Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
JASON ARONSON
New York
CONTENTS
Part II
TESTS
8. The Male Transsexual as ‘Experiment’ 117
9. * Tests 126
10.The Pre-Natal Hormone Theory of Transsexualism 134
11.The Term‘Transvestism’ 142
12.Transsexualism and Homosexuality 159
13.Transsexualism and Transvestism 170
14.Identical Twins 182
15.Two Male Transsexuals in One Family 187
16.The Thirteenth Case 193
17.Shaping 203
18.Etiological Factors in Female Transsexualism: A First Approximation 223
Part III
PROBLEMS
19 Male Transsexualism: Uneasiness 247
20 Follow-Up 257
21 Problems in Treatment 272
22 Conclusions: Masculinity in Males 281
References 298
Index 313
Part II
TESTS
9
TESTS
Are there any tests, in the scientific sense, for psychodynamic theories ?
126
* I also have an easier job than I would in trying to confirm an etiology using
repression, intrapsychic conflict, and resolution of conflict by newly created character
structure. Transsexualism seems due to simpler, more easily measured factors, the
kinds of impingements on the infant that learning theorists have long been able to
measure because so visible.
TESTS 127
published in 1960 (five years before I thought up this theory), many cases
of male homosexuality are presented, including effeminate males.
However, the most feminine case reported of over a hundred in the book is
one—and the only one—more or less conforming to my theory (see
Chapter 12). Also, a single case by M. Sperling of a ‘transvestite boy’, in
which the dynamic factors I postulated were present, was published prior
to my work. (See Sex and Gender for a review of this literature.) On the
other hand, neither before nor after this theory was published has anyone
presented data to refute it.
2. The theory began with material revealed in the psychoanalysis of the
mother of a very feminine boy. But a single case needs confirmation; the
first test was to see other feminine boys and their families. It was not quite
so simple, however, for although the mother in analysis had revealed these
factors, they had not impressed me as the etiological factors. In a
psychoanalysis one is overwhelmed with data, and one has to learn which
to consider especially significant. For instance, when told that the baby
was beautiful and graceful, I put that aside, recalling that I knew of
beautiful and graceful baby boys who did not become feminine. Or on
hearing the first descriptions of closeness between mother and infant, I did
not find them especially important, having long since been familiar with
the literature on homosexuality, which talks of ‘over-protective’ mothers.
And so I did not ask specifically about such features with the next few
families. Nonetheless these factors appeared; and after hearing them a few
times I recognized them as being either an odd coincidence or possibly
etiological.
3. Now that a hypothesis had formed, based on small boys, the next test
was to see if it held with adults. There is little point in simply asking adults
how their mothers treated them in infancy; so I turned to the mothers. It is
in the nature of male transsexualism that the fathers, consistent in their
distant passiveness, will not be available for questioning, and that was
usually the case with the adult transsexuals. The handful of their fathers
seen were like the fathers of the boys.
4. Then families with adolescent feminine boys were evaluated (and in
time treated); the same family dynamics were present. With these
samplings from childhood, adolescence, and adulthood, one gains the
impression that these children grow
128 THE TRANSSEXUAL EXPERIMENT
marked femininity is the result of simple learning effects rather than the
more complicated processes with which analysts usually work.
Yet when lost or when I want to force myself to the most rigorous testing
—where there can be no hiding from one’s conscience by means of
scientific method — I return to psychoanalysis. Unlike most other
identified full-time researchers in sex and gender, I believe that analysis is
the most powerful tool so far for discovering non-biological aspects of
gender development. The other techniques—questionnaires, standardized
interviews, observation of great numbers of subjects seen briefly,
psychological tests—were invented mainly to save labor in the crucial job
of confirming hypotheses. Most researchers cannot afford to take the time
for more searching examinations, for getting under the skin; one would not
then have seen enough subjects to achieve statistical significance.
Psychoanalysis is a hopeless means of confirming a finding or a theory.
Analysts never present their data, and no one other than the treating
analyst can ever even observe his data. Yet analysts and related depth
psychologists are the only ones who dare take on the realities of human
psychology: the sense of flow and dynamics in human psychic function,
the feeling for growth and development—for change, for meaning and
motivation, for sense of self, for threat and danger and pain and conflict
and defense and resolution, for the immense intricacy found when chaos is
organized into identity, for awareness of depth and magic, of precise logic
and of imaginative sweeps, for attention paid to the great issues of the
human state. To contemplate these and to place them in a coherent model,
there is no place yet in the world of psychology to turn except to Freud and
his descendants (not all of whom are analysts). Leaving these conditions
out of one’s research makes it more scientific and lets one play it safe; and
those who do so will have less anxiety about what they do not know and
the immensity of the questions they research. Their answers are often puny
because their questions lack courage. But they are less likely to be wrong
in the magnificent, ludicrous, dare-devil, naive way of the first—the great
—psychoanalytic thinkers.
A last word on these problems in confirming the complicated hypothesis
of this book. I do not propose to list how many sub-
TESTS 133
jects were seen, with what diagnoses, or how often an element was found.
With my sorts of observations such listing is useful more to suggest that
one is experienced and thus possibly dependable than to establish a, fact.
Unhappily, for many of my tests I have only one patient or one family to
serve as ‘control’, as for instance where transsexualism appeared in two
siblings. And how, to take another example, should I weight information
gathered on patients seen in a conference of our research team as
compared with one treated for three years — and in what ways are the
patients comparable at all?
Perhaps time will help.