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The Step-Tongue
The Step-Tongue
Children's English in Singapore
To my Parents
Albert Shields
1919-1993
and
Joyce Fraser Shields
b. 1922
Contents
Preface ix
Tables and Figures xi
Conventions and Abbreviations xiii
Introduction 1
Native Speakers of English in Singapore 5
5
Introduction
7
Diglossia in Singapore English
9
Features of SCE and StdE
10
SCE features
12
StdE features
13
Who are the Native Speakers?
19
How Numerous are the Native Speakers?
24
Singapore Censuses, 1980 and 1990
32
History of English in Singapore
35
The schools
36
The pupils
39
The teachers
39
The languages
44
Language situation in early schools
45
The present situation
47
SCE in Singapore Today
Acquiring Singapore Colloquial English 52
52
Introduction
53
Acquiring a Creole
57
The Children in my Study
60
The boys' family
62
The girls' family
64
Linguistic Repertoire
66
Learning SCE
69
Beginning to be Diglossic
79
Acquiring Pragmatic Particles in SCE
Acquisition of Interrogatives 84
84
Introduction
84
Interrogative Structures in SCE
88
X-interrogatives
88
Order of acquisition of wh-words
Preface
The experience of prolonged life in more than one community deracinates and enriches. My childhood and education
were in the north-east of England, but most of my adult life, from 1975, when I was 24, I have lived and worked in the
Republic of Singapore. Along the way I have acquired a husband who happens to come from Calcutta (via seven years
in the United States). In the course of work, travel, and an international family life, I have seen many types of
bilingualism. However, the type of bilingualism I am most familiar with is quite different from the European and North
American experience of bilingualism. In Singapore, (as in many other parts of the world) few members of the
community are monolingual. Bilingualism is not associated with minority, immigrant, or socially marginal groups, but
is the common experience.
It is rare for children in Singapore to grow up in monolingual home environments. This study outlines the general
situation of children's English in Singapore, and includes a more detailed study of the longitudinal development of four
children's English, from which the quoted examples are drawn unless otherwise stated. This formed the data for my
DPhil thesis of 1990. The language in this study was from natural, spontaneously occurring speech. It was recorded on
a small but powerful Sony tape recorder placed openly near the speakers. Four children in two ethnically Chinese
families were recorded speaking English over a period of some 3 years. One family had two girls, and the other had
two boys.
I would first of all like to thank the two families who gave me their hospitality and allowed me to share the company of
their fascinating and wonderful children, without whose help this study would have been impossible. I am grateful also
to Yow Wei Meng for her introduction to one of the families.
Secondly I would like to thank the principal, staff, children, and parents of the anonymous PAP Community Foundation
nursery school referred to in Chapter Four. I enjoy my Thursday morning sessions there very much, and have been
made very welcome in the classroom and in the workshops. I look forward to a continuing association with this happy
place.
Next, my thanks to the National University of Singapore for giving me funding and leave, and especially to Edwin
Thumboo and the late John Kwan-Terry, the two people in the decision-making chain who encouraged me in my
research and supported my applications.
Introduction
Derrick Sharp said many years ago that ''each bilingual community is unique" (1973:11). This book is about a
community which has extreme multilingualism, both individual and societal. Singapore has a small area (about 620
square kilometres) for its 3 million residents. Whereas many cities are multilingual islands in less multilingual
hinterlands (for example Bombay, Lagos, Nairobi), Singapore is a city-state in which speakers from the different ethnic
and linguistic groups have been relatively isolated from the rural areas of Malaysia and Indonesia, the two countries
which encircle Singapore. There has been no significant in-migration to Singapore since the early sixties. Furthermore,
in many places multilingualism is restricted to an elite, whereas in Singapore, although patterns of language ability
differ between the classes (and the races) multilingualism is the norm at all levels of society.
Until the middle of the twentieth century, a resident of Singapore could sustain a lifestyle which operated largely in a
mono-ethnic enclave. The Chinese community is drawn from many 'dialect groups' including Hokkien, Teochew,
Cantonese, and Hainanese: it was even possible to live and work within a community that was virtually mono-dialectal.
Members of the Malay community whose ancestors had emigrated from what is now Indonesia also lived in
communities that were, for example, almost exclusively Buginese or Javanese. Over the course of the 20th century
mono-ethnic living has become progressively harder, until now virtually all Singaporeans live in ethnically mixed areas.
Partly as a result of the extensive contact between different groups, monolingual Singaporeans are hard to find. A few
very old people have maintained a monolingual existence.
The overwhelming majority of the population are owner-occupiers of flats built by and controlled by the government
(Housing Development Board flats-HDB). According to the 10% sample of the 1990 census (Lau 1991), in 1990 86%
of all households lived in public flats (92% of them as owner-occupiers). The policy in these vast estates, which
dominate the landscape and social life of Singapore, is, as it has been from their inception in the sixties, to mix the
racial groups, preventing the formation of ethnic ghettos. The housing which the government flats replaced was usually
racially segregated.
In nineteenth century Singapore there was a policy of segregation, laid down by Stamford Raffles in his original plan
for Singapore, which led to the
1
Native Speakers of English in Singapore
Introduction
The kind of English which the English-speaking parents of Singapore have supplied to their children is a variety which
is syntactically very different from Standard English. I call it Singapore Colloquial English (SCE). In Singapore, the
popular term is Singlish. 'Singlish' is also commonly used for the English used by people who have poor proficiency in
English, a variety which is similar to SCE. As I wish to make a distinction between the colloquial usage of proficient
speakers and the usage of those whose English may be very limited, I do not use this popular term.
Three factors have influenced all the languages of Singapore, and have led to the emergence, in this century, of SCE:
(1) The extensive contact between speakers with different language repertoires, including close domestic contact.
(2) The almost total absence of people who are monolingual in any of the languages.
(3) The widespread learning of English, both formally and informally.
I use the term Singapore Colloquial English, but in terms of its syntax, its phonology, and, on the whole, its lexis, the
colloquial usage of proficient English users in Singapore is currently little different from that of their equivalents in
Malaysia: most of the linguistic features discussed in this book could apply equally to Malaysia. However the
demographic distribution and social functions of English are rather different in Malaysia.
In Malaysia there are also differences in the functions of English depending on the region. In the multiracial cities of
West Coast Malaysia and of Malaysian Borneo, especially in Penang, Kuala Lumpur, and Kuching, the position of
English is very comparable to that in Singapore, with English being a widespread lingua franca, especially among racial
groups other than the Malays. However, in the less racially mixed rural areas, English has a status much more like that
of a foreign language, as there is less need for it in daily life. Malaysia has a bilingual education policy which
emphasizes Malay, and
I have found it useful to use a set of eight features to characterize SCE and StdE (Gupta 1989, Gupta 1991a). Four are
characteristic of SCE, and four of StdE. These are not the only differences between the two varieties, but are
analytically straightforward salient features. It is important to analyse the features of SCE in its own terms. Virtually all
analyses of Singapore English in the past (including my own, Gupta 1986, and Platt & Weber 1980) have analysed
Singapore English comparatively, using British Standard English as a benchmark, for which we were rightly criticised
by Bloom (1986:424f). The criterial features I use do not require comparison across varieties but are autonomous.
Many features, including the use of BE, tense marking, and the use of other verb and noun morphology in general are
required in StdE but optional in SCE.
Figure 1.1
Overlap of two definitions of native speaker (not to scale).
StdE features
(1) Aux + Subject in Interrogatives. SCE uses inversion interrogatives with only two verbs: BE and CAN (see Chapter
Three). Otherwise, inversion interrogatives are characteristic of StdE.
EXAMPLES
What do you want? (MB)
Why did you cry? (MB)
Does your Malay servant still look after Ella? (MG)
D'you want a tissue? (EG, 4;10)
How do you know? (EB, 7;8)
(2) Presence of Verbal Inflexions (3 pers. sg. present tense, preterite, past participle ) SCE does not regularly mark
tense and agreement by inflexional means, but StdE requires it. The only verb inflexions required in SCE are concord
in BE.
EXAMPLES [inflected verb underlined]
The colour has sort of changed too. (MB)
My uncle also went. (EB, 5;11)
My mother bought for me. (EB, 5;11)
And she remembered her. (MG)
Last time I saw one big spider. (EG, 4;10)
In the morning also it shines. (EB, 7;8)
U seem to get pulled into weird conversations . . . ('Winston')
May her coming birthday brings her good luck . . . (university bulletin board, hypercorrect)
Figure 1.2
Educational qualifications. (Data from Khoo, Table 2, Release 8, with
data for those born 1961-70 from information from Lau Table 99, Release 3)
Figure 1.3
Male and female literacy in Chinese and English in the Chinese
population (Khoo 1981, Lau 1993)
Figure 1.4
Rate of increase in enrollment in English-medium schools of the
Straits Settlements 1871-1931.
has had English as the major medium of instruction. The current situation will be discussed in Chapter Four.
The Pupils
The huge rise in the enrollment in English-medium schools is linked with the changing ethnic composition in them
(Figure 1.5). The racial categories (and their ordering) are those of the reports and the censuses of the time and do not
fully correspond to modern characterisation, nor are they entirely consistent over time.
