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Personal names and the Islamic Identity in Pakistan
Article in Islamic studies · October 2013
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Islamic Studies 52:3-4 (2013) pp. 239–396 239
Personal Names and the Islamic Identity in Pakistan

TARIQ RAHMAN
Abstract
Names are connected with several societal variables such as identity, power and the
belief-system. This study examines the association of the personal names of Pakistani
Muslims with perceptions of their religious (including sectarian) identities. Large data
bases of names of Muslims in order to find the frequencies of Islamic components in
their names will be examined so as to provide an index of religiosity and its type
(Sh┘‘ah/Sunni/fundamentalist/radical etc). It is suggested that the occurrence of
names like Osama [Us┐mah], Saddam [╗add┐m] or Arabic components like—umm
(mother of),—ibn (son of) suggests radicalisation. Derivatives from Arabic, whether
considered Islamic or not, will also be examined. This analysis along the chronological
dimension will suggest whether Pakistani names have become more Islamised from
the early years of Pakistan (1947–57) in comparison with the post-Zia ul Haq period
(1980–90s). Names may be changed with a view to flagging the desire to take up a new
religious identity. Thus the Islamisation and Arabisation of personal names in
Pakistan may be an indicator of identity and change in identity construction.

Introduction
On August 16, 2012 an incident occurred which involved the identification of
Shias1 [Sh┘‘ahs] with reference to their names. A bus carrying passengers was
1
The major sects of Muslims in Pakistan are the Sunnis and Shias. The census does not give
figures for sects but, according to Qasim Zaman, a scholar of Islam in South Asia, “estimates
about the size of the Shi‘i population range from as much as a quarter to less than 2 percent of
the total population, though the more accurate figure seems to be closer to about 15 percent”
(Muhammad Qasim Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change (New
Jersey: Princeton University Press), 2002), 113). The Shia (the term is from Sh┘‘┐n-i ‘Al┘ or
partisans of ‘Al┘) are those who believe that ‘Al┘ b. Ab┘ ║┐lib, cousin of Prophet Mu╒ammad
and also his son-in-law as husband of his daughter Fatima [F┐═imah], was deprived of his rightful
position as the first caliph by the first three caliphs whom the Sunnis regard as legitimate and
rightfully guided. Shias especially oppose the Umayyad ruler Mu‘┐wiyah b. Ab┘ Sufy┐n who
appointed his son Yazid [Yaz┘d] as the caliph thus depriving Ali’s sons Hassan [╓asan] and
Hussain [╓usayn] their right to be caliphs. Later Hussain was killed in the Battle of Karbala on
TARIQ RAHMAN
240
stopped in the Mansehra district while travelling to Gilgit and the people were
“killed after checking their identification cards.”2 Those chosen for being
killed were people with Shia components in their names such as Naqvi
[Naqw┘], Jafri [Ja‘far┘], Zaidi [Zaid┘] and even components shared with Sunnis
such as Hussain [╓usain]. While this incident is about sectarian identity as
revealed through names, the same issue extends to religious as well as ethnic
identities in other contexts. One of the anecdotes about the communal riots of
1947 when British India was partitioned into Muslim-majority Pakistan and
Hindu-majority India is as follows: “A man asked another his name. Upon
being told he killed him.”
Though not given in the literature on the riots it could well be true. In
the Punjab alone between 500,000 to 800,000 people—Hindus, Muslims and
Sikhs—were killed3 and Saadat Hasan Manto’s [Sa‘┐dat ╓asan Mant┤] creative
writings in Urdu tell us that very often there was nothing to save or condemn
a person except the name—the carrier of communal identity in this case.
Indeed, as an informant told Ishtiaq Ahmed, “East Punjab had become totally
unsafe for anyone with a Muslim name. It was similar for us with Hindu
names to leave West Punjab in 1947.”4 The boundaries of the Islamic identity
are drawn up by a number of outward manifestations, signals and symbols
which are characteristic of Muslim communities. Names are the most obvious
and visible of these identity markers. This article will trace out the
relationship between the Islamic identity and personal names in Pakistan.
Review of Literature
In a comprehensive review of scholarship on identity-construction Cerulo
argues that “Anti-essentialist inquiries promote the social construction of
identity as a more viable basis of the collective self.”5 Names, though not
mentioned in Cerulo’s article, are a crucial variable for one’s own as well as
other people’s perception of one as a member of a group, or sub-group, of the
human race. In most cases individuals, cocooned in the sustaining culture of
their group, may never examine the relationship between their personal names
and identities. However, as research on the psychological perceptions of
October 10, 680 by Yazid’s forces (see Syed Hussain Jafri, The Origins and Early Development of
Shi’a Islam (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000)).
2
Daily Times and India Today, August 17, 2012.
3
Ishtiaq Ahmed, The Punjab: Bloodied, Partitioned and Cleansed (Karachi: Oxford University
Press, 2012), xxv.
4
Ibid., 42.
5
Karen A. Cerulo, “Identity Construction: New Issues, New Directions,” Annual Review of
Sociology 23 (August 1997), 387, for details, see 385–409.
PERSONAL NAMES AND THE ISLAMIC IDENTITY IN PAKISTAN
241
identity show, they may be challenged to examine these perceptions—

