Qualitative Psychology © 2015 American Psychological Association

2015, Vol. 2, No. 2, 147–163 2326-3598/15/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/qup0000026

A Qualitative Approach to Intersectional Microaggressions:

Understanding Influences of Race, Ethnicity, Gender,
Sexuality, and Religion

Kevin L. Nadal, Kristin C. Davidoff, Lindsey S. Davis, Yinglee Wong,

David Marshall, and Victoria McKenzie
City University of New York
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

Microaggressions are subtle forms of discrimination, often unintentional and uncon-

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scious, which send negative and denigrating messages to various individuals and
groups. Previous literature has focused on microaggressions of singular identities, with
little attention to the impacts of intersectional microaggressions (i.e., subtle forms of
discrimination that may be influenced by more than 1 identity). The current study
utilized a unique qualitative technique to address 2 central goals: (a) to explore whether
qualitative analysis is an effective way to examine intersectional microaggressions and
(b) to examine whether people with multiple identities could identify intersectional
microaggressions in their everyday lives. Utilizing Qualitative Secondary Analysis
(QSA) and Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) methods, the researchers analyzed
data from 6 previous qualitative studies with self-identified lesbian, gay, bisexual, and
transgender (LGBT) people, women, Filipino Americans, multiracial people, and
Muslims (N ⫽ 80). Sample themes include (a) Exoticization of Women of Color, (b)
Disapproval of LGBT Identity by Racial, Ethnic, and Religious Groups, (c) Assump-
tions of Inferiority or Criminality of Men of Color, and (d) Gender-Based Stereotypes
of Muslim Men and Women. Implications for psychology (particularly for research and
practice) are discussed. Finally, the authors advocate for the use of secondary analysis
of qualitative data, to understand concepts that would not have been studied or reported
through a singular qualitative analysis.

Keywords: discrimination, intersectionality, microaggressions, prejudice

Scholars propose that the manifestation of
prejudice and discrimination has changed over
the decades from a predominantly overt form to
a more subtle, subvert form also known as “mi-
croaggressions” (see Sue, 2010 for a review).
Whereas the notion of microaggressions was
first conceptualized as “subtle, stunning, often
automatic, and non-verbal exchanges which are
‘put downs’” (Pierce, Carew, Pierce-Gonzalez,
& Willis, 1978, p. 66), microaggressions have
more recently been defined as brief and com-
monplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environ-
mental indignities, whether intentional or unin-
tentional, which lie beneath visibility or
consciousness and which communicate hostile,
derogatory, or negative slights and insults to-
ward targeted groups, persons, and/or systems
(Nadal, 2011; Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007).
Microaggression Theory: A Brief Review of
the Literature

Microaggression theory has been expanded to

This article was published Online First July 13, 2015.
Kevin L. Nadal, Kristin C. Davidoff, Lindsey S. Davis,
Yinglee Wong, David Marshall, and Victoria McKenzie,
Department of Psychology, John Jay College of Criminal
Justice – City University of New York.
Correspondence concerning this article should be ad-
dressed to Kevin L. Nadal, John Jay College of Criminal
Justice, 524 West 59th Street, New York, NY 10019.
E-mail: knadal@jjay.cuny.edu
147
provide a comprehensive model of framing con-
temporary discrimination in the United States and
many other parts of the world (Sue, 2010). In
recent years, there has been an array of empirical
studies that support the theory, focusing primarily
on the experience of racial microaggressions to-
ward people of color in general (e.g., Nadal,
2011), Asian Americans (e.g., Nadal, Escobar,
Prado, David, & Haynes, 2012; Sue, Bucceri, Lin,
 148 NADAL ET AL.
Nadal, & Torino, 2007), Latina/os (e.g., Rivera,
Forquer, & Rangel, 2010; Yosso, Smith, Ceja, &
Solórzano, 2009), African Americans (e.g., Smith,
Allen, & Danley, 2007; Sue et al., 2008; Torres,
Driscoll, & Burrow, 2010; Watkins, LaBarrie, &
Appio, 2010), and multiracial people (e.g., Nadal,
Wong, Griffin, et al., 2011). In each qualitative
study, participants described the array of micro-
aggressions that they experienced as a result of
their social identity. For example, in Rivera and
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colleagues’ (2010) study with Latina/os, partic-
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ipants described how they have been wrong-
fully stereotyped as criminals, treated like sec-
ond-class citizens, or been treated like “aliens in
their own lands” even though they were born
and raised in the U.S. Similarly, in Sue and
colleagues’ (2008) study with African Ameri-
cans, participants described how they were of-
ten treated like they were intellectually inferior,
while also being stereotyped as criminals and
second-class citizens.
Furthermore, qualitative studies with women
(e.g., Capodilupo et al., 2010), LGBT individ-
uals (e.g., Nadal, Issa, et al., 2011; Nadal, Skol-
nik, & Wong, 2012; Nadal, Wong, Issa, et al.,
2011), people with disabilities (Keller & Gal-
gay, 2010), and religious minorities (e.g., Na-
dal, Griffin, Hamit, Leon, & Tobio, et al., 2012)
suggest that other marginalized groups also en-
counter microaggressions in their everyday
lives. For instance, in Capodilupo and col-
leagues’ (2010) study with women, participants
described how they were assumed to maintain
traditional gender roles, were subject to sexist
language, and were sexually objectified in sub-
tle and overt ways. Comparably, in Keller and
Galgay’s (2010) study with people with disabil-
ities, participants described how others often
infantilized them (i.e., treated them as children),
patronized them (i.e., praised them for mundane
tasks), and desexualized them (i.e., denied their
sexualities or punished their sexual behaviors).
One critique of microaggression research is
that the majority of these studies focus solely on
how microaggressions are triggered by an indi-
vidual’s singular identities (e.g., being a
woman, being a person of color, being a person
with a disability), instead of understanding how
the intersections of one’s multiple identities
(e.g., being a person of color with a disability,
being an LGBT person of color) may affect
their experiences with microaggressions (Nadal,
2010). For example, in a qualitative study with
African American male college students, partic-
ipants described the spectrum of microaggres-
sions they experienced on campus, particularly
in the classroom, in social settings, and in public
places (Smith et al., 2007). Although the micro-
aggressions these participants experienced were
reported as being attributable to race, it is likely
that the individuals’ genders, ages, and other
identities may have been factors in the micro-
aggression interactions as well.
There are a few quantitative microaggression
studies that focus on how an individual’s mul-
tiple identities may affect her or his experiences
with microaggressions. For instance, one study
reported that gay and bisexual men of color
reported higher frequencies of racial and hetero-
sexist microaggressions than their other coun-
terparts, whereas lesbian, gay, and bisexual
(LGB) Asian Americans reported higher fre-
quencies of racial and heterosexist microaggres-
sions than LGB African Americans and LGB
Latina/os (Balsam et al., 2011). Another study
found that Latina women experienced more mi-
croaggressions in the workplace or school set-
tings than Latino men, and that younger Lati-
nos/as, and those with lower levels of education,
were more likely to experience microinvalida-
tions (Nadal, Mazzula, Rivera, & Fuji-Doe,
2014). Although these quantitative findings are
useful in understanding intersectional microag-
gressions, qualitative exploration is necessary
for recognizing individuals’ personal experi-
ences with intersectional microaggressions
through their own words and perspectives.