The races behaved differently with regard to English-medium education (Figure 1.5). The general picture is of a fairly
stable nineteenth century situation, with the school population composed of roughly equal numbers of Chinese and
European/Eurasian pupils, and small numbers of Indians and Malays. At the end of this stable period, in 1886, there
were 1009 European/Eurasian pupils, 1386 Chinese, 119 Malays and 124 Indians/Others. During the period of rapid
change around the turn of the century there was an influx of Chinese children such that within twenty years they
constituted two thirds of the English-medium school population. The rise in the number of children of other ethnic
groups was gentler. Again, there were slight differences between the three settlements. Penang was the oldest and, until
1891, by which time Singapore had overtaken it, the largest of the Straits
Figure 1.5
Pupils of English-medium schools of the Straits Settlements 1874-
1938 by race.
Settlements. The proportion of Chinese in English-medium education was higher in Penang from an earlier date
The Eurasian community was important in early English-medium education, both as pupils and (as we shall see) as
teachers. Unfortunately, Europeans and Eurasians are not distinguished in the groupings of school students. The term
'European' is a racial, not a geographical term. 'Eurasians' may be children of parents of different races, but are more
likely to be the descendants of distant racial mixing. In many cases the mixing had taken place in some other Asian
country. The European component of a majority of Eurasians had been Portuguese, British or Dutch, and they were
mostly English speaking. In Malacca, where the European component was largely Portuguese this community used a
Portuguese creole (Hancock 1975). Over the years, members of the Portuguese community migrated to other Straits
Settlements and progressively switched to English. Members of the Eurasian community could also be expected to
speak Malay. Braga-Blake (1992:12f) discusses the complex origins of the Singapore Eurasian community. Families
with Portuguese, British, and Dutch surnames, and Indian, Macao, Malacca, Bencoolen, Burmese, Siamese and Ceylon
origins (Braga-Blake 1992:13) intermarried (as can be seen from the complex family trees traced by de Souza 1992) so
that from disparate origins a unified, Christian, English-speaking community had emerged before the end of the
nineteenth century.
Figure 1.6
Teachers of English-medium schools of the Straits Settlements
1920-1938 by race.
Figure 1.7
Percentage of European teachers in English-medium schools of the
Straits Settlements 1884-1938.
2
Acquiring Singapore Colloquial English
Introduction
Studies of the acquisition of English generally focus on the development of inflectional morphology, the syntax of
negation and interrogation, and the order of acquisition of similar elements of syntax. As we have seen, SCE is a
language with little inflectional morphology. Accounts of normal acquisition of English such as R Brown's (1973) or
Wells' (1985), and assessments of language disability (Crystal 1982, Crystal, Fletcher and Garman 1976, 1989) all refer
to a point at which features such as tense marking or plurality become categorial. For example, children begin to speak
without tense marking, then begin to use the past tense sometimes, until finally the use of the past tense becomes
obligatory, as it is in the adult model. However, in SCE tense reference is never categorial.
Tense is obligatory in StdE but to assess a speaker of Singapore English, especially to assess a child, on the basis of
categoriality in speech presumes that the use of StdE is obligatory, which it is not. Many of the StdE features which
show a late and interesting pattern of acquisition in StdE are not found in SCE, such as, as we will see in Chapter
Three, inversion and DO insertion in interrogatives. Like many contact varieties, SCE could be described as having a
'simple grammar.' It has been suggested that contact varieties show more features of universal grammar than languages
which have followed normal transmission for generations. This might suggest that they are easier to learn.
In this book I will not address the issue of the extent to which the features of SCE reflect universal grammar, which I
have discussed elsewhere (Gupta 1990, 1991b, 1992a). Instead, I will outline what appears to be the normal pattern of
development of SCE in children. My approach to children's language acquisition reflects a trend in language acquisition
studies which recognizes:
the degree to which language acquisition is a social as well as a cognitive accomplishment, the need to recognize
the complexity of the social-prag-
EG(12) is confused because (as is normal practice to a friend of family) she is calling me 'Aunty' and also sometimes
hears her childminder, who she calls Ah-mah (Teochew 'Aunty'), referred to as 'Aunty'. Her comment shows that
Although undoubtedly Singapore Chinese adults have different expectations of child behaviour from the British and
American adults that have formed the larger population in studies of language acquisition, these differences are not
dramatic. The common routines of infant interaction are not noticeably different. A major difference however is the
acceptance of multilingual families, and the easy acceptance of change in language repertoire.
Measures of language attainment tend to be language and dialect specific, and it needs to be constantly borne in mind
that the language the children in Singapore are acquiring is not Standard English. For example, if we apply Brown's
analysis to SCE we get inappropriate results. The MLU of EB at 4;7 was 4.26, and EG's at 3;0 was 3.86, quite in line
with Brown's subjects at similar ages (R Brown 1973:56). However, these children's use of the grammatical morphemes
appears to be far behind what can be expected of children learning English (Table 2.1).
This looks, chronologically, like a deficit. It certainly arises from having as model a nonstandard variety. The study by
the Bernard van Leer foundation appears to have in fact used this system as one of the means of assessment of
Figure 2.1
Diglossic behaviour of boys' mother
Figure 2.2
Diglossic behaviour of girls' mother
MG also makes clear switches from StdE to SCE at moments of emotion, such as irritation, losing an argument, or in
the example below, her assertion of fact (line 31), which closes a prolonged controversy. EG is aged 4;3. The Care
Bear film is showing at a cinema ('Cathay') in the centre of Singapore. The advertising campaign has focussed on the
free ticket being given with the sale of the soft toys.
EG counters all her mother's reasons for not taking her to the film that day or the following day. She suggests that
church can be combined with the cinema by going to the church opposite the cinema (not their usual church). However,
she makes a mistake in lines 30-31, by confusing days of the week. MG concludes the argument by countering this
error. After her highly StdE focussed speech, MG's switch in line 31 is striking. The argument ends, and the group
returns to looking at photographs.
The children need to learn two things: firstly, they must learn the morphological and word order features associated
with StdE, and secondly they must learn what the appropriate environments are in which to use the two varieties. There
is considerable evidence that learning functional differentiation is easy for children, and that it is learnt early.
In bilingual children, the two codes may be differentiated from the start and used ''in contextually sensitive ways"
(Genese 1989:161). For children who need to acquire two functionally different varieties of the same language, there
may also be an early discrimination. Youssef (1991), working in Trinidad, found that children acquired varilingual
competence from an age as early as 2;10. Even in children outside diglossic or creole-continua situations, style shifting
may be observed in very young children. Ainsworth-Vaughn (1990) found style switching, relating to politeness
markers, even in infants of 1;0. In my study all the children showed that they had begun to differentiate StdE from SCE,
and to know the circumstances of use of both varieties, by the age of four years.
Although by the end of the study the two younger children were using the full range of pragmatic particles, and the
SCE conditionals, they had very few StdE features, even in their speech to AG (Figures 2.3 and 2.4). The third
Figure 2.3
Diglossic behaviour of Younger Boy
Figure 2.4
Diglossic behaviour of Younger Girl
Turning to the older children (Figures 2.5 and 2.6) we see clear evidence of diglossic behaviour. The differentiation in
EB has begun by age 4;6 (Sessions 1-3) and for EG begins in Session 5, aged 4;3. By 5;11 EB can swing from saying
to AG (while playing with Lego) "Your boat should be
Figure 2.5
Diglossic behaviour of Elder Boy
Figure 2.6
Diglossic behaviour of Elder Girl
There are many things in EG's speech to suggest that she is attempting StdE structures. She uses have three times in this
short extract, where we might expect the usual SCE got. She also uses BE, twice, with an inappropriate inflection, 'I be
a flower girl' (lines 8 and 18), once with future time reference and once with past. The inappropriate inflection is
unusualwhere BE is used in SCE it has the same concord for person as it does in StdE, and the children in my data
made virtually no errors of concord in it. The use of be here appears to be a result of EG's efforts in the direction of
StdE. Finally, EG produces a conditional sentence (29) which has a past tense in the dependent clause and a StdE 'llfall
verb group in the main clause. These utterances are well-formed in neither SCE not StdEthey are developmental StdE.
By 7;8 EB could sustain StdE for long periods. He continues to use the pragmatic particles, however. This is usual. The
pragmatic particles may be used by Singaporeans in speech which is otherwise very much focussed on StdE:
EB is using noun and verb morphology (knows, bones ) and is not deleting the copula. Later on in the same session, he
uses StdE verb groups such as Let me try/think, must find, and past tense (found ) His StdE sentences include
Here, EB returns to SCE with no use of past tense or third person singular present tense marking, and subject deletion.
He also used got in an SCE manner. This pattern occurs throughout this session at every digression from the tasks in
hand.
The learning of the principle of code differentiation comes around the time of the fourth birthday for the children in my
study. This is also the time at which Singaporean children normally start formal pre-school education. In the two
families under study, Mandarin started to be used more at the time the elder children started kindergarten. The
awareness of approaching formal education also leads parents to read to their children, and this results in an increase in
the use of StdE in the home. The sources of StdE are various: pedagogically oriented speech to the child, overheard
StdE speech, television, and, increasingly, written materials that the child reads independently. At school, formal parts
of lessons are likely to be conducted in StdE. Middle-class parents expect their children to be able to read before they
enter primary school, and the development of literacy itself promotes proficiency in StdE and an awareness of contexts
of use. EB read aloud fluently to AG at age 6;1 (off tape), and made no changes from StdE to SCE grammar. EG was
also able to read, write and spell aloud by age 5;11.
By the time primary schooling begins (between Sessions 7 and 8 for EB) the use of formal features of SCE and StdE is
approaching the adult model. The initial model is parental. The literacy skills are in part provided by formal
kindergarten education, but the major development of literacy and most of the development of StdE takes place in the
home.