especially if the identity labeled by the name becomes problematic—and may
overcome tensions by negotiating their identity.6 When this happens by
changing the name it is relevant for this study.
Much work on names has been done by scholars of Onomastics. They
have analysed and explained the meanings of names and studied the
relationship of names with society. Indeed the journal called Names: A Journal
of Onomastics published by the University of Louiseville since 1952 in the
United States, focuses on the scholarly study of names. A synoptic view of its
contribution to onomastics is given by its editor Frank Nuessel.7 Among other
issues, there are studies of the names of characters in literature,8 nicknames,9
forms of address,10 name-changing11 and the relationship of names with other
disciplines of the social sciences12 and society in general.13 In addition to that,
work highly relevant for our purposes comes from anthropologists and
sociologists. Beginning from the pioneering work on naming systems from
that doyen of anthropologists, Claude Levi-Strauss, in his book La Pensee
6
Deborrah E. S. Frable, “Gender, Racial, Ethnic, Sexual, and Class Identities,” Annual Review of
Psychology 48 ( February 1997), 147–148, for details, see 139–162.
7
Frank Nuessel, “Sixty Years of Names,” Names: A Journal of Onomastics 61:1 (2013), 3–7.
8
Thomas J. Gasque, “The Study of Names as Humor in the Thirty-Nine Years of the Journal
Names,” Names: A Journal of Onomastics 39:3 (1991), 217–224; Maria Palaeas, “The Importance
of Being ‘Ernest’ in Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein: A Study in Literary Onomastics,” Names: A
Journal of Onomastics 53:3 (2005), 203–234; Ernest L. Abel, “Dickensian Eponyms,” Names: A
Journal of Onomastics 61:2 (2013), 75–91; Christopher L. Robinson, “What Makes the Names of
Middle-earth So Fitting,” Names: A Journal of Onomastics 61:2 (2013), 65–74.
9
Robert L. Moore, “Nicknames in Urban China: A Two-Tiered Model,” Names: A Journal of
Onomastics 41:2 (1993), 67–86; Theodore J. Holland, “The Many Faces of Nicknames,” Names:
A Journal of Onomastics 38:4 (1990), 255–272; Paul. L. Leslie and James K. Skipper, “Toward a
Theory of Nicknames: A Case for Socio-Onomastics,” Names: A Journal of Onomastics 38:4
(1990), 273–282.
10
Thomas E. Murray, “A Further Note on the ‘Title+First Name’ Form of Address,” Names: A
Journal of Onomastics 50:4 (2002), 263–273.
11
Vivian de Klerk, “Changing Names in the ‘New’ South Africa: A Diachronic Survey,” Names:
A Journal of Onomastics 50:3 (2002), 201–221; James E. Jacob and Pierre L. Horn, “Comment
vous appelez-vous? Why the French Change Their Names,” Names: A Journal of Onomastics 46:1
(1998), 3–28; Lu Zhongti and Celia Millward, “Chinese Given Names since the Cultural
Revolution,” Names: A Journal of Onomastics 37:3 (1989), 265–280; Agnes C. M. Ragone,
“Onomastics Among Hispanic Migrants in South Central Pennsylvania,” Names: A Journal of
Onomastics 60:1 (2012), 36–45; Betty A. Blair, “Iranian Immigrants’ Name Changes in Los
Angeles,” in Creative Ethnicity, Symbols, and Strategies of Contemporary Life, ed. Stephen Stern
and John Allan (Cicala, Norman, UT: Utah State University Press) 112–136.
12
John Algeo and Katie Algeo, “Onomastics as an Interdisciplinary Study,” Names: A Journal of
Onomastics 48:3–4 (2000), 265–274.
13
Moore, “Nicknames in Urban China.”
TARIQ RAHMAN
242
Sauvage (The Savage Mind) one can name many others with similar interests.14
Levi-Strauss examines the basic issue of universalisation and particularisation
in human societies. He refutes the claims of philosophers and linguists, to be
mentioned briefly later, that names are meaningless labels as follows:
We need to establish that proper names are an integral part of systems we have
been treating as codes: as means of fixing significations by transposing them into
terms of other significations. Would this be possible if it were true, as logicians
and some linguists have maintained, that proper names are, in Mill’s phrase,
“meaningless,” lacking in signification?.15
An overview of sixty such societies compares how names are given, who
gives them, whether a ceremony is held when they are given, whether
nicknames are used or not, how and why are names changed and so on.16
Another valuable study on onomastics is Bruck and Bodenhorn’s edited
volume entitled The Anthropology of Names and Naming.17 Yet another book
on names and naming practices is Framing My Name.18 Like the other
literature, it investigates these phenomena in several developing societies
(India, Cameroon, China etc) but, in addition to that, it also problematises the
way foreign students in Australia’s higher education perceive their names and
the issues connected with them.
We now come to the position, generally held by philosophers, that
personal names are labels and do not indicate any attribute of the person with
the name19 and that they are, therefore, empty of all descriptive content. Mill
says that the name John “is not conferred upon them to indicate any qualities,
or anything which belongs to them [all males called John] in common.”20 But
it does not appear to Mill, or indeed to other philosophers, that the name John
does connote (a term used by Mill) at least that he belongs to the European
14
Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (La pensée sauvage) (Letchworth, Herfordshire: The
Gordon City Press, 1966), 172–216.
15
Ibid., 172.
16
Richard D. Alford, Naming and Identity: A Cross Cultural Study of Personal Naming Practices
(New Haven, Connecticut: HRAF Press, 1988).
17
Gabriele vom Bruck and Barbara Bodenhorn, eds., The Anthropology of Names and Naming
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
18
Margaret Kumar, Supriya Pattanayak, and Richard Johnson, eds., Framing My Name:
Extending Educational Boundaries (Altona, Victoria: Common Ground Publishing, 2010).
19
Eugene E. Ryan, “Aristotle on Proper Names,” Aperion: A Journal for Ancient Philosophy and
Science 15:1 (1981), 38–47; Alan Gardiner, The Theory of Proper Names (London: Oxford
University Press, 1940/1957); John Stuart Mill, A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and Inductive,
8th ed. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1882).
20
Mill, A System of Logic, 34.
243
(British) civilization. John Searle, in his book on the philosophy of language,

