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Autorizzazione del Tribunale di Pisa n. 10 del 19.4.1984
SOMM A R IO
SAGGI
storiografia linguistica
Maria Patrizia Bologna, La sémantique de Michel Bréal entre la
grammaire générale et la grammaire comparée : les lois intellectuel-
les du langage 13
Marco Mancini, Tullio De Mauro “paleo-crociano” 41
© Copyright by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.

linguistica italica
Alexander Falileyev, Venetic vesoś 79
Giovanna Rocca, Due strumenti del sacrificio, lat. olla - umbro veskla :
una nuova etimologia 87

plurilinguismo antico
Carlo Consani, Plurilinguismo e motivazioni identitarie nel Mediter-
raneo del ii/i sec. a.C. Il caso della trilingue di Pauli Gerrei 97

rassegna critica
Oratio obliqua. Strategies of reported speech in ancient languages, ed.
Paolo Poccetti (Annamaria Bartolotta) 121
Hermann Paul’s Principles of Language History Revisited. Transla-
tions and Reflections, eds. Peter Auer, Robert W. Murray, with
contributions by Peter Auer, David Fertig, Paul J. Hopper, Ro-
bert W. Murray (Claudia A. Ciancaglini) 127
Manuale di epigrafia micenea. Introduzione allo studio dei testi in linea-
re B, a cura di Maurizio Del Freo, Massimo Perna (Franco Cre-
vatin) 141
Francesca dell’Oro, Leggi, leghe suffissali e sistemi “di Caland” :
storia della questione “Caland” come problema teorico della linguisti-
ca indoeuropea (Sergio Neri) 146
Adriano Colombo, Giorgio Graffi, Capire la grammatica. Il con-
tributo della linguistica (Federica Venier) 154
8 Sommario

schede bibliografiche
Maria Silvia Rati, In Calabria dicono bella. Indagini sul parlato gio-
vanile di Reggio Calabria (Lucia Abbate) 165
Sara Kaczko, Archaic and Classical Attic Dedicatory Epigrams. An
Epigraphic, Literary and Linguistic Commentary (Luca Alfieri) 168
Henry Ludwig, Das albanische Europa. Kontroverse Konzepte zur
europäische Zugehörigkeit in der Intellektuellendebatte Kadare-Qosja
(Giovanni Belluscio) 169
Elaborazione ortografica delle varietà non standard. Esperienze sponta-
nee in Italia e all’estero, a cura di Silvia Dal Negro, Federica Gue-
rini, Gabriele Iannàccaro (Simone Ciccolone) 174
Der antike Mensch im Spannungsfeld zwischen Ritual und Magie, Gra-
zer Symposium zur indogermanischen Altertumskunde (Graz,
14.-15. November 2013), herausgegeben von Ch. Zinko, M. Zin-
ko, unter Mitarbeit von B. Kainz (Gabriele Costa) 176
Advances in Cultural Linguistics, ed. Farzad Sharifian (Gabriele Co-
sta) 178
Ilaria Fiorentini, Segnali di contatto. Italiano e ladino nelle valli del
Trentino-Alto Adige (Francesco Costantini) 183
Exaptation and Language Change, ed. Muriel Norde, Freek Van
de Velde (Francesco Costantini) 185
Perspectives on Historical Syntax, ed. Carlotta Viti (Francesco Co-
stantini) 188
G. Tokarski, Dizionario indoeuropeo della lingua latina (Franco Cre-
vatin) 190
Scritture brevi : segni, testi e contesti. Dalle iscrizioni antiche ai tweet, a
cura di Alberto Manco, Azzurra Mancini (Renato Gendre) 191
Comunicare la salute ai giovani. Percorsi di consapevolezza nel sistema
territoriale per la salute, a cura di Raffaella Bombi (Rossella Iovi-
no) 192
Sprachgeschichte und Epigraphik. Festgaben für Rudolf Wachter zum
60. Geburtstag, hrsg. von Andreas Willi (Sara Kaczko) 196
Luigi Chiappinelli, Lessico Idronomastico di Puglia, Basilicata e Ca-
labria (Addolorata Landi) 200
Forme e strutture della religione nell’Italia mediana antica (iii Conve-
gno Internazionale dell’Istituto di ricerche e documentazione
sugli antichi Umbri, 21-25 settembre 2011), a cura di Augusto An-
cillotti, Alberto Calderini, Riccardo Massarelli (Edoardo Middei) 201
Oratio obliqua. Strategies of reported speech in ancient languages, ed. Pao-
lo Poccetti, Pisa-Roma, Serra, 2017 (« Ricerche sulle lingue di fram-
mentaria attestazione » 9, collana diretta da Paolo Poccetti), pp. 168.
The phenomenon of reported speech in the world languages has gained atten-
tion in current linguistic research, as testified by the increasing number of recent
works in this field, from typological linguistics ( Jäger 2007 ; Goddard & Wierzbic-
ka 2018) to neurolinguistics (Groenewold 2015 and references therein). Although
the wide cross-linguistic diversity in the way speakers report other people’s
speech, there is a consensus on the need for identification strategies that are typo-
© Copyright by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.

