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Describing  the  values  of  Filipino  adolescents:  a  comparison  with  pan-­

cultural  norms

Allan  B.  I.  Bernardo,  Jose  Antonio  R.  Clemente  and  Gregory  Arief  D.  Liem

Journal  of  Tropical  Psychology  /  Volume  4  /  January  2014  /  e2

DOI:  10.1017/jtp.2014.2,  Published  online:  01  September  2014

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Allan  B.  I.  Bernardo,  Jose  Antonio  R.  Clemente  and  Gregory  Arief  D.  Liem  (2014).  Describing  the  values  of  Filipino
adolescents:  a  comparison  with  pan-­cultural  norms.  Journal  of  Tropical  Psychology,  4,  e2  doi:10.1017/jtp.2014.2

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 Journal of Tropical Psychology
Volume 4, e2, pp. 1–8, ⃝
C The Author(s) 2014, doi:10.1017/jtp.2014.2

Describing the values of Filipino adolescents:

a comparison with pan-cultural norms
Allan B. I. Bernardo,1 Jose Antonio R. Clemente,2 and Gregory Arief D. Liem3
1
University of Macau
2
University of Macau and University of the Philippines, Diliman
3
National Institute of Education, Singapore

An etic approach was used to describe the values of Filipino adolescents and to show how pan-cultural
comparisons using a values survey can complement emic approaches to studying values. Participants were
752 adolescents who answered the Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ). The results indicate that PVQ
has structural validity and adequate internal consistency. Ranks of the value types were compared with
pan-cultural student norms; the results indicate that (a) Filipino adolescents’ value type hierarchies are
substantially similar (same top, same middle, same bottom ranked values), and (b) Filipino adolescents
gave higher rankings for hedonism and stimulation and lower ranking for achievement.

! Keywords: values, adolescents, pan-cultural norms, Portrait Values Questionnaire, Philippines, etic-vs.-
emic approaches

Many societies worry about how each generation of adoles-
cents seems to display a distinct set of behaviours, attitudes
and aspirations different from the previous generations and
from current mores of society. This is certainly true in the
Philippines where such worries are often framed in terms
of concerns about the ‘erosion of values’ the adolescents
have; and in this regard, there has been some effort to mea-
sure and understand the values of Filipino adolescents (Mc-
Cann Erickson Philippines, 2001; Ogena, 1999). One way
of comprehensively describing what adolescents are like en-
tails assessing the content, structure and hierarchy of their
values, defined here as beliefs about desirable end states
or behaviours that transcend specific situations and serve
as guiding principles in people’s lives (Schwartz & Bilsky,
1987). As Schwartz (2006) puts it, studying values directly
is an efficient way to capture and characterise groups or
cultures. Values emphasised in one community or culture
may constrain the behavioural choices that are available to
individuals in the group, particularly in cultures that have a
very stronger articulation of and conformity to value norms
(Hong & Phua, 2013). As values direct behaviour towards
certain goals instead of others, explicating the values of
adolescents may shed light on the motivations propelling
certain behaviours and experiences that are often associated
with this developmental stage. For instance, internalisation
of prosocial values (e.g., kindness) has been linked to behav-
ing prosocially (e.g., doing things that benefit others with-
out expecting anything in return) (Hardy & Carlo, 2005),
and endorsement of moral values (e.g., truth, affiliation)
was inversely related to self-reported delinquency (Tarry &
Emler, 2007). In Asian contexts, conservation values are as-
sociated with adolescent students’ social-oriented achieve-
ment motives, whereas self-enhancement values are associ-
ated with individual-oriented achievement motives (Liem,
Martin, Porter, & Colmar, 2012; Liem & Nie, 2008). In the
domain of work, emphasis on intrinsic work values may
influence career choice (Duffy & Sedlacek, 2007), whereas
Confucian-related work values including self-discipline and
interpersonal ethics impact on individual and team perfor-
mance in Chinese organizations (Huang, Liang, & Hsin,
2012).
ADDRESS FOR CORRESPONDENCE: Allan B. I. Bernardo, Department
of Psychology, PLG334 Pearl Jubilee Building, University of
Macau, Macau SAR China; email: allanbibernardo@umac.mo
Author Notes: Preparation of this manusript was supported by a grant
from University of Macau (SRG14-FSH13-ABIB) and the
data-gathering and data-encoding activities were supported in part by a
grant from De La Salle University (Project #42 F U 3 11). We gratefully
acknowledge the research assistance provided by Karen Sison and Luis
Peralta, the support of all the school heads and teachers who facilitated
the data-gathering activities, and all the students who generously
participated in our survey.