The non-Chinese Amanda (a pseudonym), a Punjabi friend of EB's, aged four years, who made a brief appearance in an
early session, shows the same mastery of SCE and of the pragmatic particles, using, in that time, ah, lah, what, and na.
Pragmatic particles are normally present in checking sequences. Checking sequences seem to be particularly common
in SCE (Francis and Hunston 1987:128f; Platt 1987:397), and perhaps especially so in dialogues involving children. For
example, here is EG, aged 2;11, in discussion with her father. I have left the flat, but before I left she noticed what I
wore on my feet:
1 EG Aunty wear red red one the
Aunty wear red shoes. [Statement]
2 GF Who wear red shoes? [Clarif. requ.]
3 EG Aunty. [Response to 2]
4 GF Aunty wore red shoes meh? [Check]
5 EG Red red. [Confirmation]
6 GF Red red shoes ah? [Check]
7 EG Yes. [Confirmation]
[EG, 2;11]
We will see many sequences like this in the extracts in this book. They are often (as in line 4 above) associated with the
expansions and remodellings that are so common in speech to children and which help children develop their grammar.
Most studies of the acquisition of pragmatic particles in other languages show a similar early, error-free acquisition (for
example, for Shanghainese, Qiu 1985; and for Japanese Clancy 1985:381), with pragmatic particles appearing in the
first stage of grammatical development before the second birthday. For reasons that are not apparent, however, Erbaugh
(1982:453) found that the Taiwanese, Mandarin-speaking children of her sample did not acquire the pragmatic particles
until the age of 2:10 to 3:6. Unlike other researchers, she found an early stage (Erbaugh 1982:681) of undifferentiated
use of particles "to express general emotional warmth and relevance". Erbaugh
3
Acquisition of Interrogatives
Introduction
This chapter will focus on the development of interrogatives. The acquisition of interrogatives in StdE has been the
subject of extensive study, as acquisition patterns are interesting because of the complexity of interrogative formation in
StdE, which involves fronting, inversion, and DO-insertion. Interrogatives are interesting also because they are used in
a wide range of complex functions, including directives, and of course in questioning. Przetacznik-Gierowska and
Ligeza (1990) show how questioning in children meets many varied needsfactual, emotional and social. This chapter
will focus on the formal development of interrogatives, but substantial extracts and discussion will keep function in the
mind.
In SCE, as we shall see, interrogatives are, like some types of Chinese interrogatives, syntactically less complex than in
Standard English. Some of the techniques of forming polar interrogatives in Chinese would appear to be linguistically
complex, and Kwan-Terry's bilingual subject had some problems with these (Kwan-Terry 1986a). The SCE
interrogatives hardly use these complex patterns of Chinese origin. Thus interrogatives in SCE, then, are less complex
than in both StdE and in Chinese.
Interrogative Structures in SCE
Interrogative is a formal, not a functional category. An interrogative clause is one which is formally marked as
interrogative, whether or not it functions as a question (whatever that means). The interrogative structures of StdE and
of SCE are not entirely the same, so before looking at the acquisition of interrogatives in children acquiring SCE as a
native language, we need to establish these formal features. I use the expression x-interrogative for what is usually
called wh-interrogative. The term wh-interrogative defines an interrogative as one in which there is a wh-word
functioning as a pro-form, and in which, if the interrogative is a question, a contingent answer supplies an element
corresponding to that wh-word.
Here the friend's answer (3) is the negative pole. Again, here is EB answering AG, who asks his permission to separate
two pieces of Lego:
AG Can I take off?
EB Can.
[EB 5;11]
It has been suggested (Killingley 1972:542, Platt, Weber and Ho 1983:28) that particles like ah (what I have called the
tentative group) are associated with questions and therefore signal interrogatives in SCE. I do not propose to discuss in
detail here my reasons for rejecting ah as an interrogative marker (discussed in Gupta 1992b). In part it is due to
uncertainty about the concept question. Bolinger (1978:104) says that "a question advances a hypothesis for
confirmation, in any degree, not just in terms of polar opposites." In this sense any statement is a question and a
tentatively marked statement is more of a question. Giv6n (1984a) sees the difference between a 'declarative' and a 'yes-
no question' as a continuum based on 4 parameters:
The antecedent or assumed context for these interrogatives is established in the conversation, as it was here, in the first
session with EG.
[the Sound of Music video is playing. We have
noticed that two of the characters have 'yellow hair']
1 EG Em Mummy this one got hair.
2 MG Grey hair.
3 EG My hair what?
4 MG Black. Hair.
5 EG Huh?
6 MG You got black hair.
7 EG Mummy leh?
8 MG Mummy also black hair.
9 EG Daddy?
10MG Also black.
11AG Also black. [touches own hair]
12MG Aunty [i.e. AG] also got black hair.
The x-interrogative at line 7 relies on the context of naming colour of hair, or else the interlocutor could not know what
it was that was being queried. This happens to be my earliest attestation of leh (Q ) However this late attestation may
simply be the result of their rarity (only 10 tokens in my data). Qiu (1985:156)'s first occurrence of the comparable
Shanghainese particle was at 21 months.
In certain contexts missing-constituent questions may appear to function as polar questions, where the antecedent is a
statement, as in the example below (3):
[AG and YB are looking at a fluorescent skeleton]
1AG At night time it shines.
2YB M.
3 In morning time leh?
4AG No, not in morning time. You can't see it.
5 You must wait till it's dark.
[YB, 4;6]
Notice that this can still be glossed as ''What about in the morning time?". However I responded to it as a polar
question equivalent to 'Does it shine in the morning time?' This is possible because the antecedent of the missing
constituent interrogative is it shines.
In StdE there are wh-interrogatives which correspond to these missing-constituent interrogatives, using How about, or
What about. In my data only YG (at age 3;6) and YB (aged 4;6) are attested using (How ) about, and only YB (at the
early age of 2;10) is attested using What about.
Like the pragmatic particles, the missing constituent interrogatives show the reliance on contingency which seems to
characterise SCE. The reliance on shared context and speakers' assumptions of a shared assessment of situation is
characteristic of all informal conversation (Giv6n 1984b:948f). SCE is used entirely as a spoken variety, and has no
contrasting variety to show its forms in less contextually dependent settings. That even small children can manipulate
them shows how quickly they develop sophistication in communicative competence.
Development of X-interrogatives
In studies of the acquisition of Standard English, an investigator can be confident (within limits) of the target variety
that the children are exposed to.
Answers are not always parallel in form to the question, as in the following:
EG Where's doh?
FG This one doh. [pointing to guitar string]
[EG, 2;11]
There were only 34 uses of who in my data, of which the majority had who as subject, and many others were too simple
to show evidence of fronting. In only eight who interrogatives could either fronting or inversion be potentially
observed. This limited data suggests a pattern for who similar to that for what and where.
Figures like those in Tables 3.2 and 3.3 can be misleading. For example, in one session (in the period aged 2;1-2;8) YG
produced 16 consecutive identical utterances, 'This is what?' (accounting for all but one of the structures with
declarative position of what and SV), while later (aged 3;6-3;10) she produced 11 consecutive mock clarification
requests 'You say what?', in response to her mother's urging her to eat her meal so that she could have a mango. This
accounted for over half of the structures with declarative position of what and SV. However the distribution of
inversion and fronting is not as random as may appear from this table.
64 of the 67 what interrogatives with fronting and inversion involve BE, and all but 12 of these are 'What(i)s . . . ?' The
other 12 being 'What are . . . ?' Forty-eight of the where-interrogatives with fronting and inversion are where
(i )s. One is where are. Not all copular structures show inversion and fronting. Some show fronting but have no verb;
for example, a total of 15 Where interrogatives have the structure 'Where NP' (e.g. Where your house?, YB 4;0). In
other cases, where maintains its declarative position: three where interrogatives with the structure NP+where were
produced (Syringe where?, EB 7;8; Blue number where?, EG 5;8). The third was by YB, aged 2;9, and was 'Paper
where?'.
We seldom see inversion and fronting outside copular clauses. The solitary use of inversion with a verb other than BE
is from EG, aged 5;11 (line 8 below). It seems to be modelled on a sentence from AG (line 2 below):
[EG is doing painting by numbers. AG's task is to open the
pots of
paint on request]
1AGOkay, so I'll put the lid on thirty-six.
This interrogative also has in, which we expect to lead to declarative order of where. It is an example of EG's
development of StdE.
One of these interrogatives with fronting and inversion is one of very few examples in the data of utterances which can
be said to be incorrect by comparison with a mature model. It is, as it happens, the first interrogative in the data from
YG apart from what (i )s:
[11 secs silence. EG is in the kitchen doing origami, YG also
in
kitchen. AG and AG's daughter in living room]
1MG What are you making
[EG's name] [addressed to EG]
2YG I do like-
make jie-jie ['elder sister'] this.
[11.5 secs silence]
3YG [to toy] This.
4 See.
5 What is this make?
6 Make box.
[2 secs silence]
[YG, aged 2;1]
Although some time has elapsed, YG's interrogative at (5) is so similar to MG's question to EG at (1) that it seems
likely to be a restructured echo of it. On the other hand, the association of BE with inversion could cause a child in this
environment to use BE in any inversion interrogative, rather than DO, which is very rare indeed in the environment. It
is also possible that we have here a basic constructional development:
This make what? > What this make?
in which the what is formula has been inserted instead of what. This suggests a formulaic explanation.
