Excerpt from my BA
Degree thesis:
1. In Colombia, the word puesto
refers to any kind of market stall, or
standalone kiosk selling wares.
Across the busy areas of all
Colombian towns and cities, and even
on some public institutions such as
The Universidad del Valle—puestos
can be found offering clothing, books,
food and groceries, to mention just a
few. The most commonly seen are
referred to as puestos de dulces,
which sell candies, soft drinks,
cigarettes, potato chips, and an array
of packaged snacks.
12.2 THE CONSTRUCTION
OF INFORMAL SPACE For the construction of puestos exist factors which are determinants in their function inside the
INSIDE THE UNIVERSIDAD space, talking specifically of the area of The Universidad del Valle, which has physical-structural
DEL VALLE.
Spatial organizational
characteristics of the
informality phenomenon.
12.2.1 An ideal physical
structure for a typical
puesto.
by Emmanuel Cabrera Rojas
'Space, Objects and Social Networking.'
1
A descriptive analysis into the phenomenon of puestos , at The Melendez
Campus of The Universidad Del Valle, and how such phenomenon replica-
tes in the university space. 2014 Universidad Del Valle.
Abstract: This research reveals how the phenomenon of street vendors socially replicates itself on
The Universidad del Valle space, just from the analysis of the use of relations of a social group in a
specific area. This analysis focuses on describing the particular ways that street vending as a pheno-
menon is understood and lived at the social reality of the University. The phenomenon is
continuously nourished by the daily life of different public characters, stimulating the processes of
the social construction of space through the discursive relationships they register when using space,
providing some considerations that allow a glimpse into the different social products (social
representations, space appropriations, and collective consciousness) of this phenomenon. The
relation between the objects and the discourses of the individuals show the ways in which human
beings participate in the events that appear in the space of The Universidad del Valle; understanding
the appropriation of places as a platform to getting the directions about how it builds the social
networks linked subjects, objects, ideas, emotions, and actions.
details that create an idyllic scenery for their functionality as an element of the material production.
Such idyllic scenery is a way to characterise the precise moments where the context and the object
are direct participants of a process of synchronisation where an open stall has a place on the space.
For that reason, a material bond is created where the physical spatial features are recognised as link
nodes between the constitutive parts of the stall as object allowing the instrumentalisation of the
university intern space, to build commercial interests.
Both in the context, as well as the object, must go through a test performed by informal vendors who
from the interpretation of their material needs for their business plan, they project some require-
ments which they conceive an "adequate" workstation. This exam is a quest inside the space where
they plan to adapt to the environment, implying the most practical for the sale of products. That
self-management abilities relay in a pragmatical analysis of the space, as Manuel Delgado says in his
article "Urban Collectors”.
 The basic unit of the pragmatical analysis is, by G.H Mead, the act, started from a lack and
focused to its satisfaction using suitable elements from the context. Every action performed
by a human -understood as being pragmatic- begins at the moment he experiences the need
to adapt to specific both external and internal conditions continually changing. (Delgado,
2012)
Thus, from experience on the university space, vendors seem to have taken material decisions
because of a strategic location in the area in consideration of the material qualities, due to they have
to be an additional supplement of the open stall workstation.
Selecting a strategic location is an action, which has in consideration three critical conditions to the
material composition of their workplace: proximity, adaptation and foot traffic. Such space must
possess intervention capability whit any of the three before mentioned, because of those work as a
clamping tool, which allows a link between object and area, revealing the forms of the workstation.
Those three are some criteria that compose themselves into the strategy in an organic way to make a
suitable place to establish an open stall. Therefore, such structure is applied in most of the worksta-
tions as it appears below.
Proximity is based primarily in to take places with higher attendance on the space (buildings,
squares, monuments) such as landmarks where pedestrians have more preference of being at; in
other words, sites which are installed into the collective memory of the actors and used in their daily
journeys. In that way, foot traffic is shown as a second concept applied, due to that selected spot must
have a massive influx of people on the space, using it as a direct networking medium with the act of
purchasing. Finally, once settled the most used paths and the most popular places, the vendors begin
an adaptation process of their workstations having in mind material requirements (roof, furniture,
corridors). Below are described situations where the concepts listed above are picked as foundations
for the constitution of The Universidad del Valle Campus Melendez open intern space, understan-
ding that in this building process are considered one or more of the concepts.
Some places of the university space have meaningful participation of people; those are meeting
points or nodes which are relevant for their lives as in a social as an academic type because those
places are where the most of the students often use during the shift of classes and break hours.
Hence, they are suitable places to make an open stall workplace, because most of the vendors define
such areas by the organisational criteria of a workstation:
"it's a strategic site because right here it's the entrance to science and engineering buildings,
so people who pass through here, then again it's a right place, it's a lot of people moving in the 2. The fundamental basis analysis for
this investigation was the interviews
2
area" [...] Yeah, I chose it because of the foot traffic" (Martínez, 2013) with vendors and people from the
university community. As a translated
In most of the cases foot traffic -related to other criteria- have some predominance ought to people's excerpt of a thesis document, the
information of the interviews was
main interest which is to sell, that is why in their speech the majority of open stall vendors of the interpreted from popular Colombian
Spanish language keeping fidelity with
university try to take the place which allows them to get the most costumers' attention: the informal speech through informal
writing.
Well, the corridor and the one where people go through the most, eh to different college
 faculties and go a lot of diverse people not just a specific segment but almost, we could say,
this is one of the mean entrance or corridors of the university. Therefore, the physical areas in
general, here the spot is vital [...] it is diverse, I mean, people pass by... they even work here,
and students and public come here to make their proceedings or something specific (Trejos,
2013)
The crosslinking between concepts into the composition processes is common. The vendors, try to
be located strategically based on peoples' foot traffic and worry about to get a spot near buildings
and squares both relevant into daily students' journeys, besides, this site should have suitable features
for the settlement of a puesto.
The site makes the difference because I mean, the architecture of the area is appropriate for
peoples' meeting, it is a square, and besides, there's shade. So, the place is just right one to
people gathers together here, that's why we settle here. [...] why did I choose this spot? For
that, first, because it is a square and on them, people meet, and there's the need to be people
here and because there's a cafeteria nearby, so that also helps to get more people around.(Ávi-
la, 2013)
In similar situations, the physical conditioning of the area is highly relevant, ought to the temporal
impact - as on the way of the environmental conditions as on class schedules - which influences