while agreeing with the basic idea that proper names refer to objects elaborates
upon the imprecision or “looseness” of their descriptive functions as follows:
But the uniqueness and immense pragmatic convenience of proper names in our
language lies precisely in the fact that they enable us to refer publicly to objects
without being forced to raise issues and come to an agreement as to which
descriptive characteristics exactly constitute the identity of the object. They
function not as descriptions, but as pegs on which to hang descriptions. Thus the
looseness of the criteria for proper names is a necessary condition for isolating
the referring function from the describing function of language.21
This idea is also expressed by Mark D’Cruz who also argues that proper names
are placeholders for sets of descriptions of an individual.22 Gardiner, after
giving a rather purist definition of proper names, qualifies it by saying that
there “are less pure proper names than the purest because of the assistance
that, on rare occasions, they might give by their suggestion of sex, nationality,
or country.”23
Like philosophers, some linguists too take a purist approach by stressing
how names are to be classified. Anderson, for instance, classifies them as
determinatives. This category “is characterized notionally as maximally
referential and thus non-predictable.”24 But some sociolinguists have moved to
their relationship with culture. Rymes, for instance, argues that they are
“indexical of a rich realm of cultural and personal associations.”25 Taking the
case study of a gang member of Los Angeles called “Little Creeper,” she argues
that names may be criminalised and “hold both implicit meanings and explicit
referent.”26 This reminds us, as Maurice Bloch suggests in his study of
tekonymy in a tribe of Madagascar, that “the usage of names cannot be
separated from pragmatics and that names are therefore used to ‘do’ an almost
unlimited number of things.”27 Such insights are very relevant for Pakistani
21
John R. Searle, Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language (Cambridge/New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2011), 172.
22
Mark D’Cruz, “A Theory of Ordinary Proper Names,” Mind 109:436 (2000), 746, for details,
see 721–756.
23
Gardiner, The Theory of Proper Names, 42.
24
John M. Anderson, “On the Grammatical Status of Names,” Language 80:3 (2004), 435–474.
25
Betsy Rymes, “Naming as Social Practice: The Case of Little Creeper from Diamond Street,”
Language in Society 25:2 (1996), 246, for details, see 237–260.
26
Ibid., 258.
27
Maurice Bloch, “Tekonymy and the Evocation of the ‘Social’ Among the Zafimaniry of
Madagascar,” in The Anthropology of Names and Naming, ed. Gabriele vom Bruck and Barbara
Bodenhorn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 98, for details, see 98–114.
TARIQ RAHMAN
244
names as they have implicit meanings and, of course, these meanings can be
used to do many things: to index a certain identity, to give respect, to insult,
and so on.
Although names are related in numerous and complex ways with
identity, a few examples may be helpful. For instance, patrilinealism may be
reflected in names. This was true for the Ju/‘Hoansi people of Botswana and
Namibia during the 1950s and 1960s28 and is true for Pakistan where the
children belong to the father’s family and names are one way to indicate this
aspect of their identity. Personal qualities which go into identity-
construction—bravery, generosity, intelligence—may also be reflected by
names. Thus, in Cheyenne society a man “might take a name in addition to his
present one” reflecting such positive qualities.29 Name-changing, indeed,
symbolises “the emergence of new characteristics or a new identity”30 and
“males take up new names in 10 societies at puberty while women adopt new
names in 11 societies at marriage precisely because these are seen as emergent
identities.”31
In some cases collectivities use names in a bid to emphasize one or the
other identity. For instance, the Afro-Panamanian residents of the island of
Bastimentos have an official Spanish-derived and an ethnic Creole-derived
name. They use the latter for in-group solidarity.32 The Meithei-speaking
people of Manipur in India, who accepted Hinduism in the eighteenth
century, use names as a site for contestation between political ideologies.
Those who choose pre-Hindu indigenous names want to break with India
while those who use Hindu names want integration.33 In such cases one
constructs a politically oriented group identity. In other cases, however, as in
the Gaelic communities of East Sutherland in the Highlands of Scotland by-
names rather than formal names are used for in-group solidarity.34
In-group solidarity presupposes out-groups. These “others” may see a
collectivity as a monolith because of its use of ethnic, religious and racial labels
28
Patricia Draper and Christine Haney, “Patrilateral Bias among a Traditionally Egalitarian
People: Ju/’hoansi Naming Practice,” Ethnology 44:3 (2005), 243–259.
29
John H. Moore, “Cheyenne Names and Cosmology,” American Ethnologist 11:2 (1984), 302,
for details, see 291–312.
30
Alford, Naming and Identity, 85.
31
Ibid., 86.
32
Michael Aceto, “Ethnic Personal Names and Multiple Identities in Anglophone Caribbean
Speech Communities,” Language in Society 31:4 (2002), 601, for details, see 577–608.
33
Shobhana L. Chelliah, “Asserting Nationhood through Personal Name Choice: The Case of
the Meithei of Northeast India,” Anthropological Linguistics 47:2 (2005), 169, for details, see 169–
216.
34
Nancy C. Dorian, “A Substitute Name System in the Scottish Highlands,” American
Anthropologist 72:2 (1970), 303–319.
245
as part of their personal names. Thus, in present-day Western countries

Muslims, though differentiated by citizenship (Turkish, Iranian, Saudi,
Pakistani, Indonesian etc), sect (Sunni, Shia) or sub-sect (Ismaili35, [Ism┐‘┘l┘]
Deobandi36 [Diy┤band┘], Barelvi37 [Barailv┘], Wahabi38 [Wahh┐b┘] etc.) are
perceived as a group39 and maybe discriminated against in employment as they
evoke negative stereotypes.40 Such situations have an effect upon the use of
names. In most cases immigrants (and not necessarily Muslims) adopt names
which enable them to pass for a local.41 This, indeed, is the usual practice of
workers in call centres who have to interact with Western clients who use
short Western names (Bill, Jill etc) to present an integrative Western identity.42
In some cases foreigners might want to retain the correct pronunciation of
their names as it is part of the identity they want to maintain and privilege.43
But such discrepant responses are related to the personal or group-power of
the persons in question. The call centre worker cannot insist even on the name
let alone its correct pronunciation while a foreign professor, ambassador or
business tycoon can.
35
The Ismailis are a branch of the Shias. They believe that ‘Al┘ was succeeded by nine spiritual
leaders (im┐ms) while the majority, called ithn┐ ‘ashar┘ (twelvers), believe in twelve im┐ms
(Farhad Daftary, A Short History of the Ismailis: Traditions of a Muslim Community (Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press, 1998)).
36
Deoband is a town in UP India, with a famous Islamic seminary madrasah. The graduates of
this school interpret the Islamic Law (Shar┘‘ah) strictly denying, except in the case of their own
pioneers, intercession by saints (Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband,
1860–1900 (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002)).
37
Bareilly too is a city in UP India, where Maulana Ahmed Raza Khan [Maul┐n┐ A╒mad Ra╛┐
Kh┐n] (1870–1920) justified intercessory, mystical interpretations of Islam (Usha Sanyal,
Devotional Islam and Politics in British India: Ahmed Ri╔a Khan Barelwi and His Movement, 1870-
1920 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996)).
38
The Wahabis [Wahh┐b┘s], followers of Abdul Wahab [Mu╒ammad b. ‘Abd al-Wahh┐b] of
Saudi Arabia (1703–1792), is the name given to strict interpreters of Islam in South Asia who
call themselves Ahl-i-Hadith [Ahl-i ╓ad┘th] (Qeyamuddin Ahmad, The Wahhabi Movement in
India, revised ed. (New Delhi: Manohar, 1994)).
39
Diane S. Lauderdale and Bert. Kestenbaum, “Asian American Ethnic Identification by
Surname,” Population Research and Policy Review 19:3 (2000), 283–300.
40
Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan, “Are Emily and Greg more Employable than
Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination,” The American
Economic Review 94:4 (2004), 991–1013.
41
Moa Bursell, “Name Change and Destigmatization among Middle Eastern Immigrants in
Sweden,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 35:3 (2012), 471–487.
42
Kiran Mirchandani, “Practices of Global Capital: Gaps, Cracks, and Ironies in Transnational
Call Centers in India,” Global Networks 4:4 (2004), 365–366, for details, see 355–373; Tariq
Rahman, “Language Ideology, Identity, and the Commodification of Language in the Call
Centers of Pakistan,” Language in Society 38:2 (2009), 236, for details, see 233–258.
43
Ilse Lehiste, “The Attitudes of Bilinguals towards Their Personal Names,” American Speech
50:1–2 (1975), 30–35.
TARIQ RAHMAN
246
In short, the study of names, including alternative names, can provide

