary in Hinojosa, p. 34 and the complete text of the letter of
November 15, ibid., p. 377: Berenguer Romeu, son of En Jacme Romeu, converso (which means that
his father was a converso). The text was first published by Chabas, “Judíos Valencianos”, pp. 200-01.
Incidentally, Baer, History 2: 471, n. 16 gave the wrong volume number and date for the November
8 letter of the king (this was corrected by Lacave in his excellent Spanish translation, Historia de los
Judíos 2: 748 n. 16)..
52 NORMAN ROTH

As Hinojosa has observed, many of the Valencian conversos faced fi--

nancial difficulties immediately after the attacks and considerable effort was
spent in trying to recover property that had been stolen. Both conversos and
surviving Jews (who also, of course, faced the same difficulties) negotiated
payment of various taxes and expenses to the government (this was a problem
in every Jewish community, where depletion of Jews naturally meant a severe
economic loss to the Crown)14.
Hinojosa also concludes15, I believe correctly, that the motivation of the
assaults on the Jews of Valencia was less “religious fanaticism” (so Baer and
others) and more social and political factors, such as the desire to destroy
documents of debts due to Jews, and economic jealousy. Nevertheless, the
religious factor cannot, of course, be excluded.
One of the most important revelations that has come to light concerns the
conversion of one of the greatest rabbinical scholars in Spain, Isaac b. Sheshet,
known as Perfet and 5´,ED6K(1326-1409; not 1408 as some have said). He
had come to Valencia from Zaragoza in 1385 to replace ‘Amram Efratiy Ibn
Marwas (not Merwan or Marwan), who went to Majorca (incidentally, Isaac
was also one of those who is documented as having loaned money in 1390)16.
He went to Oran (North Africa) after 1391, but later returned to Spain and
settled in Granada.
There were, however, other rabbis in Valencia and the vague reference in
some sources to the conversion of a rabbi is no proof that Isaac converted.
The proof for that comes from a document of Prince Martín (July 11) relat--
ing to the judicial process against magistrum (physician) Jaime de Valencia,
a converso, formerly called Içach Perfet, “alias rau” (also known as rabbi).
He had been condemned to burning and all his property forfeited, but due to
the supplication of many “familiars” and servants of the prince and because
his conversion was seen to produce “much good” he was pardoned. The text
refers several times to the “crime” of which he had been accused and exempts
him from any further action against him, whether or not he was guilty of that
crime17.
Riera drew unfounded conclusions from the document, that Martín was
faced with a situation where Christians of the city gave the Jews the choice of
baptism or death, and knowing that he could do nothing to prevent this (!) he
therefore decided to join with the inhabitants in demanding the conversions

14
Hinojosa, Jews, p. 36 ff. Note also the general royal pardon to conversos for most crimes com--
mitted when they were still Jews, p. 41. On the subject generally, see José R. Magdalena Nom de
Déu, “Delitos y ‘calonies’ de los judios valencianos en la segunda mitad del siglo XIV (1351-1384)”,
Anuario de Filología 2 (1976): 181-225; Tomás López i Pizcueta, “Delictes dels jueus valencians
(1370-1371)”, Actes (see Bibliography), pp. 221-38.
15
Jews, p. 46.
16
Hinojosa, “Prestamo”, p. 330: “Isach Perfet, llamado el Rabino”. Unfortunately, there are no fur--
ther details. See, incidentally, the excellent article by José Ramón Magdalena Nom de Déu, “Aspectos
GHOD9LGD9DOHQFLDQRV5HIOHMDGRVHQORVµ5HVSRQVD¶GH5DEt<LVKDTEHQâHãHW3HUIHW´LQJuderías
\6LQDJRJDV (see Bibliography), pp. 145-57.
17
Riera i Sans, “Le-toldot ha-RIbaSh”, pp. 17-18 (No. 2); this was slightly revised by Riera in Catalan,
³(OEDSWLVPHGH5DEt,VKDTEHQâHãHW3HUIHW´VHH%LEOLRJUDSK\7KLVMRXUQDOLVGLIILFXOWWR
obtain in the U.S. and in Israel, but the Hebrew original is widely available; it is therefore inexplicable
that subsequent writers have ignored it.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 53

of the Jews, beginning with their rabbi. Nothing whatever in the previously
mentioned sources suggests anything like this. Far from “giving the Jews the
choice of baptism or death”, the Christians of the city and Martín himself, as
we have seen, took strong measures to protect the Jews. In the revised ver--
sion of his article, this has been changed only slightly, but perhaps the most
outrageous suggestion, that Isaac was guilty not of a crime (as the text states)
but several crimes, possibly sexual relations with a Christian woman (or
“women”, in the original Hebrew article). Faced with this, the punishment for
which was death, he now changed his mind and agreed to be baptized.
Had he been guilty, or even accused, of such a severe crime the penalty
of death would have been unavoidable (prescribed as it was by law). It is not
impossible, in fact, that the “crime” (not “crimes”) of which he was accused
was relapsing to Judaism after his conversion (presumably by force). Prob--
ably the condition for his pardon was that he agree to remain a Christian, and
perhaps to wear the garment of the Dominicans, according to a notarial docu--
ment cited by Riera (again, the sources on this refer to a rabbi who converted;
not necessarily Isaac).
Riera noted that if Isaac fled to North Africa only after Isaac Bonastruc of
Barcelona arrived there18, then according to a document which Riera found
Isaac Bonastruc (who also converted, taking the name Felipe de Fereras) left
Valencia in November of 1392, so that Isaac b. Sheshet remained in Valen--
cia as a Christian at least until that date. If so, this is important information,
which may have repercussions for the statement by his opponent Simon Duran
condemning those who could have left Spain at the time of the persecution
but did not and instead remained as Christians (see n. 43 below) Indeed, Isaac
himself was somewhat inclined to that opinion, but he had an extremely leni--
ent attitude toward those who had converted under duress, provided only that
they observed the commandments in secret when they were able19.

Other Communities in Valencia

We have already seen that the Jews in Murviedro were protected20. The
king commended the officials for this and urged them to continue their efforts,
not only for the Jews but also the Muslims (as noted in the discussion of Castile,

18
See Hershman, Rabbi Isaac %HQ6KHVKHW3HUIHW, p. 168.
19
See Isaac b. Shseht, 6KH¶HORW, nos. 4 and 11 (both addressed, incidentally, to Ibn Merwan after
he had left Majorca and also settled in North Africa). See my discussion of all of this in Conversos,
especially pp. 37 and 41 (some of these cases refer to later converts in Majorca).
20
The letter attributed to Crescas (see Bibliography: Crescas) claims that in all of Valencia there re--
mained no Jews except in Murviedro. This, of course, is not correct. Hershman criticized Graetz and
Baer for concluding from this statement that Jews of Murviedro suffered no casualties at all, and
claimed that “many or most” of the Jews there suffered baptism or death; but this is unsupported by
the evidence (Hershman, 5DEEL,VDDF%HQ6KHVKHW3HUIHW, p. 184). We also learn from Simon Duran
that Jews of Murviedro repeatedly sent wine to North Africa around 1400 or slightly later (Duran, 6HIHU
ha-Tashbes 2, No. 60). In another responsum, he discussed wine sent by a converso from Majorca,
accompanied by a note claiming that it was made by a Jew in Murviedro. Duran noted that everyone
can recognize wine from Valencia by its taste and fragrance, and furthermore all the conversos know
that they must not sell wine to Jews and these things are sufficient to ensure that all wine from Mur--
viedro is permitted (see my discussion in Conversos, p. 41).
54 NORMAN ROTH

the fact that Muslims were also attacked in several places certainly mitigates
against the simplistic explanation of these attacks as “anti-Semitic”). Neverthe--
less, numerous Jews voluntarily accepted baptism, and a letter of the jurados of
Valencia refers to the “miracle” of baptism both in that city and in Murviedro.
On the other hand, many Jews from elsewhere came to Murviedro for safety and
protection (as we have seen, the king in fact ordered that the remaining Jews in
the city of Valencia be sent to Murviedro for protection). No doubt the various
remissions of taxes to the Jews of Murviedro in the immediately following years
indicate that at least some robbery had taken place (or, perhaps more accurately,
a significant number of conversions decreased the Jewish tax base)21.
When news of the attacks in Barcelona and Majorca reached the town some
made an attempt to attack and rob the Jews there. Nevertheless, the king wrote
various letters directly to the Jews of Murviedro in response to their letter, and
also repeatedly to the authorities to protect the Jews, which they did22.
When news of the attack in Valencia reached Játiva “strangers” incited
the masses to attack and plunder the Jewish quarter. Efforts were made by
local officials to protect the Jews and letters to that effect were sent to the
king. These efforts failed, however, and the Jews were robbed, finally taking
refuge in the castle. When people from neighboring communities came to the
city on market day, they attempted to instigate a siege of the fortress, pre--
venting food from reaching the Jews. This, however, apparently did not take
place. After the event, efforts were made to recover all property stolen. The
king wrote asking that the Muslims of the city (but curiously not the Jews) be
protected from any attack. Only a year later did the king demand cooperation
from various communities in assisting in the punishment of those guilty23. In
1393 the common property of the Jewish community (perhaps including the
synagogue, although this is not mentioned) was sold by an official of the king
to the conversos of the city24.
Burriana also suffered at least robbery and probably conversions. Very
little is known about the situation, but the only documentation refers to goods
that had been stolen (and this dates from a year after the fact)25.
Minor communities, such as Morella, also were attacked and the Jews
completely destroyed or converted; the same seems to be true for Elche and the
tiny community of Elda26. About Alcira, one of the towns mentioned in the