1
 Allan B. I. Bernardo, Jose Antonio R. Clemente, Gregory Arief D. Liem
Filipino Values
The present investigation aims to describe the value struc-
ture and hierarchy of Filipino adolescents. A quick survey
of the literature on value studies in the Philippine con-
text reveals a focus on identifying values that are purport-
edly salient to most Filipinos. Much of the work on this
subject has mostly been descriptive, with scholars nomi-
nating their own set of values, which they deemed would
best describe the Filipino. For example, Ramirez (1997)
culled local leadership values based on her observations
of the events that transpired during the 1986 EDSA People
Power Revolution. She identified being maka-Diyos (be-
lief in a transcendent force that is present within; a truth
that guides in life), maka-tao (being humane) and maka-
bayan (being nationalistic) as values of authentic leader-
ship. Talisayon (1994) synthesised nearly 100 studies on
Filipino values and identified five value clusters that com-
prise the Filipino value system: namely, relationship (e.g.,
respect for authority), inwardness (e.g., spirituality), social
(e.g., nationalism), livelihood (e.g., hard work) and opti-
mism (e.g., joy and humour). Other oft-mentioned value
themes in previous studies include close family ties, self-
and emotional control, courteous and friendly interactions,
concern and sharing with others, hospitality, courage and
endurance, and desire for economic progress (Church &
Katigbak, 2000). In an attempt to re-conceptualise Filipino
behaviour patterns and value structure (Pe-Pua & Protacio-
Marcelino, 2000), Enriquez (2008) proposed a shared iden-
tity model (SIM) of Filipino values. The most important
assertion in the SIM is that the core value of the Filipino is
a sense of oneness or unity that emanates from the recogni-
tion of a shared identity or a notion of a shared inner self.
Thus, the self and the other are one and the same. Con-
sequently, other values in this model (e.g., hiya/propriety,
lakas ng loob/courage, pakikiramdam/interpersonal sensitiv-
ity, pakikibaka/resistance against injustice, etc.) are related
values that are expressions of this core value.
As the SIM aimed to characterise Filipinos in general, re-
cent studies have employed this model to specifically eluci-
date the value priorities of Filipino adolescents. For instance,
Clemente et al. (2008) showed that apart from the values
listed in the SIM, adolescents also deemed piety and respect
as important guiding principles in their lives. Notably, kind-
heartedness (kagandahang-loob) – defined as shared nobility
manifested by acts of generosity that spring spontaneously
from the goodness of the heart (Enriquez, 2008) – emerged
as the highest rated value in the adolescents’ lists of values.
In a review (Gastardo-Conaco, Jimenez, & Billedo, 2003),
the following values were identified as being particularly
important to Filipino adolescents: nationalism and pride
regarding identity, parental and family concerns, confor-
mity, leadership and benevolence. Sex differences regarding
values were also noted. Young Filipino males valued fam-
ily, religion, nation, social awareness and recognition more
than their female counterparts. On the other hand, young
2 JOURNAL OF TROPICAL PSYCHOLOGY
Filipino females seem to value family attachment, social
mobility, friendships, autonomy, moral orientation, social
consciousness and benevolence more than the males. Note
that some of the ‘values’ listed are not strictly speaking values
(i.e, they are not beliefs about desirable end states that serve
as guiding principles); instead, some may be considered as
concepts deemed important or valuable to the adolescents.
The review ends with the observation of a trend that seems
to suggest the deterioration of the youth’s moral values as
social acceptance rather than principle becomes the norm
of behaviour. Similar observations regarding the shifting
values of Filipino adolescents have been noted in previous
surveys (Ogena, 1999).
These aforementioned investigations on Filipino values
often used indigenous approaches, which were assumed to
provide a less distorted image constructed from the perspec-
tive of Filipinos (Pe-Pua & Protacio-Marcelino, 2000). By ar-
ticulating value structures using local concepts culled from
the language and emphasising an ‘insider’s point of view’
in the interpretation of the results, such studies have pro-
vided nuanced, contextualised and culturally-appropriate
descriptions of Filipinos, in general, and adolescents, in
particular. While we affirm the importance of such indige-
nous or emic approaches, we would also like to argue that
it would be beneficial to describe adolescents using an etic
perspective that refers to a more comprehensive value struc-
ture that is recognised across cultures, like Schwartz’ theory
of basic human values (Schwartz, 1992). Exemplars of this
cross-cultural approach go beyond interpreting value struc-
tures and hierarchies in isolation and afford a meaning-
ful interpretation of the cultural-distinctiveness or cultural-
similarity of such value priorities. As demonstrated by Liem,
Martin, Nair, Bernardo and Prasetya (2011), for instance,
adolescents from four countries with diverse backgrounds
share a strikingly similar pattern of value configuration.
Aside from the establishment of similar value configura-
tions across cultures, the etic perspective also allows for
cross-cultural comparison of value priorities and also com-
parisons with pan-cultural norms (Schwartz & Bardi, 2001).
Schwartz’s values theory and the use of norm-referenced
comparisons in values research are briefly discussed in the
next section.
Schwartz’s Value Types
Two main features of Schwartz’s values theory are relevant
in the current investigation. First, values are cognitive rep-
resentations of desirable, trans-situational goals which aim
to meet three universal requirements of human existence –
biological needs, requisites of coordinated social interaction
and demands of group survival or functioning (Schwartz,
1992). Because these needs are universal, it is assumed that
people across cultures recognise and endorse more or less
similar values.
Schwartz (2006) defined ten value types that comprehen-
sively capture nearly all the possible value categories. Each

