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1498
1499
THEORETICAL ISSUES
Widespreadagreementexistson theimportanceofa publicsphere,where
rivalpoliticalinterests competeinopendebatesthatsimultaneously consti-
tuteand invokepublicopinion.In a liberaldemocracy,publicopinionis
the ultimatesourceof authorityforbroadlysettinga legislativeagenda.
"The distinction betweencivil societyand state. . . cannotfullyaccount
forwhat comes intobeingwiththeformation ofdemocracy."Equally im-
portantis the rise"of a publicspace . .. whose existenceblurstheconven-
tionalboundaries between thepolitical and non-political"(Lefort1988,p.
the
35). Accordingly, authority ofpublic opinionis notmerely one attribute
a
ofliberaldemocracybut, rather, presupposition of many, for example,
the franchise(Rueschemeyer, Stephens, and Stephens 1992, p. 44). The
for
pointis widelyacknowledged, example, in T. H. Marshall's (1966) ac-
count ofthe historicalexpansion of citizenship rights,in Habermas's (1989)
analysisof criticaluses of reasonin publicdebates,and in optimisticac-
countsbyfunctionalist sociologistsoftheriseofciviccultureand universal-
ism in democraticsocieties(forapplicationsto earlymodernEngland see
Hanson [1970]and Little[1970]).Recentworkon "civilsociety"(e.g., Co-
hen and Arato 1992; Somers1993) also pointsto the centrality of public
opinion,forthe veryidea of civil societyrefersto a societalcommunity
whose axial principleof solidaritydemarcatesit frompoliticaland eco-
nomicrealmsbased on powerand money:publicopinionis theprincipal
linkbetweentheliberal-democratic stateand civilsociety.
Capitalismand Protestantism
Afteragreementon theimportanceofthepublicsphere,consensusdisap-
pears over thedate and causes ofitsorigins.England is widelyacknowl-
1500
2 Neoevolutionary
modelsrecastsequencesofWestEuropeanand especiallyEnglish
historyas developmental stages(e.g., Parsons1977).In Bendix(1978) a historicist
variantemphasizes"demonstration effects"
ofEnglisheventsforsubsequentpolitical
developments in othersocieties.Habermas(1989)advancesa normative variantthat
uses Englishhistoryto exploredevelopmentaltendencieswhoseimplicituniversalism
remainsunderdeveloped.
1501
1502
HISTORIOGRAPHIC ISSUES
Petitionsoccupya prominentplace in earlymodernrevolutions.Though
historicalworkon England has no counterpart
to theelaboratehistorio-
3See theappendixforan explanation
oforiginalsourcesused in thisstudy.
1503
1504
1505
pp. 93, 110n; 1985,pp. 138-39; see also Hughes 1987,pp. 132-33, 136).
For armypetitions,old claimsabout Levellerinfluencehave givenway
to emphasison autonomyand spontaneityin grievancesfromsoldiers
(Kishlansky1983, pp. 180, 189-90, 205-6; Woolrych1987, pp. 54, 59,
73-84).
Debate over the causes and natureof the English Revolutionis the
principalpointof departureforthisliterature.What remainsunexplored
are the principalissues in this article:how petitioningchanged in the
EnglishRevolutionand the role printingplayedin thisdevelopment.A
chapteron petitionsin Fletcher's(1981, pp. 191-227) account of the
outbreakof revolutionis now recognizedas authoritiative (see Russell
1993,p. 455, n.3). Yet Fletcherobservesonlythatpetitionswerequickly
printed"as public utterancesintendedforgeneralconsumption"(1981,
p. 198). He and othersnote the importanceof petitionsas propaganda
formobilizingopinionand forming factionsat thelocal level (e.g., Eales
1990, p. 130; Fletcher1981, p. 283; Underdown1985, p. 138) and for
the rise of adversarial,partypolitics(e.g., Brenner1993, pp. 368-74,
436-50, 471-79; Kishlansky1983, pp. 78-90, 277-78; Pearl 1972; Un-
derdown 1985, pp. 228-29; WoolTych1987, pp. 24-25, 168-71). But
how did this mostuntraditionaluse of petitionscome about, and what
is its connectionto printingand its relevancefor subsequentliberal-
democraticideas? Skerpan's(1992, p. 73) analysisof politicalrhetoricin
the 1640s missesthe noveltyin the statusof petitionsas "public docu-
ments."These petitionshave been described(Brailsford1976, p. 189;
Pearl 1961, pp. 173, 229-30; Wolfe 1967, p. 261) as an extensionor
revivalofwell-acceptedprinciplesofpetitioning, butthisview,too,over-
looks change in petitioningthat violated traditionalrestrictions on the
expressionof grievancein petitions.