21
Chabret, 6DJXQWR 2: 335-39, with documents in the footnotes there.
22
Hinojosa, Jews, pp. 48-49; documentation: pp. 336-37, No. 18; No. 19, a letter to the baile of the
city thanking him for having protected the Jews; No. 20, assuring the Jews that they will be protected
and that any who act against them will be punished without trial; p. 338, No. 23 (July 19), again
ordering the authorities to protect the lives and property of the Jews; p. 339, No. 25, grant of safe
conduct and protection to all Jews and their property.
23
Hinojosa, ibid., pp. 57-64; see also his article “La judería de Xátiva en la Edad Media”, Espacio,
7LHPSR\)RUPD6HULH,,, 6 (1993): 394-98; article, pp. 377-408.
24
Riera i Sans, Poders Públics, p. 480.
25
Hinojosa, Jews, pp. 50-54. See also Doñate and Magdalena, Three Jewish Communities, pp.215-
18, No. 56; p. 293, No. 12 (although nothing is said about these documents or the attacks in the text
itself) For the little that is know about nearby Villareal (not to be confused with a town of that name
in later Castile), see Hinojosa, ibid., p. 54.
26
Hinojosa, ibid., p. 47. Elche: the conversion of the synagogue to a church, as a result of the total
conversion of the Jews, Riera i Sans, Poders Públics, pp. 462-63, No. 276; 464-65, No. 278. The
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 55

documentation cited above, very little is known. The Jewish quarter was appar--
ently destroyed on July 10 and all the Jews converted. There apparently was no
slaughter of Jews, and a general pardon was issued by the king to all but 32 of
those responsible for the robberies27. The officials of the community of Cas--
tellón de la Plana were also asked to protect the Jews, to which they agreed.
Nevertheless, most of the Jews chose conversion. Nor is it correct to say that
the Jewish community “ceased to exist” at the same time noting that Jews “still
remained in the town”28. Obviously the community of Segorbe (Sogorb) was
attacked, although we lack information on that, since in August of 1391 Prince
Martín granted the former synagogue to conversos of the town29. Jews in
Orihuela also converted, although again there apparently was no physical at--
tack on them30. Apparently some of the smaller towns, including those where
no Jews lived, served as refuge for conversos. In 1394, Queen Violante wrote
to an official in Vinalopo to capture and punish any found there who intended
to flee the kingdom and return to Judaism. The king also complained of some
conversos, and one Jew whose father had converted, who left the kingdom and
went to North Africa contrary to the prohibition on this31.

Majorca

Simon b. Semah Duran (ca. 1360-1440) says that there had been “over a
thousand householders” in Majorca before the attacks of 1391, and many rab--
bis and scholars from Provence, France and Catalonia lived there32. Among
these were Aaron b. Jacob ha-Kohen of Lunel (who lived there ca. 1330),
Vidal Ephraim (Bellshom) Gerundiy (who died of natural causes in 1391;
he was one of the teachers of Simon Duran), Moses Gabay (so, not Gabbai),
Mordecai Najar and others. Duran and his family apparently bribed Christian
officials in Majorca to be allowed to escape33.

former synagogue of Elda was converted into a church by order of the queen in 1402; Riera, ibid.,
p. 502, No. 318.
27
Hinojosa, ibid., 55-56, summarizing an earlier study by L. Piles Ros. In February of 1393 a
general amnesty was issued to all who had been involved in the robbery (Chabas, in El Archivo 2
[1887-88]: 392-96).
28
Doñate-Magdalena, Three Jewish Communities, pp. 41-44; documents in Hinojosa, Jews, p. 334,
Nos. 12, 13; Doñate-Magdalena, pp. 111-16.
29
Riera i Sans, Poders Públics, p. 459, No. 273.
30
Hinojosa, Jews, pp. 64-66 (incidentally, Zag Cohen, p. 65, was hardly a “grocer” but rather an
important pharmacist; the fault is probably that of the translator). According to one source, the letter
of an official of Valencia dated July 22, 1391, “all the Jewish men and women” of Orihuela have
been baptized and are counted as “good Christians” in Murcia (Villanueva, Viage Literario 2: 184).
See also Juan Vilar, “La Judería Medievql de Orihuela (Alicante)”, Boletín de la Asociación Española
de Orientalistas 13 (1977): 175-86 (he made no mention of Villanueva, however).
31
“Las Comunidades Judías del Mediodía Valenciano en el Siglo XIV. De la Vitalidad a la Superviven--
cia”, Miscelánea Medieval Murciana, 29-30 (2005-06): 97-98 (article, pp. 75-104). We learn from this
important article of another Jewish community, in Elda. The synagogue was converted into a church
in 1402 (loc. cit.). Conversos who fled from Valencia: Baer, Die Juden 1, pp. 710-11.
32
Duran, Sefer ha-Tashbes 1, no. 51; f. 19b col. b.
33
Duran, Magen avot (Leipzig, 1855), on Avot 4. 5; f. 64a: “because of the transgression of this
generation persecution was decreed in all those lands [all of Spain] and [I] escaped with [my] life,
leaving all my possessions, and what I was able to save I gave to the Gentiles” (apparently to the
sailors or owners of the ship on which he left). In one of his responsa, he discussed the case of a
56 NORMAN ROTH

According to the letter ascribed to Crescas, in August the Jews of Majorca

were attacked and some 300 died, while 800 took refuge in one of the king’s
castles, and the remainder converted. The date of August 2 for the beginning
of the attack, as well as the number killed, is confirmed by another source34.
Again, the assaults apparently were initiated by “strangers”, whether, as in
the case of Valencia, from Sevilla or from neighboring towns. The main mo--
tivation for the attack was said to be the desire to be freed from certain taxes
and to liquidate debts due to Jews or conversos (which would indicate that
there were already converts to Christianity in Majorca before 1391)35. In the
aftermath of the attack, measures were taken to apprehend those responsible
and prevent their fleeing; this included the temporary closing of all the ports.
On August 6 the king wrote to the governor of Majorca concerning the attack
and the “sound and good provisions” which had been taken because of it and
urging him to continue so that the Jewish aljama and its individuals should be
preserved from all further attacks. All who through their “audacity” attacked
the Jews should be punished. The king also stated his intention to go to Va--
lencia to punish those who “destroyed” the Jewish community there36.
Some 111 Jews converted (thus, surely not “the remainder” of the Jews, as
in the alleged letter of Crescas). Included in this group of converts was Isaac
Nafuçi, a famous astronomer in the service of Pedro IV; he was appointed
by Pedro as “rabinus, id est sohafet et vodech [Heb. shohet, slaughterer, and
bodeq, examiner of meat]” of Majorca in 1362 and the appointment was
confirmed by Juan I in 139037. Moses Rimos may possibly be the same Mo--
ses Rimoch who later turned up in Salerno and was condemned to death for
apostasy (he wrote a well-known, although not very good, Hebrew lamenta--
tion on his pending execution)38. Another converso was Jaffuda Cresques, the
famous cartographer (although recently there has been some question about

woman whose two previous husbands were killed. One of these was a young man killed in the perse--
cution in Majorca. Superstition did not permit anyone to marry such an “unlucky” woman but Duran
said she should be allowed to remarry; as for the case in Majorca, many died but many were saved,
“and I was there with this [man] who was killed and God saved me”. (Duran, 6HIHU KD7DVKEHV 3,
No. 14; Isaac b. Sheshet disagreed, 6KH¶HORWX7HVKXYRW, Nos. 241-42. There is more about this, but
this is not the place to discuss it).
34
Álvaro Campaner y Fuertes, Cronicón Mayoricense (Palma de Mallorca, 1881), pp. 77-78; cited
also by López Pérez, “Pogrom”, p. 243 from a later reprint. The work is not an original source but a
collection of notices drawn from later material. Pons, nevertheless, refers to the beginning of the attack,
or at least preparations for it, already early in July; yet the actual attack began early on the morning
of August 2 (Judíos 2:183-85; cf. the documents, pp. 313-22 [not mentioned by López Pérez]).
35
See also Villanueva, Viage Literario 21: 224 (also cited in full by Feliu, see Bibliography: Cres--
cas, Letter, p. 205); Fidel Fita Colomé and Gabriel Llabrés y Quintana, “Privilegios de los Hebreos
Mallorquines en el Códice Pueyo. Tercer Periódo, Sección Tercera”, %5$+36 (1900): 492.
36
Girona Llagostera, “Itinerari del rei en Joan I”, 130.
37
“Naffuti” in Quadrado, “Judería de la ciudad”, p. 296. Antonio Rubió y Lluch, ed., Documents per
l’historia de la cultura catalana mig-eval (Barcelona, 1918-21; 2 vols.) 2: 144-45, no. CXLIV, and
102. He settled in Bougie in Algeria; see Isaac b. Sheshet, 6KH¶HORW u-teshuvot, No. 101 (Hershman,
Rabbi Isaac %HQ6KHVKHW3HUIHW, p. 221 (and p. 181) apparently did not know what the issue was in
this responsum; in fact, it refers to a question of Isaac Nafuçi to Simon Duran, 6HIHUKD7DVKEHV 1,
No. 21 (in the heading there he addresses Nafuçi with great respect and refers to his having left his
home in distress).
38
See also Jorge Maíz Chacón. /RV-XGtRVGH%DOHDUHVHQOD%DMD(GDG0HGLD(La Coruña, 2010),
reviewed in this issue, p. 113.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 57

this), who took the name Jacobus Ribes39. As Cortès observed, certainly there
were more conversos than those listed, since other documents reveal different
names40.
The Jews who sought protection in the castle were urged to convert by
the officials of the city, with the promise that they would receive money to
pay their debts. This promise was not fulfilled, and in fact the new group of
officials who replaced these also refused to give the conversos a copy of the
original agreement. Finally, in March of 1392, the aggrieved conversos peti--
tioned the governor. It is not known what the outcome was41.
In the following months many Jews, and those who had converted and
now sought to renounce their conversion, fled to other lands, chiefly to North
Africa. Most, or perhaps all, of the fleeing conversos (but not Jews) forfeited
their goods and property. However, some of the conversos appear to have
convinced the governor of their desire to continue to live as Christians even
in North Africa, as letters from him to the sultan asking for their protection
prove42. It is nevertheless doubtful that the exodus of some Jews and conver--
sos “paralyzed the economy” of Majorca, as one writer has claimed (similar
absurd claims were often early made concerning the expulsion of the Jews
in 1492).43 The community was sufficiently depleted that in July of 1391 a