directly for selling the products.
Here, because I have a roof and let's say that the sun doesn't get here and neither the rain,
besides, because I have more access to energy rather than other places around the university.
Let's say, power is imperative [...] it's a step because the university has a lot of stalls, thus get
into a place where there are so many stalls, I'm not going to have that many buyers, then here
because the products sell better.(Salinas, 2013)
The result of these three conditions in the composition of open sites generates space-material
idealisation feelings in vendors. This triad of conditions understood in the structure of their worksta-
tion, allows them to accomplish their duties with the most comfortable, even when it is not possible
to have proper areas in terms of materials. Thatis why downfall around workstations is evident
concerning such reasons why they chose the area of the university as an option to set their location
for business.
First of all, because we are in front of the cafeteria and it is the right place because there are
lots of students moving around. Second, because we don't have to build tables, but we are on
a wall-top seating, and here it's easier for us to organise and beyond that there's a tree which
helps us to cover from dust and light.(Aguirre, 2013)
In some cases, street furniture (benches, wall-top seatings) of the university, work as a significant
factor for the design of puestos. The structural problems for some of them, for instance, the lack of
storage trays where they can arrange products, are enough reasons for some vendors to take the
 The problem is the increase of people which is more vendors, and I don't like there are other
vendors in a space that was for me, and I was the only one here, there was no one else, and it
began. Yes exactly, because many people like professors, everybody told me that I was the
only person they supported here in the university, it was me because they already knew me,
they knew my dad. Then, when they started to see more and more vendors, they started to
say: Gilbert, why you let other people, and I say well this is a space I can't... No, don’t do it.
However, I do feel uncomfortable in this because I don't like it, and I didn't like it. (Gilbert,
2013)
Even when the University Administration do not assign space for such uses, the appropriation
processes seem to be certifying ownership from university places to particular vendors who endorse
their space rooting among the community's consensus regarding the belonging to places. Conse-
quently, space rooting is a state, which produces from particular criteria such as time spent on the
open stall and the support of the community.
Following the last idea, these circumstances recreate on the space of the university the constant
conflict reflected on-street public space, referring the dichotomy between public and private.
There is a second casualty settled on the situations inside the University street vending phenome-
non. Some students take those situations as a perfect opportunity for linking to the phenomenon
that guarantees them the daily sustenance for their academic life and even for some of them their
family economy. Thus, these situations motivate their intention to design a puesto or continue with
old ones, which by circumstances hindered their ordinary course at the university, producing a
change of ownership process. This argument is enough in order the puesto carries on, but only from
a character who seems to have an independent right just by belonging legally to the university like a
student. It is how some student vendors underlie the use of space for their puestos.
Well actually because this was there, yeah this was there. So, it was weird because the guy had
kept that over there. He didn't sell there; he used to sell inside the cafeteria, right? but when
3. Chuzo is also a slang for puestos they took out of the people from the cafeteria, right? That's why they removed her. It was a
in Colombia.
process where students got there and said what chuzos3 would be replaced by private chuzos.
So, that was the first one out. Then that guy kept his things there, from then we owned the
stall and worked out for us because we cover different faculties, ok? Humanities Faculty,
Communication Faculty, Architecture Faculty, Design Faculty, it's like a strategic point [...]
it's in a corridor, and because it has a ceiling, it keeps us safe from rain, ok? Those sort of
things. The problem is the sun, in the afternoon, right? It comes up right in the front;
however that is a place where just because it's a corridor, well there's room, it doesn't have ups
and downs or any of that, it's plane, so, that gives ease to us to organize ourselves there.
(Hurtado, 2013)
Space insurance of the university fall in a series of social judgments which emerge from masses of
plunge and occupy the furniture designed only for public use, taking advantage of it temporarily,
managing to privatize it in a practical way, to exclusive use for their selling.
This circumstance can be perceived inside the interviewees' answers at the moment they were
asked, why the area of the university as a business option? With the only intention to investigate
material decisions for the spatial organisation in some puestos.
- Well, eh this wall-top seating here is where I put the things like a table, well that's it, yeah that
would be the wall-top seating [...] There wasn´t anybody here, well, here many people passes
by, and you can sell. (Collazos, 2013)
-For this top-wall seating outside and it is easier for me (Anónimo, 2013)
-A bench and it's very hard by the way, but it's what it is [...] But talking about earnings it's
really good because people prefer this place because it's close to everything either to buy
candies or cigarettes, just for its location in a corner, maybe that's why people come here
more often. (Bolaños, 2013)
In conclusion, we observe how the object and space are formally established in a temporary
contract inside the university, where their material elements complement each other both in a
physical and social sense of the practice.
12.2.2 Inherited Informal
Space:
In this part of the document were identified in different life stories of vendor’s puestos two kinds of
A place used by the
casualties for having a puesto: the spot inheritance and social circumstances. circumstances.
The inherited of a workstation is an economical-familiar circumstance, which involves different
feelings with an employment practice rooted with the family traditions implied in this case.
As I say, this spot already has many years in the practice, about thirty-eight years and I've
been here just for a year, because this was from my grandma y then after so many time here,
this will always be its place. (Florez, 2013)
In this organisation as well as the use of street furniture like a structural element of the workstation,
takes place exclusive actions with space, besides indicates the spatial appropriation and sense of
belonging to the place. To encounter with expressions such as "this is my father's spot." it means that
space of the university is suffering from depredation by the development of informality phenome-
non; in other words, separate fragmentary forms of privatisation.
Well, I did not choose. This spot was my father's; my father started twenty-five years ago or
even more, he worked here then [...] as people look for specific products, I improved the
number of products I sell. I mean, by the needs of the person, eh things were growing and so
the business because people said I need this and that... (Gilbert, 2013)
The privatising action is mainly the result of space rooting produced by the continued use and
identification of the same place across time, which is recognised as one of the reasons that can drive
to conflict on the use of space.
people, the potential users of space (students and workers), who claim regularities about the use of
such extern space to the university buildings, allowing to create a joint -as an opening-, where
puestos take advantage to expand inside the university territory. This way is capable of establishing
the ‘legal’ use conditions -for college imaginary- of the university space in economic terms.
12.2.3 An Informal Object as
Objects that compound the phenomenon of informality inside The University del Valle as
a social life tool.