Perhaps one of the main reasons why there is
a dearth of qualitative literature on intersec-
tional microaggressions (e.g., microaggressions
that occur due to multiple identities) is that
previous qualitative studies do not consider
multiple identities in their analyses. In other
words, when conducting studies on a specific
racial group (e.g., Asian Americans), interview
questions may not consider whether one’s gen-
der, sexual orientation, social class, or other
identities may affect their interaction. Further,
when the researchers do analyze their qualita-
tive data, their research questions may focus
solely on individual identities, disallowing the
researchers from considering intersectional
identities as part of the analysis.
Given these factors, there are two central
goals for this study. The first goal is method-
ological: to use Qualitative Secondary Analyses
 INTERSECTIONAL MICROAGGRESSIONS
to examine previous data of microaggression
studies to explore whether intersectional micro-
aggressions would emerge. Because previous
qualitative studies framed in Microaggression
Theory did not explicitly examine how multiple
identities influence individuals’ experiences
with microaggressions, we propose that QSA
would be a methodologically appropriate ap-
proach that can uncover new and previously
unobserved themes related to intersectional mi-
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croaggressions. The second goal of the study is
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to use Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR)
analyses to identify the different types of mi-
croaggressions that people experience as a re-
sult of their multiple identities, which would
then contribute further to Microaggression The-
ory. CQR involves a systematic set of proce-
dures applied to transcript analysis and aims to
employ adequate checks and balances between
multiple reviewers (Hill, Thompson, & Wil-
liams, 1997; Hill et al., 2005). Because there is
very limited research on microaggressions
based on multiple identities, we aim to identify
the types of intersectional microaggressions that
may occur in people’s lives, using the CQR
method, given that this analysis has been used
in multiple studies examining microaggressions
based on singular identities.
Theoretical Positions and
Qualitative Approaches
The current study is positioned in Intersec-
tionality Theory (see Crenshaw, 1989), in that
we recognize that the intersections of race, sex-
ual identity, gender, social class, and others may
affect participants’ everyday lives, particularly
their perceptions of microaggressions. Previous
intersectionality theorists focused on several
key concepts including the notion that tradi-
tional conceptualizations of oppression (e.g.,
racism, sexism, heterosexism, ableism, etc.) do
not act independently but rather are interdepen-
dent and form a “matrix of domination” or
“vectors of oppression and privilege” (Ritzer,
2007, p. 204). Furthermore, intersectionality
scholars have also described how one’s stand-
point, or unique world perspective, has been
influenced by one’s multiple identities, experi-
ences with oppression, and place in society
(Collins, 1986; Mann & Kelley, 1997). Given
this, we hypothesize that participants with mul-
tiple identities will be able to identify various
149
microaggressions in their lives, while also being
able to label how their multiple identities may
influence each of these experiences.
We also recognize the values and assump-
tions of both Critical Race Theory (CRT) and
Queer Theory, in that we deconstruct the ways
that research has been embedded in racism,
sexism, and heterosexism, while also acknowl-
edging how identities like race, sexual orienta-
tion, gender, social class, and others are at the
forefront of the research process. For instance,
through CRT, we recognize that racism is en-
grained in every aspect of American society and
that power structures in the United States are
built on White privilege and White supremacy,
which then perpetuates the marginalization of
people of color (Crenshaw, Gotanda, Peller, &
Thomas, 1995). Similarly, through Queer The-
ory, we recognize that systemic heterosexism,
sexism, and transphobia is embedded in every
aspect of American society and that individuals
who do not conform to traditional conceptual-
izations of gender or sexual orientation experi-
ence varying levels of discrimination in their
lives (Jagose, 1996). Given these, we hypothe-
size that people of traditionally oppressed
groups (e.g., people of color, LGBT people,
etc.) will identify intersectional microaggres-
sions that are embedded in systemic oppression.
To accomplish our central goals, we utilized
a unique qualitative approach to examining in-
tersectional microaggressions. Given the previ-
ous qualitative studies that have examined per-
spectives of women (Capodilupo et al., 2010);
lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) people (Nadal,
Issa, et al., 2011; Nadal, Wong, et al., 2011);
transgender people (Nadal, Skolnik, & Wong,
2012); multiracial individuals (Nadal, Wong, et
al., 2011), Muslims (Nadal, Griffin, et al.,
2012); and Filipino Americans (Nadal, Escobar,
et al., 2012), we chose to utilize combined ap-
proaches from Qualitative Secondary Analysis
(QSA), and Consensual Qualitative Research
(CQR) to analyze data from over 19 diverse
focus groups (N ⫽ 80).
QSA is a process in which previous data are
reanalyzed to investigate new questions or to
apply a fresh perspective to an “old question”
(Heaton, 2004). In this case, we examined the
raw data of six previous studies that focused on
microaggressions based on one identity. Our
new research goal would be to identify whether
intersectional microaggressions, which we de-
 150 NADAL ET AL.
fined as subtle forms of discrimination that par-
ticipants perceived as occurring due to multiple
identities, would emerge. QSA has been cited as
an acceptable and empirically sound research
method because it permits researchers to ask
new questions of previous data, while expand-
ing on existing phenomena (Gladstone, Volpe,
& Boydell, 2007). In using this method, re-
searchers are advised to remain cognizant of
limitations of secondary analysis, particularly in
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avoiding the “reuse” of previous data (Heaton,
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2008). Thus, researchers must ensure two crite-
ria: (a) new themes are extracted from the data
and (b) none of the participants’ quotes that are
presented were previously published.
Second, the team used methods of the CQR
approach (Hill et al., 1997; Hill et al., 2005). As
aforementioned, CQR is an analysis in which
several researchers work both independently
and collaboratively to analyze raw data and to
create domains and themes based on general
similarities in participants’ answers. Because of
the breadth of raw data from the 19 focus
groups, we used CQR to extrapolate common
domains and themes. Further, the CQR method
utilizes a “checks and balances” approach, in
which all analysts must have an open discussion
of their biases at the process and consensually
agree on all aspects of the data analysis; in
doing so, it is expected that there will be an
increase in reliability and minimize bias inves-
tigation. Finally, this method utilizes an exter-
nal auditor to provide an outside perspective
and control for group dynamics that may influ-
ence any aspect of the analysis process. The
details of the analyses are further discussed
below.
Method
Participants
The only criterion for inclusion was the par-
ticipant had to self-identify with the advertised
focus group. For example, participants had to
self-identify as transgender to be included in the
transgender group; participants had to self-
identify as Muslim to be included in the Muslim
group. The current study consisted of 80 partic-
ipants, extracted from a total of 19 focus groups.