value type is motivationally distinct; that is, each value type
represents, manifests and expresses a central and general
motivational life goal. For instance, giving importance to the
value type of self-direction implies striving for independent-
thought and action across various domains in one’s life. To
make each value type more concrete, the theory also pro-
poses that the content of each type is represented by a set
of specific values. Conceptually, this implies that the attain-
ment of the specific values promotes the central goal of each
value type. Operationally, these sets of value items are used
to measure each value type, as in the case of the Schwartz
Value Survey (SVS), which assesses the importance of each
distinct value as a guiding principle in one’s life. For ex-
ample, the life goal of pursuing independent thought and
action (i.e., self-direction) means giving importance to spe-
cific values such as creativity, freedom and choosing own
goals.
As described by Schwartz (2006), aside from self-
direction, other value types include: stimulation (the pursuit
of excitement and novelty, represented by values such as a
varied life and daring); hedonism (the quest for sensuous
gratification for oneself, exemplified by pleasure and en-
joying life); achievement (the life goal of attaining personal
success by demonstrating competence in accordance with
society’s standards, represented by values such as ambitious
and capable); power (aiming for prestige, social status and
control over people and resources, characterized by valuing
wealth and preserving public image); security (attainment
of safety, harmony and stability of self, relationships and
society, represented by social order and reciprocation of
favours); conformity (the goal of restraining action likely to
upset or harm others and violate social norms, embodied
by giving importance to politeness and honoring parents
and elders); tradition (motivated by respect, commitment
and acceptance of customs, represented by humble, devout
and accepting my portion in life); benevolence (the pursuit of
enhancing and preserving the welfare of one’s ‘in-group,’ ex-
emplified by honest, loyal and forgiving); and, universalism
(the life goal of understanding, appreciating and protecting
the welfare of all people and nature, represented by social
justice, a world at peace and unity with nature).
The second feature of Schwartz’s values theory is that
values are ordered by relative importance to one another.
Individuals and groups may vary in the importance they at-
tribute to the aforementioned value types. Although much
of the cross-cultural studies on values have focused on how
nations differ, research shows that there is a high degree
of consensus regarding the value priorities of individuals
across nations. Certain values are consistently ranked as es-
pecially important (e.g., benevolence) while others are con-
sistently regarded as less important (e.g., power) (Schwartz
& Bardi, 2001). Using data sets of representative or near-
representative samples across 13 nations, teacher samples
from 56 nations and student samples from 54 nations, they
derived pan-cultural norms or averages of value hierarchies
which were used to analyse the value priorities of any nation,
JOURNAL OF TROPICAL PSYCHOLOGY
Values of Filipino adolescents
sample of teachers and sample of students respectively. This
average value hierarchy is the basis for the establishment
of pan-cultural norms against which specific groups (e.g.,
adolescents) and societies can be compared.
Using pan-cultural norms, the interpretation of value
endorsement scores and ranks in a particular country of in-
terest (e.g., Philippines) becomes more meaningful because
ratings are not considered in isolation. The comparative ap-
proach can shed light on which values are more emphasised
(or less emphasised) in a particular group when compared
to the normative baseline. To illustrate, Schwartz and Bardi
(2001) compared value hierarchies of Singaporean teachers
against the pan-cultural ranking. Their analysis suggests that
in Singapore, there is much more emphasis on stability of
relationships and an aversion for violating societal norms;
security and conformity were ranked highly compared to
the pan-cultural average. Consistent with this description
of the Singaporean sample, self-direction was also found
to be emphasised less, suggesting a relatively less impor-
tance given to supporting independent thought and action.
Using pan-cultural norms can also reveal whether value hi-
erarchies are either culturally distinct or highly congruent
with the average of the comparative group. As a case in
point, the value hierarchies of Black African samples seem
to deviate from the pan-cultural average, with correlations
relatively lower when compared to the degree of consensus
of the majority of the nations or regions with the normative
baseline (Schwartz & Bardi, 2001). In relation to this, the
comparative approach can provide insight as to which fac-
tors possibly influence any significant deviations from these
norms. Schwartz and Bardi posit that nations have more or
less congruent value hierarchies because this reflects similar
priorities that nations have in accordance with their goals of
preserving relationships among group members and sup-
porting individual members’ self-interests. Any deviations
from the pan-cultural pattern may reflect cultural particu-
larities that help shape an individual’s value hierarchy.
As the present study focuses on describing the value pro-
file of Filipino adolescents using Schwartz’s values theory,
it is important to note that the theory has been validated
in diverse samples of adolescents from countries such as
Germany (e.g., Bubeck & Bilsky, 2004), Chile and Portugal
(e.g., Bilsky, Niemann, Schmitz & Rose, 2005), South Africa
(e.g., Schwartz et al., 2001; Study 2), Uganda (e.g., Schwartz
et al., 2001; Study 3), China and Indonesia (Liem et al., 2012;
Liem & Nie, 2008), Singapore, Australia and the Philippines
(e.g., Liem et al., 2011). Most of these studies have focused
on confirming the theory’s value structure (i.e., whether the
ten value types were positioned in the same space within
the circular model, similar to the proposition of the original
theory). At the same time, these studies tested the stabil-
ity of the value structure among children and adolescent
samples, since the proposed circular model and most sub-
sequent studies validating it were often derived from adult
samples. In this study, however, we intended to compare
and interpret the value hierarchy of Filipino adolescents
3
 Allan B. I. Bernardo, Jose Antonio R. Clemente, Gregory Arief D. Liem