Kwan-Terry (1986a:23) found inversion and fronting in x-interrogatives in her subject up to 3;9 only with what's and
where's. Harrison and Lim (1988:159) also found 'preposed' wh-item and 'correctly transposed copula'
Most of the non-fronted, declarative position where interrogatives, from YB, EG, and EB, are identical in surface form,
being 'Go where?' (with retrievable subjects of all persons). They are widely separated from each other, and none are
involved in routines. This looks very much like another formula. In fact, there are only three examples of declarative
order with verbs other than GO. These are Press where (YG 3;6), Powder put where? (EB, 7;8), and a rather marked
word order from EG, aged 5;11, in So Iput where this?.
The figures for declarative position and S-V order for YB aged 4;0 to 4;6 are distorted by the many re-readings of The
Haunted House in the eighth session with the boys' family. The Haunted House (by Joy Cowley, Shortland
Publications) was 'read' by YB no less than 10 times, and by AG once. YB's renditions of this book are interesting
because they gave rise to a use of go where which represents a misunderstanding. The text describes a series of spooky
creatures (ghostie, spook owl, monster ) and gives each an appropriate noise, using the repeated structure:
This book has been accurately read aloud to YB by his mother and his elder brother. He is presumably not familiar with
the use of GO to introduce speech, common in many varieties of English, but not in Singapore English (either StdE or
SCE), so he has converted it into a familiar question.
It is striking that in what and where interrogatives (and, as far as can be seen, who interrogatives) fronting of the wh-
word with S-V order is rare. There are only three examples for what, and only two for where. There are examples of
apparent S-V order, which use -ing (without the BE auxiliary) but these do not give evidence of inversion. Even more
striking, two of the examples of fronted what with S-V order have what for ( = why ) with the verb use. In one
example, YB and EB (6;2) are mixing an orange drink from powder and water,
The pairing of the question and its final response is quite baffling:
Q What do you all want to take school bag?
R No, inside the schoolbag they have got food.
EG's interrogative is interpreted by MG as having pointed to the anomaly of taking a school bag on a picnic. She
answers with the reason for their having a schoolbag. A further oddity of this interrogative is the choice of pronoun,
you, not referred to by MG. In general, EG's use of pronouns is like the adult model, as indeed one might expect at her
age. This pronoun is used in both versions. In all, it would appear that this interrogative represents a developmental
stage in EG's acquisition of the StdE pattern of interrogatives. As we shall see 2nd person want is also particularly
associated with DO support in my child data. Again, it may have formulaic beginnings. The extremely limited data on
the development of DO support prevents any analysis-it is acquired very late by Singaporean English-speaking children
and is associated with the development of StdE.
Which and How Many
There is no evidence of movement of the wh-word in these two wh-words which are little used.
Of the 47 because utterances which do have a main clause, only 8 have the because clause first, and all but one of these
happens to be from EG. Her first (line (5)) is at 3;0:
[Looking at a picture that EG is colouring, boy wearing
quaint
old-fashioned clothes]
1 EG Take out.
2 MG Hm?
3 EG She take out hor.
4 MG No, he didn't button.
5 EG Because she don't button shame shame lor.
6 MG No lah, he got shirt inside.
7 EG Why like that huh Mummy?
8 MG Because he's poor.
9 EG Why she take out hah?
10MG He, he, boy is he.
[MG pays attention to EG's colouring]
11 No, the other way, the other way.
[EG, 3;0]
In (1) and (3) EG comments that the boy has opened his shirt. In (5) the main clause is 'shame shame', the assertive
particle lor applying to the whole proposition. 'Shame shame' is SCE baby-talk normally said to a naked child. EG is so
shocked by the boy's immodesty that she seems not to accept her mother's explanation (6) of a shirt inside, as is shown
by her second question at (9). MG's concentration on correction, first of EG's use of the pronoun she for a male
referent, and then of her colouring technique, results in the interrogative at (9) failing.
The example from YB comes as he goes upstairs to get a battery for his tape recorder:
AG What are you bringing?
[YB gestures to tape recorder]
Another tape recorder?
YB Cos no battery must get some more battery.
[YB, 4;0]
The four examples of inversion are worth inspection. On one occasion, EG uses inversion in a why interrogative that,
significantly, involves cannot:
[EG, MG and AG are looking of photographs, showing AG's daughter
at an adventure park. Here they have looked at a photograph showing
AG's daughter and AG each in a paddle boat in a roped off section of
a lake]
1EG Why cannot she ah, so big place?
2MG M.
3AG Because she's- she's riding her boat. She's on a lake and she
has her own boat and I have my own boat. You must turn- you
As we shall see, CAN (along with BE) is used in inversion polar interrogatives. It is not surprising then that the earliest
example of inversion in Why interrogatives should be CAN. Rather than showing the emergence of aux-S inversion in
why interrogatives it might be better to see this as resulting from the use of CAN in polar questions, such that the
structure is:
Why (polar interrogative with CAN-S) (ah)
The use of why with inversion from the two older children in the final stage of the fieldwork reflects their growing
mastery of StdE. All are addressed to AG. EG's is the only wh-interrogative with DO support other than those with how
in the whole data:
1 EG Why do you need to play the tape when people talk?
2 AG Because afterwards I go and write down e::verything that
you
have said to me.
3 MGDo you really do that?
4 AG I do.
[EG, 5;11]
Another why interrogative with auxiliary inversion, from EB (aged 7;8), with MUST, is also well-formed, Why must we
test all?. The third suggests that he is having some difficulty with DO support, especially here where a negative is
involved:
EB Do- Why do we n- don't need this hah?
AG Now you'll- afterwards you'll have to wash
that.
[EB, 7;8]
It is hard to reconstruct the full forms of all these corrections, or to understand what the final form of the interrogative
is.
There are in all 14 examples in my data of why questions using negation, but only one example of the negative wh-
word why not, forming a directive, "Why not go, mama, and I will stay down here" (EB, 6;0). Why interrogatives with
negation include:
Why no light? [YB, 4;0]
Why don't like? [EG, 5;8]
Why your husband don't like, you like? [EG, 5;8]
Why I never see your daughter already? [EG, 5;8]
Although there is a slight variation in YG's pronunciation, in general these interrogatives could be transcribed [ ] (I
would like to thank Brian Ridge for his help here). The you is thus represented by the glottal stop, and the palatalization
of the fricative. This suggests a speech formula once more. YG is simultaneously showing me where the items are and
directing me to look at them. Line (10) looks like the beginning of another directive like the one in line (20), using a
second person experiential verb, repaired to an CAN interrogative.
Can you directives are seen as a polite technique. At age 6;1, EB, asking AG to find Lego pieces for him, said 'Aunty,
you know, you must find for me the other one.' His mother rebuked him for speaking rudely to me, and he immediately
repeated, 'Aunty, can you please find for me all these ones?'. It seems that children are being more or less explicitly
taught CAN YOU as a polite way of making a directive. For the smaller children it seems to have the same meaning as,
and no more grammatical structure than, 'please'. This is why 2 of YG's early inversion interrogatives, and both of YB's
early ones, are only 'Can you?' with no linguistic antecedent, where the context makes clear what it is the child is asking
the other party to do. YB, aged 2;9, approaches his mother with the robot he and EB are trying to assemble. He says
'Mummy, can you?' MB is involved in a conversation about EB's teeth with AG and does not respond. YB then says
'Mummy' twice, then louder still 'Hey Mummy,' then says 'Hey' five times, crescendo. He finally achieves her attention
and verbalises his request as follows, without using can you (lines 2 and 4 below):
1 MB What's that?
2 YB This inside- inside.
3 MB What is inside?
4 YB This one ah, close, close.
5 MB Close ah.
6 YB Yah.
[YB, 2;9]
At first sight, MG and AG appear to interpret YG's interrogative (1) as being the same as EG's previous interrogative,
'We see this already or not?'. However, a negative answer here presumes the possibility of seeing that photograph. If we
assume that CAN YOU is an unanalysed formula meaning please we can see that YG's (1) could be a directive and/or
permission request, getting MG's approval for this slide being put in, and resulting in EG putting the slide in, which is
what in fact happens at (8). This explains why YG uses the you inappropriately here, when her normal usage suggests
she uses pronouns as the mature model does.
There are two examples of negative CAN YOU interrogatives:
Can't you do that? [EG, 5;11, surprise at AG's inability to bend her head back for a prolonged period]
Can you not do that. [EB, 6;2, negative directive: AG has just offered to set the time on his watch]
The CAN I and CAN WE interrogatives are permission requests, e.g. 'Can I be excuse?' (EG, 5;11). One ('Can I get
luncheon meat?', EB, 7;8) occurs in the section where EB is getting items for the chemistry set. They are not used by
the younger children, appearing earliest in EB, aged 4;6 ('Mummy can I play there our house?')
Nearly all the other inversion interrogatives with BE are from EB, the oldest subject, at the oldest age in the study, and
occur in a StdE context. Three of them occur as he is enacting a written text for YB (June Melser. 1982. Look for me.
Shortland Publications Ltd.). This is a book in which a mother is looking for her son. The text repeats the same
structure with different locations:
Mum looked for David in the toy box. 'No, he's not here,' she said.