described before have a crucial operative role-play to the daily life development of people who use
the space, which is a priority the basic needs and try to solve economic problems for family support.
Another perspective about the open stalls frames a group of activities, which extend beyond work
conditions. The open stall works as a social device to meet as of the interaction moments that mark
the operation of shopping and selling.
Those meetings have something in common based on people's trust, built it through the constant
use of space as an open stall progressively. Those are procedures where the implicated ones set 4. Nodes are points, the strategic
spots in a city into which an observer
agreements with each other, which allow us to observe and judge the social micro-events accurately; can enter, and which are the intensive
foci to and from which he is travelling.
this way it is possible to define adequate conducts. Therefore, the social experience of the meeting is They may be primarily junctions,
places of a break in transportation, a
not just organised through identities or the status but also includes social action rites where the crossing or convergence of paths,
moments of shift from one structure
informal object (puesto); ease the production of the informal vendor's social life about the to another. Or the nodes may be
simply concentrations, which gain
individuals they interact. their importance from being the
condensation of some use or physical
Following this, the objects become a necessary accomplice and the ideal way to manage such character, as a street-corner hangout
or an enclosed square. Some of these
participation processes with reality, as Martin Juez says, by the ritual context; we pass from an object to concentration nodes are the focus
and epitome of a district, over which
others, and each one of them works as a reinforcement, like indicator, like axis where patterns and abilities, their influence radiates and of which
they stand as a symbol. They may be
worldviews, links with otherness, and ourselves turn around. (Juez, 2002) called cores. Many nodes, of course,
partake of the nature of both
Accordingly, this leads to consider that objects produced in the informality context are also in the junctions and concentrations. The
concept of a node is related to the
mental map we design in our everyday life where finally is defined as symbolic space, which turns concept of a path since junctions are
typically the convergence of paths,
into coincidence points within individual social lives that remains and appropriates the university events on the journey. It is similarly
4 the intensive foci of districts, their
space. The objects on these circumstances work as 'imaginary elements' -nodes -, so people should polarizing centre. In any event, some
nodal points are to be found in almost
be able to organise their activities in their social practices on space structure. every image, and in certain cases,
they may be the dominant feature.
Nevertheless, at the time to observe such social exchange encounters between participants in the (Lynch, 2006) (Lynch, 2006)
process of purchasing something. Familiarity and trust are evident between some of the individuals
5. These repertoires concern to
-especially those who use puestos- where the social interaction moments means more than a particular characteristics observed
during the vendor's encounters and a
commercial exchange. The Familiarity of vendors with other social actors is detected through specific group of students which
means that meeting is beyond than
meetings when repertoires5occur which contain specific vocabulary and consequences on the social an economic exchange and become
into a pleasant conversation between
space; these are confidence codes to certify the information they have from each other. acquaintances. It is easy to identify
such repertoires, for instance, calling
That way, vendors express elaborated levels of sociability with a particular group of students, which each other by their names, knowing
personal information or what kind of
they consider more than just a pedestrian or a customer; they are essential individuals for their social product is the favourite one.
 life on their workstation. These links show up on specific moments of work life where exist visible
changes in the normal behaviour of customers about their use to a natural object.
...there were groups before, groups of people came here, some of them said this was their
office, civil and industrial engineers, I mean there were groups who fought to each other for
this space because they said this belonged to them, so they came here and shared with me.
That was nice, made me feel good. Now people pass by [...] so, some of them come and sit
here, occasionally now it's sporadic, everybody coming and going. There's no camaraderie
like before, like in the '80s, '90s. (Gilbert, 2013)
Against the background where changes across time on students' behaviour leave an emptiness in
vendors life especially when they are aware that their workstation is essential for the community as
well to them. It is possible to check affections at everyday encounters on the university space as
shown in the following cases:
- People, it's not like the person as the vendor, but like a friend. They know where the
products and even the prices are, they set the chatting. (Anonymous, 2013)
- it feels like affections, right? it's weird but sometimes there are people that get here is very
serious, however sometimes when we start chatting or exchange, or even know something
about me; well that makes us have affections, that's nice, isn't it?, it is awesome, it is good to
create affections here, at least knowing others. (Hurtado, 2013)
The existence of this social networking in the processes of social construction broadens the capabili-
ty of objects that customise the material life of the phenomenon of informality since they are the
extension for the emergence of its social life and somehow equip spaces symbolically transforming
them into featuring elements of the Universidad Del Valle Campus. From them, the processes of
social reproduction have a place with deep rooting and appropriation of space through the use as a
tradition for the university community.