Revisionism
Over thelast two decades, historicalworkon earlymodernEngland has
been dominatedby "revisionism"-a graveyardforoptimismabout a
convergenceofhistoricaland sociologicalscholarship.A majorproponent
notesthatthe revisionistrevoltopposed morethan"Whig"and Marxist
perspectives:it was "a salutaryreactionagainstvariousformsofmodern-
ization theory"-or any sociologicalexplanation(Morrill1993, p. 35).
Revisionismpromotesidiographichistory:it enjoins researchers"to
abandon thepursuitof grandoverarching theoriesand insteadto ponder
the facts"(Cogswell 1990, p. 551). Immersionin primarysources has
l'histoiree've'nementielleas its goal, "to returnto the sources free of
preconceptions" (Sharpe 1985, p. x; see also Russell 1990, p. x). At the
empiricallevel,revisionist studies(e.g., Morrill1974, 1976;Russell 1990,
1506
Sources
Petitionsare a commoncategoryof 17th-century manuscriptand printed
materials.They containgrievancesand requests,of a publicand private
nature,fromindividualsand collectivities. The principalsourceforthis
analysisis a subsetofpetitions,selectedfromthose(about 500) thatraise
public issues and, individuallyor in collections,were printedbetween
1640 and 1660. Most appearedin theearlypartof the periodthatis the
focusof this study,fromthe openingof the Long Parliament,in 1640,
to the executionof King Charlesin 1649.
These must be used with caution. Appearancescan be deliberately
misleadingin textsprintedas propaganda;"Petitionsoftendo as much
to obscureas to illuminatepublic opinion"(Underdown1985, p. 231).
Patternsof deception,even forgeries (when knownas such), are useful.
But corroboratingevidence fromother sources is indispensable.The
5"Most historiansreject the idea that the civil war was a class conflict,"acknowl-
edges a leading proponentofthisview, who offersonlya weak responseto revisionism:
"Evidence of class hostilityhas proved impossible to ignore completely"(Manning
1991, pp. 41-42).
6 The force of revisionism,for sociological concerns,is hardlylessened by noting its
excesses, e.g., overemphasison consensus in the early Stuart era.
1507
1508
1509
1510
1511
1512
Restrictions
on Petitions
Initially,it seemsodd thattherightto expressgrievanceby petitionwas
so stronglyentrenchedin a societywhose politicswere predicatedon
deferenceand patronage.But like othermedieval rights,the rightto
petitionwas farfromabsolute.Restrictions on expressionsof grievance
in petitionsprovided only limited immunityagainst secrecy norms.
Though no formallaw definedthese restrictions, theirnature can be
inferredfromprevailingpracticesand fromnegativereactionsto "fac-
tious" petitions.First, a petitiondid not invoke or imply normative
claims for the "will of the people"; second, the rhetoricof petitions
portrayedgrievanceas an apoliticalconveyanceof information, by em-
phasizingdeferential, juridical, and spontaneousattributesof the griev-
ance; and, third,grievancesshouldbe local and neithercriticalof laws,
indicativeof discontentwithauthority, nor made public.