These included 52 (65%) female, 19 (24%)
male, 6 (8%) transgender male-to-female
(MTF) women, and 3 (4%) transgender female-
to-male (FTM) males. Participants identified
themselves as Asian (N ⫽ 19), Latina/o (N ⫽
19), White (N ⫽ 18), Multiracial (N ⫽ 14),
Black or African American (N ⫽ 6), and Arab
(N ⫽ 4). Many participants identified as lesbian,
gay, or bisexual (N ⫽ 32, or 40%). For addi-
tional information on the focus group demo-
graphics, see Table 1. Each of the previous
studies received approval from the researchers’
Institutional Review Board, and participants
were recruited from both an undergraduate re-
search participation program and from commu-
nity samples. Undergraduate participants from
Psychology 101 classes at a large metropolitan
college received course credit (which was fac-
tored into their grade). Community participants
received a small $5 to $10 stipend for their
participation, whereas others were simply
served refreshments. Details about each recruit-
ment process are described in the publication of
each previous study.
Researchers
The current team of data analysts comprised
six individuals: one Asian gay male professor,
one White heterosexual female doctoral student,
one White queer female doctoral student, one
White lesbian female Master’s student, one het-
erosexual Asian female Master’s student, and
one gay White male undergraduate student. The
principal investigator of this study has been
involved in qualitative research for over 15
years and has been trained in Consensual Qual-
itative Research (CQR) and Community-Based
Participatory Research (CBPR). The principal
investigator extensively trained all research as-
sistants on CQR and QSA before analyzing the
transcripts, while also instructing them about
the constraints of Qualitative Secondary Anal-
ysis.
Before data collection, the research team con-
vened to discuss their assumptions, potential
biases, and expectation of outcomes. The pur-
pose of this step is to comply with the CQR
standard of practice by minimizing any re-
searcher biases that might affect the methodol-
ogy or analysis (Hill, Thompson, & Williams,
1997). For this study, the research team identi-
fied and discussed several biases before com-
mencing analysis. For instance, one bias was
that intersectional microaggressions do exist
and people with multiple oppressed identities
 INTERSECTIONAL MICROAGGRESSIONS
would experience moderate to severe psycho-
logical distress when they occur. Furthermore,
the researchers described how their own inter-
sectional identities would influence the data.
For instance, the gay Asian male researcher
self-disclosed that his own experiences as part
of both the LGBT and the Asian American
communities could affect his perspective of the
data, and other researchers reported similar sen-
timents. As a result, the team, in its discussions,
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openly challenged each other to try to minimize
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the intrusion of researcher bias. Although it is
impossible to eliminate all bias that may occur
during any part of the research process, address-
ing personal biases openly may be helpful in
minimizing some researcher bias.
Interview Questions
For the six original previous studies from
which this study’s data was culled, each partic-
ipant completed an open-ended demographic
form, in which they were able to self-identify
their age, gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orien-
tation, occupation, level of education, and place
of birth. Each focus group followed a semistruc-
tured interview guide consisting of open-ended
questions and follow-up questions to elicit the
participants’ experiences with microaggres-
sions. All focus groups utilized a similar inter-
view guide format; however, questions were
slightly altered for each group. For example, in
an LGB focus group, one question asked the
participants to “Describe a situation where you
may have been subtly discriminated against be-
cause of your sexual orientation.” In the multi-
racial groups, the equivalent question read:
“Describe a situation where you may have been
subtly discriminated against because of your
mixed race.” All focus groups contained the
same follow-up questions, including “How did
you react in this situation?” “What do you per-
ceive was the message that was being conveyed
to you?” and “How did you feel after the
event?”
Procedures
In each of the six previous studies, a team of
three research team members participated in
focus group interviews. Focus group methodol-
ogy is often used an effective way of collecting
data, as participants are encouraged to share
their point of view without necessarily coming
151
to consensus (Krueger & Casey, 2008). One
researcher, the facilitator, led the focus group
discussions, while the other two researchers
served as observers. According to Krueger and
Casey (2008), observers are essential in quali-
tative research because they are present to iden-
tify nonverbal behaviors (e.g., smiling, laugher,
head nodding, or body language) and group
dynamics (e.g., conformity, groupthink, or con-
troversy). In addition, the facilitator and two
observers for each focus group were racially
and ethnicity diverse. The majority of the focus
groups were conducted in a private room at the
researchers’ home institution; however, several
of the focus groups took place at an enclosed
private room at a community center.
Before the start of each focus group, each
participant filled out a demographic form and
given a list of possible counseling facilities or
resources in the event that the discussion
caused any distress or discomfort. The facil-
itator explained the nature of the study and
that participation was completely voluntary.
Each participant was asked to keep confiden-
tial all information discussed in the session.
The facilitator proceeded by defining the term
microaggression and asking open-ended ques-
tions about experiences with microaggres-
sions. Each participant was given ample time
to respond and explain their experiences, as
well as to respond to follow-up questions
when appropriate. At the conclusion of each
session, all three researchers convened for
approximately 30 minutes to discuss and pro-
cess their experiences, reactions, and obser-
vations from the focus group. Each focus
group session lasted between 60 and 90 min-
utes. All focus groups were audio recorded
and transcribed verbatim by the research
team. Pseudonyms were used to protect con-
fidentiality; when participants’ quotes are
provided their self-identified descriptors are
included. The original audio files were stored
in the principal investigator’s external hard
drive, and all other audio copies were de-
stroyed.
Analyses
As previously noted, the researchers utilized
a combination of approaches from Qualitative
Secondary Analysis (QSA) and Consensual
Qualitative Research (CQR). In the context of
 152 NADAL ET AL.
this study, researchers began with seven inter-
section domains: (a) Race and Gender, (b) Race
and Religion, (c) Race and Sexual identity
(which included sexual orientation and gender
identity), (d) Gender and Religion, (e) Gender
and Sexual Identity, (f) Religion and Sexual
identity, and (g) Three or more intersections
(e.g., race, gender and religion). Using the pro-
posed intersection domains, each research team
member worked independently to identify
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quotes that described microaggressions relevant
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to each domain. There were two ways that a
microaggression could be included under the
domain: (a) the participant was able to explicitly
identify that they perceived the microaggression
to be based on two or more identities or (b) the
researchers believed that the participant pro-
vided sufficient information to interpret the ex-
perience as an intersectional microaggression.
Next, the research team met together to de-
termine which quotes were accurately attributed
to each domain. Then, they reviewed the quotes,
domain by domain, proposing a theme that best
described the meaning of each quote. Themes
were derived from several of the previous mi-
croaggression taxonomies; for instance,
whereas Nadal, Rivera, and Corpus (2010) de-
scribed “Disapproval or Discomfort of LGBT
Experiences,” the team created the theme “Dis-
approval of LGBT Identity by Racial, Ethnic,
and Religious Groups.” The team then worked
together to organize quotes under certain
themes. When a discrepancy arose, the re-
searchers discussed the statements in question
until they reached a consensus. The team agreed
that a theme required at least five distinct ex-
amples to be considered salient.
The researchers then compiled a master doc-
ument with domains, themes, and examples,
which they submitted to an external auditor- an
expert on microaggression literature and quali-
tative methodology, who worked independently
from the other researchers. Because issues like
conformity or groupthink may be detrimental to
qualitative analysis, it was hoped that the audi-
tor could provide a perspective different from
that of the team. After reviewing the coded
transcripts for accuracy, this initial auditor pro-
vided feedback and suggestions to the team.