12.2.4 Informal Object

‘Aesthetics’: The Good To create a 'good image' of puestos imply a variety of elements about what 'ought to be' for such
image searching formality.
objects in the phenomenon of informality. This image is framed in aesthetic-formal qualities of
informal vendors’ choices for designing and production of the object, allowing formal reading
criteria on its physical structure, this way, their visual features on the university space.
When discussing formal criteria, it refers specifically to qualities (color, material and formal referen-
tiality) which an object presents itself socially promoting perception and action into space (Catel-
blanco Caicedo, 2010)As a result, it takes into consideration a cluster of decisions about personal
likes to colors, shapes, and materials, which are instrumentalized as appearance requirements of the
object.
Approaching to vendors, making choices to build puestos it is merely by the spontaneity of personal
taste to specific things their use. Thus, it is common to find with choices based on the reaction of the
circumstances and not by a progressive construction, planning or operational system.
I like the color and wooden texture; I think it's spectacular that's why I readied that material.
(Anónimo, 2013)
I like a lot. I like blue, ok? And maybe blue is a very striking color, commercially. (Gilbert,
2013)
From the design perspective, those elements would be the determinant basis for the design idea on
an object. However, in the case of street stalls inside The Universidad del Valle the 'good image'
concept -in terms of aesthetics- mainly considers the idea of order and cleaning in puestos, which
means that those are enough qualities for having a good image in society. Therefore, other elements
take second place in vendors’ choices.
Well at some point, you know, I don't pay that much attention, it's more about to show up
what you're selling, I mean, if you're selling an AutoCAD software or whatever, you get it?
The propaganda has to be directed to the public. However about the color, no, I don't set
about that, I mean aesthetics. But then again, what I do it's to stand out what I'm selling.
(Sebastián, 2013)
The order -including cleaning and organising- it is the puestos attribute which enables to identify
how vendors socially present them on the university space, concluding that is from this criterion it is
how they foster the 'good image' on puestos in the university community.
If I concern about these aspects, yes I do concern about that, about books being in good
shape, without dust on them, because sometimes when you go to libraries, there are very
nice things. However, you finish with your hands full of dirt, and that hasn't been checked
out on moths, and I also put them over a red fabric, it also helps me to stand out them.
(Trejos, 2013)
In other circumstances where products are food prepared in situ, cleaning is the essential factor to
show a good image on this type of stall, because what matters in this interaction is product confiden-
ce: 'if a puesto looks good and is clean, draws more attention of potential customers' (Salinas, 2013)
The production of physical objects in the phenomenon of informality lean on the idea of 'aesthetics'
as instrumental mean to improve the social status of the object, focusing into the production of a
'good image' which does not represent the informality conditions so this way support a visual
structure the nearest possible to formality -referring specifically to stability-
Accordingly, this is the result of vendors’ thoughtful work, who agree when at the time to accept
their material conditions on the university space, noticing that such object could become in an
element with no relation with the social image of the Universidad Del Valle Campus hence whit the
entire university community.
The informal object appearance is relevant in the production process because, with it, vendors try to
reduce the impact of the phenomenon on space, mitigating the potential issues.
 Well, what we achieved with the project is to have the least possible impact on the university
space, although inevitably we occupy an area inside of it. But then, what we try to do it's not
to look unpleasant. Let's say that because of the environment where we have the puesto.
Additionally, in the project participate, persons, which practically have formation on arts and
design and in this kind of things, so aesthetically the puesto has characteristics that we could
think they are ok, as they do not necessarily have an impact on space. It doesn't attack the
space (Anacona, 2013)
Such problem situations are mainly reflected in the material transformation on university intern
space, specifically on the architecture, where vendors try their puestos look the most harmonious
with spatial composition, having ideas such as,
‘gray was more like to, eh, gray and white I remember, eh, because so it goes with the universi-
ty fences, just like not to create discord in that sense, ok? (Hurtado, 2013)
As such, the 'aesthetic' sense of puestos like a designed object, exploit themselves according to
present a facade to look the least informal possible, where formal criteria of the object are the
elements that provide such visualisation.
if I have other organization conditions would be so much prettier, we try it doesn't ugly, I
mean its aesthetic is ok, right? However, this interferes on a corridor, I mean, I am aware of
that, I know how work space, and how it is in terms of aesthetics. So, I know this interferes
with the logic of the University, obviously would be nicer a stall, something more organized,
that would be awesome, but no, however from the entire cluster, this is the one which looks
6. A colombian slang for the place better, not that informal as others. It tries to look formal and even seems more informal the
where people get photocopies.
fotocopiadora6 over ther, and she pays to the university, it's funny. (Hurtado, 2013)
illustration 1