logically valid. To this purpose, reported speech has also been investigated from
many theoretical perspectives, from Functional Grammar to Natural Semantic
Metalanguage, from Generative Grammar to Pragmatics, from Philosophy of
Language to Sociolinguistics. In my opinion, this challenge might also benefit
from a diachronic perspective, which takes into account data from ancient lan-
guages. The volume under review, Oratio obliqua. Strategies of reported speech in an-
cient languages, edited by Paolo Poccetti, developed from a workshop which was
held at the 17th Conference of Latin Linguistics (Rome, 2013, 20th-25th May). As the
editor points out in the foreword, the papers presented at the workshop explore
the linguistic phenomenon of reported speech not only in Latin (from Classical to
Biblical and Late Latin), but also in other ancient Indo-European languages, such
as Hittite, Vedic, Sanskrit, Greek, Irish. The book contains ten contributions, out
of which nine analyze morphological and syntactic strategies used to express di-
rect and indirect speech in various ancient languages, from both synchronic and
diachronic perspective.
The first chapter ‘Direct and indirect style and connected rules’, by Gualtiero
Calboli, is presented as a long introduction to the volume. It begins with the fun-
damental disctinction between two different subordinate constructions within
the so-called oratio obliqua. The author brings to the attention of the reader not
only the use of different grammatical moods, namely subjunctive or optative as
opposed to indicative, but also the role of the complementizer in subordinate
constructions. Specifically, a subordinate clause can be introduced by conjunc-
tions of either relative (quod, quia, quoniam, ut, ubi, quam, antequam, postquam)
or demonstrative-deictic origin (si, dum), or it can be an AcI (Accusativus cum In-
finitivo) construction, without any introducing conjunction. According to the au-
thor, this syntactic difference reflects the semantic opposition between opaque (de
dicto) and transparent (de re) reading respectively. Such an opposition is crucial to
explain the use of reference pronouns, which are accordingly either demonstra-
tive/deictic (is, ille) or reflexive (se, suus). The author refers to Chomsky’s theory,
namely to the notion of barrier, in order to explain such a difference from a syn-
tactic perspective, and discusses some examples taken from Classical Latin texts.
In fact, while in the subordinate clause the presence of a complementizer is re-
lated to the finite mood of the verb and INFL (Inflection) is thus a blocking cat-
https://doi.org/10.19272/201800801006 · « incontri linguistici », 41, 2018
122 Rassegna critica
egory, in the AcI-clause there is no barrier that prevents pronouns from syntactic
movements outside the clause. 1 Interestingly enough, the author dwells upon the
role deictic and demonstrative pronouns play in the development of hypotactic
subordination, with reference to the oldest Indo-European syntax. He then pro-
vides a rapid overview of the development of indirect speech in ancient Indo-
European languages, by referring to the contributions presented at the workshop.
Firstly, he comments on the strategies of reported speech in Old Irish, analyzed
by Hannah Rosén (this volume), pointing out both similarities and differences
between Celtic and Latin. In particular, the thema~rhema opposition is brought
into play in order to distinguish between main and subordinate clauses respec-
tively. Secondly, he takes into account Donna Shalev’s contribution (this volume)
on the relationship between direct and indirect speech in Ancient Greek, which
© Copyright by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.