insights into the construction and perception of identity. These, in turn may
be related to belief-systems, power differentials and social stratification within
societies.44 Changes in names—as among the Zulus45—are related to the identity
of societies as a whole.
Despite the significance of personal names in understanding the complex
issues of identity, power and belief-system, there is no study of personal names
in present-day Pakistan. Indeed, there are no major studies of Muslim names in
South Asia though there are several studies of the names of other Indian
communities,46 including a book-length study of ancient names of Hindus
which does, however, contain much information on their naming practices.
The only reference to Muslims in this book is in the form of a footnote about
the importance of certain letters as derived from sacred books but for this the
author refers to Richard Temple whose work will be referred to below.47
References to Muslim names, however, are found in onomastic studies both by
colonial scholars as well as later ones. The tone of the British colonial officer-
scholars is condescending and arrogant towards Indians but they have
provided valuable information nevertheless. The pioneering study of Punjabi
names mentioned above is Richard Temple’s Dissertation on the Proper Names
of Punjâbîs which is based on data gathered in the “Ambâlâ District and
neighbourhood, where the Hindu element largely predominates.”48 However,
Temple devotes a whole chapter (IV) to Muslim names49 which is partly
relevant even today for a scholar of Pakistani names. W. F. Sinclair’s essay,
though lacking details, mentions that prestigious titles (or “caste” names) such
as Syed, Khan and Sheikh—all proclaiming foreign descent—have actually been
appropriated by local Muslim converts because they facilitate claim to a high
44
George A. Collier and Victoria R. Bricker, “Nicknames and Social Structure in Zinacantan,”
American Anthropologist 72:2 (1970), 289–302; Yvonne Treis, “Avoiding Their Names, Avoiding
Their Eyes: How Kambaata Women Respect their In-laws,” Anthropological Linguistics 47:3
(2005), 292–320; R. H. Barnes, “Hidatsa Personal Names: An Interpretation,” Plains
Anthropologist 25:90 (1980), 311–331; T. O. Beidelman, “Kaguru Names and Naming,” Journal of
Anthropological Research 30:4 (1974), 281–293.
45
Susan M. Suzman, “Names as Pointers: Zulu Personal Naming Practices,” Language in Society
23:2 (1994), 253–272.
46
M. B. Emeneau, “Personal Names of the Coorgs,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 96:1
(1976), 7–14.
47
Alfons Hilka, Die Altindischen Personennamen [Old Indian personal names] (Breslau: Verlag
von M. & Marcus, 1910), 43.
48
Richard Temple, A Dissertation on the Proper Names of Punjâbîs: With Special Reference to the
Proper Names of Villagers in the Eastern Panjâb (London/Bombay: Trubner/Education Society’s
Press, 1883), 2.
49
Ibid., 40–51.
247
social status.50 Unfortunately, the only study purporting to be on Muslim

names51 merely adds to the literature on Muslim (mostly Arabic) names on
which there is a lot of contemporary material: Jordan,52 Kuwait53 Turkey,54
Central Asia55 and nicknames as family names among the Arabs.56 Colebrooke,
therefore, does not add to our knowledge of Indian Muslim names.
There is, indeed, more to be gained by reading scholars working on
Hindu names in India if one is trying to understand Indian Muslim names. For
instance, M. B. Emeneau in his article on Hindu names tells us that the Islamic
heritage languages contribute linguistic components to Hindu names in north
India such as Ram Baksh [R┐m Bakhsh] and Jawahar Lal [Jaw┐hir L┐l]
(Jawahar= P: pearls; Lal= red, precious stone).57 Francis Britto in his study of
personal names in Tamil society tells us that Muslims do not use traditional
Tamil names “since most indigenous names have some connection with Hinduism.”58
The only major study of Muslim names which also looks at South Asian
names, though in passing, is Anne Marie Schimmel’s Islamic Names. But
Schimmel’s study is actually on Arab (and some Turkish) names and most of
her observations are about the incorrectness of South Asian Muslims’ names
on account of their ignorance of Arabic.59 However, there are other aspects of
naming which Schimmel does not touch upon. For instance, the concealment
of identity is an important subject but there is only one article, Theodore
Wright’s, on name-changing among Indian Muslims in order to merge with
the Hindu majority.60 Two other studies, both of minor significance, which
50
W. F. Sinclair, “Indian Names for English Tongues,” The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of
Great Britain and Ireland 21:1 (1889), 171–172, for details, see 159–178.
51
J. Colebrooke, “On the Proper Names of Mohammedans,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
of Great Britain and Ireland 13:2 (1881), 237–280.
52
Hassan Abd-el-Jawad, “A Linguistic and Sociocultural Study of Personal Names in Jordan,”
Anthorpological Linguistics 28:1 (1986), 80–94.
53
M. Aziz F. Yassin, “Personal Names of Address in Kuwaiti Arabic,” Anthropological
Linguistics 20:2 (1978), 53–63.
54
Robert F. Spencer, “The Social Context of Modern Turkish Names,” Southwestern Journal of
Anthropology 17:3 (1961), 205–218.
55
Rafis Abazov, Culture and Customs of the Central Asian Republics (Westport, CT: Greenwood
Press, 2007).
56
S. D. Goitein, “Nicknames as Family Names,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 90:4
(1970), 517–524.
57
M. B. Emeneau, “Towards an Onomastics of South Asia,” Journal of the American Oriental
Society 98:2 (1978), 117, for details, see 113–130.
58
Francis Britto, “Personal Names in Tamil Society,” Anthropological Linguistics 28:3 (1986),
354, for details, see 349–365.
59
Anne Marie Schimmel, Islamic Names (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel, 2005), 25, 28, 62.
60
Theodore P. Wright, “South-Asian Muslim Naming for Identity vs. Name-Changing for
Concealing Identity,” Indian Journal of Secularism 10:1 (2006), 5–10.
TARIQ RAHMAN
248
are indirectly relevant to Pakistani Muslim names are about Bengal61 and
Afghanistan.62 In short, there is a gap in our knowledge of Pakistani names.
Objective
This study looks at the Islamisation of personal names in Pakistan. For the
purposes of this study Islamisation is defined as increased awareness of an
Islamic consciousness, and Arabisation is the increased use of the Arabic
language and Arabic naming practices. In Pakistan, as we shall see, the latter is
taken as part of the former and sometimes as a substitute for it. Change of
names as it relates to identity-construction—such as the aspiration for a stricter
Muslim identity—will also be given attention. This information, it is hoped,
will provide insights into the way personal names and naming practices are
related to religion in Pakistan.
Methodology
The large samples of names for the detailed study were taken from all over the
country. These names are from the lists of students who appeared in the
matriculation (Class 10) examination of the Boards of Intermediate and
Secondary Examination Lahore (Punjab), Peshawar (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa)
and Larkana (Sindh). For the names of the 1950s the matriculation gazettes of
the middle 1950s and 1960s were consulted and for those of the late 1990s, the
gazettes of 2012 were consulted. Unfortunately, however, the gazettes of
Sindh for the 1950s and 1960s were not available. For Balochistan no gazettes
were available at all. Thus, for these two provinces names were taken from
voters’ lists of 2013 elections which contain the names of men and women and
their fathers. This leaves out the names of elderly women (named in the 1940s
and 50s) from both these provinces while samples of such names are available
for the Punjab and KP. The names of the elite were taken from the list of the
members of an elite club in Lahore. For children from this class the names of
pupils of expensive private schools in Lahore and Islamabad were taken. The
names of very poor and rural people come from the National Income Support
Programme (NISP), previously named after Benazir Bhutto. These names are
from all the provinces of the country but ages are not mentioned (Poor M &
F). Details of these databases are given in Annexure-B.
Further information on naming practices, beliefs and the structure of
names was obtained through unstructured interviews and informants from
61
Afia Dil, “A Comparative Study of the Personal Names and Nicknames of the Bengali-
speaking Hindus and Muslims,” in Studies on Bengal, ed. Warren M. Gunderson (East Lansing:
n.p., 1976), 51–71.
62
A. H. Waleh, “Names and Titles in Afghan Families,” Afghanistan News 7:80 (1964), 4–6.
249
different provinces of Pakistan. Only some of these interviewees and