A puesto right in the middle of a

public corridor inside the Universidad
del Valle.

Consequently, space occupation is the action that generates conflict that problematizes puestos
permanency where most of the vendors are aware of the damage they do on space, 'unfortunately all
the business, each thing which blocks any rhythm in the university is not well looked upon and first and
foremost with people with no deal to this matter. (Bolaños, 2013)
The use of the concept of aesthetic in these paragraphs seems like a perilous choice to refer to the
case of puestos in the university, especially when its use is entirely superficial and such connections
are merely interpretations about the use of basic design concepts (colour, shape, size) in a group of
 Object materiality, in puestos, refers specifically to the selection of materials to produce pieces for
12.3.1 Material composition
of the object. the object production, where is evident a load of decisions from vendors that keep an inescapable
correspondence with time as the main factor of projection on the university space, for example,
requirements such as weathering resistance and adaptability to different areas (grounds).
Indeed, in puestos production, the vendors considered requirements according to the effectiveness
of their workstation on the university space, leading to operative difficulties during the commercial
activities development, resulting in ideal material production. Though, the constant presence of the
word 'change' in the analyzed speeches -although interpretatively those are more than just a word-
shows instability that object possesses about the environmental conditions which remain in
constant change, which would override the first instance, the idea of design and construction
planning of puestos.
Constant transformation of objects in the phenomenon, it is the result of an unfinished design
process; open to the current possibilities on context, which represents the imbalance of the econo-
mic conditions of vendors at the time of having a decision of material for building the object, used
as a tool during the work activity.
Particularly, when some vendors confirm the presence of change, they expose these ideas about
their puestos:
Oh, no, it does have changed. It was the half of what it's now, and I've been enlarging the stall.
However, I think that this is it. [...] each time someone brings me new products, and then
there was no space to put them. (Gilbert, 2013)
Form alterations in puestos are influenced by the spontaneous requests of the market and the
continuous demand of clients that press and promote the intention of change in workstations:
…at the beginning there was just this table, and the machine, then little by little we were
putting things, publicity, a little more cleaning and others, like other products that we can
offer (Salinas, 2013)
According to the selection of materials in the construction and reconstruction of puestos, are merely
comprehend as decisions based on the taste of vendors. Therefore, such requirements -context
demands-, are submitted by the regularities of vendors’ choices, corresponding an analysis process
of suitable material options -regarding
5
their economy and knowledge about such material- for the
operation to carry out.
Following the last idea, these material choices might be represented in the next statements:
7. In Colombia, the word 'Icopor' refers
to 'expanded polystyrene' (EPS) a
“I choose plastic because it's lighter and cheaper. However, I choose it because I like wood. I
polymer material, which takes this
name from its manufacturer (Industria
think things look prettier; it's a good material” (Avila, 2013).
Colombiana de Porosos) This material 7
is used for making different objects
In the same vein: “Los Icopores are super appropriate because icopor whatever you put in there is isolated
such as insulated containers to carry
food or drinks.
from heat and cold, I think it's the most suitable.” (Crúz, 2013)
vendors. It is fair to say that such approaches are focused on understanding how an object might
affect a community visually by an occupied space where the best option to avoid conflict between
users, it is to prepare it the best they can by designing a 'good physical image' to present in society.

