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29 March 2019
Kimberlé Crenshaw, a black anti-racist feminist first introduced the term ‘intersectionality’ in
1989 in order to identify that the experiences of women of colour are largely a consequence of
the intersection of racism and sexism. The discrimination, marginalisation and the injustice that
they undergo cannot be understood by studying exploitation on the basis of race and gender
more forms of social identities of a person may intersect, for example, caste and gender, or
religion, sexuality and nationality, and form the basis for discrimination on multiple levels. Let
us take for instance, a Muslim woman living in Saudi Arabia who is a lesbian may face
discrimination on different levels. One, as a Saudi Arabian woman, she is under strict Male
Guardianship System which denies her sexual freedom, decision making powers, freedom of
movement and freedom of marriage. As a muslim woman, she is subject to islamophobia and
prejudice. And as a lesbian, she is denied her sexuality because the law of her country
criminalises homosexuality. As a result, the intersectionality of her gender, religion, sexuality and
note here that intersectionality is not a problem, but the discrimination is. Intersectionality is
simply a lens to look at problems of discrimination of people who carry numerous identities. It is
a phenomenon which pertains to the interconnectedness of these social identities.
India, popularly known for its vast diversity, carries a plethora of identities, some of which can
be categorized into language, region, caste, class, race, religion, belief system, gender and
sexuality. As a result, India serves as one of the best examples to study intersectionality.
However, simultaneously, certain communities face various forms of conflict that changes
everyday fabric of their lives because of the hierarchy that comes with intersectionality. Uma
recollected seeing a photograph in a newspaper that was circulated during the anti-Mandal
agitation. In the photograph, she noticed women college students holding placards that read ‘We
don’t want unemployed husbands!’ The anti-Mandal agitation ensued as a result of the
government’s decision to reserve a quota for the Other Backward Classes (OBCs), that include
castes which are educationally or socially disadvantaged and have undergone discrimination,
unlike the SC/STs who are considered untouchable along with other discriminations that they
face. This quota shall ensure them seats in the IAS, IPS, IFS and other Central Services, which
would bring down the proportion of the seats for the forward castes. With the placards, the
women upper caste students did not protest for themselves, but instead for their potential
husbands. The message on the placard expressed that these women would be unable to have
upper caste IAS husbands if most of these seats were occupied by the lower castes. Concurrently
it also revealed that they did not see OBCs and dalits as their potential husbands. This was a
result of an ordinance of endogamous marriage that women had internalised within themselves.
From this slogan, Chakravarti recognised the importance of the conjointness of caste and gender.
This instance can also be accounted to the manifestation of Brahmanical patriarchy, which
reproduces inequalities of caste and gender in a way that not only creates hierarchies and
intersectional oppressions between upper caste and lower caste and men and women but also
within women themselves. It is important to note here that caste and gender, although create a
variety of intersectional issues, they are not among a few. In the Indian context, gender violence
is another phenomenon that must be considered with class, caste, religion, region and sexuality.
As in the case of violence against women, rural uneducated women are relatively more prone to
violence than urban educated women; upper class working women are more likely to be safer
from sexual harassment during transport, as they can afford to hire taxis, take flights or drive cars
on their own to commute to places and avoid contact with toxic men; lower caste transwomen
are more likely to be stared and harassed in public space than lower caste heterosexual women.
The list may be never ending, but the point is that the significance of intersectionality cannot be
identities that together create structures of dominance and problematic narratives that do not fail
to reach the media in the form of reflection of the current society. Interestingly, the susceptibility
to violence and politics of sexual hierarchy were reversed in the case of Jyoti Singh gangrape. In
this case, the abused victims belonged to the educated urban middle class, while the perpetrators
of violence came from poor uneducated lower class backgrounds as immigrants of small villages
in different parts of the country who settled in shanty urban slums of Delhi.
account a few preliminary observations. First, that advertisements are created to target a specific
audience to sell a specific kind of lifestyle. In the contemporary Indian advertisements, it is very
common to see an upper or middle class lifestyle in which a product is advertised (or often times
not advertised!) with the help of a strong social message that acts as pathos to the audience. This
emotional appeal (may be devoid of logic) targets the audience so powerfully that the
advertisement manages to attract consumers very easily. Second, the actors in these
advertisements work in specific backgrounds to produce relatability with the targeted audience.