39
See the list of conversos in Cortès, Historia 1: 73-76, reproduced from Quadrado, “Judería de la
ciudad”; however, he may have taken the name Benda Cresys and this Jaffuda was a different person,
see p. 79. See on him also Pons, Judíos 1: 90 ff. and the article “Cartography” in my Medieval Jewish
&LYLOL]DWLRQ$Q(QF\FORSHGLD (N.Y., London, 2003).
40
Cortès, Historia 1: 78. On other information on the conversos in later years, see pp. 80-82 and
Pons, Judíos 2: 126-27.
41
Llabrés, “Conversión de los Judíos Mallorquines”.
42
Pons, Judíos 2: 173. On conversos granted license to leave, or in later years to trade in North
Africa, see López Pérez, “Pogrom”, p. 243 ff. At least one ship was seized in the port of Alger be--
cause of suspicion of transporting conversos desiring to become Jews (p. 246; Pons, Judíos 2: 184).
From the responsa we also know of continued Jewish trade between North Africa and Majorca and
the continuous new arrivals of Jews or conversos from Majorca. Our most important source on all
of this is Isaac b. Sheshet, who after he fled to North Africa received many queries from rabbis and
others in Majorca. One of these replies mentions that there are many apostates (mumarim; see index
to my Conversos on this term) and the government (either of Majorca or perhaps of the entire king--
dom) has decreed that no apostate (converso) should be called by a Jewish name (6KH¶HORWXWHVKXYRW,
No. 43; see also my Conversos, pp. 35-36). Another concerns the permissibility of concealing the true
identity of the owner of goods, one who claims that they are his when actually they were sent to him
by someone else; Isaac replied that if it is because of converts (anusim) and taking their property by
force, “as is done now [by the government] with the property of those who fled in order to repent
[i.e., they went to North Africa to return to Judaism], or the property of Jews who leave [Spain to go]
to the lands of [Muslims] or other Christian kingdoms”, then it is permitted to deceive and claim that
the property belongs to this Jew already in that land (ibid., No. 2). Several of his responsa to rabbis
in Majorca were written while he was in Valencia; many are of great historical significance but this
is not the place to discuss them.
43
Pierre Macaire, Majorque el le commerce internationale (1400-1450 environ) (Lille, 1986),
p. 73; cited by López Pérez, “Pogrom”, p. 249. See my remarks on “Fanciful theories of consequences
of the Expulsion” in my Conversos, pp. 312-13. Nevertheless, Jews apparently played a major role,
perhaps the most important, in trade with North Africa; López Pérez, “Pogrom”, p. 252 ff. Trade
in wine was particularly important. Simon Duran, who fled in 1391 to Algiers where he became a
rabbi, was asked about wine sent by a converso in Majorca and whether it could be used by Jews.
He replied that it was certainly prohibited, since these could have left Majorca rather than convert,
“as many did”; however, he was willing to be lenient and consider either that they did not have the
money to leave or that they feared punishment (see my discussion of this in Conversos, pp. 38-39;
and see there further on wine of converts in Majorca, pp. 40-41).See also Isaac b. Sheshet, 6KH¶HORW,
58 NORMAN ROTH

government official, in the presence of three conversos, took possession of the

common property of the aljama of Palma de Majorca, including the former
sinagoga mayor and sinagoga menor44.
Other, smaller, communities in Majorca also suffered attacks, such as
Inca, where some important rabbis had lived, although we have little in--
formation about this. In 1393, the former synagogue was sold to a private
individual45.
Isaac b. Sheshet, after he became a rabbi in Algiers, addressed some replies
to questions from Majorca. One of these was to his brother-in-law Isaac, son
of the physician Aron Abdahac, concerning the betrothal of a minor girl to
a Jewish man in Majorca before the “persecution” (attack of 1391), during
which the families involved lost all their property and were forced to convert,
but they determined to use every possible means to escape the city. “Perhaps
these [some of the family] would go to the East and these to the West, and
because of this the opinion of both was that the betrothal should be annulled”.
Afterwards the father of the girl left in a ship for North Africa, leaving his
family behind. The father of the boy secretly arranged the marriage with the
minor girl, with the consent of her mother and brother, while the ship was
still in the harbor and the father could have been consulted. To make matters
worse, the two witnesses of the marriage were conversos who were known
publicly to violate the Sabbath and “to write concerning business affairs on
the Sabbath and Jewish holidays [although] there is no compulsion or anyone
forcing them to do this”, and thus they were ineligible as witnesses. When the
father learned of the secret marriage he was furious but feared to say anything
because of the Christians with him on the ship, who might thus learn that this
family still clings to the Jewish faith; therefore, he wrote a letter secretly to
his son to object.
In his lengthy reply, Isaac explained that such marriage is not valid in
Jewish law for several reasons, the first two of which are sufficient to nullify
it completely, but the third reason deals with the ineligibility of the witnesses
because of their transgression of Jewish law, “even though the beginning of
the persecution was under duress and they were not made ineligible [then] be--
cause no bet din [Jewish court] punishes them for this...; however, this is only
in the case of one who when he is alone refrains from all the transgressions
of the Torah with all his power, but if even alone and where the [Christians]
cannot see him he transgresses one of these [laws] for which the punishment
is lashes... he is ineligible to be a witness”. All the more so if he is able to
escape and does not but “goes with [the Christians] and does according to their
deeds”, he is completely ineligible46.

No. 4 who ruled that such wine is acceptable (but only if the convert had acted under duress and
observed the commandments when possible in secret).
44
Riera i Sans, Poders Públics, p. 463, No. 277. In 1393 these former synagogues were sold,
ibid., p. 480.
45
Riera i Sans, Poders Públics, p. 480. See also E. Fajarnés, “Datos sobre el Call de los judíos de
la villa de Inca (1392)”, Boletín de la Sociedad Arqueológica Luliana 7 (1897-1898): 365; and “Sobre
el robo de la judería de Inca (1392)”, ibid. p. 394 (this rare journal is online: http://prensahistorica.
mcu.es/es/publicaciones/numeros_por_mes.cmd?idPublicacion=3041.
46
Isaac b. Sheshet, She’elot u-Teshuvot, No. 14.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 59

Nevertheless, since Isaac was a relative of the bride in this case (possibly
she was the daughter of the questioner, Isaac Abdalhac), he asked the opinion
of Simon Duran. In his learned reply, Duran quarreled in part with one of the
reasons offered by Isaac, but he prefaced his remarks saying that clearly the
marriage is null and void because of the ineligibility of the witnesses47.
Isaac b. Sheshet wrote that one day a ship arrived in Algiers carrying some
45 apostate Jews from Majorca, Valencia and Barcelona, and the Muslim
governor wanted to grant them entry to the city because of the economic be-
nefit they would bring, but some Muslim tradesmen feared competition. They
nevertheless were allowed into the city, but later the governor imposed a tax
on them hoping that they would return to Majorca, and some of the local Jew--
ish businessmen supported this. Isaac imposed a ban on any Jew who would
cause the return of these converts to Majorca48. A safe-conduct granted by
the king in 1391 to all Jews and conversos formerly of Majorca who wished
to return from North Africa was renewed, but under more strict conditions,
in 139449.