12.3. INFORMAL OBJECT

This document aims to find the characteristics and qualities of the street vendors’ phenomenon in
DISCURSIVE:
the Universidad Del Valle space. It is necessary to know that objects, which emerge from such event, Material Characteristics
possess discourses that reveal the reasons for the operational decisions in their construction as an of Puestos.
object, in order to understand what it is being used -in material terms-.
It should be noted on the Informal Object ‘Aesthetics’ section; there are signs of the material choices
for puestos; searching to identify the material relationship between objects and space. However, this
time the intention is to reach a more in-depth analysis of the forms of conceiving an object,
including its composition and functionality.
Acknowledging discourses in objects is to validate the construction of the material production of
space; likewise is to understand how a puesto is a product influenced by space, as a factor to a
community that comprehends its context and links it with the material environment where the
social practice takes place. Objects of informality are recognized during observation process as
designs, products of space, because they have the required characteristics to live on despite the
adversities of reality, and even more imperative, because they are useful tools to carry out street
vending work practices in the university. “Design is a cultural product, and thus, it is relative, situational;
the time dimension of its importance and transcendence is as long as a community judges it (right to think) and
uses it (right to use)” (Juez, 2002)
Consequently, this leads to consider that objects produced in the informality context are also in the
mental map we design in our everyday life where finally is defined as symbolic space, which turns
5
into coincidence points within individual social lives that remains and appropriates the university
space. The objects on these circumstances work as 'imaginary elements' -nodes -, so people should be
able to organise their activities in their social practices on space structure.
Nevertheless, the observation job is an analysis of 'the form,' where the object is interrogated with
the following questions: How is it formed? How does it temporarily transform itself on space? How
does it work? This analysis is intending to appreciate the choices in its composition, made by the
informal vendors, in other words 'designers'.
Two compendiums of the analysis will be described to organize ideas from the formal interpretation
of different objects (puestos) present in the phenomenon, based on the contrast with the user's
speech to visualize: on one side, the object and its materiality, where we understand used materials
for its manufacture and progressive transformation thereof. On the other hand, the object and its
functionality, where integrate the raison d'être of puestos components, directly influenced by space,
breaking down into three key elements for its interpretation: Transportation, Organization, and
Assemble.
As described above, the decision of materials in puestos are subjective hints; grouping vendors taste
for the material either by the affinity to the textures or the color. Even though, these hints include an
operational logic for the material about the type of product that is offered, as is explained by the use
of 'icopor' to keep cold in food (Ice-cream, cheese, and Jam)
On the other hand, within some considerations, it was identified that there is a closer relationship
with the circumstances of street trading. In other words, the existence of determinants at the time of
construction of puestos, which they include, situations such as "The inherited of a workstation”
and “The social conjunctures" -described above in Inherited Informal Space Section-.
Then, this situational relationship shows a re-interpretation process from 'new owners' (street
vendors' heirs and buyers of puestos) before the post-design shortcomings on the object through
daily development of the informal practice under their command.
It is with this perspective of how changing choices only imply minor changes from heirs as an
adaptation process of an object designed by others:
Well, those things come from my grandma; she is the only that who knows about it. Because
I don't. Because this puesto has been here for a very long time, ok? She told me that before,
this wasn't a trolley but she had a showcase and other stuff. She was one of the first ones to
sell inside the university. After her, other students and people in general, later the placed over
here about twenty years ago [...] since I began, I made this little drawer, to exhibit all the thing
I had kept, then I put them inside. Those are mostly hair bands, earrings, all that. I made that
little drawer, because 'what is not shown is not sold.' (Florez, 2013)
The new puesto owner as well as the heir, explore further to operate on space with the elements of
such object. Such intervention manifests as adjustments coming up as consequences of the use in
puestos, contemplating the wear of the material selected at the beginning by the former owner, also
with the problems emerged in practice.
“Well, they already were there so what it was done was to adapt them, right? I considered, eh,
what was needed, well no, the basic, there was there the shelf, all those things were already
there. [...] obviously, it's necessary to paint them, to stay alert with them like there's no mold
on them and such things [...] because we were robbed [...] we made the cover for the shelf,
that is new, that was around six-seven months ago, which is in metal, the doors, well and the...,
how is it call it?, the... ok what's on it, what covers the shelf, ok? that is what we made.” (Hurta-
do, 2013)
Regarding another matter presented as a determinant in material selections on the street vending
object of The Universidad del Valle, leads to a 'spontaneous marginal selection,' where the material 8. Rebusque: Spanish expression that
8 means the search for survival.
is a is a form of representation of survival through 'rebusque,' which is the major cornerstone at the
time vendors build puestos.
The 'rebusque' is a fortuitous mechanism of the informal labor practice, which raises reusing
 worn objects, dented, half-broken, missing a piece, damaged, elements are seen as materials
declared at any one time useless, they are the one which appears installed at the lowest level,
lower than there is nothing else than death and the disappearance of the object. (Delgado,
2012)
Consequently, reusing becomes in a competence-activity of marginal practices on the University
space by students who make the most of the abandoned object, a potential piece for their street
vending project. Since this way, the object is a marginal expression for those who use it with another
purpose rather than the planned one in its design and functionality.
…all those piled on the sidewalk or in the trash or ruin containers, objects that someone
does not want anymore, useless, orphans, declared unfit. Those excluded things, offer us an
accurate metaphor for every form of margination, which always consists of expelling and
supplanting someone or something which used to work, but now, deteriorated, aged, sick,
no longer works and is eliminated, erased, for it has lost its place and is not waiting anymore
to come back and occupy any other. (Delgado, 2012)
The design process of puesto is spontaneous in the sense of how instinctive could be human beings
in the adaptation process to a phenomenon, which implies the brain capacity to comprehend
relationships between the form and the function; so, the reality offers a large variety of suitable
materials, to solve their needs. During fabrication process of puestos, designed under marginal
decisions, it is necessary to highlight the triad of powers among mind, hand, and senses, whereby
people have consistent ideas of design, their 'emergent' control onto reality. As exposed in this
example:
“Here it's difficult for us to bring the tables we buy and leave them here because they could
be taken; I don't say who is he? Because I haven't seen who's been taken then. So what we do
is simple, we take the wood, sometimes they take it out from the university, put them over
there, then we pick them up, well what is useful, the wooden boards, and right here we bring
tools and make it here [...] sometimes, after transporting them too much from here to there,
it loosens. However, we bring more nails and the hammer, and we fix it.” (Martínez, 2013)
Having leeway allows the 'rebusque' as a means to control the environment. It is to reemphasize the
existence of appropriation since those objects are abandoned by their former owners and taken by
new owners, recognized as provided of properties, thus adapted, appropriated and finally appropria-
ble. Delgado posits such principle:
…from its context, perceive that what could put at the service of the resolve of its problem.
Before inventing of purchasing anything, that human searching around him or simply find
within a range of things which are there, like waiting for him, ready, not only to find utility but
also meaning, since use and sense are the same things. (Delgado, 2012)
Adaptability gives place to means and ends through vendors have assumed the form, the process,
and techniques depending on the creation of vital elements for their puestos. The alteration of
objects is the bet they make respecting to the recursion to the context, so it is understandable when
they explain the origins of the object they use as a workstation: “I modified the table that is what I have.
It was a piece from a closet, and I adapt it, so it works as a table” (Anacona, 2013)
In order to understand the idea of functionality in puestos, it is essential to clarify that the following
findings are the result of an observation process based mainly through photography files -apart of
cross-linking categories with the reality-, to studying with detail the components of objects. For this
reason, a series of Formal Systematization Cards were created to approach to the analysis process
and the development of results, objectively.
illustration 2 illustration 3