Because many of the seven initial domains did
not yield many salient themes or examples, the
auditor advised that the team remove the do-
mains and only focus on themes. (For instance,
under Domain 1: Race and Gender, there were
several themes, whereas under Domain 4: Gen-
der and Religion, there was only one theme).
The team reconvened and accepted the audi-
tor’s feedback, made necessary revisions, and
resubmitted a list of seven themes to the au-
ditor, who subsequently approved of the
team’s work. To increase reliability and cred-
ibility, a second auditor was employed to
check the team’s work. This auditor, who is
also an expert on microaggression literature
(and was affiliated with a different institution
from the research team), reviewed the new
document and provided feedback to the orig-
inal auditor and the rest of the analysts. The
team reconvened to select the most salient
statements that illustrated the themes, and
both auditors reviewed and approved the
teams’ final analysis.
Results
The current study yielded seven microaggres-
sion themes related to intersections of identity.
These themes included: (a) Exoticization of
Women of Color, (b) Gender-Based Stereotypes
for Lesbians and Gay Men, (c) Disapproval of
LGBT Identity by Racial, Ethnic, and Religious
Groups, (d) Assumption of Inferior Status of
Women of Color, (e) Invisibility and Desexual-
ization of Asian Men, (f) Assumptions of Infe-
riority or Criminality of Men of Color, (g) Gen-
der-Based Stereotypes of Muslim Men and
Women, and (h) Women of Color as Spokes-
persons. Multiple participants across each focus
group endorsed each theme. Pseudonyms are
used when necessary to conceal participants’
identities. In compliance with the guidelines for
QSA research, none of the quotes that are pre-
sented were published in any of the previous
studies.
Theme 1: Exoticization of Women of Color
The first theme of exoticization, which refers
to situations in which women feel objectified or
dehumanized because of their race or ethnicity.
Previous studies on exoticization have been
found with qualitative studies with Asian Amer-
icans (Nadal et al., 2012; Sue et al., 2007) and
Latina/os (Rivera et al., 2010). Analysis of the
focus groups revealed four subthemes within
this category: (a) Women of color as sexual
 INTERSECTIONAL MICROAGGRESSIONS
objects, (b) Biased compliments on appearance,
(c) Asian women as “damsels in distress,” and
(d) Exclusion or isolation of multiracial women.
Subtheme 1: Women of color as sexual
objects. The first subtheme constitutes
women of color participants’ experiences of
being treated as sexual objects by men, partic-
ularly White men. One multiracial participant
stated that she often feels objectified by people
who are White, going on to say: “I don’t really
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know what they want from me, but they defi-
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nitely want me to, I don’t know, like . . . shake
my ass or something.” Asian American female
participants also experienced this type of micro-
aggression. One Asian female reported feeling
vulnerable at a bar when a White male tried to
dance with her: “I feel double discrimination,
because I’m Asian they might think that I’m
easier than White women. I felt really humili-
ated.” This participant explained that she regu-
larly experiences this type of microaggression,
hypothesizing that White men feel entitled to
act this way toward her, because of both her
race and gender.
Female participants described feeling that
men often approached them because of an
“Asian fetish.” One participant reported: “I feel
like I’m just their Asian fetish, I feel like their
Filipina fetish because there are all these things
they hear about Filipinas . . . I’m worried that’s
all I am to them.” Other Filipina participants
described similar experiences with White
males. One participant explained that she pre-
fers to directly confront the stereotype, telling
the men she dates: “What you’ve heard, if it’s
negative towards a woman and a Filipina, get
that out of your head because you need to go
beyond that.”
Subtheme 2: Biased compliments on
appearance. This subtheme involved partici-
pants receiving “compliments” or comments on
their appearance that were offensive in nature,
regardless of the intentions of the person mak-
ing the statement. Participants described how
they believed others paid a great deal of atten-
tion to their appearance because of their race
and gender. Two participants revealed situa-
tions in which they or someone they knew was
told they were pretty, in a seemingly “back-
handed” way. One multiracial participant
shared:
153
My boyfriend is Puerto Rican, and when I met his
grandma, she’s like, “I don’t know if you’ll get of-
fended or take it as a compliment,” but she’s like,
“She’s pretty for a Black girl.” . . . and then he felt the
need to [say], “That’s because she’s not all Black.”
This participant reported feeling mostly an-
gry about her boyfriend’s statement. While con-
flicted about his grandmother’s “compliment,”
she seemed to forgive her more because of her
older age and generational status. A second
multiracial participant in the focus group ex-
pressed anger and confusion about how to prop-
erly respond to this type of microaggression:
I think that’s the society because I was walking with a
friend and she’s all Black . . . and we were walking and
a lady, a Black lady was like, “You’re so pretty for a
dark skinned girl.” And she was like “What?” Like she
didn’t know how to take the compliment either. . . . I
think she is pretty but why does it have to be for a
dark-skinned girl?
Similarly, a Filipina American participant
discussed how statements that are well-intended
might cause a negative reaction in her. “My
co-worker said, ‘She is Filipino-American, isn’t
she beautiful?’ and the guest said, ‘Yeah, they
are . . .’” She reported feeling that the statement
made her uncomfortable and she felt that it was
“crossing a line.” Unintentionally microaggres-
sive “compliments” have been discussed in pre-
vious literature regarding Asian Americans who
are complimented on their English capabilities
(Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007), African Americans
who are praised for being “articulate” (Sue,
Nadal, et al., 2008), and African American
women who are admired or complimented for
their hair (Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008).
Subtheme 3: Asian women as “damsels in
distress.” The third subtheme involves the
perception of women of color as needing to be
“saved” by a White male. This theme emerged
in the Filipino American focus group and the
women’s focus group. Asian females described
being stereotyped as “mail-order brides” who
are assumed to please White men. One partici-
pant stated that she refused to date White men,
saying: “I am not going to be that person. I am
not going to be that girl, that trophy wife.”
Another Asian participant shares: “I think the
biggest, annoying most overly used stereotype
is the Madam Butterfly, Miss Saigon, helpless
Asian female needs a White man to save her
from the evil Asian male. . . . One of the banes
 154 NADAL ET AL.
of my existence is that particular storyline.”
Finally, one Filipina woman describes:
My cousin’s husband invites me to a party that is
mostly older men. And a guy comes up to me and
dangles a keychain in front of me. Apparently, this
older gentleman is single and has a Porsche. And he
goes “so I hear you are single?” Is that supposed to be,
what bait or something? I told him to leave me alone
because this is really offensive. I am not “Filipina
woman for sale for sugar daddies in the city.”
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These experiences match the previous micro-
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aggression study with Asian Americans in
which women talked about how they felt like
“Asian fetishes” or “Geishas” (Sue, Bucceri, et
al., 2007).
Subtheme 4: Exclusion or isolation of mul-
tiracial women. The fourth subtheme com-
prises participants’ experiences of internal
struggle and marginalization due to their multi-
racial identities. Participants disclosed feelings
of isolation and the sense that they did not truly
belong or fit in with monoracial women. One
participant described her frustration:
It seems like as a biracial woman that you end up
taking a lot of sⴱⴱⴱ from White women and a lot of sⴱⴱⴱ
from Black women . . . like certainly in situations
where in college where I was just wedged between,
you know? Just everything felt like a hassle.