1. "Voxpopuli" is not "lex suprema."-Permissiblemessagesfromthe
periphery to thepoliticalcenterdid notincludeclaimsabout thesuprem-
acy of popular will over petitionedauthority.In debate over rival
"peace" and "war" petitionsfromLondon citizens, a radical M.P.,
HenryMarten,was reprimandedin the House of Commons"forsaying
that we oughtto receiveinstructions forour proceedingsfromthe peo-
ple" (MSS Add. 31116,folio14). The view in Parliamentwas no different
thantheone in theleadingRoyalistnewspaper,MercuriusAulicus,over
the impropriety of petitionsperceivedto be "directingin a mannerwhat
theywould have done" (MA [1643-44] 1971, 1:107; and see MSS Add.
31116, folio170; MSS Harl. 166, folio216).o
An important extensionofthispointinvokedsecrecynormsin political
communication: petitionsshouldnottakecognizanceofbusinesspending
in Parliament."A great debate was in the House" in 1644 over "a
1513
1514
15 15
1516
1517
Petitionsas Propaganda
The propaganda value of petitionsderived,not only fromtheirlegiti-
macy,whichwe have alreadyexamined,but also frompopularinterest
in them. Evidence on thisis hardlyconclusive,but what existsreveals
widespread interestin petitionsand petitioners.In London this was
heightenedby the processionsthattook a petitionto Parliament.In the
countrysidepetitionswere hot topics at assize sessions (Woods 1981).
Perceptionsof unprecedentedpopular participationin petitioningalso
heightenedinterest.In 1641, well beforepoliticalpetitioninghad fully
developed,one observerthoughtthat"no timenorhistorycan show that
such great numbersof oppressedsubjects of all sortsever petitioned"
(Oxinden [1607-42] 1932, p. 286). 'This commentrefers,in part, to a
petition(669f.4[55]1642) presentedto Parliamentby London's porters.
Observersremarkedon the"extraordinary nature"of thispetition,from
"the lowest and inferiorsort of the people in the City," who "coming
in [Westminster], all withwhitetowelsover theirshoulders,delivereda
petitionwith 1500 hands" (PJ 1982, pp. 259, 265; HMC Cowper 1888,
p. 306). The senseof noveltyattachedto thisdevelopmentalso holdsfor
petitionsfromthe otherside. A hostilereporton a Cornwall petition
(669f.4[64]1642)thatstridently upholdsroyalprerogativeand theestab-
lished liturgydescribeshow a Cornwall cleric"solicitedhedgersat the
hedge, plowmenat the plow, threshersin the barns" (Buller 1895, p.
33). SatiricalpetitionsridiculedpopularsupportfortheLong Parliament
in petitionsfromwomen, the insane, and even "infants,babies and
sucklings."A fictivepetitionfromthe last observes that "all sorts of
people . . . some of all degreesand conditionshave petitionsto thishigh
court";we "have therefore thoughtgood, and accordingto our infantile
understandings, to presentto yourgraveconsideration, thesefewlines"
(MSS Ashmole830, folio294; see also E180[17] 1641; E404[30] 1647).
Even beforethe printingof petitionsbecame routinein 1642, letters
and diaries oftenreferto petitionsin 1640 and 1641 (HMC Beaulieu
1900,pp. 129, 131, 134-35; HMC De L'Isle 1966,p. 371; HMC Various
1903, pp. 257-58, MSS Tanner 63, folios32, 43; MSS Tanner 65, folio
209; MSS Tanner 66, folio 181; D'Ewes 1845, 2:242-43; Rous [1625-
42]1856, pp. 91-94). Interestin petitionsappears in diaries kept by a
London artisan,Nehemiah Wallington(1869, 2:14-19), who refersto
15 18
" Elsewhere (see Zaret 1994, pp. 184-86), I discuss literacyin thisera and its implica-
tions forappeals to public opinion in politics.
1519
1520
1521
1522
alterations" (MSS JCC 40, folio 199v; E366[15] 1646, p. 2; see also MA [1643-44]
1971, 1: 194).