TABLE 1
Summary of means and ranks of value types for Filipino adolescents and pan-cultural
student norms

Filipino adolescents (n = 745) Pan-cultural student Norms

Value types Cronbach’s ! Mean rank Mean rating (SD)
∗
Mean rank Mean rating∗ (SD)

Self-direction .63 1 4.83 (0.68) 2 4.58 (0.31)

Benevolence .65 2 4.81 (0.70) 1 4.59 (0.25)
Hedonism .68 3 4.80 (0.84) 7 3.82 (0.65)
Universalism .73 4 4.67 (0.71) 3 4.25 (0.29)
Stimulation .67 5 4.65 (0.91) 8 3.43 (0.34)
Security .69 6 4.56 (0.80) 5 3.99 (0.36)
Conformity .69 7.5 4.54 (0.78) 6 3.98 (0.48)
Achievement .72 7.5 4.54 (0.83) 4 4.02 (0.30)
Tradition .50 9 4.22 (0.75) 9 2.73 (0.48)
Power .65 10 3.70 (0.96) 10 2.39 (0.43)
∗
The mean ratings for the Filipino adolescent sample were derived from scores using a 6-point scale,
whereas the mean ratings for the pan-cultural student norms were derived from scores using an 7-point
scale; thus, the two sets of means may not be directly compared to each other.