When AG and EB enact the story they take the part of the mother, making changes in name and location to be
appropriate to searching for YB in his own house. In the first enactment, AG replaces the narrative of the original text
with interrogatives (''Where is that boy? Is he in the fishtank? Is he behind the television"). EB produces an almost
perfect imitation of AG's version in both form and location:
[YB hides]
1 EB Look for me.
2 Where is that boy?
3 [YB laughs]
4 Now look for the-
5 Not looking for the-
6 Is he in the - fishtank?
7 No.
8 Is he-
9 Oh no.
10 I think he's upstairs.
11 AG Is he upstairs?
[finds YB]
YB [laughs] [giggles-4 secs]
[EB, 7;3; YB, 4;0]
YB, incidentally, stays much closer to the printed text in his enactment, as he searches for EB. He uses no
interrogatives, and maintains the locations of the original text:
Up in the chimney. [There are no chimneys in
1 YB Singapore
houses]
2 No no no.
3 AGNo, no no.
The other two inversion interrogatives with BE from EB, however, are not modelled in this way. The first occurs as he
is picking out the various chemicals in the chemistry set:
AG Then we need lard-finding agent.
[3 secs]
EB Is it this?
[presenting bottle to AG]
AG That's albumin-finding agent.
[3 secs]
EB Large ah?
AG Lard finding agent.
[EB finds it]
Okay.
[EB, 7;8]
The second has BE as an auxiliary, although in a position where StdE would expect HAVE:
[EB is squeezing drops of chemical on chocolate. As both are dark,
it is hard to see whether this liquid is coming out or not. The
amount EB has
squeezed is excessive]
AGNo, no, don't waste it.
You can put it back in.
EB Is it come?
AGOh hey, just try it- try it on the- on the- em- Yakult first.
The early isolated did you interrogative from EG, aged 4;3, has an inappropriate pronoun, which context makes clear
should be they:
[AG, EG, and MG are looking at photographs taken while AG was
in England]
1 AG These my friend's children.
2 This Ella, these my friend's children.
3 EG You don't know her name name name?
4 AG Christine, Christopher.
5 EG Same, Christine and Christopher. Same.
6 AG Same, that's right, brother and sister.
7 So same name.
8 Christine, Christopher.
9 EG Ellen, Ella, only not same.
10AG Right.
11EG You didn't come leh?
12AG I took the photograph.
13EG Why Ella and these two don't see you, only one?
14AG Because I'm- got the camera.
[AG misunderstands line 13. EG repeats the problem at 15 and 16.
Only one of the children in the photo is looking at the camera]
15EG Did you all don't see you meh, only this one ah?
The only example without you as subject is from YG, aged 3;10. She chooses a colour of paint, and says quietly to
herself, 'Right, do I using this first?'. The use of this auxiliary, as in EB's 'Is it come' is not appropriate in StdE, and
again suggests a structure in the process of learning.
Once again we may be looking at the formulaic beginnings of a structure, where 'Do you/Did you' is a remembered
chunk, unanalysed into its components, although both DO (the lexical verb) and YOU are used in other contexts.
This observation is supported by Kwan-Terry's data. The child she studied used did you from 3;7, but 'the did-support
was used only when the subject topic was the pronoun "you"' (Kwan-Terry 1986a:31), and do you from 4:09. At 4;10,
there was no evidence for DO support in x-interrogatives. Kwan-Terry concludes that her subject "had memorized the
pre-fabricated do (did ) plus pronoun form on account of its high frequency of occurrence but he had not acquired the
DO support rule in general as he could not apply it to sentences where the subject was a noun" (Kwan-Terry 1986a:32).
I would go beyond this to say that the prefabricated form is do (did ) you.
We have seen the concentration of DO support in 2nd person experiential verbs (Wells 1985:151), and especially with
want. Indeed, main clause structures with an experiential verb and a second person subject in SCE can be defined as
interrogative even without inversion.
There is something pragmatically odd about telling people what they know, see, think or want etc.. And when the
children in my data used You want, and You know in main clauses, they were generally seeking assent, or even asking a
polar question with less loading of the poles. Geluykens (1987:484) refers to these subject-verb combinations as
'question prone.' You know and You see are also common tags, functioning like assertive pragmatic particles, but this is
not examined here.
There were 41 main clause second person experientials (unmarked for interrogativity in any other way) in my data.
They emerged in the two year olds, while the four year olds began to produce 2nd person experientials followed by
embedded x-interrogative clauses (discussed later in this chapter). These utterances were generally questions, where the
x of the embedded clause was supplied in the response. At the same time, non-questioning x-interrogative embeddings
begin to appear in the same verbs with a first or third person subject. An association of experiential verbs with early
embeddings was also found by Wells (1985:190) who found the first two-clause utterances to use WANT: "the first to
emerge were sentences containing experiential verbs, such as 'want,' 'like', 'know' and 'think', which can take an
embedded clause
As an acknowledgment of the other's speech it is not a tag, as in this example from the boys' mother:
AG [to MB] In- in Roald Dahl's version of Goldilocks and the
Three Bears, Goldilocks comes out as a terrorist, and in -in- in
his version of the three little pigs, em- in his version of the three
little pigs the last little pig calls on Goldilocks to help him, and
Goldilocks ends up killing not only the wolf but also the little pig.
[MB/AG laugh]
MB Is it?
We must go and get the books.
AG That's Revolting Rhymes: Ella thinks it's wonderful.
None of the children in my data is attested in this use. Their (few) uses are all of the tag. For example (line 6 below),
EG uses one among a variety of interrogatives as EG and YG interrogate AG on her car:
Both EG's uses are linked intonationally with the statement that precedes them. However, where is it is on a separate
contour, it can function as a reinitiation to an utterance to which a response is expected. On one occasion EB (7;3) is
trying to fix YB's toy motorbike (a 'Condo'), which appears incomplete. He says to YB, with a single intonation
contour " . . . now your Condo, you lost your mirror is it?" YB ignores him, because he is shooting AG. EG repeats
himself several times, including one more is it:
You lost your mirror, your Condo mirror. [1 sec pause] Is it?
A similar separation, although not preceded by a clear pause, comes as EB is writing a secret message in milk:
[7 secs, EB writes]
EB Must let it dry first?
Is it?
AG Yeah, it mustit must dry.
[EB, 7;8]
There is a structure in StdE in which is it that can be glossed as "is it the case that". In a rather similar way, is it may be
used (very rarelyonly 6 times in my data), to signal a non-disjunctive polar interrogative in SCE.
As usual, the youngest child to use this structure is YG, aged 3;10 (line 6 below). She is surprised that AG has drunk
her refreshment so quickly:
You just drink your water so fast.
1 YG [rise]
2 AG Did I drink it very
fast?
3 EG Yes.
4 AG I must have been thirsty.
EB (4;7) uses this is in combination with an X or Y disjunctive interrogative ("Is it we all go now or Aunty go now"; "Is
it we all go home now or Aunty go home now?"the second rendition is a reinitiation 12 turns after the first).
The use of initial is it to mark a non-disjunctive polar interrogative is of great interest, because this kind of structure is
a blend of Chinese patterns and English patterns of interrogation, which results in a form unlike either source (Gupta
1992a). However, it is rare, and late, in children.
Kwan-Terry (1986a:29) has is it, sounding like "a single word" from 3;6 in utterances like 'Is it a giant?'. Her subject at
3;9 "had formed the rule that an interrogative sentence in English could be formed by
topic/subjectinterrogative word 'is it'complement"
This produced interrogatives like 'The second one, is it the small one?' After 4;3, he had "'is it' functioning as an
interrogative signal, a separate topic/grammatical subject and a separate verb" as in 'Is it the blood will come out and
then the place will dirty?' and 'Is it Freddie is No. 8? ['Number Eight']' Kwan-Terry's long-term access to her subject
means that she had more chance than I do of capturing all the stages in such a rare type of interrogative as this. I would
analyse the structure in my data, however, simply as:
is it + statement.
Disjunctive Polar Interrogatives
Finally, three forms of disjunctive interrogatives with or can be distinguished, and one with negation. The
chronologically earliest of the disjunctive interrogatives appears to emerge from an or not tag normally placed in
sentence-final position, immediately after the verb. This or not tag in the mature variety can be used sentence-finally
even where the verb is not the last element (as in some of the examples from Sin 1985: "You know why or not?",
EG, aged 4;10, produced complex or not interrogatives, with or not already functioning as a tag to the entire
proposition, as at line 6 below:
[AG and EG are at EG's new maisonette. They are
deciding whether to play upstairs or downstairs]
1 AG Shall we go downstairs or shall we go upstairs?
2 M?
3 What do you prefer, m?
4 M?
5 Now we have a choice.
6 EG Got spider or not?
7 MGNot lor.
8 AG Got what?
9 YG . Big spider
10MG Spider.
11YG Big spider so scare leh.
[EG, 4;10; YG, 2;8]
Or interrogatives continue to develop in the older children. WANT and CAN are still prominent. For example:
Want to play or not?' (EG,5;8)
Want or not? (EG 5;11)
Can I help you or not? (EG 5;11)
Next time can or not? (EG 5;11)
Want to come out or not? (EB, 7;8)
But they do not dominate as they had at an earlier stage. From these older children we also find:
I talking to you or not? (EB, 7;3)
You got automatic or not? (EG, 5;8)
I don't do can or not, I help [YG's name] can? (EG 5;11gloss something like 'May I have permission not to do it:
may I help YG?')
There are also some X or Y interrogatives.
This a feet or a hand? (EB, 7;8)
You give me or don't want? (i.e. 'or don't want to give me')(EB, 7;8)
We have seen how the earliest attested X or Y structure is from YG, and has the form X or don 'tX. X or Y structures are
too rare in my data to establish the links or forms with any certainty.