1523
1524
In thesepopulardevelopments, privateassociationsofindividualsmet
in homes, taverns,and sectariancongregations to debate and sign pe-
titions.Growingrelianceon printedinformation for organizingthese
petitionssupplementscommunicative contactsbased on primaryassocia-
tions(e.g., residence,family).For example,in rival petitioncampaigns
by proponentsof "peace" and "war" policiesin the winterof 1642-43,
opposingsides metin tavernsand advertisedmeetingson ticketsposted
in public places (E86[35] 1643, p. 16; Pearl 1961, pp. 233-34, 255). In
politics,petitioningbecame the organizationalanalogue to sectarianism
in religion.Both the gatheringof separatechurchesand petitioningcut
acrosstraditionalresidentialaffiliations
by ward and parish,unitinglike-
mindedindividualsin voluntaryassociations(Tolmie 1977,pp. 139, 142).
Signaturesto petitionsfromradical opponentsof London Presbyterians
were "gatheredall about the suburbs . . . especiallyat conventicles
and privatemeetings"(E339[13] 1646, p. 676). Hostile and sympathetic
accountsdescribeheated debates in privatehouses and tavernsamong
Independentsand Levellers over "different judgementsfor seasons of
petitions,"thatis, whetherit was tacticallywise to proceedwitha peti-
tion (Walwyn [1649] 1944, pp. 351-33, 355; E368[5] 1646, p. [163];
E426[18] 1648, pp. 9-10). It is hardlysurprising, then,that petitioners
on all sides began to defend"our nativerightto meettogetherto frame
and promotepetitions"(E428[8] 1648, p. 12; see E323[2] 1646, p. 44;
E438[1] 1648, p. 7).
These populardevelopments in petitioningderivedfrommass petitions
encouragedbypoliticalelitesas propagandain theearly1640s.But when
Levellersand armyactivistspresentedtheirpetitionsto Parliament,one
M.P. observed,"Petitionswithmultitudesof hands to themwere now
decried by those who formerly encouragedthem"(Whitelock1990, p.
192). Popular developmentsin petitioning exhibita cumulativequality,
in whichpriorpracticesuppliesa legitimating precedentforhighlypoliti-
cized petitions.In 1649 Lilburnedefendedthe manypetitionsissued by
Levellerswho merely"trodin theverypaththattheythemselves(I mean
both Parliamentand Army)chalkedout unto us" when, two yearsear-
lier,theyhad impeachedPresbyterian M.P.'s "fortraitors,forobstruct-
ingand prejudgingofpublicpetitionsto theParliament"(Lilburne[1649]
1944b,p. 448). Presbyterian petitionscitedthe precedentof armypeti-
tions(E423[16] 1648,p. 17) and petitionsagainst"thebishopsand others
in the beginningof this Parliament"(E377[4] 1647, pp. 1-2). An anti-
armypetitionin 1648 also citestheprecedentof petitioning at thebegin-
ningof theLong Parliament-it "gave a greatstopto his Majesty'shigh
proceedings against his subjects"-for "our present petition . . . to make
the like stopage of such high proceedingsfromthe subject against his
Majesty" (E438[15] 1648, p. 13). In 1658 proponentsof the "good old
1525
cause," an abortiveeffort
to reviverevolutionary
fervor,defendedtheir
petitioncampaign, asking, "Is this now become a crime?It was not
accomptedso in thetimeofthefamousLong Parliament"(E936[5] 1658,
p. 7).