Workstation created from 'rebusque.

Illustration 2, Puesto made from the
reuse of a typical ironing board; this
case is recurring on public spaces of
the Building 320. Illustration 3, the
use of wood (doors, desks, tables)
wasted by the University Administra-
tion, which works to students like
material construction for their
puestos, like the interviewed student
Gabriel Martinez Case.

12.3.2 The object functionality.

These cards contain basic concepts from morphology such as the Conformative Aspects of the
form that includes discontinuity, typologies of the figure, and modes of concretion, crucial to
understanding the compositional structure of objects. Also, the amount of chosen cards responds to
seventeen photography files -which include foreground pictures of puestos in the university space-
systematically selected as hallmarks from the entire group of puestos.
Once the interpretative analysis of the cards was done, it was identified that objects coming from the
street vending phenomenon are composite elements, as a family of objects, however not in the
similarity between pieces, but in their relationship with functionality in space.
In other words, to coexist in the phenomenon, objects need particular elements with specific
functions to be able to develop commercial activity effectively. Those elements or 'pieces'
corresponds to three conditions in the workstation: transportation, organization, and assembly.
Such elements cross-link to each other materially with space practices -apart from work practice-,
achieving the requirements of puestos, structuring an object that characterizes itself by functionality
over the form.
Functionality in puestos is vital for vendor due to they look primary to prevent "cumbersome
operations" on the university space, understanding that the most simple is the workstation, the more
comfortable is to handle for students with academic responsibilities and schedules to fulfill.