%DUFHORQD

Following the letter ascribed to Crescas, the next city attacked was Barce--
lona (August 5), where some 250 (130 according to one version) Jews were
killed. The rest of the Jews (no number is given) took refuge in the castle and
their property was looted and some of their houses burned. “The hand of the
governor of the city was not involved [in this], but he desired to save [the
Jews] with all his power, and sustained them with bread and water [probably
a general expression for food] and undertook to bring to judgement the men
who transgressed [against the Jews]. Then there arose the tumult of the lower
classes of the people against the nobles of the city, and they fought with the
Jews in the castle with bows and arrows”. Many killed themselves or threw
themselves from the castle walls, supposedly50. Others converted and only a

47
Duran, 6HIHUKD7DVKEHV 1, No. 151. Incidentally, we learn from another of his responsa there, 3,
No. 157, that Isaac Abdalhac did leave for Algiers and that his wife then came to Bougie. This seems
to confirm that he was, in fact, the father of the bride. Another question there, 2, No. 176, concerns
a man who fled from Majorca, leaving his wife behind.
48
Isaac b. Sheshet, 6KH¶HORWXWHVKXYRW, No. 61.
49
López Pérez, “Pogrom”, pp. 250-51.
50
In my opinion, this is not to be taken literally. This is a common motif in Hebrew “lament” literature,
most famously in the chronicles (long after the event) of the First Crusade in Germany (see also the
first part of this study, 1391 in Castile, n. 52). As I have demonstrated elsewhere, this is taken verba--
tim from the <RVLIRQ, the early medieval Hebrew version of Josephus, the alleged murder and suicide
at Masada. It should be noted that murder is obviously a violation of Jewish law (as is suicide), and
certainly not permitted in order to escape the possibility of baptism. It is interesting, however, that
Juan I in his letter of September 22, 1391, discussed below, mentions also Jews who may have killed
themselves in order to avoid forced baptism (Baer, Die Juden 1, No. 434); whether this reflects certain
knowledge or merely rumor is unknown. Saperstein, ³<RXU9RLFH/LNHD5DP¶V+RUQ´ discusses the
text of a sermon (also edited and translated) from Spain towards the end of the fifteenth century, in
relation to martyrdom and particularly 1391. He correctly notes, pp. 259-60, that knowledge of the
alleged martyrdom combined with murder and suicide in Germany of the First Crusade was unknown
to Jewish sources in Spain. The exception appears to be Ibn Verga, 6KHYHW <HKXGDK, ch. 49, which
nevertheless (again correctly) Saperstein explains as referring to 1391. Furthermore, the sermon at--
60 NORMAN ROTH

few escaped. Among those who died was, allegedly, either a son or son-in-law
of Crescas himself (the text cannot be understood, as usually interpreted, to
mean his “only son” —in Baer’s History, it becomes “son” in the text of the
letter!— since, as we shall see, his son survived and was saved; if it is cor--
rect, either it refers to another (unknown) son, or else “son, son-in-law” must
be understood figuratively as in Midrash va-yeshev 10: a son-in-law is like
a son51. Incidentally, the alleged letter bears a striking resemblance (not to
say was perhaps copied from) the statement of Reuben, son of Rabbi Nissim
of Gerona that “many of the leaders of the cities and the ministers and nobil--
ity defended us, and many of our brethren took refuge in castles, where they
provided us with bread and water”52.
An apparently contemporary account states that the attack was perpetrated
principally by sailors, among whom were some 55 from Castile who arrived
on two ships from Valencia (where, of course, they had launched that attack).
Some 100 Jews were killed and about another 100 were sheltered in the “new
castle”. The gates of the aljama were breached. “Writings” (no doubt account
books) were burned (later, the city registry was attacked by some of the lo--
cal population and records of property also burned). On Sunday 40 or 45 of
the Castilian perpetrators were arrested. The council of the city defended the
Jews in the castle, but some people of the city attacked it. Ultimately, most
of the Jews left the castle and took refuge in houses of Christians. Those that
remained were caught, obviously by the outsiders, and if they refused baptism
were killed and their bodies exhibited around the city. More than 300 were
killed, during six days of slaughter (August 5-10)53.
On August 12, the queen wrote the bishop of Barcelona (Ramon d’Escales),
the prior of the monastery of the Friars of the Sack, and another official of
Barcelona, noting that the bishop had received into his palace certain Jews
of the city, relatives of asdai Crescas, who is described as “servidor e
familiar nostre”, and other Jews, which greatly pleased the queen that they

tributes to Crescas the admonition that all should be prepared to take the lives of their children (rather
than submit to baptism). Unfortunately, Saperstein accepts as fact that the son of Crescas was actually
killed, which as we shall see is not so, and adds the shocking claim that he “actually took his son’s
life” (p. 262), when there is absolutely no evidence for that, certainly not in the letter attributed to
Crescas. It is of course inconceivable that a learned rabbi such as Crescas would commit murder.
51
Letter, see Bibliography: Crescas, and see the previous section on 1391 in Castile, n. 30. It should be
noted that, in addition to other reasons for suspecting the letter, the text published was from E. Car--
moly, always to be suspect of errors if not outright forgery; cf. also Feliu on this (“Letter”) and note
his skepticism about the statement on the supposed killing of the son of Crescas, which he believed
to have been a later insertion into the text.
52
Text in Hershman, 5DEEL ,VDDF %HQ 6KHVKHW 3HUIHW, pp. 194-96. See on him above, the section
on 1391 in Castile, n. 30. Incidentally, his name is also found, Rovén Nacim (Nissim), as one of the
secretaries of the Jewish community of Gerona in 1388, Riera i Sans, “Avalot”, p. 101 (as noted in
the previous section there, Riera published a Catalan translation, from Hershman’s English translation,
of part of Reuben’s statement, p. 156).
53
Fita, “Estrago de las juderias catalans en 1391” (text edited and translated). A list of 129 names of
converted Jews was published by Isadore Loeb (R.E.J. 3 [1881]:145; 4 [1882]: 57-76), but there
were surely more than these. A slightly different account is given by Villanueva, Viage Literario 18:
21-22. Surprisingly little has been written about the attacks; incidentally, an article by Marina Mitja,
“Juan I y los acontecimientos del call en 1391”, has been repeatedly cited as being in Estudios de
Edad Media de la Corona de Aragón 7; it is rather in %DUFHORQD 'LYXOJDFLyQ Histórica 7 (1949):
105-13, not available in the U.S.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 61

were secretly taken under his guard and protection and not made to suf--
fer forced baptism (nevertheless, from a letter of the king in December it
appears that some clergy or ecclesiastical officials had participated in the
attacks)54. On the 16th, the king wrote to one of the officials to whom the
queen addressed the prior letter, commending him for taking into his house
the son and grandson of Crescas, as well as other Jews, and urging him to
protect them against forced baptism and injury. At the same time the queen
also wrote to an official of Barcelona, mentioning a letter of Crescas show--
ing concern about his son and the other Jews. Some Jews were protected in
various other homes, including, apparently, that of Maestre Ramon Querol,
who had been a physician of Pedro IV and a professor of medicine at the
university of Lérida55.
The king also commended the council of Barcelona for measures they had
taken to protect the Jewish quarter, which he himself had personally visited.
By their “good industry” the Jewish quarter was preserved from the destruc--
tion sought by some evil people56. Also in August, the council of Barcelona
enacted decrees, one of which was that the conversos who maintained houses
with doors or windows facing the call must keep them closed so that they can
neither enter thereby nor look into the call. Another decree was that Jews of
the city not be allowed to dress as Christians, and any Christian keeping Jews
in their houses must inform the authorities57.
In September the king wrote to the councillors of Barcelona thanking them
for their “diligence and care” in defending the Jews and again announcing his
intent to go to Lérida and then Barcelona58.
We see from all of this both to what extent officials, including the bishop,
went to protect the Jews, and the false nature of the statement in the alleged
letter of Crescas about the death of his son. More important is the clear tes--
timony that the Jewish community of Barcelona was not destroyed and that
Jews continued to live and work there after 139159. On the contrary, in 1392
the Jews of Barcelona were granted all their former privileges and rights,
including an exemption from taxes for three years, and the possession of the
house of fairs in the city60.

54
Cited by Baer, History 2: 471, n. 16; Historia 2: 748, n. 16.
55
Baer, Die Juden 1, nos, 418, 422, 423. The beautiful medieval university, still in use, housed a
medical faculty where also many Jews studied.
56
Baer, ibid., No. 414.
57
Francisco de Bofarull, “Ordinaciones de los Concelleres de Barcelona sobre los Judios en el si--
glo XIV”, %ROHWtQ GH OD 5HDO $FDGHPLD GH %XHQDV /HWUDV GH %DUFHORQD 6 (1911): 102 (article,
pp. 96-102).
58
Girona Llagostera, “Itinerari”, p. 138; not in Baer.
59
For the supposed complete “destruction” of the community, see Baer, History 2:105, 106; but he
admits that the king ordered the community to be “re-established”, p. 119. In spite of such claims,
Jews continued to live in Barcelona following the attacks; see, for instance, Hernando, “Conversos
i Jueus”, pp. 187, 189 and particularly n. 17, with the names of several Jews, and note several Jews
mentioned in the documents of 1392, ibid., p. 193 ff. Economically, it is interesting to compare the
(Latin) documents of apprenticeship of Jews in Barcelona prior to June of 1391 and after, when the
apprentices were all conversos but in the same crafts and trades (documents edited by José M. Ma--
durell Marimón in 6HIDUDG 17 [1957]: 78 ff.).
60
Fita, “Estrago de las juderias”, pp. 444-45; cf. Amador de los Ríos, Historia de los Judíos 2: 407-11.
Text also in Riera i Sans, Poders Públics, pp. 466-67, No. 280.
62 NORMAN ROTH

On September 22, 1391, the king sent letters to the officials of numerous
communities, including Barcelona, asking for an inventory of houses, charita--
ble institutions, synagogues, butcher shops, fish stores, mills, bakeries, thores
dargent (Torah scrolls encased in silver), gold or jeweled cloths, and other
Jewish property, including property of Jews who had been killed or forcibly
converted61. We need not necessarily assume that he intended to seize such
property, but rather to restore it when possible to the rightful owners (as we
know was done in many cases).
The communities to which these letters were sent reveal yet further infor--
mation about the attacks, many otherwise undocumented: Tortosa, Figueras,
Manresa, Lérida, Cervera62, Collioure, Berga, Besalú, Vilafranca (probably
Villafranca del Penadés, see below), Vic63, La Cerdaña and Puigcerda64, Per--
pignan, Tarragona, and in Valencia the capital city, Játiva, Villareal, Morella,
Burriana, and Alcira.
What became of the synagogues (there were, in fact, several) in Barce--
lona? The synagogue of the “call En Sanahuja” was transformed by five
conversos into a church of the Holy Trinity. Another synagogue became the
present church of San Jaime, near the street called Tres Lits (“three beds”;
actually Tressallits, or “renegades”, conversos)65. The main synagogue was
granted by the king and queen to a certain private person for his services
in December of 1392; similarly, another synagogue was sold to a private
person66. The former school of Barcelona, “where young Jews and other
scholars” used regularly to study the “laws of Moses” was granted in 1393
to a Christian in recognition of his services67. We do not yet have information
on punishment of those involved or on pardons that no doubt were granted.
Interestingly, a sculptor, Jaime Dez-Mas, was accused of participating in
robbing and killing of Jews but was acquitted and in 1392 was at work as a
sculptor in Montserrat68.