Scope
The veryact ofprinting signalsan intentto increasethescope ofcommu-
nicationin petitions.Printedpetitionsopenlyappeal to public opinion,
unlike the traditionalpetitionthat communicatesgrievancediscreetly
fromthe peripheryto the politicalcenter.This distinctionunderliesan
M.P.'s 1642 criticismof a Royalistpeace petition:"Though it were not
deliveredby any of thesubscribersintotheHouse, yetit was read there
last week & is now in print"(MSS Tanner 64, folio 109). In 1648 a
hostileobserverremarkson plans to print3,000 copies of a Leveller
petition:"If it be a petitionto theHouse, whyis it printedand published
to the people, beforethe presentingof it to the House? Is it to get the
approbationof multitudes?"(E427[6] 1648, p. 25). If, indeed, "the ap-
probationof multitudes"was the goal, then printingwas essential.It
1526
1527
1528
Content
In additionto heightenedaccess to petitions-forpotentialreadersand
signatories-printingled to changein the contentof petitions.Above I
1529
1530
1531
1532
1533
"unusual petitions" (E446[25] 1648, p. 5; E468[32] 1648, p. 4) and deny that their
own petitions sought to "put condition on the Parliament"; these are presented
1534
NumbersversusSocial Composition
As petitionscompetedto claimtheauthorityofpublicopinion,contempo-
raries confrontedthe issue of numbersversus social composition.Did
numbersor social compositionof supporterscarrymoreweightin choos-
ingbetweenrivalpetitions?Confronted bya hostilepetitionfromparish-
ioners,one clericinvokessocial composition.A cross-petition
on his be-
half"was subscribedby mostof the gentryand diversotherpersonsof
quality,honestyand abilityin theparish.And manymorehandsI might
have had, had I regardedthe numberof men above the integrity and
worthof the persons"(E175[11] 1641, p. 26). Numbers were also in-
1535
Consentand Reason
to
Debates over the relativemeritsof rival petitionsled contemporaries
attachimportanceto informedconsent,an open exchangeof ideas, and
appeals to reasonin thepetitioning
process.Duringthepetitioncampaign
newsletter
15 A well-informed reportsthat,in responseto antiepiscopal
petitions,"the
clergysay again thattheycan procureten hands forthe continuing of episcopal
government foreveryone hand thatsubscribesagainstit" (MSS Add. 11045,folio
135). In Cornwall,debatein a tavernover a Puritanpetitionled a clericto claim
"theywould get thirtythousandhands in Cornwallto crossthat petition"(MSS
Tanner63, folio22).
1536
1537
1538
16 For therelevance
of thispetitioning
forconstitutional
schemesby Harrington
see
Gunn(1969,p. 122).
1539
CONCLUSION
We are now in a positionto see whyneitherEnlightenment philosophy
norProtestanttheologyis an appropriatepointof departureforstudying
the originsof the public sphere. The "invention"of public opinion in
politicsoccurredin practical,communicativedevelopmentsduringthe
EnglishRevolution,well beforethe Enlightenment and across vast reli-
giousdifferencesthatdividedHigh ChurchRoyalistsfromradicalsectari-
ans. These communicativedevelopmentsproduced liberal-democratic
tenets-forexample,theimportanceofconsent,open debate,and reason
for the authorityof opinionin politics-that sociologistshave seen as
1540
1541
1542
1543
1544
APPENDIX
This appendixlists(1) manuscriptsourcesand (2) contemporary printed
materialsby BritishLibraryshelfmarks fortheThomasonTracts. Other
printedprimaryand secondarysourcesare given in the referencelist.
The Thomason Tracts consistof nearly24,000 tractsin 2,142 volumes
that cover the years 1640-61. A microfilm editionof thiscollectionhas
been issued by UniversityMicrofilmsInternational;it is organizedac-
cordingto the BritishLibraryshelfmarksand can be foundin major
researchlibraries.A chronological catalogoftheThomasonTractsexists
(A Catalogue of the Pamphlets,Newspapers,and ManuscriptsRelating
to the Civil War, The Commonwealth, and Restoration,Collected by
GeorgeThomason,1640-1661, editedby G. K. Fortescue[London:Brit-
ish Museum, 1908]) but mustbe used withcare as it containserrorsin
assigningpublicationdates to some individualitems.Shelfmarksforthe
ThomasonTracts are cross-indexed (in The ThomasonTracts1640-1661
[AnnArbor,Michigan:UniversityMicrofilms International,1981])with
the catalog systemused in A Short-TitleCatalogueofBooks Printedin
England, Scotland,Ireland, Wales, and BritishAmericaand ofEnglish
Books printedin otherCountries,editedby Donald Wing (New York:
Columbia UniversityPress, 1945). Microfilm editionsof manyentriesin
the Wing catalog are also available in major researchlibraries.
