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century, young women were more likely to write about their bodies in their
diaries and more frequently expressed dissatisfaction with their shapes
and weight.
Published in the 1980s, essays by Iris Marion Young and Sandra Lee
Bartky were also foundational.1 Young and Bartky articulated feminist
analyses of women’s beauty work as a disciplinary practice policed by the
force of a coercive and pervasive male gaze. These works were indispens-
able for later feminist writing and practice relating to beauty, yet the
woman who was their subject was a racially unmarked, implicitly hetero-
sexual woman of an unspecified class. In Young’s essay ‘Throwing Like a
Girl’, the essence of the female experience is a physical passivity caused
by ‘the ever-present possibility that one will be gazed upon as a mere body,
as shape and flesh that presents itself as the potential object of another
subject’s intentions and manipulations, rather than as a living manifesta-
tion of action and intention’ (Young, 1980: 154). Women take up the view
of themselves as things ‘looked at and acted upon’, and use cosmetics,
diets, and other disciplinary practices in attempts to craft themselves into
more beautiful things (Young, 1980: 148). In this argument, a woman sees
herself as men see her, and the embodied actions a woman takes are
usurped by male intentions. She acts upon herself to realize the will of a
generalized male gaze.
From the present vantage point, Young’s argument appears not incorrect
but incomplete. Young’s essay vividly describes and explains the self-
consciousness regarding appearance that male domination imposes on
women. Whether measured by the grossly disproportionate amounts of
money spent by women on beauty care or the higher rates of eating
disorders and cosmetic surgery use among women, it is clear that women,
as a group, work to change their appearance more than men do. The
feelings of inadequacy produced by the presence of beauty standards in
women’s lives are, arguably, among the most personal manifestations of
gender inequality in our lives.
That being said, the essential woman she describes is that racially
unmarked, implicitly heterosexual woman, of unspecified class.
Connected to no community, she stands alone under the male gaze. The
gazing male is similarly unspecified. What happens if we rethink the
argument, with the understanding that the woman under the gaze has a
race, a sexual identity, an age, abilities, and more or less wealth? Does she
still stand alone in relation to the gaze? Which techniques of transform-
ation are available to her, which are impossible, and what are the meanings
of those techniques within her community? When, and if, she sees herself
through the eyes of a male, what is his race and how does his race affect
her assumptions about what he sees? Is he also the target of an objectify-
ing gaze?
Sandra Lee Bartky similarly describes beauty work as a product of the
female self-surveillance that arises from the male gaze. Yet she describes
the beautifying woman as active rather than passive. According to Bartky,
women actively construct feminine selves, the only selves that patriarchal
regimes support, or risk the ‘annihilation’ that awaits those who refuse
Craig: Race, beauty, and guilty pleasure 163
(Gimlin, 2002: 106). The appeal of the word arises from the activity it
implies. Negotiation provides an image, perhaps, of women successfully
traversing difficult terrain, negotiating beauty standards like drivers
rounding tight turns on mountain roadways. Yet the beauty standards
women negotiate are not fixed like the topography of mountains. They are,
instead, changeable configurations of discourse and practice. If we use the
metaphor of negotiation to describe women’s beauty work, perhaps
labour/management contract negotiations provide a more apt image.
Contract negotiations take place in unstable fields of power shaped by
inequalities. Anyone who enters contract negotiations is stronger if she is
part of a collectivity. Many writers who use the negotiating image seem to
imagine, however, the lone woman driving around a tight corner. They
frame women’s negotiations in individualistic terms and address the
oppression versus pleasure dichotomy from within a discourse of
autonomy and free choice. Writers who use an individualistic approach to
theorizing women’s negotiations of beauty standards encourage readers to
think about women as they stand alone in relation to seemingly universal
beauty standards.2 For example, Gimlin observed women in exercise
classes and beauty shops and argues that through body work in these
collective spaces, women diminish the place of aesthetic concerns in their
lives. By exercising, women can remove the stigma of laziness associated
with fat bodies. By getting simpler haircuts than the ones suggested by their
haircutters, women ‘resist the demands of beauty ideology’ (Gimlin, 2002:
47).