Other participants described how they felt
excluded from one of their racial groups based
on their appearance. One multiracial (Black/
White) woman shared “I’ve never had to
straighten my hair, and I understand that’s a
huge part of being a black woman . . . [People
have told me], “How you say you’re black if
you haven’t had that experience.” When partic-
ipants are told that they aren’t “Black enough”
(or “Asian enough” or “Latino enough”) be-
cause of their physical features, they may feel
invalidated and sometimes less connected to
their monoracial counterparts.
Theme 2: Gender-Based Stereotypes for
Lesbians and Gay Men
LGB participants noted certain microaggres-
sions that they experienced that LGB people of
other genders did not experience (e.g., gay men
described microaggressions that they recog-
nized lesbians did not). Two subthemes
emerged for this theme: (a) Assumption of All
Gay Men as Feminine and (b) Assumption of
All Lesbian Women as Masculine.
Subtheme 1: Assumption of all gay men as
feminine. Male participants in the LGB
groups discussed how people often made pre-
sumptions about the ways they are supposed to
behave because of their sexual orientation. Be-
cause these men are gay, others assumed that
they would dress, speak, or act in certain ways,
or that they would have a certain interest or
expertise. For example, a gay male participant
describes his experience while working for a
magazine:
I’m one of the only guys in the area and I feel like the
women always compete for me to give them compli-
ments on what [they’re] wearing. [Laughter]. Like . . .
I said to someone, “Wow, I really love that dress.” She
was like, “Oh my God, if you love this dress, then it
must be really great.”
He continues to describe a stereotype that
people have of gay men, but how many gay men
do not fit the stereotype:
I know so many gay men who dress terribly . . . like my
ex. He dresses terribly. He couldn’t tell you what was
on the runway last season. . . . He didn’t know from
Adam what was trendy or cool, you know what I mean.
He didn’t care. So like, I happen to be a gay man who
kinda does, but there are lots really dull [gay guys] who
dress as sloppy as straight boys. And there are straight
guys who are like beautifully dressed all the time.
Gay male participants shared a number of
similar encounters, including incidents when
people were surprised that they enjoyed playing
or watching sports, or doing things that “guys”
liked.
For example, one participant described how
he feels when people are surprised at his athlet-
icism:
So every situation that I’m in, if somebody would think
that you know a gay, a gay guy cannot participate or be
good at it, I’ll prove them wrong and I’ll prove to them
that I can do it. And just like everybody else can. So
that’s how I react.
The participant describes being upset and
frustrated when people assume that he cannot
do something or would not be interested in
something because he is gay. When these types
of microaggressions occur, a message is sent
that only heterosexual men are allowed to be
masculine and that gay men are all supposed to
be effeminate. Microaggressions based on this
bias appeared to be particularly stressful for
 INTERSECTIONAL MICROAGGRESSIONS
individuals who do not fit presumed stereo-
types.
Subtheme 2: Assumption of all lesbian
women as masculine. Similarly, lesbian
women described instances in which others as-
sumed they would dress, act, or speak in ste-
reotyped ways because of their sexual orienta-
tion. A common sentiment is shared by one
participant in the LGB groups who shares:
“When they find out I’m gay, they’re like
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‘Wow! You’re really feminine!’” In this type of
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situation, people assume that because a woman
is feminine, there is no way that she would a
lesbian. Another participant in an LGB focus
group noted that some people are even “of-
fended” that she doesn’t dress in ways that are
more masculine:
I often have people be like “Oh well you’re very
feminine, so how are you a lesbian?” But yeah I get
that a lot where people say that I’m too feminine to be
gay and I’m like that has nothing to do with it . . . like
not all lesbians are like really butch . . . or they didn’t
seem happy because I’m not a butch lesbian.
Another participant describes how her way of
dressing warrants different reactions from people:
When I came out to my brother, he was like, “But you
wear skirts!” But on the other hand when I was
younger, I had this very antifeminine stage where I
would like not like shaving my legs . . . I’d wear shorts
all the time, wear a lot of men’s clothes . . . and I guess
everyone assumed I was gay because of it.
Through both of these narratives, one can see
that people have stereotypes about how lesbian
or bisexual women should dress. Sometimes,
others may even believe that women are not
“real” lesbians, simply because they do not con-
form to their stereotypes, which may cause grief
or other negative emotions.
Theme 3: Disapproval of LGBT Identity by
Racial, Ethnic, and Religious Groups
In the LGB and transgender focus groups,
there were several participants who identified as
racial and ethnic minorities who reported expe-
riencing difficulties because of their multiple
oppressed identities. As one male participant in
an LGB group put it simply: “If you’re a mi-
nority gay, it’s way worse”; he later described
how his Latino heritage made it difficult for him
to come out of the closet, while also identifying
the hardships of experiencing “double discrim-
ination.” Specifically, these individuals were of-
155
ten ostracized by their own ethnic communities,
leading to their sense of exclusion, an experi-
ence discussed often in previous literature with
LGBT people of color (e.g., Balsam et al.,
2011).
The experience of being an LGBT person of
color may be influenced by ethnic and cultural
norms (e.g., the value of machismo in Latino
culture) and religious value systems (e.g., Cath-
olic or Christian values in Latino communities).
One female shares:
I was going out with uh, a girl—she’s Cuban . . . Her
family is Catholic, and she was married and now was
getting a divorce. Her whole family actually came up
to me and they thought that I was the one trying to
convince her to become gay. But she’s always been
gay.
In this instance, the aggressed was confronted
directly and threatened; her partner’s Cuban-
Catholic family expressed explicitly that she
was deviant and unwelcome.
Similarly, several LGBT participants indi-
cated that their friends or family members ex-
pressed disapproval of their sexuality due to
their Christian beliefs. This was particularly
hard for those participants who identified as
Christians themselves. For example, one lesbian
participant described how one of her friends
told her she was “condemned.” When asked
how she felt about the accusation, she replied:
“That was a horrifying thing to hear because I
identify as Christian as well.” Finally, transgen-
der participants of color talked about how they
feel even more marginalized because of their
multiple oppressed identities. For instance, one
transgender Latino male spoke of how he does
not have safe spaces where he can talk about all
of the problems that affect people with his sim-
ilar multiple identities.
Theme 4: Assumption of Inferior Status for
Women of Color
This fourth theme consists of both in-group
and out-group expressions of the assumption
that women of color do not hold high-ranking
positions or are in some way inferior to the
majority group. One specific occupation stereo-
type that was described by the women of color
was that they were commonly mistaken as nan-
nies or babysitters. For example, one multiracial
woman describes instances when her lighter-
skinned sister walks around with her darker-
 156
skinned mother, and how people always assume
that the mother is the sitter. Meanwhile a Fili-
pina female participant describes how Filipina
women are often stereotyped as being nannies,
both in real life and in the media.