informants have been identified in the section on references. These interviews
were held all over Pakistan with the exception of Balochistan where militancy
precluded visits and interviews. However, Baloch intellectuals and academics
were interviewed in the other cities of Pakistan.
The Desire for Islamic Naming among South Asian Muslims

South Asian Muslims do not have Arab naming conventions though some
such conventions are coming to notice in the recent past. However, for the
most part the 96.28 percent Muslims of Pakistan,63 do not follow the Arabic
structural pattern described by Annemarie Schimmel nor the Western one
comprising a personal, middle and family name. Arab names have a kunyah,
nasab, nisbah and laqab. Kunyah refers to being a parent i.e. Ab┴ (father of) or
umm (mother of); nasab means being the son (-ibn) or daughter (-bint) of;
nisbah is one’s affiliation to a place or sometimes a profession (al-‘Ir┐q┘ means a
person is from Iraq); and laqab is a positive alternative name or nickname e.g.,
╗┐diq (truthful).64
Pakistan has a religious society and this is evidenced, among other things,
by the way names are chosen. People do not have adequate knowledge of
Arabic or theological niceties as Annemarie Schimmel reiterates in her book
but, whatever local customs and lack of knowledge of Arabic might bring
about, there is a general desire to give Islamic names to children in Pakistan.
And, since Arabic names are considered synonymous with Islamic ones, books
on children’s names overwhelmingly comprise such names even if they are not
actually used in society. The following data indicates this trend. The figures
below are in percentages from names used for children in Pakistan.
Urdu-
Total Arabic Persian Turkish Other Source
Hindi
3870 77.89 16.43 0.48 4.78 2.43 N┐m: Bachchōn kē N┐m65
Piy┐rē bachchōn kē
4592 68 20 3 7.0 2.00
kh┴b╖┴rat N┐m66
63
Census-R, Population by Religion: Pakistan (Islamabad: Population Census Organization,
Statistics Division, 2004).
64
Schimmel, Islamic Names, 1–13.
65
Af╔┐l A╒mad and I‘j┐z A╒mad, N┐m: Bachchōn kē N┐m [Names: Children’s names] (Lahore:
Sang-e-Meel, 2008).
66
Mu╒ammad Mu╒sin, Piy┐rē Bachchōn kē Kh┴b╖┴rat N┐m [Beautiful names of lovely children]
(Lahore: Id┐rah-i Paigh┐m al-Qur’┐n, 2010).
TARIQ RAHMAN
250
‘Ilm al-A‘d┐d k┘ R┤shn┘

3968 70 25 2 0.6 2.40
mai╞ Isl┐m┘ N┐m67
2848 71.63 23.28 1.33 1.83 1.93 Bachchōn kē N┐m68
6481 72.38 20 2.60 1.322 3.70 N┐m Sav┐rē K┐m69
Total of names and
21673 71.58 20.94 1.88 3.11 2.49 mean of percentages of
occurrence.
Table 1
The writers of these books of children’s names feel that names from
Arabic are valorized and preferred to those from other languages. Most of
them begin with Islamic injunctions on naming and some also give the ninety-
nine names of God and the Prophet of Islam. The common identity-marker of
the Muslim identity in Pakistan is the name of Muhammad [Mu╒ammad].
This is probably because Prophet Mu╒ammad (peace be on him) advised
Muslims to keep his name70 and the names of the prophets mentioned in the
Qur’┐n. The Prophet (peace be on him) also said that “the names dearest to
Allah are ‘Abd All┐h and ‘Abd al-Ra╒m┐n.’”71 And, indeed, traditional naming
does follow these guidelines.
Conversion to a religion generally entails a change of names. Indeed,
Richard W. Bulliet used the occurrence of Islamic names in Iran, Iraq, Egypt,
Tunisia, Syria, and Spain to measure the process of conversion to Islam in
these areas.72 Conversion to Christianity in early Byzantine Egypt too has
been measured by looking at names.73 In South Asia too such studies have
been attempted. For instance, N┴r Mu╒ammad, in his T┐r┘kh-i Jhang Siy┐l
[The history of Jhang Sial] says,
In the early fifteenth century 10 per cent of the recorded Sial males had Muslim
names; for the mid-seventeenth century, 56 per cent; for the mid-eighteenth, 75
67
Far╒┐n A. Shaikh, ‘Ilm al-A‘d┐d k┘ Rōshn┘ mai╞ Isl┐m┘ N┐m [Islamic names in the light of
numerology] (Lahore: Rubi Publications, n.d.).
68
Im┐m Bakhsh Balōch, Bachchōn kē N┐m [Children’s names] (Karachi: Shama Book Agency,
n.d.).
69
└╖if Ra╔a, comp., N┐m sanv┐rē k┐m [Name facilitates endeavour] (Lahore: Khazònah-i ‘Ilm-o
Adab, 2003).
70
Mu╒ammad b. Ism┐‘┘l al-Bukh┐r┘, ╗a╒┘╒, Kit┐b al-adab, B┐b man samm┐ bi asm┐’ al-anbiy┐’.
71
Ab┴ D┐w┴d Sulaym┐n b. al-Ash‘ath, Sunan, Kit┐b al-adab, B┐b fò taghyòr al-asm┐’.
72
Richard W. Bulliet, Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period (Cambridge, Mass & London:
Harvard University Press, 1979).
73
Roger S. Bagnall, “Religious Conversion and Onomastic Change in Early Byzantine Egypt,”
Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 19:3–4 (1982), 105–124.
251
per cent; and for the early nineteenth century, 100 per cent.74
So important is the giving of Islamic names as boundary-markers of the