61
Baer, Juden 1, No. 434.
62
There were a few conversos whose names are recorded towards the end of the century; see Josep
M. Llobet i Portella, “Los conversos según la documentación local de Cervera”, Espacio, Tiempo y
Forma 4 (1989): 335-50 (most of the article, understandably, deals with the fifteenth century). Feliu,
in his study and translation of the alleged letter of Crescas (see Bibliography: Crescas) p. 207, refers
to A. Duran i Sanpere, Llibre de Cervera (reprint, Tàrrega, 1972), pp. 351-53, which I have not been
able to see. In the small town of Verdú, near Cervera and south of Tàrrega, the Jews were also attacked,
as we learn from the letter of one converso who lost the records of his marriage in a fire during the
events (Juan Serra y Vilaró, “La Judería de Verdú. Apuntes Históricos”, %5$+65 [1914]: 252).
63
Little is known about the Jewish community of Vic (Catalan name, also to avoid confusion with Vich
in France), aside from the somewhat romanticized account by Ramon Corbella, La Aljama de Juheus
de Vich (Vich, 1909); see there, p. 215, document 72, six Jews who converted in 1391.
64
The Jews of Puigcerda were protected in the castle in nearby Livia. (Baer, Die Juden 1, No. 427).
65
Lluis Marco i Dachs, Los Judíos en Cataluña (Barcelona, 1977), p. 191; cf. the order in June,
1395 for the demolition of the former “En Sanahuja” synagogue in Riera i Sans, Poders Públics, pp.
482-84, No. 296. In October of 1392, precisely when the aljama was being renewed, an official of the
king sold the “Scola Poca” (sinagoga menor) to the king’s treasurer (ibid., pp. 469-70, No. 282).
66
Riera i Sans, Poders Públics, p. 471, No. 284; p. 480, No. 293.
67
Riera i Sans, ibid., pp. 476-77, no. 289 (it is uncertain whether this was the famous yeshivah of
Barcelona or a smaller bet midrash primarily for younger students).
68
0HPRULDVGHOD$FDGHPLDGH%XHQDV/HWUDVGH%DUFHORQD3 (1880): 81.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 63

Gerona

Following many years of civil unrest and even violence, the attack on the
Jews of Gerona came on August 1069. Riera i Sans sees this particular attack
as motivated by a desire to completely eradicate “Judaism” (i.e., Jews), a kind
of “final solution” to the “Jewish problem” in Spain. In spite of the theological
position of the fanatical Dominican Nicolas Eimeric, who was himself under
scrutiny at the time, it is hard to accept this interpretation of the events70. The
attack in Gerona was no different than that in other places in the kingdom, or
throughout Spain. Little or nothing was done to protect the Jews. Forty Jews
were killed and others baptized; these facts are ignored in the alleged letter
of Crescas, which states only that “most” of the rabbis did not convert and
the rest of the Jews took refuge in the castle71. In fact, those in the nearby
communities of Besalú, Figueres and Bisbal found refuge in castles or under
the protection of the respective overlords72. Riera concludes that if the attack
was as bloody as some (unnamed) historians claim, it is necessary to realize
that Jews as well as Christians participated (no source is given for this shock--
ing statement). Also, that if a Jew were dragged to the church to be baptized
and in the end he refused, and “blasphemed” the Christian religion, obviously
there was no other course but to cut off his (or her) head73.
Turning from rhetoric to fact, officials in Gerona wrote a series of let--
ters to the king (from August 13 to August 25) about the events. Finally, the
king sent a letter to officials and the bishop of Gerona, over a week after the
events, in which he expressed his “marvel and indignation” at the attacks, and
he promised to punish those responsible, also ordering that no Jew be forcibly
baptized” (somewhat ineffective since this had already been done).74 There
was a second, perhaps worse, attack on the Jews in September, again at the
hands of some residents of the city. In December, the king, then in Villafranca
del Penadés, wrote to his captain in Gerona expressing his indignation at the
robberies and attacks. By then, it was too late to do anything.
On September 29, the king wrote that he had heard of certain “foreign
persons” who came to Gerona to harm the Jews and engage in combat of arms

69
Villanueva, Viage 12: 383.
70
Riera i Sans, “Avalots”, p. 115. On Eimeric, see my Conversos, pp. 208-210, and the earlier exten--
sive bibliography by Lacave in his translation of Baer, Historia 2: 744 n. 75. These peculiar remarks
do not, of course, detract from the immense value of Riera’s study, at the end of which he provided
careful lists of names of all involved in the attacks (at least, those whose names are recorded) and
most valuably, a list of names of Jews in Gerona after 1391.
71
Ibid., pp. 126, 127. Riera insists, p. 121, that all the baptisms were “forced” and organized; yet
later he refers to a family who willingly accepted baptism (p. 130); surely there were others. In fact,
only some Jews were given refuge in the castle of Gerona and only after they paid a significant amount
of money to the overlord, Ramon de Lloret (Girbal, Judíos, p. 25)
72
Ibid., pp. 119-20, but no sources are cited.
73
Ibid., p. 122. Furthermore, the Jews who killed their wives and children rather than see them
baptized were assassins equally as much as the Christians (as I have mentioned before, see n. 50
above, the claim that Jews did these things is purely legendary).
74
Letters to the king, summarized by Girbal, Judíos, pp. 24-25. Letter of the king: Riera, p. 125; see
p. 126 for a summary of the other letters. Other letters by the queen and the king in September of
1391 to the count of Ampurias also urged protection for the Jews of Gerona (and, in the king’s letter,
of Castellón de Ampurias); Baer, Juden 1, No. 435.
64 NORMAN ROTH

with them, and he reprimanded the officials for not protecting the Jews75.
In December an official of Gerona was reprimanded for not doing more to
protect the Jews, while his counterpart in Tarragona was commended. Yet the
king noted that the Jewish aljama in that city had been depleted, and ordered
the official to inform the king of those who robbed the Jews. To this end, he
sent four conversos, formerly Jews of the city, to help discover this76.
One of the later letters demanded an inventory of the recovered goods
robbed from the Jews and their immediate return to their owners77. In 1392
some restitutions were made, but in one notorious case a Christian paid a rela--
tively small fine when in fact he had been guilty of many killings of Jews. The
Jews in Gerona complained to the royal official and the queen herself wrote
a letter demanding justice in such cases. In addition, she wrote several other
letters78. In 1393, the king, while expressing his indignation at the attacks,
ordered that those involved should be given fines and in general pardoned all
responsible in return for a generous gift by the city79.

Lérida

On August 9 the king wrote to the officials of Lérida that he had instructed
the governor of Catalonia to take measures for the protection of the Jews and
he further ordered the officials to protect the Jews of Lérida with as many men
as necessary for their defense. Should any of the “religious” desire to enter the
call to convert the Jews, the officials were to deny them entrance. If necessary,
the Jews were to be protected in the royal castle, for the king valued them so
much that they were to be “preserved from all peril”.He also warned against
forced baptism, since if conversion is not willingly done “the error [forced
conversion] is worse than before [remaining Jews]”80. On August 13 he again
wrote of his intention to come to Lérida because of the “murmuring” against
the Jews81. On that very day, the “insult” (attack) against the Jews took place
and 78 were killed. All the remaining Jews, supposedly, were baptized and the
synagogue was made into the church of Santa Maria del Miracle82.

75
Girona Llagostera, “Itinerari”, pp. 139-40 (not in Baer).
76
Baer, Juden 1, No. 438.
77
Baer, Juden 1, No. 437 (Riera, “Avalots”, p. 132, thought that this letter shows that only in
December did the king hear of the attacks; that is not so, of course, only that he was responding to
the captain’s report). Riera, p. 129; and see p. 201, n. 492 on stolen Torah scrolls and synagogue
implements (toras argenteas, of course, refers to cases of silver in which the scrolls were kept).
78
Riera, ibid., pp. 140-41. See also Girbal, Judíos, pp. 28-29, n. 1.
79
Girbal, ibid.., pp. 29-30 and pp. 73-75, Apéndice VII. In 1397, King Martín I repeated his bro-
ther’s general pardon of the city (p. 30).
80
Baer, Juden 1, No. 417; Girona Llagostera, “Itinerari del rei en Joan I”, p. 131. An interesting
statement appears in chronicles of Teruel, that the king indicted “many men of Lérida [Lerjda] and
30 men were killed and seven buildings [casálicos] were destroyed” (Antonio C. Floriano, ed., “Las
Efemerides Turolenses”, Jeronimo Zurita Cuadernos de Historia 2 [1951]: 50 [“A.215”]). The men
killed presumably were Christians, but whether the destruction of buildings means in the Jewish
quarter or elsewhere is unclear.
81
Girona Llagostera, ibid., p. 132; not in Baer (also other letters there).
82
Villanueva, Viage Literario 16: 247.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 65

The king did not come to the city, but wrote that if “good” and “honest”
priests could convince the Jews willingly to convert, that would be acceptable;
otherwise, the Jews should be protected and defended. All of this was couched
in terms of secrecy83.
Nevertheless, late in August the king traveled to Lérida, Barcelona and
other towns to see personally what had happened and what was being done to
protect the Jews and punish the perpetrators of the attacks84.