The answers (8 - 11) oscillate between the two poles. This example illustrates why I prefer to describe this structure as
X X not, rather than V V not, as here the negated element is presumably an elided version of the full clause, resulting in
the interruption of the V V not structure by the adverbial.
YG (at 2;8) says "Can cannot come out?" as she tries to fix a music card in a toy piano. In the same session just after
her perfect repetition of EG's "I fix can or not?", YG says "I fix fix not" which, contrary to expectations (and probably
contrary to mature norm) does have a verb that would normally negate with don't, and which may be a developmental
error.
Trends in Main Clause Polar Interrogatives
In SCE the most common polar interrogatives are inversion interrogatives with CAN, especially can you in polite
directives? DO support appears late, around the fourth birthday, and is used only with experiential verbs. Various
structures using is it appear, but are rarely used. Clauses containing an experiential verb with a second person subject
can be regarded as interrogative.
There are two ways of forming disjunctive polar interrogatives. Negation with or emerges from the formula or not. The
less common type of disjunctive polar interrogative uses negation without or. This structure is severely constrained in
terms of which verbs it can occur with, and may be restricted to CAN.
It is difficult in SCE to create a polar interrogative, given the rarity, and relatively late acquisition of disjunctive polar
interrogatoves. This is mitigated by the marking of utterances as tentative in SCE, by a range of pragmatic particles.
Yet again, we see experiential verbs at the cutting edge of interrogative development.
The final example is from YG, in a very long and complex narrative (line 6 below):
[YG has nearly finished her picture]
1YG I want to paint for my mummy and my daddy.
2AG I'm sure they'll be very pleased.
[4
secs]
3YG No, I don't want to paint for them.
4 I want to paint for my two schoolteachers.
5 Because today they let me make a doll like a Muppet.
6 I want- that's why I want to give them tomorrow, but if I
can't
finish it, I can't give them.
7AG Monday.
8YG Monday. I still can't finish it. [5 secs]
[YG, 3;10]
Embedded interrogatives might be expected to be developmentally late. Their acquisition seems little discussed in the
literature. Wells does not separate embedded interrogatives from other embeddings, but Main clause + subordinate
clause does not reach 50% until 42 months (1985:268). In SCE, the earliest embedded interrogatives follow experiential
verbs, especially
(1) can be interpreted as an information request, rather than a word citation request, as EB is apparently asking AG for
an explanation of the less than transparent picture.
Some of these x-questioning embedded interrogatives occur in children's tutorial questioning. The children in my study
engage in much tutorial questioning of adults. Children's response in tutorial situations has been much discussed (for
example by Wells 1985:236f): Goody (1978:24) sees what she calls training questions as a pedagogical device used by
middle class mothers. All the children in my study enthusiastically take up the tutorial role, usually associated with the
adult.
A tutorial question is one in which the questioner knows the 'right' answer. The use of a 2nd person experiential verb in
the embedding clause can draw attention to the tutorial status by explicitly questioning the speaker's knowledge of the
answer to the embedded interrogative. The answer may be x (supplied either by the speaker or by the interlocutor), or
may be a negation (from the interlocutor). Assent is not a possibility. If a negation follows this rather special kind of
tutorial question, the questioner goes on to demonstrate knowledge of the right answer. When the speaker supplies the
answer, the embedded interrogative can be seen as a device for getting the interlocutor's attention. Clancy (1989:334)
saw the development of a similar prelude to demonstration of knowledge in Korean-speaking children. She attributes
this to the mothers' practice of repeating an easy question from a child rather than answering it, which lead the children
to "expect that asking such questions would give them the opportunity to display their knowledge."
For example, here EB shows a photograph of his school concert to AG:
EB You know which one is me?
AG [pointing] This one.
[EB, 6;0]
EB knows the answer to Which one is me? and invites AG to make an effort to identify him by embedding the tutorial
question in a 2nd person experiential.
In the following extract, EB's main aim seems to be to break up MB and AG's theological discussion, and get their
attention to his drawing by coming in in the breaks in speech. The timing of overlapping speech in this conversation is
strikingly accurate. He uses x-interrogatives embedded in
The guessing game may begin with an interrogative clause embedded in a 2nd person experiential clause, but when
there is another main clause verb, such as guess, we can see that these are all in the nature of directives, a function
which has close links with interrogatives, as in two very similar examples from different children, the first from EB
(lines 1 and 3 below): [EB enters the house from outside, with his hands behind his back]
The same game is played by EG, using the 2nd person experiential know (line 1 below):
[EG comes downstairs, and stands before AG with her hands
behind her back]
1 EG You know what is that behind me?
2 AG I don't know what's behind you.
3 EG Okay, you got to guess.
4 You guess it then I let you see.
5 AG A book.
6 EG No-o.
7 AG A doll.
8 EG No.
9 AG [to Ella] Do you know?
10Ella Em.
[4 secs]
11AG What's [EG's name] got behind
12[EG mouths word silently]
13AG [lip reading] A cat!
14[EG shakes head and withdraws hand. A set of Chinese flash
cards is
revealed]
15AG Oh card!
16 Oh.
17 Chinese cards.
[EG 4;10]
All the children at some point play this game, using You know wh- ... interspersed with imperatives, especially You
guess. Even if the matrix clause is not a second person experiential, there can be a question, as in EB's "You must guess
what kind of surprise /is/" or when EG asked me to choose between two of her pictures with "You say which one
nicer."
Very rarely these question the interlocutor's level of knowledge, as it is when EB, aged 5;11, asks AG, on the first
session after an absence of a year, 'Aunty, you know where is the toilet?' to which AG responds, 'I know.' Normally,
however, the interlocutor supplies the x of the embedded interrogative. In other words, the addressee is expected to
demonstrate knowledge of the answer by supplying it, while the structure implies that it is not the speaker's knowledge
which is incomplete.
In adults too, we find see matrix clauses which serve both to draw the interlocutors' attention to a topic, and also to
demand from them an answer to the embedded interrogative, as when MB in the seventh session with the boys' family
asks YB:
See the lion, this one, broken or not?
Where how to appears, as it does in 4 of EG's Phase 2 examples, it is likely to be a directive. The answer to a how to
interrogative is best demonstrated by doing it. Thus when EG says to AG "You know how to tell this story?" she
expects AG to tell the story.
An example from YB (line 1 below) is followed by repetitions (line 2 and 3) which omit the You know:
YB [gets baby's nesting cups]
1 You know [very reduced] how to play this ah?
[1 sec]
2 How to play thi:s?
[1 sec]
3 Aunty, how to play this ah?
4AG If you're a baby you know how to play it.
5 You just do- you just-
6YB I think I know how to play.
[starts placing cups in order of size]
[YB, 4;6]
In many cases then, the embedding of an x-interrogative in a 2nd person experiential main clause results in an utterance
which is functionally interchangeable with the non-embedded interrogative.
4
Languages in Education in Singapore
It seems useless to expect that Education in the Straits will ever rise much beyond reading, writing, and cyphering,
either in English, or in the Vernacular, that is the Malay language.... Education, as such, is not in demand in the
Straits Settlements.
Report on the Administration of the Straits Settlements, 1858-59.
Formal education begins when a child is six years old and spans at least six years. Literacy and numeracy is
emphasised with language learning and Mathematics taking up 60 per cent of curriculum time. The curriculum is
broad-based and students are encouraged to participate in extra-curricular activities. Moral Education is taught at
an early stage to help students have a clear sense of shared values and national identity. Students undergo a common
curriculum in the early years of primary school. They are then differentiated into courses according to their learning
abilities.
Ministry of Information and the Arts (Publicity and Promotions Division).
Singapore 1991: 179.
Introduction
The 1858-59 report stands as a caution to both writer and reader about the dangers of prediction. The 1991 extract
shows that, in Singapore, as everywhere else, "reading, writing, and cyphering" are still the basis of primary education,
even when education is very much in demand. By 1991 however, there is an explicit concern with "language learning"
which was taken much more for granted in 1859. The choice of language(s) of education is a central issueperhaps the
central issuein Singapore's education system, which in the early stages lays enormous emphasis on the teaching of two
languages. Singapore 1991 is a handbook to Singapore which is issued annually. The introduction to the section on
education emphasises the centrality of the 'bilingual policy' in the education system:
The bilingual policy ensures that each child is proficient in his mother tongue and aware of his cultural heritage.
The mother tongue could be Chinese,
Figure 4.1
The 1992 Primary Four Streaming System Adapted from Sunday
Times 3 November 1991.
children will gain some secondary qualification. Although education is neither compulsory nor free, nearly all children
are sent to primary school, and a high positive value is given to education by all sectors of the community (for both
sexes), which ensures that most parents will make considerable sacrifices to allow their children to proceed as high up
the ladder as they can get.
PSLE is not just pass-fail, but graded and ranked. A better result in PSLE (in terms of average score) also gives access
to more schools. The Goh report (1979) envisaged that the top 8% of children would be streamed into SAP secondary
schools, which it was envisaged would offer high levels of Malay and Tamil as well as of Chinese. In fact competitive
entry into the SAP schools became possible only for those doing Chinese and English, and many children who are
entitled to this top stream choose not to attend.