On the other hand, one female participant in
the multiracial focus group felt that what one
doesn’t say is equally as offensive as what one
does say. At a gathering with an older White
crowd, others made a point not to ask her about
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her job or education: “I just remember the con-
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versations wouldn’t go anywhere and I’m pretty
sure it’s because they didn’t want to ask me
what I did. There was an assumption that I was
like a single mom or something.” A Latina
participant from the women’s focus groups had
a similar experience, except it was her family
that assumed she wouldn’t be able to attain her
goals:
I’m from a Puerto Rican background and my uncles are
all males and my mom is the only female and always
the one cast out or cast to the side and discriminated
against. And you know, they would say stupid stuff
like . . . a girl cannot go to grad school. Well, here I am.
The type of microaggression reported here
can help to account for previous findings that
discrimination can be detrimental to a woman of
color’s self-esteem and may inadvertently hin-
der her motivation, performance, and even po-
tential career goals (see Comas-Diaz & Greene,
2013 for a review).
Theme 5: Invisibility and Desexualization
of Asian American Men
This theme refers to Asian American male
participants lamenting the lack of empowered,
positive, or “sexy” Asian males in the media.
One male shared: “It’s difficult to live in a
society where Asian males, not Asian fe-
males—nothing personal ladies— but Asian
males are the ones that are portrayed in the most
negative lights.” He then tries to name other
positive Asian American role models in the
media, but fails to identify more than one actor
or celebrity. Participants described their dismay
regarding the limited range of acting roles that
were available for Asian males. The aforemen-
tioned Asian male continued, “The only really
sympathetic Asian male is the sidekick image.”
While the “sidekick” may be a likable role, he is
not the main character, which sends an indirect
message that Asian or Asian American men are
NADAL ET AL.
not worthy of leading roles. On the other hand,
participants observed that the few powerful
Asian male characters that came to mind were
more likely to be villains than protagonists.
Regarding the cartoon movie “Speed Racer”,
one participant noted: “I kept thinking, ‘Guess
who’s gonna be the bad guy. It’s gonna be some
Asian guy.’”
Portrayals of Asian men in the media are
described by one participant as “desexualization
of the Asian male, basically.” Participants
asked: “When’s the last time an Asian male got
a girl, period?” This media image of Asian
males was consonant with the way Asian Amer-
ican participants were treated in real life. As one
heterosexual Filipino man described:
As an Asian, like, I get really happy when a woman
comes up to me and who isn’t Filipina and knows
something about Filipinos, or is like, even interested,
you know? . . . being [an] Asian man, like . . . yeah,
you do not have like . . . all kinds of women . . .
approaching you because you’re an Asian man, you
know, and trying to pull like all these things. Which I
think—that in itself is like—sucks.
This experience for Asian men differs dra-
matically from the aforementioned experience
of Asian women who are exoticized.
These perceptions of Asian men frustrate
both heterosexual and gay men. Two gay Asian
American male participants described situations
in which they felt rejected on the basis of their
ethnicity. One gay Asian American male de-
scribes experiences with Internet dating: “If you
mention that you’re an Asian, it’s like listening
to crickets on the Internet. I mean . . . gay men
are just that shallow. Particularly Caucasian . . .
So, it’s a little hard.” So not only are Asian
American men marginalized in general Ameri-
can society, gay Asian American men may feel
discriminated within their own LGBT commu-
nity. The reports by these participants match
previous literature that describes how Asian
American men feel isolated and discrimination
by other gay men, particularly by gay White
men (Nadal & Corpus, 2013).
Theme 6: Assumption of Inferiority or
Criminality of Men of Color
This theme of criminality refers to instances
in which the aggressor ascribes qualities of in-
feriority or criminality to a man of color. For
instance, in Sue and colleagues’ (2008) study
 INTERSECTIONAL MICROAGGRESSIONS
with African Americans, many participants de-
scribed how people appear to be afraid of them,
as evidenced by people’s body language or
movement (e.g., crossing the street to avoid the
Black individual). With this sample, Filipino
American male participants described how peo-
ple assumed they were intellectually inferior
and even sometimes criminal. Filipino men dis-
cussed how others were sometimes afraid of
them, how police officers sometimes stereo-
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typed them to be deviant, and how others as-
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sumed that they were not smart. Although Fili-
pina female participants were sometimes treated
as inferior, none of them described being treated
as a criminal.
Similarly, participants in the multiracial fo-
cus group described how African American
men in particular are also presumed to be infe-
rior, because of the intersection of their race and
gender. One multiracial (Black/White) female
educator described:
I had a student who got like an 800 on his verbal SAT
. . . and he was at a private school and he also happened
to play football, but I just remember my uncle—my
White uncle— being like, “Oh, he’s gonna get a schol-
arship for football.”
In this instance, the speaker’s uncle ignores
the impressive academic achievements of a
Black male student, suggesting that the only
way for African American males to be success-
ful is through athletics. This finding echoes ex-
periences reported by other African American
men in another microaggression study (see Sue,
Nadal, et al., 2008). Furthermore, while the
statement was not directed toward the speaker
per se (i.e., the stereotype was being made about
a Black man and not about her as a multiracial
female), it is clear that assumptions that are
made about others can also have a detrimental
impact.
Theme 7: Gender-Specific Expectations for
Muslim Women and Men
Muslim participants described gender-
specific stereotypes and the microaggressions
that emerged as a result of the intersection of
gender and religion. For example, women in
conservative Muslim garb were assumed to lack
agency, as they were presumed to be wearing
the hijab by obligation rather than choice:
157
I’m covered up; people wouldn’t think that I actually
have fun. . . . People think that I’m covered up, it was
a forceful thing, and I do not have any life . . . I’m
human, I have fun—just because I wear a hijab on my
head doesn’t make any difference.
Conservative Muslim dress is incompatible
with the American notion of women as sex
objects and wearing the hijab often made Mus-
lim women the victims of harassment:
I just feel like females have it the worst, especially if
they cover up, because they can be harassed or some-
thing and sometimes even like sexually harassed, just
because of like hatred and hating ideas.
This participant states that, because Muslim
women may be more easily identified due to
their dress, they experience microaggressions
(and even overt discrimination) based on their
religion, their gender, or both.
The perceptions of Muslim men were univer-
sally negative, appearing to be based on incom-
plete or outdated knowledge about Muslim cul-
ture.
If I say my name, [they are] like, “Oh, he’s Muslim,”
and so probably they will think I do not shake hands
. . . and I do not hang out with girls and I do not go
partying and ‘They have no fun in life’ and such kinds
of things. “Oh, he’s Muslim.”
In the previous quote, the Muslim man is
believed to be joyless. However, the mispercep-
tion can also be taken in another direction where
people view Muslim men as inhumane. One
participant describes: “I even read on a website
[where they claim] that Muslims rape young
girls, because they get married to young girls
and . . . they rape them, and it’s not true.” Based
on all of these quotes, Muslim participants were
able to articulate how their gender influenced
the types of religious microaggressions they
experienced.