Tortosa and Tarragona

María de Luna, wife of Prince Martín, wrote to the authorities of Tortosa

complaining in general about the agitation against Jews in Catalonia. She re--
ferred to the Jews as “treasure of [her husband the prince] and of our chamber,
and who are under our special guard and protection”, and she demanded the
punishment of any who injure or “scandalize” the Jews85. In 1392 she also is--
sued a prohibition against forcing conversos to remain Christians against their
will, and ordered the return of goods stolen from Jews (this has added signifi--
cance because she soon was to become queen)86. A similar letter was sent
to the town of Montblanch; it appears that the Jews there were protected87.
The king wrote in July of 1391 a letter thanking the officials of Tortosa for
protecting the Jews, prematurely since the attack came in August88.
Local inhabitant of Tortosa “adopted the identical precautions as they had
in 1348 [the Black Plague]—they enclosed the Jewish families in the castle
of the city”89. In addition, the royal judicial administrator was appointed to
guard the entrance of the city. Outside the city itself, however, many were
baptized. One Christian kept many conversos in his house, but many returned
to Judaism. In 1392 conversos stirred up trouble against the Jews. The king
wrote to Tortosa demanding a stop to this90.

83
Baer, Juden 1, No. 420.
84
Baer, Juden 1, Nos. 425, 430, 431. There is something of a contradiction, because on September
30 the king wrote to his wife, who was ill, replying to her letter urging him to go to Lérida because
of the attacks on the Jews there; but he did not go until the end of October (Girona Llagostera,
“Itinerari”, pp. 140, 146 amd 147).
85
Francisco Bofarull y Sans, “Documentos para escribir una monografia de la Villa de Montblanch”,
Memorias de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 6 (1898): 573-74.
86
Francisco Bofarull y Sans, ed., “Jaime I y los Judíos”, Congrés d’Historia de la Corona d’Aragó
1, 2 (1909-13), p. 848.
87
Secall i Güell, Jueus del Valls, p. 230 and notes, p. 247. Nevertheless, see Riera i Sans, Poders
Publics, p. 204, on the synagogue.
88
Baer, Juden 1: 661-62, No. 413. There is no mention of any of these sources in Josefina Cubells
i Llorens, The Jews of Tortosa 1373-1492. Regesta of Documents... (Jerusalem, 1991), nor in the in--
troduction (Spanish and English) by Yom Tov Assis, who, however, made the incorrect claim that in
August the Jews were taken to Christian homes and “forced somewhat” (de alguna forma) to accept
Christianity (p. vi of English introduction, p. xxvi of the Spanish).
89
Carreras y Candi, Aljama de juhéus de Tortosa, p. 80. In July, the king commended the admi-
nistrative official of Tortosa for the measures he had taken to protect the Jews and cautioned him to
continue this (Baer, Juden 1, No. 413).
90
Ibid., p. 87 (text), quoted from F. Pastor y Lluis, “La juderia de Tortosa”, Boletín de la Sociedad
castellonense de cultura 2 (1921): 331, but he gives no source. This letter is not in Baer, nor does
he mention it in his History.
66 NORMAN ROTH

The Jews of Tarragona appealed to the king for protection already in July,
and he assured them that they would be protected in the royal castle there.
Nevertheless, they were also attacked and robbed, as is evident from an am--
nesty granted to the city in 1393 and 1394 for the attacks of August 17, 1391.
In 1393, the city council imposed fines on those who had attacked and robbed
Jews91. In the same year the queen granted the Jews of the city permission to
restore their synagogue and to receive funds for this purpose, as well as the
restitution of the cemetery92.
Significantly, in 1393 the king wrote to officials of Tortosa that there had
been complaints that Jews mixed with conversos and wore no distinguishing
sign by which “Christians by nature” could distinguish them from the conver--
sos. He therefore ordered that they wear the traditional Jewish cap and cloth--
ing of dark color and that conversos not eat or drink with Jews, and further
that if a Jew should have sexual relations with a Christian woman, both shall
be burned without mercy93. This sudden concern for intermingling and sexual
contact between conversos and Jews may well have been influenced by the
similar concerns in a sermon of St. Vicente Ferrer, confessor of the queen and
counselor to the king, in Valencia shortly after the attacks there94.

Other Catalan Communities

The small but important Jewish community of Santa Coloma de Queralt,

near Tarragona, was also attacked and several Jews converted95. As often
happened, at least one case involved the conversion of a spouse (in this case,
the wife) and the refusal of the other to convert. In another case, the wife
refused to convert96. Such examples, which would be multiplied throughout
Spain, show how little any “duress” or “persecution” had to do with decisions
of conversion. Obviously, if fear had motivated the conversion of one spouse
surely it would have resulted in the conversion of the other.
In Gerona, also, there was a case which involved a convert who was mar--
ried but his wife refused to convert. The church authorities decided that if she
did not wish to convert but still to live with her husband she may do so, under
the ecclesiastical law governing marriage with an infidel97.

91
Baer, Juden 1, No. 412. Secall i Güell, Jueries Medievals Tarragonines, pp. 91, 506 (Secall did
not apparently see the letter in Baer).
92
Riera i Sans, Poders Públics, No. 292 (=Baer, Die Juden 1, No. 455).
93
Baer, Die Juden 1, No. 456; apparently later the same letter was sent to Barcelona.
94
S. Mitrani-Samarian, “Un sermon valencien de Saint Vicent Ferrer”, R.E.J. 54 (1907): 241-42; cf.
Francisca Vendrell, “La actividad proselitista de San Vicente Ferrer durante el reinado de Fernando I
de Aragón”, Sefarad 13 (1953): 87—104; and José M. Millás Vallicrosa, “San Vicente Ferrer y el
Antisemitismo”, Sefarad 10 (1950): 184. David J. Viera, “Sant Vicent Ferrer, Francesc Eiximenis i
el Pogrom de 1391”, Actes del Sisè Col.loqui d’Estudis Catalans a Nord-Amèrica (Montserrat, 1992),
pp. 243-54, adds nothing, but worthy of note is the rejection of forced baptism by the anti-Jewish
Eiximenis.
95
Secall i Güell, Comunitat ...de Santa Coloma, pp. 101-120.
96
Secall i Güell, Jueries Medievals Tarragonines, pp. 301-02.
97
Batlle y Prats, “Episodio”, not cited by Riera, indicated that the document in question clearly proved
that Jews were not (as a rule, at least) forcibly baptized.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 67

The community of Valls and several nearby towns were also attacked.
The king originally demanded fines from those guilty98. The synagogue was
robbed (but not “burned”, as Secall claimed, since it still existed in 1397 and
in the fifteenth century), and in 1394 the king demanded that “four parchment
[Torah] scrolls and their ornaments” which had been stolen be turned over
to his officials99. However, nothing was done to punish the attackers, and in
fact in 1392 the archbishop of Tarragona decreed a general pardon to all who
had taken part in the attacks. This was followed by an official pardon from
the king in 1393100. This was the same archbishop who in 1391, prior to the
attacks, began in Barcelona an investigation into “errors against the Christian
faith” in the books of Maimonides. When Queen Violante learned of this
from the Jews of the city, she immediately wrote to her brother-in-law Prince
Martín to see that this investigation stop, whether in Barcelona or any other
Jewish community101.
There were attacks even on the very tiny Jewish communities of several
surrounding villages: Alcover, el Pla, la Selva, Mont-Roig, Constantí, Riu--
doms, Castell, Vinyols, Alforja, Reus, Vilabella, Tamarit and Montoliu. The
total cost of destroyed property amounted to 100,000 livres, a substantial sum.
The king imposed a heavy fine on the perpetrators, many of them servants of
Ramon de Moncada, overlord of Tortosa102.
The more important Jewish community of Fraga also suffered. Astruc
Rimoch wrote a (Hebrew) letter to the Jewish leaders in Monzón which states,
among other things, that they paid money in order to be protected in the castle,
“and for all that, the majority of the people did not withhold their anger from
us”, and they had to pay further bribes and they even pledged all the decor
of the synagogue and silver and gold vessels for money with which to pay
to save their lives (they appealed to the Jews of Monzón, who as far as we
know were not attacked, for aid); at about the same time he wrote to a friend
in Monzón castigating him for his grief over the conversion of his father and
older brother, but showing some sympathy for that of the younger brother
(who perhaps did not know better)103.
Obviously there were attacks on other communities, some of which are vir--
tually unknown in Jewish history, such as Camarasa, a lovely village north of
Balaguer. In September of 1391 the Jews wrote to Prince Martín announcing
the intention of all of them to convert, perhaps of their own will, and asking
that the synagogue be turned into a church104.