I shall look at two TV advertisements which are ‘Real Beauty by Dove’ and ‘Joyalukkas
Jewellery’. The first advertisement by Dove promotes the idea of ‘real beauty’ in its
advertisement. It starts off with a monologue that says “Isn’t it strange that in a country of six
hundred and thirty one million women, there is only one face of beauty, when there is so much
more to be admired?” As this monologue is delivered, the visual depicts a close-up of a fair
succession. Dove claimed that these women did not belong to modeling or celebrity
backgrounds, but were ‘women from all walks of life’. These women are facing the camera and
are shown smiling or laughing. Towards the end, the advertisement shows all of these women
standing together as a group while the monologue enters saying “let’s break the rules of beauty”.
There are a number of things to observe in this advertisement. First, that this ad does manage to
show women of age, colour, north-eastern communities (as these are often marginalised) and
wearing different kinds of clothes. However, on a more detailed observation, it clearly fails in
showing true diversity. All women look as if they belong to forward classes (if not forward castes
necessarily). All women are physically abled. All women wear makeup. All women’s faces are in
The first question that arises in my mind is that are dove products unisex? Dove does not
mention anywhere in its advertisements or its products that these products are only for women,
while all of its advertisements are female-centric. Does that make the products only suitable for
women? Why? This ad partially displays intersectionality as it leaves out a large proportion of
people, who are also a part of India and are also consumers. Additionally, a major element of
advertisements is glamour. This is why this advertisement also missed out women with
disfigurement and disability, as these people do not conform to the standards of glamour. Disable
people are intensely underrepresented in media, unless the product is only targeted for them. This
is due to the stigma and the otherization of these people. It is important to realise that this
begin to question at the end of the advertisement with its closing monologue, that if it actually
broke the rules of beauty or simply reasserted the standards of beauty. Also, I did not seem to get
an idea of the product being advertised straightforwardly, but only a crooked social message.
this advertisement, a bride is shown to be happily getting ready for her wedding day while in the
background her monologue expresses how she is a big fan of the popular Bollywood actor Kajol.
She wishes Kajol to be present at her wedding because it is apparently the ‘biggest day of her
life’ as she has found her potential husband. Kajol takes a surprise entry as she pauses speaking.
The bride turns, as her wheelchair shows, and faces Kajol. Kajol gifts her a necklace and then
My attention, primarily, was caught by the wheelchair, of course. This advertisement, although
showed an upper class upper caste seemingly Hindu wedding with a fair skinned protagonist, it
introduced disability with a sense of normalisation in the narrative. Throughout the ad, there was
no special focus given to the disability of the bride. Unlike the previous advertisement where
disability is completely omitted, this ad brings the idea that disabled persons are also a part of the
everyday life or the ‘normal’ sphere and they can as much occupy spaces in the media as the non
disabled can. The general narrative in the society is that disabled persons are incapable of
successful marital unions and that marriage as an institution has not been considered as an option
for them. This advertisement, thus creates an awareness and a platform for the integration of
disabled persons into mainstream society. The advertisement again favours the considerably
‘good-looking’, ‘glamorous’ and privileged member of the society, but the idea of introducing
disability into the conventional creates possibilities for change in representing intersectionality.
2. Using the character of the father in Manto’s short story “Khol Do” and the boys as your
The Partition of India and Pakistan still remains one of the deadliest incidents in the history of
the two nations. While it is deep rested in the memories of those who experienced it first hand, it
remains as a long chapter of a history book for those who did not experience the same. Partition
of India is much more than a milestone in the history. It is the horrific violence, abductions,
displacement and destruction which severely affected people on both sides of the border and still
holds trauma in the lives of its survivors. The massive human tragedy and the prevailing
repercussions has not only been captured by partition historians, but also some of the very
popular partition literaries in the form of short stories, novels, poems, and other non-fiction
categories of literature. Some of these writers are Khuswant Singh and Sa’adat Hasan Manto,
whose writings are enthusiastically discussed till date at literature festivals, panel discussions,
classroom lectures, and other similar platforms. For the purpose of this question, I shall elaborate
on the work of Sa’adat Hasan Manto and expand on the masculinity that Manto reproduces in his
Pakistani-American historian Ayesha Jalal expressed in a panel discussion at the Jaipur Literature
Festival which took place in 2016, that Manto refused to be put into any category. He was a
fiercely independent writer whose stories embrace realism in extremely poignant manners. His
short story ‘Khol Do!’ represents a traumatic reality in the form of fiction that leaves the reader
heart wrenched and perturbed. It is a story where a father, Sirajuddin, is in search of his daughter,
Sakina, whom he does not remember losing. A group of young men promise to bring his
daughter back. However, months pass by and he gets no information of his daughter from those
men. One day, he notices a girl, who was found lying unconscious near the rail tracks, being
carried on a stretcher to the hospital. He later finds her to be his daughter. But just when the
doctor instructs to open the windows of the room by saying “open it!”, Sakina unties the knot of
her waistband of her salwar. Seeing Sakina move, Sirajuddin rejoices at the fact that she is alive.