Theme 8: Women of Color as Spokesperson
The last theme involves the common experi-
ence that women of color are asked to be a
“spokesperson” for diversity, because they have
“double minority status.” For instance, women
of color participants discuss situations in which
they are asked to determine whether or not
something is offensive. One female participant
stated:
At work my two coworkers are Caucasian and so they
automatically they turn to me and ask, “Is this offen-
sive? Can you tell us that?” There’s like automatic
 158 NADAL ET AL.
separation of like, “Ok, you’re the only here who can
speak about this, since you’re the other.”
Other participants described how their race,
their gender, and the intersection of both influ-
ences how they react to microaggressions. For
example, one participant expressed concern
about responding to a racially charged com-
ment, saying: “Will I look like an angry Asian
woman if I speak? Will I look submissive if I
don’t speak?” These situations can be both of-
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fensive and stressful, especially because when
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viewed as a spokesperson, one’s opinions may
be generalized to represent an entire group of
people, which is typically not expected of
Whites, men, or White men. This type of mi-
croaggression, which sends the message that an
individual can be the sole spokesperson of their
entire group, matches previous literature on ra-
cial microaggressions (e.g., Sue, Bucceri, et al.,
2007; Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008) which cite that
people of color often feel like they represent the
universal experience of their racial group. How-
ever, as noted by this example, sometimes
women of color feel like they have to represent
their race, their gender, or both.
Discussion
The current study utilized Qualitative Sec-
ondary Analysis and Consensual Qualitative
Research methods to analyze data from six prior
studies involving microaggressions. These six
previous studies concentrated on how microag-
gressions impact individuals of various sub-
groups, namely women, LGB people, transgen-
der people, Filipino Americans, multiracial
people, and Muslims. In these previous studies,
participants were asked to describe the types of
microaggressions that they experience as a re-
sult of one of their singular identities (i.e., their
gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, eth-
nicity, racial heritage, or religious group). How-
ever, through analyzing this data for the current
study, one might notice that even when asked
solely about microaggressions based on singu-
lar identities, participants were able to identify
microaggressions that were influenced by the
intersections of their identities. While QSA and
other forms of secondary data analysis of qual-
itative data are rarely used or discussed in psy-
chology, results from this study suggest that
secondary analyses of qualitative data enable
psychological researchers to discover new
themes that would not have been identified oth-
erwise.
Results from the present analysis support that
people with multiple identities may experience
forms of microaggressions that have not been
reported in studies that investigated singular
identities. This finding highlights the impor-
tance of understanding the influences of inter-
sectional identities on people’s lives and psy-
chological health, aligning with previous
literature from Intersectionality Theory (Cren-
shaw, 1989). Intersectionality theorists posit
that individuals with multiple oppressed identi-
ties may experience multiple types of discrimi-
nation which may in turn have a negative im-
pact on their everyday lives (See Torres, Jones,
& Renn, 2009 for a review). So although it is
important to recognize the harm of oppression
based on singular identities, it is also necessary
to further investigate how intersectional identi-
ties may make people’s experiences with dis-
crimination much more complex. For instance,
results from the study indicate that Asian Amer-
ican women are exoticized and treated as “dam-
sels” who need to be rescued, whereas Asian
American men are stereotyped, demasculinized,
and ignored. So although Asian Americans of
both genders experience different negative ste-
reotypes, both groups potentially suffer from
being mistreated or misjudged. Meanwhile, al-
though previous gender microaggression stud-
ies have found that women do experience gen-
der microaggressions and other forms of sexism
(Capodilupo et al., 2010), results from the cur-
rent study suggest that women of color and
Muslim women experience microaggressions
that are based on both their gender and their
racial or religious identities. Similarly, whereas
previous studies have suggested that LGBT
people experience microaggressions based on
sexual orientation and gender identity (Nadal,
Issa, et al., 2011; Nadal, Skolnik, et al., 2012),
results from our study support that LGBT peo-
ple of color may encounter microaggressions
that are based on their race, gender, sexual
orientation, or some combination of all of these.
Thus, examining intersectional identities is nec-
essary to uncover individuals’ complex and
comprehensive lived experiences.
Further, given the previous quantitative mi-
croaggression literature that links racial micro-
aggressions with depression (Nadal, Griffin,
Wong, Hamit, & Rasmus, 2014) and lower self-
 INTERSECTIONAL MICROAGGRESSIONS
esteem (Nadal, Wong, Griffin, Davidoff, &
Sriken, 2014), as well as the classic literature on
concepts like stereotype threat and its effect on
performance and educational attainment (Steele
& Aronson, 1995), it would be important to
explore whether intersectional microaggres-
sions may influence mental health and educa-
tional outcomes as well. For instance, several
authors have discussed the negative psycholog-
ical health outcomes of women of color (Co-
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mas-Diaz & Greene, 2013) and LGBT people of
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color (Balsam et al., 2011). Future researchers
can use both qualitative and quantitative meth-
ods to examine the ways that intersectional mi-
croaggressions influence mental health out-
comes (e.g., depression, anxiety, self-esteem),
as well as educational outcomes (e.g., academic
performance, educational attainment, etc.).
Additionally, the specific themes that
emerged from this data set align with much of
the previous literature on racial microaggres-
sions. For example, in one study with African
Americans’ experiences with microaggressions
(Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008), African American
women talked about how coworkers would
comment about their hairstyle (in a seemingly
positive or complimentary way), matching the
participants in the current study who talked
about how they received similar “compliments”
based on their appearance. Similarly, Asian
American women from a previous microaggres-
sion study (Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007) discussed
how they felt exoticized by White men. It is
important to highlight that in both of these pre-
vious studies, the interview questions also
aimed to inquire about individuals’ experiences
with microaggressions based on a singular iden-
tity (i.e., race). Yet, in those two studies (as well
as the focus groups in the current study), it
appears that microaggressions based on inter-
sections of race and gender emerged, even with-
out being prompted. This finding may suggest
that many women of color may be cognizant of
intersectional microaggressions and that many
of their experiences with discrimination cannot
be categorized as being based on only race or
only gender.
Participants in all groups discussed micro-
aggressions that are based on the expectations
of prescribed gender roles. For example,
Theme 1 – Exoticization of Women of Color,
Theme 2 – Gender-Based Stereotypes for
Lesbians and Gay Men, Theme 5 – Invisibil-
159
ity and Desexualization of Asian Men, and
Theme 7 – Gender-Based Stereotypes for
Muslim Men and Women all discuss ways
that gender roles affect the ways people of
various groups are treated in society. Both
lesbian and gay male participants discussed
how people assumed that one’s sexual orien-
tation and gender identity were interchange-
able; for example, they described experiences
when individuals assumed that all gay men
would be feminine and all lesbian women
would be masculine. Similarly, stereotypes of
how Asian American, multiracial, or Muslim
women or men are supposed to act or behave
may have resulted in many corresponding mi-
croaggressions for these various subgroups.
Perhaps there are institutional and systemic
ways that these microaggressions manifest
(e.g., the invisibility or demasculinization of
Asian American men in the media, the pro-
paganda of Muslim men as extremist terror-
ists). However, it is important for people on
all levels (e.g., families, school systems) to
dispel these stereotypes, in order to decrease
the number of microaggressions these indi-
viduals encounter.