The majority of the most prestigious schools, which formerly cost the same as all the other schools, have recently been
designated as independent and autonomous schools. The fees of these are a deterrent (or a great hardship) to the parents
of working-class children. They tend to take only high achievers, although some are required to take students from their
feeder schools, even if they have only scraped through PSLE. Some scholarships are available at these schools for the
academically outstanding from less wealthy backgrounds. They thus have a double selection systemon the ground of
academic ability and ability to pay, rather like some of the independent schools in the UK, on which they were in part
based. This development has reduced the meritocratic emphasis of Singapore's education system, under which entry to
the 'best' schools was entirely based on examination result, and is regretted by many commentators. In a discussion with
an MP (Koo Tsai Kee) the sociologist, Chua Beng Huat, drew attention to the fact that the children of residents of
private housing are overrepresented in the independent schools (and in the university). The figures quoted by Koo and
Chua, which were not in dispute, are shown in Table 4.1. Chua agreed with Koo that social mobility in Singapore
continues to be good (better than in, for example, the UK), but suggested that:
At the early stage in the school year too, instructions will be given first in English, then in Mandarin or Malay,
according to the perceived repertoire of the child or children being addressed. Often instructions will be given routinely
in English, followed immediately by the Mandarin equivalent, such as, "At the back, hou mian." All the non-Chinese
teachers have learnt enough Mandarin to tell children to sit down, stand up, and go to the back of the line, in Mandarin.
Malay is not used to the group in this way, but is used to specific children who are seen as needing it. Languages other
than English are being used as a bridge to English, through translation, and SCE is also being used as a bridge to StdE.
Ultimately the message is the major concern. This ordered use of languages and varieties of English continues
throughout the school system.
When the teachers are chatting informally to the children (usually when the children are lining up), SCE is the norm
from the beginning. For example, a child in a line made his fingers into a gun and gestured at another child:
Childl [to Child2] I bang you. [gestures gun with fingers]
Child2 [to Teacher] I bang you. [gestures gun with fingers]
TeacherHow can you shoot me?
You shoot me, I die, then tomorrow no teacher. ( = "If you shoot me, I'll die, then
tomorrow there'll be no teacher")
My impression is that English-speaking children talk more in these situationsthey are more likely to offer conversation
to the teacher (or me) while lining up (opening remarks have included "My finger pain" "I go Pizza Hut already", ''My
mummy never buy powder for me," "My own Daddy go work", "Teacher, my mother want to bring me go Orchard
Road".). They use Mandarin rarely for this. This means that the environment is very English-oriented, partly as a result
of the silence of other children.
In the second term I continued to hear some Mandarin from teachers, but only three times (in 12 hours of observation):
on two occasions when a distressed Chinese child was being comforted. On one of these occasions a girl started to cry
(crying is rare at this nursery school). She went to the Malay teacher who heard, among the sobs, only, "so naughty".
The Malay teacher passed her over to Chinese teacher who comforted her at some length in Mandarin and asked "Shei?
" ( = ''Who?") and other questions to find out who had done what to her. To no avail, but the child stopped crying. The
third case was when a teacher asked a child eating a cookie, "Hao bu hao?" ( = "Is it nice?").
Even more remarkable than the linguistic consistency of the teachers was the behaviour of the children by the middle of
the school year. During the whole observation period I heard (in school) only two sentences from children in any
language other than English or Mandarin, although I did hear other varieties of Chinese as the children spotted their
relatives outside the door and called to them. The first sentence I heard (in Hokkien) was, unexpectedly, addressed to
me. A girl had finished the birthday cake that was on the menu that day and said to me, "Aunty bo liao." ( = "Aunty, no
more"). The girl sitting next to her then repeated it, again to me, "Aunty, bo liao." This is such a common formula that
it is possible the children thought it was English.
The child appears to have used the model of the earlier child's "I want". Repeated formulae provide a scaffold for the
child to create English sentences. There were many occasions when children played language games among
themselves, with repeated or modified phrases ("I see crocodile fish", "I see boy fish", "I see crocodile snake" etc)
passed around groups.
Some of these repetitions are functional. One day a child brought bags of marshmallows to share. They contained
squares of jelly embedded in the marshmallow. Everyone was enthusiastic and clamoured for attention:
Girl1 Teacher I like.
Teacher I like eat.
My mummy buy for me.
Boyl Teacher I can eat.
Girl2 I also.
A chorus then erupted of "I also" (I lost count at six), and "Teacher I like". A mass of talk ensued, ending with another
formulaic series using got, which included:
Figure 4.2
Two rectangles
likely to come to school knowing neither of the school languages. However, the Action Committee found that the
Chinese group still performed best even when socio-economic factors were taken into consideration. Just as it is
misleading to attribute poor scholastic performance to race, it would also be a mistake to attribute it to home language
background, when we are looking at a linked set of interrelated factors involving socio-economic status, level of
parental education, cultural norms, home language use, and a range of non-quantifiable factors related to domestic
interaction patterns, about which we know nothing.
Despite the excellence of results at all levels in Chinese, and the fact that the Chinese as a group perform better
academically than the other two ethnic groups, much of the government's involvement in education has centred on
Chinese. A committee was established in 1991 to review the teaching of Chinese, following extensive public discussion
about the difficulties of the Chinese syllabus and comments on the decline in standard of Chinese. The
recommendations of this committee were publicised and accepted in June 1992.
The governmental concern with the teaching of Chinese seems surprising in view of the fact that passes in Chinese are
higher than passes in English. Indeed, many teachers seem to agree with the teacher who was reported as saying that as
far as she was concerned the problem was proficiency in English, not proficiency in Mandarin. The reasons for the
current emphasis on Chinese teaching lie in the political rather than the educational dimension. A further factor is that
not only is bilingualism equated with proficiency in English and the official language of one's ethnicity, but it is also
linked to literacy (this is documented by M Lee, 1992:56). So proficiency in Mandarin is linked to literacy in Chinese,
the acquisition of which is intrinsically more
5
Speech and Language Therapy in Singapore
(Anthea Fraser Guota and Helen Chandler Yeo )
Introduction
In previous chapters the normal patterns of development of English in Singapore have been outlined. The picture is on
the whole one of success. The children whose development is outlined in Chapters Two and Three suffered no
dislocation, delay, or confusion from their complex multilingual histories. Their development in English was rapid, and
they show every sign of being at ease in it in a range of social situations and of being able to express a range of
functions. Chapter Four showed how responsive the population is to government directives on education, which is one
of the factors that enables the majority of children to be able to proceed through Singapore's highly competitive
education system. However, the study of normal development, in the context of a celebration of rampant
multilingualism, should allow assessment of development in children for whom it may not be as easy as it was for the
children in the study reported in Chapters Two and Three, or for most of the children in the nursery school. In this
chapter we would like to turn to children whose language learning is not smooth.
All over the world, children who could benefit from speech and language therapy frequently fail to get it. There is some
evidence that this is even more true in Singapore than in other places, despite the excellence of health facilities in
Singapore. It is likely that Singapore's pattern of multilingualism is a factor in the low identification rate of speech and
language disorders.
We are just beginning the study of developmental patterns of language in Singapore, and of issues of speech and
language therapy (Gupta and Chandler 1993). We began with a study of the speech and language therapy services in
1990, asking simple questions such as "How many new pediatric cases were seen in 1990" and "What difficulties do
speech and language therapists identify."
Speech and language therapy provision in Singapore has grown dramatically since the mid 80s. Between 1985 and 1990
(the year to which our study
Sources of Referrals
In the UK's Northern Region the health visitor service and the education service are major referring agencies. The
categories meaningful in the UK do not perfectly convert to another medical system. Details of the source of referrals
in Singapore are available only for the National University Hospital (NUH) for October 1989 - October 1990. Some
regrouping allows comparison of the Northern Region's sources of referrals with NUH's. NUH is one of the two large
privatised, non-profit, government-owned hospitals and has Singapore's second largest speech and language therapy
centre (three therapists in 1990). Although it does get many internal referrals from other departments within the
hospital, its referral pattern is not unusual in showing the large number of medical referrals, the low number of
educational referrals, and the high rate of self-referrals (Table 5.4).
During this period at NUH the majority of patients were referred by hospital specialists. Most of these referrals (91%)
were from specialists within NUH, which is perhaps not surprising. Slightly more referrals were coming to NUH from
general practice (in Singapore, this covers private practice, maternal and child health clinics, the armed forces' medical
service and government polyclinics) than from general practice in the UK. There was a very high rate of
self-referral (which includes parental referral in the case of children), and rather fewer referrals from the schools.
The school referral rate is even more imbalanced than it looks. Only 4 children were referred directly from the schools'
health clinic. 57% of the other schools referrals were from two special schools: one for the hearing impaired and the
other for the multiply handicapped. The remaining schools referrals were from a single private school catering for
expatriate children and following the British syllabus, with which NUH has special links. The (excellent) medical
services associated with the Singapore schools deal primarily with physical problems, such as dental and eye care, and
obesity control. A school based psychology service has now (1992) begun on a pilot basis, but was not in operation in
1990. It seems unlikely that a speech and language therapist will be associated with this service.
Discussion with other speech and language therapists and our questionnaire results suggest that other centres share with
NUH the high rate of self-referral, and the low rate of referral from the Education Service.