Islamic community that Maul┐n┐ Ily┐s (1885–1944), the founder of the
Tabl┘gh┘ Jam┐‘at (a movement for the preaching of Islam), found the Meos of
Mewat (Alwar, Bharatpur and Gurgaon in Haryana in India) in the 1920s with
their Hindu appearance and names an affront to his Muslim sensibilities.
About their names the gazette of 1878 declares:
They call themselves by Hindu names, with the exception of “Ram”; and “Singh”
is a frequent affix, though not so common as “Khan.”75
As the Islamisation of the Meos progressed, the components of names

shared with the Hindus decreased and then disappeared.76 However, naming
remained one of the sites of communal animosity in colonial India as
conversion from Hinduism to Islam and vice versa illustrate. Examples of the
former are too numerous to be quoted. Among those of the latter are the
bestowal of the name Alakdhari on a Muslim boy by Dayananda Saraswati of
the Arya Samaj in 1877.77 After the Partition of 1947 some Rajputs converted
to Hinduism in Udaipur and the village heads instructed teachers “to change
the names of their Muslim students to Hindu in the Official records.”78
This anxiety about giving Muslim names in order to maintain identity is
illustrated in many situations. For instance, when there was interaction
between the Muslims and the British (Christians) during the beginning of
colonial rule some Muslim women were either the wives or concubines of
Englishmen. But despite being “White Mughals” in the sense of having
adopted some cultural and sartorial values of the Muslim elite, the British gave
English names to their children from these mixed marriages. Often there were
two sets of names, Indian (Muslim or Hindu) and British (Christian) as in
Shamsur Rahman Faruqi’s [Shams al-Ra╒m┐n F┐r┴q┘] Urdu novel on this
74
Richard M. Eaton, “Approaches to the Study of Conversion to Islam in India,” in Religious
Movements in South Asia 600–1800, ed. David N. Lorenzen (New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 2004), 113, for detail, see 105–127.
75
P. W. Powlett, Gazetter of Ulwar (London: Trubner, 1878), 38, quoted in Denzil Ibbetson,
Punjab Castes (Lahore: Sheikh Mubarak Ali, 1974), 135.
76
Pratap C. Aggarwal, “Kinship and Marriage among the Meos of Rajastan,” in Family, Kinship,
and Marriage among Muslims in India, ed. Imtiaz Ahmad (New Delhi: Manohar Book Service,
1976), 268, for details, see 265–296.
77
Yoginder Sikand and Manjari Katju, “Mass Conversions to Hinduism among Indian
Muslims,” Economic and Political Weekly 29:34 (August 20, 1994), 2215, for details, see 2214–
2219.
78
Ibid., 2217.
TARIQ RAHMAN
252
period. In this the heroine, Wazeer Khanam [Vaz┘r Kh┐nam], has two children
with Marston whose naming is described as follows:
The name Badshah Begum [B┐dsh┐h Baigam] she had kept only after a quarrel
with Marston Blake otherwise he was prepared to hear no other name than the
Christian one: Sofia. After a lot of argument he suggested “Masih Jan” [Mas┘╒
J┐n] as the Indian name but the baptism was to be only with the name Sofia.79
Eventually the Muslim Maulav┘ officially gives the name Badshah Begum
to the child while the Christian priest gives her the Christian name. This
Muslim name was important for Wazeer because, as she tells her dead
husband’s relatives, with these names the children would have the right to
choose their religion; without the Muslim names they would be only
Christians.80 Dalrymple also mentions that colonel Dalrymple, commander of
the British troops in Hyderabad, married Mooti Begum [M┤t┘ Baigam], a
nawab’s daughter, and their children were named according to gender. The
boys were given Christian names and brought up like the English while the
only girl from the marriage was called Noor Jahan Begum [N┴r Jah┐╞ Baigam]
and she was brought up as a Hyderabadi Muslim aristocratic young lady.81 In
short, Muslim identity was inextricably linked up with Muslim names.
Islamic Components in Present-day Pakistani Names

Names have components—Asif Ali Zardari [└╖if ‘Al┘ Zard┐r┘], for instance has
three components—which have been used to calculate the percentage of
Islamic as well as caste or prestigious components in names from different
ethno-linguistic groups and periods of Pakistan’s history. Religious
components are classical or indigenous. In the case of males the former are the
attributes of God used as personal names; the attributes of the Prophet
Mu╒ammad (peace be on him) used similarly; the names of the prophets and
other people mentioned in a positive manner in the Qur’┐n; the names and
alternative names (laqabs expressing qualities) of the four orthodox caliphs
Ab┴ Bakr ╗idd┘q (573–634 CE), ‘Umar b. al-Kha══┐b (579–644 CE); ‘Uthm┐n b.
‘Aff┐n (577–656 CE) and ‘Al┘ b. Ab┘ ║┐lib (598–661 CE); the Companions of
the Prophet (╗a╒┐bah); those who had seen the Companions (T┐bi‘┴n); and
those who had seen the T┐bi‘┴n (Tab‘ T┐bi‘┘n). In addition to this the names of
79
Shamsur Rahman Faruqi, Ka’┘ Ch┐nd thē Sar-i └sm┐n [Many moons were in the Heavens]
(Karachi: Shaharz┐d, 2006), 188.
80
Ibid., 215.
81
William Dalrymple, White Mughals: Love and Betrayal in Eighteenth-Century India (London:
Harper-Collins, 2002), 119–120.
253
Shia im┐ms (spiritual leaders), some of which are shared by the Sunnis, have
been counted among “Shia components” (see Appendix-1). The Shia im┐ms
and the components associated with them—Jafari [Ja‘far┘], Kazimi [K┐ÿim┘],
Rizvi [Ri╔v┘], Naqvi [Naqw┘], Askari [‘Askar┘] etc—are also given in
Appendix-1.
In this context it should be mentioned that these components are actually
shared by Sunnis.82 However, they probably occur more frequently among the
Shia and the public perception is that they are the onomastic distinguishers of
Shias from Sunnis. Other Shiah names have components like—kalb (dog)—
such as Kalb-i Ali [Kalb-i ‘Al┘], Kalb-i Hussain [Kalb-i ╓usain] i.e., dog of Ali
and ╓ussain—which have been changed to—qalb (heart) in the last few
decades. Tahir Abbas [T┐hir ‘Abb┐s], a Shia ‘┐lim, said that this had happened
but that it did not make religious sense.83 In female names, the Islamic
components comprise the names of Prophet Mu╒ammad’s mother, wives and
daughters; women mentioned in the Qur’┐n, women considered holy by
Muslims; women companions of the Prophet (╗a╒┐biyy┐t); and the usual Shia
and indigenous components. All the components mentioned above, with the
exception of the folk (indigenous) ones, are from what Gellner calls “high
Islam” which, in the case of Pakistan, implies a strict interpretation of the faith
in which human beings are guided by the Qur’┐n and the traditions of the
Prophet but need no saintly intercessors The “low Islam” is folk Islam with
belief in the intercessory power of saints often called Barailv┘ in Pakistan.84
Components of this form of Islam refer to God as Khud┐, a Persian term for
the deity, and often use Punjabi and Urdu words for gift or giving (Ditt┐,
Bakhsh, D┐d) and religion (D┘n). These are some of the folk (indigenous)
religious components mentioned above. Such names sometimes refer to the
belief, anathema in fundamentalist and classical Islam, that children are given
by saints P┘r (plural P┘r┐╞ in Punjabi) or a particular saint such as Shaikh ‘Abd
al-Q┐dir J┘l┐n┘ called Ghauth-i A‘ÿam (1077–1166 CE) or the Prophet (Nab┘,
Ras┴l). The strict belief is that only God gives children and intercession of
anyone else is not possible. In addition to that, certain names are categorized
as “radical.” These are defined as those which are contingent upon the view
that the “West” is hegemonic, exploitative and anti-Muslim. Among these
names are Saddam [╗add┐m] and Osama [Us┐mah] and some typically Arabic
82
Syed Hussain Jafri (formerly Director of Pakistan Studies Centre, University of Karachi,
Karachi), telephonic interview by Tariq Rahman, September 16, 2013.
83
Tahir Abbas (a Shia ‘┐lim of J┐mi‘ah Im┐miyah, Lahore), interview by Tariq Rahman,
January 16, 2013.
84
Ernest Gellner, “Religion and the Profane,” lecture in Heidelberg in October, trans. Caroline
Schmidt, in Internationale Zeitschrift fur Philosophie, ed. Gunter Figal and Enno Rudolf, 1/1996,
http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2000-08-28-gellner-en.html, accessed December 30, 2012.
TARIQ RAHMAN
254
components of names not used in Pakistan in its early years. Saddam Hussain
[╗add┐m ╓usayn] (1937–2006) and Osama bin Laden [Us┐mah b. L┐din]
(1957–2011) are seen in Pakistan to have stood up to Western bullying. Hence
they are iconic figures among those who identify with radical, political (or
Jih┐d┘) Islam. Sometimes, people use them without having radical Islamic
beliefs only because of a vague anti-Western feeling or simply because their
neighbours value such names. In addition to that the trend of adding Arabic
components of names—such as—umm (mother of),—ibn or—bin (son of) and—
ab┴ (father of) and other Arab names—not in use in the country in its early
years except with the names of some revered figures from Islamic history—are
taken here as indicators of an emergent, hardliner, Islamic identity. The names
of Mu‘┐wiyah b. Ab┘ Sufy┐n (560–652) and his son Yaz┘d (647–683) are
included in this list as being indicative of a hardening Sunni identity as these
names are deliberately provocative to Shias.
Calculating Islamisation through the Frequency of Occurrence of