Women make choices when they engage in body work, but do their
choices constitute resistance? To answer the question we must begin with
a richer description of beauty ideology. Gimlin’s fieldwork suggests that
rather than a coherent and universal beauty ideology, women face a
complicated and contradictory set of expectations that are fragmented by
class. Middle-class white women are expected to appear thin, young, and
well-groomed while conforming to class-laden, moral expectations that
they be natural and unconcerned about their looks. In the context of such
contradictory demands, a woman’s refusal of a beautician’s styling sugges-
tion represents something more complicated than resistance. The evidence
presented in Gimlin’s study suggests that her subjects actively submitted
to racialized, class norms, defined in opposition to the marginalized femi-
ninities of poorer women or women of colour. White middle-class women
resist forms of femininity that are associated with poor women and women
of colour by adopting alternatives that are associated with the dominant
race and class.
Women negotiate a sense of self through beauty work and in relation to
beauty standards, but they do so as socially located women positioning
themselves in relation to socially located beauty standards. Beverley
Skeggs and Paula Black have made important contributions to feminist
understandings of beauty in work that is closely attentive to the role of
class in women’s lives. In her study of white, working-class women, Skeggs
argues that these women manage their appearance through clothing and
cosmetics in order to shield themselves from the particular stigmas
Craig: Race, beauty, and guilty pleasure 167
in 1968, and in the same year was photographed by Irving Penn for
an interior article in Vogue. In 1969 British Vogue published Patrick
Lichfield’s photograph of Marsha Hunt, who appears nude except for arm
and ankle bands and her grand round Afro. This image conformed to an
emerging fashion industry pattern of featuring black models associated
with signifiers of the primitive, wildness, or exotica.
The exoticization of black women in dominant representations corre-
sponds, to some degree, to popular portrayals of black men. In Young’s as
well as Bartky’s work, women and men are in very different positions in
relation to the male gaze. Women are the self-conscious and vulnerable
objects of the gaze, men are the seers, whose power shields their bodies
from being the objects of another’s judgemental and eroticizing gaze. Yet
contemporary black men do not have the privilege of escaping the gaze.
Given the prevalence of residential segregation, media images of black
male bodies as sports figures, hip-hop stars, and menacing criminals have
exceptional power to define the broader public meaning of the black male
body. In these images, black men exist as ideal, erotic, and terrifying objects
under a white gaze. In this regard, contemporary black men have an experi-
ence that is characteristic of women; they are defined by their bodies. Like
black women in particular, black men are characterized in dominant repre-
sentations as hypersexual and are the objects of white repulsion and desire
(Collins, 2004).3
Standards of beauty that circulated within African-American communi-
ties were never identical with beauty standards held by whites. For
example, while dominant standards position thin women as beauty ideals,
African-Americans have appreciated the beauty of heavier women
(Lovejoy, 2001). On the broadest level, black people have often valued,
loved, and respected each other, when whites found them worthless,
monstrous, or hypersexual. Nonetheless, numerous writers have docu-
mented the influence of white standards of beauty on the ways blacks
evaluated themselves. Scholars frequently cite African-American prefer-
ences for light skin colour and norms that required black women to
straighten their hair as evidence of Eurocentric tendencies within African-
American beauty standards (Collins, 2000: 89–92; Hill, 2002). Yet the
African-American discourse of beauty has never been monolithic and has
changed over time (Craig, 2002). When I studied records of late 19th- and
early 20th-century African-American beauty contests, I found preferences
for light-skinned women alongside protests in favour of their dark-skinned
competitors. Straightening hair was a normative practice, but it was a
practice that was steadily criticized by advocates of racial pride. A general
consciousness of race and racism framed African-American discourses and
practices of beauty. Racism is, as George Mosse explains, a ‘visually
centered ideology’ (Mosse, 1985: 134). When African-Americans cele-
brated the beauty of a light-skinned woman or a brown-skinned woman,
they did so with an awareness of the consequences of skin colour in a
society structured by racial inequality. When a black woman engaged in or
refused to engage in the beauty practice of hair straightening, she posi-
tioned herself in relation to the many white and black meanings of tightly
170 Feminist Theory 7(2)
curled hair. The meanings were shaped not only by aesthetic concerns,
but by black political projects.