using the pan-cultural norms uncovered by Schwartz and
Bardi (2001), an approach which is not usually employed in
studies profiling Filipino adolescents’ values.
Method
Participants
Participants were recruited from two secondary schools and
one university in Metro Manila. A total of 752 students par-
ticipated in the study. However, data of seven participants
were excluded because they failed to answer a substantial
number of items. Thus, data from 745 participants were in-
cluded in the final analyses. The participants’ mean age was
16.7 years (SD = 1.84). Majority of the participants were
males (N = 477).
Materials
The 40-item Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ) was used
in this study. The PVQ includes short verbal portraits which
describe a person’s goal, aspirations or wishes that point im-
plicitly to the importance of a value (Schwartz, 2006). For
instance: ‘It’s very important to him/her to help the people
around him/her. S(he) wants to care for their well-being’
describes a person for whom benevolence values are im-
portant. For each verbal portrait, participants were asked to
think about how much the person being described is like
him/her. In this study, the PVQ was administered to differ-
ent batches of students on separate occasions. Participants
responded with options ranging from 6 (very much like me)
to 1 (not like me at all).
To test the structural validity of the scale, a confirmatory
factor analysis was conducted to verify whether the data
fitted the proposed ten-factor model. Instead of using all
of the scale items as indicators for each of the ten factors,
we used two parcels for each factor (Little, Cunningham,
Shahar, & Widaman, 2002). Parcels were used because it
is likely that having numerous indicators in a large sam-
ple would lead to unsatisfactory fit in the measurement
model (Bagozzi & Heatherton, 1994); the use of parcels also
reduces the likelihood that parameters will be affected by
item-specific variance (Lance, Woehr, & Fisicaro, 1991). The
use of parcels in confirmatory factor analysis of the PVQ has
been done in previous studies (Leung, Au, Huang, Kurman,
Niit, & Niit, 2007). The results of the confirmatory factor
analysis indicated adequate fit between the data and the ten-
factor model: "2 (125) = 473.203, p <0.001; "2 /df = 3.786;
CFI = 0.924, GFI = 0 .940, AGFI = 0.900; TLI = 0.884;
RMR = 0.045, and RMSEA = 0.061. The regression weights
for all ten factors were significant, with standardised regres-
sion weights ranging from 0.53 to 0.95. Similar to Liem et al.
(2011; see also Schwartz, 2005), the ten subscales that mea-
sured each of the ten value types had acceptable reliability
coefficients except for the four-item Tradition subscale (see
Table 1).
Results
Table 1 presents the mean ratings and rankings of the ten
value types for both the Filipino adolescents and the pan-
cultural student norms. An Analysis of Variance for repeated
measures was conducted to test whether there were differ-
ences among the ten value types. However, the Mauchly’s
test indicated that sphericity cannot be assumed (Mauchly’s
W = 0.165; "2 (44) = 1332.601, p < 0.0001), so we used
the Wilks’ Lamba multivariate test. The results showed a
significant difference across value types, Wilks’ Lambda =
0.317, F(9,736) = 176.394, partial #2 = .683, p < 0.0001.
The means were then compared using a pairwise compar-
ison with Bonferroni adjustment, and the results indicate
a clustering of means across the ranks. In particular, the
means for the top three ranked value types (self-direction,
benevolence and hedonism) were not significantly different
from each other, but were all significantly higher than all