shows a rich literary production and a highly developed grammatical system in


relation to subordination strategies. Indeed, Calboli’s opinion is that the ‘indirect
style’ was more developed in languages provided with a rich literature, like Greek
and Latin, than in Hittite, where the oratio obliqua is almost absent, or even in Ve-
dic and Sanskrit, where it is less developed (however, it must be noted that Vedic
and Sanskrit are provided with a rich literature). Also, Hittite and Vedic would
have in common the prevalence of the direct style, but introduced by a particle
(respectively nu/-y(a)/-ta/-wa and iti), so that it is difficult to trace a clear bound-
ary between direct and indirect style. The particle is indeed used to highlight a
related discourse in the form of a direct discourse. The paper then introduces the
useful difference between direct and indirect reference pronouns, as discussed in
Fruyt’s contribution (this volume), by analyzing some Latin passages taken from
Caesar and Curtius Rufus. In particular, the semantic values of se, sui, sibi, vs ipse
are commented by the author, who substantially agree with Fruyt’s hypothesis of
ipse as an intensifier. The overview then passes to Bodelot’s contribution (this vol-
ume) on indirect discourse strategies in Merovingian Latin, namely in the Chron-
icle of Fredegarius (7th century). Calboli comments on the close relationship and
interchangeability between direct and indirect speech highlighted by the author,
dwelling upon the examples where subjunctive is used instead of AcI. Calboli ana-
lyzes the whole corpus of Fredegarius and basically confirms Bodelot’s findings
on both deontic and epistemic values of subjunctive. Another contribution taken
into consideration is that of Moonens, whose hypothesis on the use of the infini-
tive as expression of second speaker’s (loc2) thought is rejected. Calboli argues
instead that the infinitive is expression of indirect discourse. The author then
explores Sznajder’s contribution on the relationship between direct and indirect
style in Biblical Latin, focusing on the role and development of Latin subjunctive,
which can also be used like an AcI. The last contribution analyzed is that of Or-
landini & Poccetti, who focus on the distinction between coordination (infinitive)
and subordination (subjunctive). Calboli points out the very close relationship be-
tween subjunctive and infinitive constructions in the indirect style. Moreover, he

1 For a different opinion on the role of INFL in the AcI construction, see Melazzo 2005.
Rassegna critica 123
tries to outline a diachronic Indo-European path from Hittite, which totally lacks
a subjunctive mood, to Late Latin (Fredegarius), where it is very frequently used
instead, to the extent that it tends to replace the nominal constructions (AcI).
Indeed, he points out the correspondence between subordination and nominal-
ization, which would explain the origin of verb nominal forms such as participle,
gerundive, and infinitive, used as subordinate clauses in many old Indo-European
languages.
The second chapter, ‘Les relations entre le réfléchi indirect se et ipse en latin’,
by Michèle Fruyt, explores the logophoric use of se and ipse as indirect reflexive
pronouns referred to the speaker in Classical Latin. In particular, after analyzing
some passages taken from Curtius Rufus, where the first occurrence of ipse is
found instead of the expected se, and Caesar, i.e. the classic author par excellence,
© Copyright by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.