1990 Pediatric Speech Referrals in Singapore
There is no centralised collection of statistics on speech and language therapy in Singapore. However, the speech and
language therapists in Singapore have regular talks and meetings and as individuals were readily accessible to us. The
final version of our questionnaire was distributed in May 1991. The
It is true that 'first referral' in these figures means 'first referral to this centre' and that unknown numbers of these
children may have been seen by other centre(s) at an earlier stage. Some children who are on waiting lists for one
centre will be taken to see another therapist until they are admitted to the program of their choice. A high turnover of
therapists in some organisations may result in the temporary withdrawal of speech and language therapy provision from
an organisation, which may prompt some parents to take up therapy elsewhere. In a few cases children are seen
simultaneously by two therapists, sometimes without the knowledge of the therapists. Shopping around, and therapist
hopping were mentioned as problems by many of the therapists.
Very few children are referred for speech and language therapy who are then diagnosed as having isolated language
delay. Only 70 were seen for the first time in 1990 (a rate of 0.01% for children aged 0-15, compared to the estimates in
the literature of a minimum of 1% of children needing therapy for language delay and disorder).
Polyclinics also report seeing few children with speech and language difficulty. Those they do see are likely to be
referred in the first instance to ENT, and as the clinics do not follow up the results of the referral it is not known
whether hearing loss accounts for most of these identified difficulties. The clinics which responded saw from 382 to as
many as 7000 children per month. Between them the clinics saw around 18,000 children per month. The rate of
children seen with speech and language difficulty ranged from less than .01% of these to 0.2% (only one clinic was this
high!), both of which are considerably below the likely incidence level, and below the UK referral rate. Although the
question asked for a rate per month most clinics sent so few children for speech and language therapy that they were
obliged to answer this question as a rate per year. The clinic which saw only .01% of children with
This initial screening test was presented to parents at a talk in English to parents at the pre-school centre (Loke Kit Ken
presented a similar guide at the same time in Mandarin). An edited version of the chart (Yeo 1992, written by the
nursery supervisor) was published in Petir (Publication of the People's Action Party), with a report of the talk, which
would disseminate it to members of Singapore's major political party.
Such a guideline to parents and other potential referring agencies could form the basis for identifying children with
problems. In fact, several parents approached the speakers (Gupta and Loke) after the session with accounts of children
who might well prove to have difficulties. They included a Mandarin-speaking child of 4;6 who was described by her
mother as having speech so unclear that people could not understand her, and a voice with a rough quality which
everyone had commented upon. A doctor had recommended this child for therapy, but the parents had not taken up the
suggestion because they
Karen pauses here twice. Her repetition omits the main predicate, happy, and simply picks up the beginning and end of
the sentence. Karen also could not follow two step directions without contextual support. Her linguistic memory was
limited. Rickard Liow and Chandler concluded that "her apparently intact conversational understanding relied on the
fact that much of the information being discussed was already shared or predictable knowledge."
Another child, 'Sharon', was referred by her father, a doctor, at age 3;6, at which point she had around 50 single words
and some memorised phrases. As she developed during therapy she produced utterances (at age 5;0) such as 'I /no/ me'
( = "I don't know") and:
Sharon I got swim red.
The grammatical SCE equivalent of this would be "I got red swimsuit." The use of one's name (Sharon ) instead of a
pronoun is a developmental stage in all children, of course, although it is unusual in SCE-learning children as well as in
StdE-learning children to use it alongside the pronoun (Sharon I ) The ordering of adjective-noun is the same in SCE as
in StdE (red swimsuit ) and, as in StdE swim cannot be used as a noun in the sense swimsuit.
At this stage too, she used 'I don't want' as a general negational formula. This is a common SCE formula used by
children to mean 'I don't want to do it/eat it' etc.. Sharon extended it even further. For example, Sharon, her mother, and
the therapist were looking at a picture of three girls. Sharon
Here Sharon's 'I don't want' seems to be a forceful way of indicating that the therapist (who has a history of confusing
Sharon's two sisters) is talking rubbish, equivalent to normal SCE 'No what', 'No lah' or 'How can?', StdE 'Certainly not'
or 'No way'. For Sharon, 'I don't want' appears to have been an unanalysed chunk that could be used in any emphatic
denial.
Sharon has made excellent progress in therapy, and now, a year later, at 6;0, she exploits the particle system of SCE to
use forceful speech. For example, the therapist had cancelled an appointment with Sharon. On her next appointment
Sharon referred to this, not marking the tense reference, as is usual in SCE:
Sharon: You busy.
1
Therapist: What?
2
Sharon: You busy lor.
3
Here the therapist has not understood the time reference. Sharon uses the assertive particle lor to point to the validity of
the assertion, based on something the therapist already knows.
A boy, J, was referred by a polyclinic doctor at the age of 4;6 when he showed "extremely distractible attention, much
echolalia and largely jargon spontaneous speech" (Rickard Liow and Chandler). He could not understand simple
instructions and could not maintain a conversation. Even by 6;10 he could not follow two-step directions, had a
severely restricted vocabulary and became confused if the topic moved from the immediate setting. Both syntax and
semantics were disordered.
Put on the pants the leg ( = "put the pants on the leg". Same issues of preposition and word order as with Karen.)
The boy is sitting the cry, he crying the sitting. ( = "the boy is sitting (in the tree) and crying". In SCE as in StdE
the can only precede noun phrases. Here cry and sitting appear to be verbs. J seems to be creating some sort of
serial verb here in a way certainly not possible in SCE)
Carrying the man. ( = "The man is carrying". The absence of copula and object are possible in SCE, but not the
word order with the verb first, then the subject.)
Y repeats in his because clause the content words of the question. He responds to a why question with because but does
not understand the semantic relationship implied. His answer is not a very successful repetition either, with the
introduction of the preposition in in front of the semantic subject, and the reversion of positions of subject and object.
The neglect of the singular/plural distinction, however, which would be of interest in a child learning StdE, is a normal
part of SCE.
Therapists faced with SCE-speaking children need to concentrate on different linguistic aspects than therapists working
with StdE-speaking children. StdE has well-known developmental landmarks such as the plural marker, tense marking,
the third person singular present tense, the genitive, and the copular verb. These features will not be regular in children
learning SCE, whereas in children learning StdE they can be expected to be categorial at age 4. These morphological
structures do present challenges for children. SCE is generally easier, as we have seen, so that a child with a disorder
might progress better than they would if they were learning StdE. For example, the StdE She went to the supermarket to
buy bread is a lot harder that the SCE Go supermarket buy bread. However, vocabulary level, fluency, and
connectedness of ideas should not be affected by the variety being learnt. Therapists need to concentrate on these areas,
and on language functions. It is also necessary for therapists to be able to identify structures which are not well-formed
in SCE. This would include aspects of word order and use of prepositions.
These children are all moderately or severely language disordered. All use English as one of their main languages, and
all are in mainstream schools. They would have benefitted from an earlier referral date.
Linguistic Tolerance Masking Language Disability
We have seen how multilingualism is near-universal in Singapore and is therefore not associated with minority groups,
as it is in the UK. Many of the issues relating to cultural difference discussed by papers in the collections edited by
Abudarham (1987), Duncan (1989) and Miller (1984) are irrelevant in a majority bilingual community. The sense of
fear, discomfort, and cultural gulf between majority and minority groups in UK which comes through the guidelines for
dealing with minority groups (e.g. Miller and Abudarham 1984,
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Index
A
acceptability, 57
addressee, 69
Arabic, 41, 154
article, 208, 209
assent, 87
'audience design', 69
B
Baba Chinese, 41
Baba Malay, 34, 41, 149
Bazaar Malay, 34, 38, 41
'be', 11, 96, 97, 99, 108, 110, 113, 116, 118, 122, 128, 133, 210
'because', 105, 210
Bengali, 144
biculturalism, 3, 65
bilingual policy, 143, 144, 170
bilingualism, 16, 141, 151, 177, 179, 180, 188
bioprogram, 53
Brunei Darussalam, 6
C
'can', 108, 111-116, 122, 128, 129, 141
Cantonese, 38, 41, 45, 57, 150
Ceylon, 44
checks, 81
childcare, 32, 54, 60
China Pidgin English, 33
Chinese-educated, 187
code-switching, 16, 193
concord, 76, 77, 153
conditional clauses, 11
conditionals, 72
contact, 4-6, 16, 47, 49, 56
convergence, 48
creole, 17, 48, 53, 79
cultural values, 148, 170
D
determinism, 148, 156
developmental assessment, 21, 67, 140, 191, 204-207
dialects, 1, 64, 151, 181
diglossia, 7-15, 58, 69-79
directive, 113-116, 138, 140
disadvantaged, 79
discontinuity, 56
disjunctive polar interrogatives, 86, 125-130
'do', 97-100, 101, 110, 111, 118, 119, 121, 129, 141
drama, 47
E
education, 24, 25, 32, 35, 143-190
elitism, 153, 154
embedded interrogatives 93, 121, 130-140
errors, 7, 24, 80, 79, 109
ethnicity, 1, 27, 34, 36, 148, 152, 162, 188
Eurasians, 2, 19, 33, 37, 39, 44, 46, 186
Europeans, 37, 39, 44
experiential verb, 86, 114, 119, 121, 127, 129, 130, 132, 134, 137, 140, 141
F
first language, 146
focusing, 69
formulae, 98, 110, 114, 116, 119, 129, 141, 164, 168
fronting, 93, 94, 97, 99, 100, 102, 110, 133, 135
functions, 58
G
genetics, 153, 156, 174, 175
'go', 98, 99
'got', 77
H
Hainanese, 150
'have', 77, 118
Housing Development Board (HDB), 1
Hindi, 144
Hokkien, 41, 45, 46, 50, 57, 150, 166, 180
home language, 2, 19-23, 28, 29, 177, 227