Microaggression theorists have previously
described the difficulty of responding to mi-
croaggressions, primarily because the target
individual has to identify (a) whether a mi-
croaggression occurred, (b) if the microag-
gression occurred because of the perpetrators’
bias (e.g., racial bias, gender bias, etc.), and
(c) what the consequences would be in ad-
dressing the perceived microaggression (Sue,
2010). Results from the current study also
suggest that identity statuses (i.e., how one
feels about their identity group) may greatly
influence how one perceives and reacts to a
microaggression. For instance, if a transgen-
der Latina woman experiences a microaggres-
sion, her identity status may determine when
she perceives the encounter as being trans-
phobic, racist, both, or neither. If she is some-
one who only recognizes the salience of her
gender identity, she may have difficulty iden-
tifying the microaggressions as also being
race-based. If she is someone who only rec-
ognizes the salience of race or ethnicity, she
may have difficulty recognizing the experi-
ence as being related to her transgender iden-
tity. If she is someone who values both of
these identities, she may view these as an
 160 NADAL ET AL.
intersectional microaggressions. And if she is
someone who does not value either of her
identities, she may not recognize the micro-
aggression at all.
Limitations
There are several limitations evident in this
study. First, although the present study yielded
a diverse spectrum of microaggressions, it is
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
important to recognize that there are likely
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
many more types of intersectional microaggres-
sions that exist and that each of the extracted
themes can be further examined in much more
depth. Because the six studies from which data
were analyzed focused primarily on one identity
(e.g., the gender focus groups inquired primar-
ily about microaggressions based on gender), it
is likely that that if the study focused intention-
ally on intersectional microaggressions, other
types of themes would emerge. Moreover, the
fact that these intersectional microaggressions
emerged without being prompted demonstrates
the strength and pervasiveness of intersectional
microaggressions in people’s everyday lives.
Along with this, because the CQR approach
requires that participants’ statements to be ex-
plicitly stated to be categorized under themes,
utilizing a QSA did not allow for researchers to
ask follow-up questions to participants. As a
result, some of the participants’ statements
might have been more expansive if the original
studies inquired directly about intersectional
microaggressions.
Second, the focus groups that were utilized in
the analysis may have influenced the types of
themes that emerged. For example, because a
Filipino American group was included (which
comprised mostly women), the current study on
intersectional microaggressions may have been
slanted to include experiences of Filipino
Americans, Asian Americans, or both. On the
contrary, if an African American group was
included and comprised mostly men, different
types of intersectional microaggressions likely
would have emerged. Finally, because of the
limited number of participants, results may not
be the most representative of the entire popula-
tion. Despite these limitations, because this was
an exploratory study, results can provide intro-
ductory insight to the experiences of intersec-
tional microaggressions for those with multiple
oppressed identities.
Implications for Psychology
The current study yields several implications
for psychology, particularly for clinical practice
and research. First, psychologists must be cog-
nizant of how intersectional identities affect
their clients’ lives, their clients’ worldviews,
and therapy dynamics. For instance, perhaps
female clients of color may experience micro-
aggressions in which they are exoticized in their
everyday lives; as a result, clinicians might
teach their clients about microaggressions (e.g.,
the types of microaggressions that exist, how
microaggressions negatively impact people’s
lives, etc.) to prepare their clients to cope with
such instances when they occur. Furthermore,
psychologists must be aware of their own mul-
tiple identities and how these identities may
affect their work with their clients. Perhaps cli-
nicians with multiple oppressed identities may
be able to empathize with their clients, in ways
that clinicians with more privileged identities
may not. Furthermore, perhaps clinicians with
one marginalized identity and one privileged
identity (e.g., a gay White man, a heterosexual
Black man) may have difficulties in seeing ways
in their privilege may bias their therapy work.
For example, a gay White male therapist may be
able to understand how his gay identity affects
the therapeutic dynamic while not being fully
aware of how his racial or gender biases affect
his work with clients of color or women. Fi-
nally, this study further emphasizes the need to
talk with clients about the types of microaggres-
sions that they experience and how such en-
counters may affect a number of factors, includ-
ing their mental health, their well-being, and
their identities.
In terms of research, results indicate the need
to include intersectionalities as factors in future
studies, particularly those involving microag-
gressions or discrimination. Because people
tend to experience discrimination based on their
whole selves (e.g., the combination of all of
their social statuses), it is necessary for re-
searchers to take all of these identities into
consideration. Furthermore, because this study
was a secondary analysis of previously used
data, future studies may focus explicitly and
intentionally on intersectional microaggressions
(i.e., asking questions like “What types of mi-
croaggressions have you experienced as an
LGBT person of color?”). Although quantita-
 INTERSECTIONAL MICROAGGRESSIONS
tive studies can be useful to further measure
how microaggressions based on multiple iden-
tities negatively influence mental health, quality
of life, or functioning, further qualitative studies
can be beneficial in capturing the types of mi-
croaggressions that were not described in the
current study. For example, perhaps a study that
focused explicitly on Latino men or LGBT peo-
ple with disabilities (both subgroups which
were not represented in the sample) could help
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
to illuminate the lived experiences of these pop-
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
ulations, from their own voices and perspec-
tives. Furthermore, it was noticed that LGBT
people of color only identified microaggres-
sions based on their LGBT identity; perhaps, if
they were prompted to examine racial microag-
gressions within the LGBT community, they
would be able to report an abundance of differ-
ent experiences.
Further, as previously noted, an important
implication of this study is that results indicate
that the use of secondary analysis is a useful and
important tool in understanding qualitative data.
Although each of the previous studies was rich
in that they described the phenomena of micro-
aggressions from the perspectives of a singular
identity (e.g., Muslims, transgender people),
each failed to fully examine how a participant’s
additional identities would influence her or his
experiences. In each of the studies, there were
robust examples of how intersectional identities
affected one’s encounters with microaggres-
sions; however, because these perspectives did
not match the previous studies’ research ques-
tions, they were omitted from the original anal-
yses. If similar trends occur with other qualita-
tive studies, there is likely an array of other
important concepts that are not being reported
or analyzed.
Finally, although there have been some de-
bates regarding the use of secondary analysis of
qualitative data, particularly regarding the eth-
ics and misrepresentation of secondary data
analysis (see Thome, 1998 for a review), the
current study employs several approaches that
help to maintain ethical standards and to pro-
mote accurate analyses. First, by utilizing the
principles of CQR and QSA, the current re-
searchers demonstrate that there are multiple
ways to maintain ethics (e.g., quotes that were
published previously were not used again in the
analyses, themes were new and had not been
discussed in previous publications, and confi-
161
dentiality was maintained in all studies). Sec-
ond, the current method models a way to con-
duct secondary analysis while also being robust
and thorough. For example, several researchers
participated in the analysis, to offer multiple
perspectives. The researchers continually dis-
cussed their possible biases and utilized an ex-
ternal auditor to control for partiality or misin-
terpretation. As a result, this study demonstrates
the methodological validity of secondary qual-
itative analysis, particularly for emerging con-
cepts like microaggressions, which have not yet
been fully studied in the field.
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Received September 12, 2013
Revision received June 2, 2015
Accepted June 3, 2015 䡲