Fruyt hypothesizes that ipse replaces se not only for morphological reasons, as
claimed in traditional grammars. Specifically, if it is true that the nominative ipse
is used as a suppletive form in the defective paradigm of se, sui, sibi, the author ex-
plains the semantic and pragmatic reasons upon which the choice of ipse is based.
The latter behaves indeed as a marked form of se, which inherently lacks gender
and number specifications, i.e. two categories that are fundamental for referential
anchoring in the text. Specifically, following Bertocchi (1999), the author claims
that the speaker uses the marked form ipse as an intensifier whenever he wants
to emphasizes i) a contrastive focus, ii) the highest hierarchical social position of
a person, iii) the exclusive meaning (e.g. himself and nobody else). These results
are in line with typological studies, which show that intensifiers tend to develop
into reflexive pronouns or adjectives crosslinguistically.
The third chapter, ‘La représentation de l’interlocuteur dans le discours rap-
porté : la répartition is/ipse’, by Marie-Dominique Joffre, aims at recovering the
semantic and pragmatic meanings of the pronoun ipse as a means for represent-
ing persons shifting from direct to indirect discourse. The analyzed corpus con-
sists of Caesar’s Bellum Gallicum and Bellum civile, where a large number of dia-
logues, with more than one addressee, are transposed in the indirect discourse.
Joffre argues that ipse is a marked form relative to the corresponding neutral form
is, and is used by what she calls locutor0 (narrator) to report locutor1‘s (speaker)
original direct speech. According to her, ipse is selected instead of is whenever the
author wants to emphasize the role of one specific character, who turns out to be
isolated and in contrast with other discourse participants.
In the fourth chapter ‘L’expression des possibles en oratio obliqua : les traces
d’un « argument d’autorité » ?’, Laurent Moonens investigates the role of Latin in-
finitive in indirect discourse. Following Orlandini (1994), the author distinguishes
between subjunctive and infinitive moods used in oratio obliqua : the former ex-
presses ‘subjective’ epistemic modality, whereas the latter expresses ‘objective’
epistemic modality. More specifically, after analyzing both Caesar’s Commentarii
and some passages taken from Titus Livius (cited from Orlandini 1994), Moonens
dwells in particular on rhetorical questions with infinitive, showing how the nar-
rator (locuteur2), who might also happen to coincide with the original speaker
124 Rassegna critica
(locuteur1), makes use of the oratio obliqua in order to express the grade of possibil-
ity of an event as grounded on objective evidence rather on a subjective opinion.
In their contribution ‘Structures pseudo-subordonnées en oratio obliqua’, which
is the fifth chapter of the book, Orlandini & Poccetti reconsider the diagnostic
test of moods in oratio obliqua in order to better capture the difference between
coordinated and subordinated syntactic structures in Latin. They distinguish the
role of infinitive vs subjunctive especially in indirect discourse correlative clauses,
taking into account many levels of analysis. On syntactic level, they focus on the
role of both the existence of a symmetric relationship between two clauses and
their dependence on verba dicendi or putandi. On semantic level, they focus on the
functional values and the illocutionary force of the two clauses. On pragmatic
level, they argue how corrective and contrastive forces are expressed through co-
© Copyright by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.

ordinated rather than subordinated clauses.


The sixth chapter ‘Particularités du discours indirect chez Frédégaire’, by Co-
lette Bodelot, investigates the peculiar phenomenon of abrupt shift from indirect
to direct discourse and viceversa, found in the Chronicle of Fredegarius written
in Latin in the mid 7th century in France. The author singles out morphological
and syntactic irregularities in some embedded clauses of reported speech, such as
the lack of accusative subject, the use of present infinitive instead of future infini-
tive, the future tense expressed by means of gerundives or verbal adjectives, the
replacement of AcI constructions by quod-clauses with subjunctive mood, the use
of present instead of imperfect subjunctive with reference to past events, the use
of is instead of the indirect reflexive pronoun se, and so on. Bodelot hypothesizes
that these irregularities are the result of an ‘artful slipping’, i.e. a strategy used by
Fredegar to signal the shift from direct to indirect discourse, which involves the
reference to different speakers (Locuteur1 and Locuteur2) in the same discourse,
but also reflects the influence of both Greek and Latin spoken during that time.
As noted by the author, this kind of shift is very frequent in Medieval Latin, but
it is already attested in Petronius (1st century Latin), who marked the abrupt shift
from indirect to direct discourse by using the parenthetical verb inquit.
In the seventh chapter, ‘Quelques réflexions sur des discours hybrids du Latin
Biblique : oratio obliqua ou oratio recta ?’, Lyliane Sznajder discusses a hybrid syn-
tactic construction between indirect and direct discourse found in Biblical Latin.
This mixed construction is indeed introduced by a subordinating conjunction
(quia, quoniam, quod) proper to indirect discourse, but shows at the same time
the formal structure of direct discourse. The analyzed corpus consists of St. Je-
rome’s Latin translations of both the Old Testament written in Hebrew and the
New Testament written in a form of Koine Greek. Although both these languages
show such a hybrid construction, generally introduced by kī and ὅτι respectively
and followed by a direct discourse, Sznajder argue that this construction, which
is not attested in Classical and Imperial Latin but gradually comes into Christian
and Late Latin, is a syntactic calque from Greek rather than Hebrew. She finds out
that St. Jerome tends indeed to maintain this hybrid syntactic structure only when
he finds it in the original Greek source, whereas he replaces it with a simple direct
Rassegna critica 125
discourse when the original source is Hebrew. According to her, this different
behaviour is due to the fact that a calque from Greek was easier to comprehend
during that time for a Latin speaker such as St. Jerome, both from a linguistic and
a cultural point of view.
The eighth chapter, entitled ‘Pathways of complementing verba dicendi and
other content-reporting verbs : Irish and Latin’, written by Hannah Rosén, is de-
voted to the comparative analysis of complementing strategies in Irish and Latin
from a diachronic perspective. The author focuses on finite-verb vs nonfinite-verb
complementation from Old to Modern Irish, and argues for the existence of a
parallel path of development of sentential complementation in the history of
Latin. More in detail, she finds out that the initial interchangeability between
finite and non-finite verbal strategies used in Old Irish to express complementa-
© Copyright by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.