98
Ibid., p. 507.
99
Secall i Güell, Jueus de Valls, p. 61; text in Rubió y Lluch, Documents 2: 337-38, No. CCCL.
100
Secall, ibid., pp. 301-13 (the author estimates there were 30-35 Jewish families in Valls).
101
Baer, Juden 1: 650, no. 404.
102
Secall, op. cit., pp. 308-09; cf. the map of these villages on p. 286 (thanks to this important
work, we know for the first time about Jews in some of these places).
103
Baer, Die Juden 1, No. 440. Astruch was a physician who, in spite of his pious statements here,
converted at the Tortosa Disputation (1410-11), along with his son; see Baer, History 2: 130 ff., 218 ff.;
Historia 2: 411, 482 (Baer translated the entire text of the letter to the man in Monzón whose father
and brothers converted, but made no mention of the earlier letter).
104
Riera i Sans, Poders Públics, No. 274. It would be important to try to identify this church.
Isaac b. Sheshet was asked from Camarassa to judge a case of levirate marriage there (6KH¶HORW X
Teshuvot, No. 199).
68 NORMAN ROTH

Perpignan—Roussillon

There is virtually no information available about attacks in Roussillon.

On July 13 the king wrote the governor of Roussillon ordering him to protect
the Jews of Perpignan, and on August 24 thanking him for his protection. In
September he wrote two letters to the governor, noting that if Jews willingly
desired to be baptized that was acceptable, but they must not be forced105. In
December of 1391 the king ordered that the Jews of Perpignan who had been
given refuge in the castle be allowed to return to the call (Jewish quarter) and
that their homes and any property robbed from them should be restored106.
In spite of his earlier praise of the governor, in 1392 the king ordered an in--
vestigation against him for having allowed, if not actively taken part in, the
robbery of the Jews107.
On January 14, 1392 the king prohibited the lord of the castle of Perpig--
nan from exercising any jurisdiction over Jews living there who might be--
come culpable of punishment for any reason, since all the Jews of Perpignan
were subject only to the baile (undoubtedly the Jews living in the castle had
gone there because of the attacks). In July of 1393 amnesty was granted by
the king to the “corps de métiers” (of the university?) and private citizens
for all crimes and rebellions, with the exception of riots against the “Jews of
the king” and robberies and murders that had been committed108. By 1394
the Jews still had not left the castle and the king noted that this had led to
the “destruction” of the castle and ordered that they immediately return to
the Jewish quarter.

6LFLO\

On August 16 the king wrote the queen of Sicily asking her to protect
the Jews there, especially against forced baptism, and preserve them from all
injury and violence109. One of the places where there is record of an attack
was the small town of Monte San Giuliano (now Erice)110. In July of 1392

105
Baer, Juden 1, Nos. 408, 431, 432.
106
Baer, Juden 1, No. 439 (incidentally, the 6KH¶HORWXWHVKXYRWKD5,9D6KKHKDGDVKRW mentioned
there at the foot of p. 693 is found in the reprint ed. of Isaac b. Sheshet noted in my Bibliography, at
the end of vol. 2. The responsum in question has nothing to do with 1391). The king ordered that the
Jews in the castle should pay 300 florins for the expense of housing them (Baer, ibid., p. 685). As far
as is known, no such demand was made anywhere else where Jews took refuge in castles.
107
Ibid., p. 693.
108
Department des Pyrénées-Orientales. Perpignan. ,QYHQWDLUH6RPPDLUHGHV$UFKLYHV&RPPXQDOHV
Anterieures a 1790 (Perpignan? n.d.), f. 225v, p. 17 and f. 289v, p. 18.Claude Denjean, Juifs et chré--
WLHQVGH3HUSLJQDQj3XLJFHUGi;,,,H;,9HVLpFOHV (Canet, 2004) has nothing on the events of 1391,
nor does he (or other historians) know of the aforementioned source. Philip Daileader, 7UXH&LWL]HQV
violence, memory and identity in the medieval community of Perpignan, 1163-1397 (Leiden, 2000),
p. 139, cites the original document but was also unaware of the above publication. That book merely
summarizes, pp. 138-39, the few documents in Baer. There is some other general information on Jews
in that chapter, again mostly from published material.
109
Baer, Juden 1, No. 421; Girona Llagostera, “Itinerari”, p. 133.
110
Nadia Zeldes, ³7KH )RUPHU -HZV RI 7KLV .LQJGRP´ 6LFLOLDQ &RQYHUWV DIWHU WKH ([SXOVLRQ
1492-1516 (Leiden, 2003) p. 18.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 69

there were rumors of a planned attack on the Jews of Syracuse, and Martín,
king of Sicily, ordered that they be protected111.

Aragón

Several communities, although apparently not all, were attacked. The capi--
tal of Zaragoza was an exception, where apparently the presence of the king,
as well as the strong resolve of officials, guaranteed the safety of the Jews.112
The queen gave 2,000 florins to Jews of the small but important aljama of
Borja for the purpose of buying arms to defend themselves in the event of an
attack (which apparently never came)113.
In August of 1391 the king and queen provided (loan? outright gift?) 6,000
florins to the Jewish aljama of Teruel, presumably because of attacks and rob--
beries. Apparently asdai Crescas was entrusted with the actual conveyance
of this money, since Francesco d’Aranda, the official who was to take charge
of this, was away. The queen wrote him expressing her displeasure at his
absence, when “every day” new damages and perils afflicted the Jewish com--
munities. Later in August, the queen wrote the officials of Teruel noting that
several inhabitants of the city, “fearing neither God nor the punishment of the
lord king”, every day threaten and use injurious words to the Jews, some even
inciting to robbery and murder. She ordered that such people be punished114.
In January, the king issued an order that the Jews of Teruel and other Jews of
his realm were under his personal protection, and that he intended to punish
all who harmed them by coming personally to such places and giving “such
punishment as will be a perpetual memorial and example”115.
On August 18 the king wrote to the governor of Aragón expressing his
pleasure at the measures taken against the criminals who had attacked the Jews
of Ainsa, Barbastro and Tamarit (Tamarite de Litera)116.
The queen wrote to officials of Jaca in August of 1391 thanking them for
their efforts in protecting the Jews117.

111
Dario Burgaretta, “Il Purim di Siracusa alla Luce dei Testimoni Manoscritti”, Materia Giudaica
11 (2006): 61 (article, pp.51-80).
112
In April of 1392 the king thanked officials of the city for their protection of the Jews; Baer, Die
Juden 1, No. 445 (at the end of the page and the following page), Baer published an excerpt of a
Hebrew letter from the poet Solomon de Piera, giving also a very incorrect German translation, which
he thought related to the persecutions. In fact, it had to do with the plague of 1412, exactly as Brody
correctly said and as is clear from the Hebrew (however much his Hebrew may have improved later
in Israel, clearly Baer had a limited knowledge while he was in Germany).
113
Riera, “Tumultos Contra Las Juderías”, p. 219 (text). Neither Motis Dolader nor other authors has
found any evidence of an attack in 1391.
114
Baer, Juden 1, No. 419; apparently the original sum was intended to be 9,000 florins, see
p. 671, note. The queen’s letter, Baer, ibid., No. 429; cf. Baer, History 2: 114, but Crescas is not
mentioned at all in the letter. If the “great man” had become, as Baer says, the key figure in all efforts
to restore the Jewish communities, we see no sign of this in the sources. According to Baer, History
2: 116, the attack in Teruel was in 1392, but no source is provided for this and it seems obviously
contradicted by the above.
115
Girona Llagostera, “Itinerari”, p. 152; not in Baer.
116
Baer, Juden 1, No. 424; for the present, I have no further information on attacks on these com--
munities.
117
Baer, ibid. No. 426. A similar letter was written by the king to Jaca, p. 679, note.
70 NORMAN ROTH

Apparently no documents survive for the year 1391 in Daroca, but in Janu--
ary of 1392 the king wrote the governor of Aragón that he had learned with
displeasure that some Jews had been forcibly baptized. In February the king
ordered that his privilege extending the period for payment of debts by Jews
and Christians in Daroca should be observed; thus, Jews were still living in
the town. The following year there was a general complaint about continous
“scandals”, robberies and other crimes generally118.
In February of 1392 the king wrote to officials of Albarracín, a lovely
medieval town which had a significant Jewish population, that he had heard of
the murders in the Jewish quarter and ordered the protection of the Jews (later,
St. Vicente Ferrer would convert all of the remaining Jews)119.
At the beginning of July the justicia of Tarazona ordered that no harm
should be caused by anyone to the Jewish aljama, and in fact this order was
carried out and there were no attacks on the Jews at all120.
In September of 1391, the king wrote to Lope de Gurrea about the damages
and even insults by words to Jews in various cities, and especially in Huesca,
ordering him personally to go to that city and see to the protection of the Jews
and to punish anyone who harms or molests them, by seizing their persons and
confiscating their goods and even to punish them by death or other rigorous
penalty121. In 1394 the king declared that the aljama of Huesca was in dis--
solution because of the emigration of Jews122. It recovered in the fifteenth
century.
Very little information is available about attacks on the extremely im--
portant Jewish community of Calatayud. All that I have found is mention
of a letter from the king on August 23, 1391 to the officials and justices of
Calatayud (perhaps also to other cities) noting that some, fearing neither
God nor the king’s “correction”, continue to injure and maltreat “by word
and deed” some of the Jewish aljamas, robbing and murdering some of the
Jews. He stated his intention to go to Valencia, passing through Lérida and
Barcelona, to punish these criminals (an intention which never was really
carried out)123. From this we can assume that there were also attacks on
Jews in Calatayud.