9. The cooperation networking is
given in the social interaction
processes resulting in "trust," which
benefits this job modality having as a
formal ideal the functional facility on
space- hence problems about
transportation
However, “cumbersome operation” in puestos, is the expression to identify that vendors are interes-
ted in an object construction process very functional.
Therefore, materially the objects must be austere in the form, as in the Geidelberk Trejos case, who
as a philosophy student also sells second-hand books, describing the primary interest of its puesto.
“I targeted to simplicity in the sense that they're just books [...] even books could be
something difficult to carry since a little box becomes in something really heavy. So, to have
many things complicates something that should be easy the handle, so I can focus on doing
other stuff.” (Trejos, 2013)
Thus, functionality is imperative in the puestos construction process, having a place in the decision
of types of material, which are vital, since they are closely related with the essential conditions of
puestos (transportation, organization systems, and assembly) evidencing such relationship through
essential components for puestos' operability on space.
“Well, the fabric is because it's lighter, in comparison to the software banner, this is a lightwei-
ght fabric, it allows me to see the products in effect. The tubes are easy to handle, keep them
and all that. About the table, well it's easy to keep, and the signs and posters, well I keep them
in a backpack the same for the books I put them in a locker, that's not complicated at all.”
(Sebastián, 2013)
It is common to run into objects based in modularity (change of size) and with low weight materials,
taking them as “ideal” for this type of job in the university:
"Basically, they need to be portables like this table, it's made of ropes. Lightweight and
portable things. Because I only stay here about to hours. So, I want to store quickly, and I
need them to allow me to move to University.” (Anacona, 2013)
Once it is established the idea of functionality as a crucial criterion in the design of the objects, it is
required being more specific about how the functionality works according to the conditioning
factors found in the analysis of form, whose description is related with daily life vendors practices:
-Transport: As regards the transport and assembly (installation) of the workstations, are described
simultaneously, since they are determinants, constituted by cooperation networking between the
actors who use the space; such determinants are directly concern to avoid the complexity in the
object and therefore the search of "flair" -as a criterion- in the operations.
The action of transport is logically the first step to assemble a workstation, which shows that before
executing any actions, it is imperative to assure a safe place to store the elements of puestos and by
9
this, the cooperation networking provides operational benefits within the space of the University.
Actors involved in such arrangements (trust agreements) are for instance: security guards and
formal vendors who have in charge university facilities assigned by the administration (buildings,
booths, cafeterias, and so on) These actors share their workstation space with street vendors, giving
them this way a safe place to store their belongings.
Once the place of storage is obtained, the vendors with cumbersome puestos remain calm in front
of this operational difficulty, as evidenced in these cases:
“I keep them in the university, I mean I don't need to carry it, but I store them here [...] in the
cafeteria next to where I store them [...] for free.” (Ávila, 2013)
“I take them in my backpack, I carry them and some of them I keep them in the locker here
in the university in a space we have, someone lends me, it's not mine, someone lends me a
space to store what we have.” (Anacona, 2013)
Indeed, it is necessary to say that the action of transport is being facilitated or in some cases, it is even
abolished by the versatility, which vendors move around the space. This kind of actors has solved
these issues making their stay on space the most prolific since if they move them, they only do it for
short distances without any effort and for some vendors, there is no need.
When there is no need to transport them, puestos present two characters directly related to the
number of pieces that compound the object. On one side, there are some informal settlements
spread out on space like a 'Persian Market' where people sells storable products due to their small
size. Generally, what is representative of this kind of puestos is piracy vending (software CDs and
movies DVDs), which comes up as canvases or banners where they print graphic compositions
with product pictures. Also is recurrent to sell accessories and grocery products. These street
vending are practically the ones with the most functionality because they can independently
develop their informal activities, without the need of a place to store their belongings however the
majority of owners prefer to drift by comfort and decide not to take their things home and look for
a place to store in the university.
On the contrary, there is another kind of puestos with a large volume because of their pieces, which
complicates the searching for a store large enough for their puesto. Thus vendors opt to leave them
right in the same place they are selling, having the certainty of leaving them there because they have
achieved an appropriation process justified by social back-up from the university community, as
shown in Gilbert's vendor case at The Cooperation Networking section described above.

illustration 4 illustration 5

Some puestos examples which make the use of the

architectural structure of the university (ground and
public furniture), for the development of the
commercial activity. These are clear examples where
the transport is not an issue for the informal object
since it has the minimum of compositive elements,
facilitating their displacement at the time of
disassembly. It is possible to observe small size
products, storable in bags (illustration 4,
Engineering Square). On the other hand, in the case of
the printed banner which shows the picture of the
product, avoiding cumbersome operations like to
organize the products every day (Illustration 5:
Pedestrian corridor Main Administration Building)
Bibliography
Delgado, M. (16 de 05 de 2012). Blogspot. Recuperado el 03 de 10 de 2013, de
Recolectore Urbanos: http://manueldelgadoruiz.blogspot.com/2009/09/recolec-
tores-urbanos.html

Juez, F. M. (2002). Contribuciones para una antropología del diseño. Barcelona:

Gedisa S.A.

Lynch, K. (2006). La Imagen de la Ciudad. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, SL.

Olguin, G., Castellano, L., Abraham, M., Bouidichon, M., De la Fuente, F., Giurdanella,
S., . . . Scocco, M. (2009). Leer la Forma. Córdoba: Redargenta Ediciones.

INTERVIEWS
Aguirre, N. (24 de 04 de 2013). Entrevista personal vendor informal (externo) zona 02.
(E. Cabrera, Entrevistador)

Anacona, W. (08 de 05 de 2013). Entrevista personal (estudiante de décimo semestre en

filosofía) zona 03. (E. Cabrera, Entrevistador)

Ávila, N. (24 de 04 de 2013). Entrevista personal vendedor informal (estudiante cuarto

semestre en Licenciatura en Historia) zona 2. (E. Cabrera, Entrevistador)

Crúz, C. (25 de 04 de 2013). Entrevista personal vendedor informal (estudiante gradua-

da) zona 03. (E. Cabrera, Entrevistador)

Florez, A. (24 de 04 de 2013). Entrevista personal vendedor informal (externo) zona 01.
(E. Cabrera, Entrevistador)

Gilbert. (13 de 05 de 2013). Entrevista personal vendedor informal (externo) Zona 02.
(E. Cabrera, Entrevistador)

Hurtado, J. (25 de 04 de 2013). Entrevista personal vendedor informal (estudiante de 10

semestre de Geografía) zona 03. (E. Cabrera, Entrevistador)

Martínez, G. (25 de 04 de 2013). Entrevista personal vendedor informal (estudiante). (E.

Cabrera, Entrevistador)

Salinas, V. (12 de 06 de 2013). Entrevista personal vendedor informal (estudiante de

decimo semestre de Artes Visuales) zona 03. (E. Cabrera, Entrevistador)

Sebastián. (24 de 04 de 2013). Entrevista personal vendedor informal (estudiante último

semestre en Tecnología en Ecología y Medio Ambiente). (E. Cabrera, Entrevistador)

Trejos, G. (24 de 04 de 2013). Entrevista personal vendedor informal (estudiante de

Filosofía) zona 02. (E. Cabrera, Entrevistador)