tion with verba dicendi, verbs of manner of speaking, of gesturing, of disclosing


attitudes, etc., evolves toward a clear differentiation between, on the one hand,
finite-verb complementation with verbs of stating, confirming, considering, and,
on the other hand, nonfinite-verb complementation with goal-oriented verbs (de-
mand, recommend, intend). Moreover, these two different strategies of comple-
mentation contributed to modify the main verb semantics, to such an extent that
the verb was affirming when it governed finite clauses, whereas it was prescrib-
ing when it governed verbal-noun clauses. In particular, Rosén focuses on those
verbal-noun clauses made of ‘nominal + do verbal noun’, which were increas-
ingly used for reported wishes, requests, commands, thus replacing the domain
of subjunctive. A similar pattern of development is hypothesized for nonfinite
(infinitival) verbal complementation in Latin.
In the ninth chapter, ‘Observations on the application and notion of oratio obli-
qua in literary classical Greek, with special reference to drama and Plato’, Donna
Shalev analyzes the linguistic phenomenon of oratio obliqua in Classical Greek,
focusing on Plato’s Republic and Apology, but also on some passages taken from
dramatic authors such as Aristophanes, Menander, Sophocles. The paper draws
attention to some features of Greek indirect discourse, namely the role of com-
plementizers ὅτι and ὡς and their relationship with main clause verbs (mostly
with verba dicendi and verba affectuum), the structural cohesion between frame
and content maintained over speaker change (by means, for instance, of optativus
obliquus) between interlocutors in dialogues, the degree of narrator’s commit-
ment, also reflected in the choice of ὅτι (objectivity) and ὡς (subjectivity).
The last paper of the volume, ‘Per la storia del termine obliquo nella sua acce-
zione metalinguistica : tra tradizione grammaticale antica e uso moderno’, by Il-
aria Liberati, is on the origin of the Latin term obliquus and on the metalinguistic
uses this shows in the ancient grammatical but also rhetorical tradition. In her pa-
per the author lays out three different uses of such a term, the first two of which
refer to grammatical values, whereas the third shows a rhetorical value. More
specifically, the first occurrence of obliquus is found in Varro, as a translation of
Gr. πλάγιος plágios, with reference to those morphological cases that were dif-
ferent from nominative, i.e. the so-called rectus case. The second use of the term
126 Rassegna critica
refers to the verbal system, where, in a parallel way, only the indicative mood is
considered rectus, as opposed to all the other oblique moods. Third and finally, in
the Rhetorica ad Herennium the term is attested for the first time in the Latin syn-
tagm oratio obliqua, which initially refers to an obscure or tortuous discourse. It
was in fact Quintilian who first used the term obliquus with the technical meaning
of ‘reported’ speech. The author’s main point is that the three uses have in com-
mon the opposition between what is rectus, i.e. direct, original, transparent, and
objective, on the one hand, and what is obliquus, i.e. indirect, far from the original
form, ambiguous, and subjective, on the other.
The reviewed volume shines a light on some aspects of a phenomenon that
is common to most of the world’s languages. All the papers in the volume of-
fer the background to discussions of basic issues related to both diachronic and
© Copyright by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.