I supply originalpunctuationand spellingof titlesbut use modern
spellingforextractsquotedin thetext.Londonis theplace ofpublication
unlessotherwiseindicatedfor17th-century texts.
1. ManuscriptSources
MSS Add. London, BritishLibrary,AdditionalManuscripts.
MSS Ashmole.Oxford,Bodleian Library,AshmoleianManuscripts.
MSS Clarendon.Oxford,Bodleian Library,ClarendonManuscripts.
MSS Egerton.London, BritishLibrary,EgertonManuscripts.
MSS Eng. hist. Oxford,Bodleian Library, English historicalmanu-
scripts.
MSS Harl. London, BritishLibrary,Harleian Manuscripts.
MSS JCC. London, London CityCorporation.Journalsof the Common
Council.
MSS Nalson. Oxford,Bodleian Library,Nalson Manuscripts.
MSS Osborn. New Haven, BeineckeLibrary,OsbornManuscripts.
MSS Rawl. Oxford,Bodleian Library,RawlinsonManuscripts.
MSS Rep. London, London City Corporation.Repetoriesof the Court
of Aldermen.
MSS Stowe. London, BritishLibrary,Stowe Manuscripts.
1545
2. PrimaryPrintedMaterialsfromthe ThomasonTracts
E60(9) 1642. MercuriusCivicus, no. 7, 6-13 July.
E61(3) 1643. [Announcement of petition].
E61(9) 1643. Special Passages, no. 1.
E61(21) 1643. Remonstrance Redivivus.
E65(11) 1643. KingdomesWeeklyIntelligencer, no. 30, 8-15 August.
E65(32) 1643. A LetterFromMercuriusCivicus To MercuriusRusticus.
Oxford.
E67(23) 1643. CertainQueres,Not Unfitting To Be Read. Oxford.
E83(46) 1643. [Announcement of petition].
E86(35) 1643. CertaineInformations, no. 2, January23-30.
E101(23) 1643. AccomodationCordiallyDesired.
E107(26) 1643. An Appeale to the WorldIn these Times Of Extreame
Danger.
E112(14) 1642. ThreePetitionsPresentedby thegrandInquest.
El 12(26) 1642. The HumblePetitionoftheCitizensofKent.
E130(26) 1642. The True & OriginallCopyof theFirst Petition.
E133(10) 1642. J. W., PetitionsAgainstBishopsAnd theirVotesin Par-
liament.
E131(15) 1642. Two PetitionsOf the Knights. . . and others. . . of
Hertford.
E134(17) 1642. A True Copie Of The Petitionofthe Gentlewomen.
E142(10) 1642. The PetitionOf theGentry... and Commonalty of ...
Kent.
E146(24) 1642. The PetitionersVindication.
E148(4) 1642. A LetterFrom... Committees oftheCommonshouse ...
at Yorke.
E148(23) 1642. A RemonstranceOr DeclarationOfParliament.
E150(5) 1642. A LetterSent By a YorkshireGentleman,to a friendin
London.
E150(28) 1642. A Collection Of sundry Petitions Presented to the
King.
E155(16) 1642. The SomersetPetitionWithan AnswerIn defenceofthe
Parliament.
E160(2) 1641. The PetitionFor The PrelatesBrieflyExamined.
E163(2) 1641. Thomas Aston,A Remonstrance AgainstPresbytery.
E169(7) 1641. A New PetitionOf The Papists.
E175(11) 1641. Edward Finch,An AnswerTo The Articles. . . Against
Edward Finch
1546
1547
1548
1549
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