Islamic Components
The first attempt at finding the frequency of Islamic names among South
Asian Muslims is by R. C. Temple, who writes,
An examination of the Muhammadan names in the census tables shows that

about half, or 48 per cent, of them are religious i.e. Arabic or foreign origins, and
that the remainder, or 52 per cent, differ in no way from those of Hindus.85
But Temple’s definition—“Arabic or foreign origins”—is problematic

since, firstly, it is not the language (Arabic, Persian or Turkish) which can be
called quintessentially Islamic. And, secondly, it is not clear whether the
percentage Temple gives is of names or the Islamic components themselves.
Since most names have two components, the two kinds of percentages would
differ widely.
For this study Islamic components are categorized as being classical and
indigenous and the frequencies of occurrence of these have been calculated in
different samples and presented in annexures C and D and also in F and G.
The Islamisation of Names in Pakistan

The most popular of the Islamic names in Pakistan as all our samples suggest,
are the names of the Prophet Mu╒ammad and his family (the Ahl-i Bait) [Ahl
al-Bayt]. This family includes Ali [‘Al┘], the cousin of the Prophet and his son-
85
Temple, A Dissertation on the Proper Names of Punjâbîs, 46.
255
in-law; his daughter Fatima [F┐═imah] and their sons Hassan [╓asan] and
Hussain [╓usayn]. Despite the fact that most Pakistanis are Sunnis, the names
of Ali, Hussain and Hassan, though also shared with the Shias, are among the
most popular names among Sunnis. They are also found on vehicles, roadside
cafes, religious buildings (madrasahs, shrines etc,) as well as on trucks as Jamal
Elias, who has written a book on trucks in Pakistan, has noted.86 The
exhortation to Ali for help in Urdu “y┐ ‘Al┘ madad” (Oh Ali Help!) is found
on the lips of the people and on vehicles as well as other places. In all except
one of our samples the name Mu╒ammad occurs most frequently followed by
Ali. Details of the frequencies of the occurrences of these names are given
below (Annexure F).
An analysis of twenty-three samples suggests that there are three trends in

evidence from the names of the 1940s—50s till the names of children from
2000 onwards: Islamisation, Arabisation and the quest for novelty. Arguably
parents and other name-givers try to balance the quest for novelty with a
number of other imperatives—a link with ancestors, emphases on certain
aspects of identity (Islamic, modern, urban etc) and peer group pressure.
Sometimes an intervening variable, such as the sudden rise in popularity of an
iconic figure, produces a cluster of names not in use earlier. The cumulative
effects of these trends create fashions and swings in naming from generation to
generation.
There are, however, constants which operate more on male names than
female ones. For males the major constants are the names of the Ahl-i Bait (see
Annexure F). Although, out of the sum of all the samples (N= 7, 95, 283) the
name of Ali occurs 1, 35, 240 times (17.01 percent) while that of Muhammad
93, 018 times (i.e. 11.67 percent), this statistical fact does not indicate the real
popularity of the name Mu╒ammad. To gauge its popularity it should be
borne in mind that out of the thirteen samples of male names the name
Mu╒ammad occupies the first of the top ten positions in eleven. In only two it
occupies the second and the fourth positions. As the one in which it occupies
the fourth position happens to be the sample of poor people (N=500, 000)
(Poor-M), and in this Ali occupies the first position the number and
percentage of Ali appears to be the highest. However, the name Muhammad is
popular in most of the samples we have so it may be said to be the most
popular name in Pakistan among males. But Ali definitely comes next to it.
There is no sample in which it slips below the fifth position and in two it
86
Jamal J. Elias, On Wings of Diesel: Trucks, Identity and Culture in Pakistan (Oxford: Oneworld
Publications, 2011), 133.
TARIQ RAHMAN
256
occupies the top position. Similarly Hussain and Hasan occur in most samples
and Ahmad/Ahmed [A╒mad], a variant of the name Muhammad, is a
perennial favourite. The positions of these names among the top ten most
popular names is given in the table below. Names which occur in less than six
samples are not considered here.
Names in Top Positions in Most Samples