synchronic status of reported speech, without referring to specific theoretical


frameworks. In some cases, a significant amount of prior knowledge across the
linguistic literature is necessary for comprehension. Furthermore, additional
readings in particular areas may be very useful. For instance, an additional read-
ing on the shift from indirect to direct discourse (and viceversa) in ancient lan-
guages might be Maier (2012), whereas both the relationship between intensi-
fiers and reflexives and the analysis of third person reflexive se might benefit
from results of generative studies, among which, for instance, Benedicto (1991)
and Solberg (2011 and references therein). Also, the role of is in Latin indirect
discourse has been fruitfully investigated by Bolkenstein (2000). There are some
misprints and few cases of incorrect syntax. Overall, however, this book con-
tains valuable contributions aimed at an audience interested in the intersections
among general and historical linguistics, pragmatics and sociolinguistics. More-
over, it will prove a useful addition to any book collection specializing in the
field of Latin Linguistics.

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Annamaria Bartolotta
Università di Palermo
annamaria.bartolotta@unipa.it
© Copyright by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.

Hermann Paul’s Principles of Language History Revisited. Translations


and Reflections, eds. Peter Auer, Robert W. Murray, with contributions
by Peter Auer, David Fertig, Paul J. Hopper, Robert W. Murray, Berlin-
Boston, de Gruyter, 2015, pp. 298.
R aramente ho trovato così piacevole presentare un libro, e non solo per la qua-
lità dell’opera, che è eccellente, ma per il raro, originale e proficuo dialogo ideale
che gli Autori istituiscono tra un grande classico della letteratura linguistica, i
Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte di Hermann Paul, e le più moderne teorie elaborate
all’inizio del xxi secolo. La “rivisitazione” cui allude il titolo, inoltre, non consiste
in una banale e astorica attualizzazione o in un saccheggio collettivo dei molti
tesori nascosti nei Prinzipien, ma si fonda su una accurata e raffinata analisi filolo-
gica e storica delle varie e numerose edizioni dell’opera (1a ed. : 1880 ; 2a ed. : 1886 ;
3a ed. : 1898 ; 4a ed. : 1909 ; 5a e ultima ed. : 1920) e del contesto storico e culturale in
cui tale opera è stata composta, nello spirito dell’articolo di Malmberg, En relisant
Hermann Paul (Lund Linguistics Working Papers 26, 1990 : 19-25), cui gli Autori
fanno esplicito riferimento.
Il volume curato da Auer e Murray consta essenzialmente delle due parti men-
zionate nel sottotitolo : traduzioni e riflessioni. La prima parte del volume, infatti,
contiene la traduzione in inglese, ad opera dei curatori e di altri autori, di alcune
sezioni dei Prinzipien : l’introduzione (pp. 29-46) e i §§ 11-21 del cap. i (pp. 47-58), re-
lativi alla “natura generale dello sviluppo linguistico”, tradotti da P. Auer ; i §§ 32-
50 del cap. iii (pp. 59-82), relativi al mutamento fonetico, tradotti da R. W. Murray ;
i §§ 78-84 del cap. v (pp. 83-98), relativi all’analogia, tradotti da D. Fertig ; i §§ 85-102
del cap. vi (pp. 99-132) e i §§ 196-213 del cap. xvi (pp. 133-167), relativi alle questioni
sintattiche, tradotti da P. J. Hopper.
Gli Autori motivano la necessità di tali nuove traduzioni con il fatto che l’uni-
ca versione integrale in inglese dei Prinzipien, ad opera di S. A. Strong (London
1891), è scritta in un inglese antiquato e difficilmente accessibile per un lettore
contemporaneo (p. 10), ma soprattutto presenta alcune significative criticità nella
resa di termini tecnici cruciali. Alcune di tali criticità sono evidenziate da R. W.
Murray (pp. 289-290), in una breve quanto impegnata appendice, nella quale si
c o mp osto in car atter e dan t e mon ot y p e d a l l a
accademia editor iale , p i s a · r oma .
s tamp ato e rileg a t o n e l l a
t ip og r afia di ag n an o, ag na n o p i s a n o ( p i s a ) .
*
Dicembre 2018
(cz 2 · fg 3)
© Copyright by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.