4 JOURNAL OF TROPICAL PSYCHOLOGY


other value types, thus forming the highest cluster of value
types. The mean for universalism and stimulation were also
not significantly different from each other, but universalism
was significantly higher than all other value types, whereas
stimulation was not different from security, conformity and
achievement. We consider these five value types as forming
the middle cluster of value types in the ranking. The two
lowest ranked value types (tradition and power) were sig-
nificantly lower compared to all other value types, and were
also significantly different from each other; thus, forming
the lowest cluster of value types in the ranking.
How do the value hierarchies of the Filipino sample com-
pare to the pan-cultural hierarchy? The correlation between
the ranks was computed, and indicated a moderate cor-
relation between the two (rs [8] = 0.74, p = 0.015). The
correlation suggests a substantial degree of agreement re-
garding the relative importance of the value types. However,
the relationship is not as strong when compared to corre-
lation coefficients that Schwartz and Bardi (2001) found in
other countries (i.e., median rs = 0.82). Inspection of the
ranks would indicate some notable differences: hedonism
and stimulation ranked higher (3rd and 5th, respectively) in
the Filipino adolescent sample compared to the pan-cultural
norms, and achievement ranked relatively lower (7.5th) in
the Philippine sample when compared to the norms. So
although there are clear similarities in the way the value
hierarchies are ordered, there also seem to be important
differences.
Discussion
The primary goal of the present study was to describe the
values of Filipino adolescents by measuring how they priori-
tise ten value types. As a complement to the more emic de-
scriptions in the extant literature on adolescence and value
systems in the Philippines, we took an etic approach by us-
ing Schwartz’s theory of basic human values to illustrate
what Filipino adolescents value and compared their value
priorities with pan-cultural norms. The results of compar-
ing the Filipino adolescents’ value types and hierarchies to
the pan-cultural norms suggest that Filipino adolescents (a)
prioritise stimulation (pursuit of an exciting and novel life)
and hedonism (quest for sensuous gratification for one-
self) more than the average adolescent does, and (b) place
less importance on achievement (i.e., attaining success with
reference to society’s standards).
But before we discuss these comparative results, we
should note that the general ranking of the values of the
Filipino adolescent sample was not very different from the
ranking of the pan-cultural norms for the student sample,
with the same pair of values (self-direction and benevo-
lence) ranked highest and another pair of values (tradi-
tion and power) ranked the lowest in both samples. That
Filipino adolescents share such a pattern with other ado-
lescents across cultures could be reflective of the common
experiences that all adolescents undergo in this develop-
JOURNAL OF TROPICAL PSYCHOLOGY
Values of Filipino adolescents
mental stage. Adolescence is referred to as a state of tension
between connection and individualism (Brown & Larson,
2002) where adolescents begin to negotiate between depen-
dence on their close groups and independence to do tasks
on their own. In their negotiation of such tensions, they may
be guided by openness to change values (e.g., self-direction)
and less by conservative values (i.e., tradition), while still
recognising the importance of taking care of their in-group
(in this case, their family, aligned with prioritising benevo-
lence). Noting these similarities to the pan-cultural norms
leads to different characterisations of the values of Filipino
adolescents compared to if the values are described in isola-
tion. For example, if we just consider the Filipino adolescent
means in isolation, it would seem that the young Filipinos
prioritise the values of self-direction and benevolence, but
do not give importance to tradition and power given their
low ranks in the value hierarchy. But a comparison with the
pan-cultural norm indicates that that pattern is not unique
to Filipino adolescents and may actually be common to most
adolescents.
On the other hand, the comparison with pan-cultural
norms also suggests that Filipino adolescents might actually
give more importance to stimulation and hedonism relative
to other young people. The pan-cultural comparisons show
that the Filipino adolescents ranked these two value types as
more important relative to their counterparts in other parts
of the world. Recall that stimulation refers to the pursuit of
excitement and novelty and hedonism is the quest for sen-
suous gratification for oneself, and the asserted shift in the
values of Filipino adolescents might be more in these par-
ticular areas of their development. These results regarding
hedonism and stimulation seem consistent with previous
observations regarding the shifting values of Filipino ado-
lescents (Gastardo-Conaco et al., 2003; Ogena, 1999), but
can also be seen from the lens of certain aspects of the Fil-
ipino culture. Both these value types emphasise the freedom
to pursue pleasure and an exciting life. The higher ranking of
these values might be linked to the importance that Filipinos
ascribe to their relationships (Enriquez, 2008). The pursuit
of pleasurable activities might be within the context of the
adolescents’ ever-expanding social networks. In addition to
the shared activities with family members, Filipino adoles-
cents are also engaging in more (leisure) activities outside
the home, with their peers and romantic partners (Santa
Maria, 2002). Because shared pleasurable activities are a
means to establish and maintain relationships, it might be
that Filipino adolescents find such pursuits to be extremely
important.
The comparison with pan-cultural norms also suggests