118
Baer, Juden 1, No. 443. Toribio del Campillo y Casamor, ed., Documentos históricos de Daroca
y su comunidad (Zaragoza, 1915), pp. 177, 181.
119
Baer, Juden 1, No. 444.
120
José María Sanz Aritbucilla, “Los Judíos de Tarazona en 1391”, 6HIDUDG 7 (1947): 73 (article, pp.
63-92; nothing else of significance is in the article). In August a general meeting of the citizens agreed
upon protecting the Jews and their possessions; as in other communities, the Jews also paid for their
protection (Motis Dolader, “Convulsiones Finiseculares”, pp. 205-08; most of the article deals with
financial records of Jews in the period before 1391); see also Magdalena, “Impuestos”.
121
Baer, Juden 1, No. 433.
122
Ricardo del Arco, “La Aljama Judaica de Huesca”, 6HIDUDG7 (1947): 287 (article, pp. 271-301).
The author, referring to the previous source, erroneously identified the king as Pedro IV instead of
Juan I.
123
Girona Llagostera, “Itinerari”, p. 134; not in Baer. This is also not mentioned in the excellent
and thorough study by Álvaro López Asensio, La Judería de Calatayud (Zaragoza, 2003). The fact
that nearly all of the documentation in that book is from the fifteenth century may indicate that ear--
lier documents have been lost or destroyed. He nevertheless overlooked the important documents in
Magdalena, “Impuestos”.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 71

“More on Crescas and His Letter”

asdai Crescas (correctly, Cresques), author of an important anti-philo--

sophical treatise Or Adonai, was a rabbi and leader of the Jewish community
of Barcelona for many years, and after the death of Nisim b. Reuben (1376)
he was the sole leader of that community. When Isaac b. Sheshet left Zarago--
za in 1385 to assume the position of rabbi in the city of Valencia, asdai
replaced him as rabbi of Zaragoza, where he apparently remained until his
death124. We have already seen that the alleged letter he wrote to the Jews
of Avignon, not of course a part of the kingdom of Aragón, contains seri--
ous errors. More than that, it lacks any mention of most of the communities
that were attacked, naming only Valencia, Majorca, Barcelona, Lérida and
Gerona.
It concludes with the absurd claim that not a single Jew is left alive in the
entire kingdom of Valencia except in Murviedro, and in all of Catalonia no
Jew remains except in the cities of nobles (seganim; not “ecclesiastics” as
Feliu translated) and counts. No one who had any first-hand knowledge of
the events could possibly have written such things. The most glaring error, as
mentioned, was the claim that his son had been killed in Barcelona.

Conclusions

To some extent, we can now answer the question with which the previ--
ous section concluded. It seems, indeed, that followers of Ferrant Martínez,
including (or particularly) his nephew, from Castile stirred up the attacks first
in Valencia and then in Majorca. They may have been joined by some even
from elsewhere125. They certainly were joined by local rabble, and also sail--
ors who went by ship to Catalonia. There, inspired by the Sevillian archdeacon
and his nephew, they aroused some local people to join in the attacks. It is
less clear who was responsible in Aragón, but apparently it was mostly local
people, “criminals”, the king called them in one letter.

124
There is no proof to support Baer’s claim that he “spent some time in Navarre where he dealt with
King Carlos III” on matters relating to the Jews (Historia 2: 408; not in the abridged English transla--
tion, History). His only source for this is the text of some expenditures by the treasurer of Navarre in
1401, where “rabi” Astruc of Tudela and “maestre Azdray” or Ezdray were paid for their expenses
in traveling to Zaragoza (Baer, Die Juden 1: 998). Whereas “maestre” may sometimes refer to a
rabbi, it more often means a physician; most importantly, this Azdray, whoever he was, was going
to Zaragoza but Crescas lived in Zaragoza. Yom Tov Assis, “Les actividats de Hasday Cresques en
pro de la reconstrucció de les comunitats jueves arran dels avalots de 1391”, Tamid 5 (2004-2005):
227 (article, 221-28), citing the original document without being aware either of its publication by
Baer or his discussion of it, came to the even more erroneous conclusion that Rabbi Astruc went to
Zaragoza to meet with Crescas (contrary to the clear wording of the document) in connection with
some supposed plan to evacuate Jews to Navarre. Even more fantastic theories about his having made
“secret negotiations” with the sultan of Egypt to allow Jews to go to the Land of Israel, claiming
to find an allusion to this in Or Adonai (ma’amar 3, kelal 8), which in fact refers generally to the
various exiles and redemption, as Eduard Feliu, the translator of Assis’s article, correctly realized in
his note there.
125
See Jaume Riera i Sans, “Estrangers participants ... contra les jueries ... 1391”, Anuario de Estudios
Medievales 10 (1980): 577-83.
72 NORMAN ROTH

Juan I and his wife Violante did everything in their power to prevent the
attacks. The king even postponed the festival of his coronation because of the
events126. Local officials throughout the kingdom, with some rare excep--
tions, also took effective action and arrested and punished perpetrators, as did
the king. It is in fact obvious that for several months the king was primarily
concerned with these events, writing numerous letters and finally (if some--
times belatedly) visiting the affected communities127. In spite of the bad
reputation which the king had and has in some writing, it should be noted that
he was generally on favorable terms with Jews. In his youth he had a Jewish
fencing instructor, and as king he had the services of a Jewish silversmith (as
did other rulers); also like some other kings he had a Jewish lionkeeper.
More important was his and the queen’s relationship with Crescas, to
whom extensive privileges were granted. The queen also took an active inter--
est in the welfare of Jews under her jurisdiction. In 1382, for instance, she
protested to the officials of Jaca reports of mistreatment of some Jews to the
point of death and demanded that measures be taken to safeguard Jews and
their property, and in 1387 she ordered authorities of Albarracín to see that no
Jew should be robbed or otherwise harmed , noting that she would not allow
any harm or grievance to them, FRQWUDMXVWLFLD\UD]yQ128.
Consequences of the events included, obviously, the creation of a large
group of converted Jews for the first time in Spanish history. Contacts be--
tween these conversos and Jews were alleged to cause problems, just as
would be the claim in the late fifteenth century. We have seen that the king
already in 1393 made decrees for the separation of the groups. The council
of Barcelona also complained that numerous Jews who entered the city to
flee persecution elsewhere were influencing the conversos, “judaizing” them
and encouraging them to observe Jewish ceremonies. As a result, the council
requested that no non-resident Jews be allowed to stay in the city more than
ten days. In 1407 a law was passed by the council of Lérida prohibiting con--
versos from entering the judería (“johiría”) for any reason. Both the Jews and
the conversos had requested this law129. Even in Zaragoza, where there had
been no attacks on Jews, some converted. As a result, the Inquisition kept a
close eye on their activities and apparently they were not allowed to leave
the city (or at least only under tight restrictions). Jews, including those who
came to the city from elsewhere, obtained special certificates indicating that
they were and always had been Jews, so that they could freely travel around
the country130.
A new fact of life for many of the Jewish communities was that they now
had to pay the crown for “protection” from possible attack; we have records of

126
Baer, Die Juden 1, No. 414, p. 664.
127
See also the various royal letters published by Girona Llagostera, “Disposiciones”.
128
Baer, Die Juden 1, No. 347. Albarracín: Francisco Bofarull y Sans, “Jaime I y los judíos”,
Congreso de la Historia de la Corona de Aragón I, 2 (1909-13): 853.
129
Carreras y Candi, Aljama de juhéus de Tortosa, pp. 86 and 85.
130
See the interesting article by Blasco (Martínez), “Inquisición y los Judíos de Aragón”, pp. 87-89. It
should be noted that in the allegedly “anti-Semitic” Spain of the medieval period, Jews always had the
freedom to go wherever they chose for whatever reason; this was rarely the case in other countries.
 1391 IN ARAGÓN, CATALONIA, VALENCIA AND MAJORCA 73

this tax for several communities in Aragón, but also in Catalonia (see above,
n. 120)131.
Some measure of the impact of conversions and, to a lesser extent, deaths
of Jews after 1391 may be seen in decline of physicians. In Zaragoza, for
example, after Junez Trigo, physician of the archbishop, in 1391 (whom we
do not hear of again) there is a gap until 1406132. In Tortosa, there were
apparently no Jewish physicians again until 1444; in Valls until 1400; in Bar--
celona until 1396; in Calatayud until 1397. However in Montblanch, where
Jews were under protection of Martín, the king’s brother, and his wife María
de Luna, the king’s physician magister Bonsenyor Brunelli lived in 1391133.
In Gerona there were two conversos in 1391 who were physicians, Saltell
Gracia and Marc d’Avinon134. In Cervera we find no Jewish or converso
physicians until the end of the century135. Converso physicians in Barcelona
were Pere Pujol (formerly Abraham Coffen) in 1391 and the king’s physician
Nadal Labri in 1392136. In Huesca in 1394 we hear of a Jew, Jucé Avinardut,
physician of the king137. In Majorca and Valencia there were apparently no
Jewish physicians after 1391.
Certainly the events of 1391 throughout the kingdom, just as in Castile,
were tragic and had far-reaching consequences. Yet this need not be drama--
tized as massive “pogroms” resulting in enormous loss of life, for which there
is little evidence. Even the alleged letter of Crescas concludes that many more
Jews converted, primarily of their own free will, than were killed.

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