The first black women who wore the unstraightened hairstyles, which
later were known as naturals, or Afros, were women affiliated with the
Civil Rights Movement in social movement organizations or on historically
black college campuses. I interviewed Mary O’Neal, who in 1960, as a
student at Howard University, was among the early group of black women
who stopped straightening their hair. She had entered Howard University
as a fashion-conscious young woman who followed the conventions for
black female grooming and straightened her hair. As a student she became
involved in civil rights activities, participated in demonstrations and
landed briefly in jail. O’Neal became friends with a fellow campus activist,
Stokely Carmichael, who encouraged her to cut her hair and stop straight-
ening it. He presented her with a new way of seeing her hair. In his view,
unstraightened hair was not the mark of a poorly groomed woman. Instead,
it was a symbol of racial pride. With his encouragement, she stopped
straightening her hair but quickly became the target of ridicule on campus.
O’Neal’s refusal to straighten her hair was incomprehensible to most of her
peers. The sharp criticism she received was balanced by the praise given
by men she knew in the Civil Rights Movement, who told her that her
unstraightened hair made her more beautiful. Though activist men told her
she was beautiful, she wanted the support of other women. Mary O’Neal
entreated another female student activist, Muriel Tillinghast, to stop
straightening her own hair so that she would not feel so alone. Tillinghast
recalled the day she got her first natural hairstyle.
Black women who wore Afros used beauty practices (regular hair cuts,
raising the texture of the hair with Afro picks, employing products to add
lustre to the hair’s surface) to conform to an emerging but hotly contested
beauty norm. The norms of beauty that circulated on the Howard
University campus in 1960 were not generalized norms enforced by a
generalized male gaze. Instead they were norms linked to class and racial
projects. The transformation of the meaning of black female unstraightened
hair was shaped by a broader black re-conceptualization of American black
identity as an ethnic identity with cultural connections to Africa. It was
also shaped by an emerging national and generational criticism of artifice
and a concurrent valorization of practices that were considered natural.
The comparatively privileged women at Howard University had more
leeway to experiment with unconventional styles than the majority of
black women. As college students, their social standing was relatively
secure. By wearing an unstraightened style, O’Neal complied with new
beauty norms by resisting others. The meaning of her beauty work was
simultaneously an attempt to be beautiful according to the very local
Craig: Race, beauty, and guilty pleasure 173
Through body work, she engaged in the collective racial project of the
politics of representation. Her Afro made her beautiful under a specifically
African-American rather than generalized male gaze. The Afro was a sign
through which African-American women who shared similar political
orientations could recognize each other. One woman who wore an Afro in
the San Francisco Bay area in the late 1960s recalled an exhilarating feeling
of community among black women:
There was a part of it that felt so magical and so true and honest . . . There was
community in the beauty standard. It wasn’t like it was one person who was
doing this. It was a whole community of people who were embracing these
standards. You could look around a room and see fifteen, twenty other women
with an Afro.7
Though the Afro produced feelings of unity, it could still function to rank
women. During the late 1960s, within black communities, women with
larger Afros frequently were seen as more beautiful than women with
174 Feminist Theory 7(2)
Notes
I thank Jessica Fields and the editors of this special issue for their helpful
comments on earlier versions of this article.
1. Naomi Wolf’s 1992 The Beauty Myth brought feminist critiques of the place
of beauty in women’s lives to a wider audience.
2. Cahill (2003: 43) similarly critiques the individualist orientation of much
of feminist theory on beauty. However in her work, the collectivity studied
is a single nuclear family. She does not extend the argument to consider
larger social bases of solidarity.
3. For an early 20th century example of the erotic objectification of black
men, see Hazel Carby’s (1998: 45–83) analysis of the use of Paul Robeson’s
body as a modernist symbol of ideal black masculinity.
4. In a study of contemporary US immigrants from the Dominican Republic,
Craig: Race, beauty, and guilty pleasure 175
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