that Filipino adolescents may value achievement less than
other youths. Recall that achievement refers to the goal
of demonstrating competence with reference to standards
set by society. We can try to make sense of this result by
considering Filipino adolescents’ values and aspirations in
their educational life, particularly as school is one of the
main preoccupations of the Filipino adolescents in the
5
 Allan B. I. Bernardo, Jose Antonio R. Clemente, Gregory Arief D. Liem
sample. Indeed, although the goal of demonstrating
normative competence based on external standards (or
performance-approach goals) seems to be important to Fil-
ipino adolescent students (Dela Rosa & Bernardo, 2013;
Ganotice, Bernardo & King, 2012), some comparisons sug-
gest that they give such goals less importance than other
Asian students and that they actually perceive students who
aspire to display such normative competence less favourably
(c.f., Bernardo & Ismail, 2010). Other research indicate
that Filipino adolescents perceive achieving in school as
not being important to succeeding in Philippine society
(Bernardo, 2003), and reject parental norms regarding
the level of achievement they should aspire for in school
(Bernardo, 2010, 2012). In other words, if we consider ado-
lescents’ aspirations related to schooling, there seems to be
convergent data showing that Filipino adolescent students
ascribe less importance to achievement in the academic
domain.
In this study we wanted to emphasise that values of ado-
lescents are best interpreted when compared to the pan-
cultural norms. Indeed we noted the degree of similarity
between the value hierarchies of the Filipino adolescents
and the pan-cultural sample, but there were also some value
types that were either more emphasised or less emphasised
in the Filipino adolescent sample. We proposed some spec-
ulative interpretations of the trends we observed, but what
we wish to underscore is how simple and straightforward
descriptions of the Filipino adolescents’ values may not be
warranted. We acknowledge that our results may also not
be generalisable given the nature of our sample, which was
drawn from an urban and educated sample, and may also
be drawn from a relatively higher socioeconomic group. It
would be important that future studies employ the same etic
approach we employed in this study using a more represen-
tative sample; and indeed, the benefit of the etic approach is
that the data-gathering procedures are such that it is actually
easier to obtain the desired data from a more representative
sample. The current study also does not inquire into the
factors that shape these value hierarchies, and future studies
may now look into other contextual factors that shape en-
dorsement of values. For example, what socialisation agents
and social developmental experiences encourage the pur-
suit of stimulation while potentially stifling achievement?
Future research could also inquire into specific subtypes of
the ten value types that were recently defined in a refined
version of Schwartz’ values theory (Schwartz et al., 2012).
We wanted to underscore the importance of using etic
approaches in assessing values of adolescents not as the only
approach to measuring values, but as a complementary ap-
proach to emic approaches to describing values of a pop-
ulation. We note that there is some convergence between
the values found in emic studies and the results of our cur-
rent study. In particular, we see that benevolence, which was
ranked high in our results, was also mentioned in the survey
of Gastardo-Conaco and colleagues (2003), and is consis-
tent with kagandahang-loob or kindheartedness and respect
6 JOURNAL OF TROPICAL PSYCHOLOGY
for others observed by Clemente and colleagues (2008) in
their study of Filipino adolescents’ values. The high ranking
of benevolence can also be seen as somewhat consistent with
Enriquez’s (2008) shared identity model where in a sense of
kapwa (shared identity of self and others) is assumed to be
the core value of the Filipinos. Our data show that Filipino
adolescents also give relatively high priority to benevolence
and universalism, which are the two value types most closely
related to a sense of shared identity. But the results show that
these two value types are not the most important for the Fil-
ipino adolescents, which might lead us to question whether
these are actually ‘core’ values for the Filipino adolescents.
There are more obvious discrepancies between the re-
sults of emic studies and of the current study. For example,
the emic studies on Filipino values also identify some values
such as piety (Clemente et al., 2008), nationalism and pride
regarding one’s identity (Gastardo-Conaco et al., 2003) that
do not seem to be captured in our data. Likewise, the higher
priority for the value types of hedonism and stimulation
found in our sample is not a value that has been noted in
emic studies of Filipino values. We believe that these dis-
crepancies underscore the importance of doing both emic
and epic studies on Filipino adolescents’ values. The emic
approaches can identify culture-specific or group-specific
values that may not be included in etic-based taxonomies
of value types. On the other hand, comparisons involving
pan-cultural data and norms could also pick up value pri-
orities that are not readily drawn from emic approaches.
As we have demonstrated, etic approaches seem to capture
both similarities and differences that emic approaches may
not readily surface. Indeed, it is hard to imagine how an
emic study might reveal that Filipino adolescents do not
give too much importance to the achievement value type.
Thus, future studies must indeed take both the emic and
etic approaches into account. Looking at values from these
two perspectives should increase our appreciation of these
important principles that guide adolescents and all people
in their everyday lives.
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