It is important to note how Manto has reproduced and epitomized the politics of silence of the
partition trauma into weaving his stories. This story also implicitly conveys the trauma that
Sirajuddin, Sakina and the people around them undergo. Sirajuddin has turned out to be a round
character that Manto develops as his narrative builds on. He is a father and a husband in the story
who has lost his family members. This implies a number of conclusions. Firstly, in a
heteropatriarchal setting, he is the only male member of the family and hence the breadwinner,
the guardian and the provider of the family. As these identities are pressed onto him from a very
early age, his self-confidence has collapsed when he sees his wife dying in front of him and his
daughter gone missing while he is unconscious. The loss of his family has proved that he has
failed to fulfill his duties as a patriarchal husband and a father. His masculinity of a patriarch has
not been kept up to the mark. However, he still tries to recover it by taking active initiative to
find out his missing daughter. The fact that he is traumatized at the same time, makes his toxic
masculinity loose as he outrageously expresses his emotions when he yearns for Sakina and goes
around the crowd helplessly asking about her. His failure of being a patriarch disturbs and haunts
him. Simultaneously traumatised, he becomes helpless and is not able to go to any lengths to find
his daughter but only ends up depending on the young volunteer men who are said to have found
several members of people’s families. He is so disempowered that he is not able to think clearly
or make wise decisions as the memory of his wife’s death, the loss of his daughter and his
inability to connect the dots as to how all of this happened and when did he lose his
consciousness exasperates him. He is now a part of what is called as ‘suffering masculinity’, a
The eight young volunteer men are, in contrast, flat characters in the story. Meaning, that their
behaviour remains uncomplicated and fairly uniform throughout the story. However, there are
actions performed by them which Manto has chosen to keep quiet about in the story in order to
bring gravity and effect to the fundamental dialogue by the doctor, ‘Open it!’. These eight young
volunteers promise Sirajuddin to find and bring his daughter back to him. As readers, we are not
aware who these volunteers are. There is an anxiety for their identities in the reader’s mind as
Manto chooses not to disclose it to them. In contrast to their flat characteristics, their masculinity
transforms in the course of the narrative. At first they are perceived as promising, protecting, and
context. Unlike Sirajuddin, these volunteers maintain their disposition of being patriarchs and
display a sense of hegemonic masculinity by showing their leadership and protective attitudes.
But a while later, when Sirajuddin asks them again about his daughter, they seem carefree and
casual about their responsibility. Between the change in these attitudes, the story indicates a
presence of violence that has happened with Sakina. There is an apprehension that these
volunteers have gangraped Sakina multiple times as is coherent by Sakina’s action of undoing
her salwar at the end of the story by just hearing the doctor’s instruction. Before the rape, there is
also a prediction that these volunteers have been perverted by Sirajuddin’s description of
Sakina’s beauty and therefore become sexually driven to find Sakina. This constitutes an
extremely toxic and violent masculinity. They see themselves to be in a powerful position than
Sirajuddin and attempt to misuse this power. This masculinity is somewhat similar to the
masculinity that the criminals in the Jyoti Singh gangrape case held. It is not only constructed by
the gendering during their upbringing, but, perhaps, also by the normalisation of violence against
women which is happening very frequently in this crisis situation. Dominance over female
sexuality is an internalised trait they carry. Sakina is an example of ideal femininity, with long
hair and fair skin. And since there is an appeal based on fair skin in society, it attracts these men
to rape Sakina. The submissiveness and the quietness of Sakina is seen as a relief and give these
men confidence to perpetuate sexual abuse against her. It is clear that these men see Sakina
vulnerable without her family members and hence they find opportunity in making use of the
situation. By this, it is understood that the society in the story sees women as someone who
cannot be alone and have to be protected by male guardianship wherever they go. An
independent woman is very peculiar to see for them. Therefore, there is this benevolent
patriarchy too, which outlines the situation for both Sirajuddin and the volunteers and causes
References:
break-the-rules-of-beauty.html