out of Thirteen Samples of Male Names
Number
of
Samples
Names out of the in
POSITIONS
Ten Top Names Which
the
Name
Occurs
1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th 10th
Muhammad 11 2 Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil 13
Ali 2 6 2 1 1 1 Nil Nil Nil Nil 13
Ahmad/Ahmed Nil 4 3 4 1 1 Nil Nil Nil Nil 13
Hussain Nil Nil 2 6 1 Nil Nil Nil 1 Nil 10
Table 2
The name Hassan occupies the next position but has not been counted as
it occurs in six samples (i.e., less than half) but it is nevertheless very popular.
The presence of these names among the top ten positions leaves only about
five positions at the most to be filled in by other names which one may, albeit
inaccurately in some instances, call “secular names.” In the case of female
names, however, the iconic power of Islamic names (Fatima, Amina [└minah],
257
Ayesha [‘└’ishah], Mariam [Maryam] etc) is less compelling. They are popular
but are not a compulsory norm in naming.
Names in Top Positions in Most Samples

of Female Names
Number
Names of
out of the Samples
POSITIONS
Ten Top in Which
Names the Name
Occurs
Total=10 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th 10th Total=10
Fatima 3 2 Nil Nil 1 Nil 1 Nil Nil 1 7
Amina 1 Nil 2 2 1 1 Nil Nil Nil Nil 7
Ayesha Nil Nil 2 Nil 1 Nil 1 1 1 Nil 6

Table 3
It should be kept in mind that the distinction between first and second or
family names is often blurred in Pakistan, especially in the case of women.
However, the above names are mostly used as first names for women who
take the names of men in urban areas though not in rural ones where a
feminine gender marker such as Bibi [B┘b┘], Mai [M┐’┘], Khatoon [Kh┐t┴n] or
Begum [Baigam] might be used.
Besides these frequently used names, the other Islamic components have
also increased in Pakistan. If one looks at annexures C and D one finds that
there is a slight increase in the percentage frequencies of Islamic components.
The names of the data bases of the 1950s and early 1960s are of people who
were born in the 1940s or 50s. Those whose names are in the data bases of
2012 were born in the late 1990s. But, as mentioned earlier, the increase is
slight and the degree of Islamisation is to be inferred from the kinds of
components which are used now. We will come to this later.
Naming and Folk Islam

Pakistani society is traditionally religious but the interpretation of Islam in
practice in most of the country, especially in the rural areas of the Punjab, is
Barelvi i.e., intercessory or folk. Hence the traditional use of Islamic
components in names symbolizes a traditional rather than an aggressively
fundamentalist or radical Islamic identity. In addition to these names older
TARIQ RAHMAN
258
names, shared by Hindus and Sikhs, are still found in the rural areas. These are
not the subject of this study. Here I will refer to religious names of the local or
indigenous kind. These refer to the child being a gift of God, Prophet
Muhammad and saints, especially Shaikh Abd al-Q┐d┘r, the Ghauth al-A‘╘am.
Khuda Baksh [Khud┐ Bakhsh] (Given by God)
Allah Baksh [All┐h Bakhsh] (Given by God)
Rasool Baksh [Ras┴l Bakhsh] (Given by the Prophet)
Nabi Baksh [Nab┘ Bakhsh] (Given by the Prophet)
Allah Ditta [All┐h Ditt┐] (Given by God)
Allah Dad [All┐h D┐d] (Given by God)
Allah Wasaya [All┐h Vas┐y┐] (Blessed by God)
Allah Rakha [All┐h Rakhkh┐] (Preserved by God)
Peeran Ditta [P┘r┐╞ Ditt┐] (Given by the saints)
Ghaus Baksh [Ghauth Bakhsh] (Given by Sheikh Abdul Qadir [Shaykh ‘Abd
al-Q┐dir])
Peer Baksh [P┘r Bakhsh] (Given by the saint)
In Sindh the names Nale Chango (the name of the Good One), Nale
Mittho (the name of the Sweet One) and Nale Waddo (the name of the Great
One) all refer to the deity and are used as first names of a religious kind.87
There seem to be two processes at work in this increased Islamisation of
names. The first is that of purism, an increase in the power of fundamentalist
or strict interpretations of Islam which seeks to change names which attribute
the power of granting sons to saints or placed God at the level of prophets. A
number of interviewees told the author that they had changed such names
under the instructions of their strictly religious madrasah teachers. For
instance, Abdul Akbar [‘Abd al-Akbar], an electrician working in Rawalpindi,
had the name Mohammad Akbar [Mu╒ammad Akbar]. He changed it when
studying in a Deobandi madrasah because he became aware that it meant
“Mohammad is the Greatest” whereas only God could be the greatest.88 This
strict attitude towards names is part of the Saudi, Wahabi influence on
Pakistani culture. Saudi Arabia has recently banned 50 names which,
according to the interior ministry of that country, “contradict the culture or
religion of the Kingdom.” Among these names are: Abdul Nabi [‘Abd al-
Nab┘], Abdul Rasool [‘Abd al-Ras┴l] (both meaning slave of the Messenger).
Western names or non-Muslim names are obviously part of the ban. Such
names include Sandy, Rama, Maline, Elaine, Maya, Linda, Alice and Lareen
87
Badruddin Somroo (a Sindhi academic of the University of Sindh, Jamshoro), interview by
Tariq Rahman, June 20, 2013, at Bara Gali Campus, University of Peshawar, Peshawar.
88
Abdul Akbar (an electrician from Hazara now working in Rawalpindi), interview by Tariq
Rahman, March 26, 2012.
259
among others. What will come as a surprise for many Pakistanis is that the
names they had chosen for being new, unique and yet Arabic (and hence
Islamic) only on the last few years—Basmala [Basmalah/Bism All┐h] (with the
name of God), Iman [├m┐n] (faith), Nabiyya [Nabiyyah] (female messenger or
prophetess)—are also on the banned list.89 This ban is not known in Pakistan
but the theological reasons behind it—strict monotheism and the elimination
of non-Muslim cultural influences—have been affecting Pakistan for the last
two decades. To conclude, the newly emergent purist attitude towards Islamic
naming may be affecting self-consciously strict Muslims in Pakistan but rural
areas and the Westernized elite still has many such names.
The second process is that of substituting old-fashioned or rural-sounding
names, even if they were considered religious, by names which are considered
religious in “high” Islam. For instance some old-fashioned names for men and
women are based on the verbs for “preserving” or “giving” implying that the
person is preserved or given by God, the Prophet or the saints. In the case of
women the male marker Rakkha [Rakhkh┐] becomes Rakkhi [Rakhkh┘], Ditta
[Ditt┐] becomes Ditti [Ditt┘] and Wasya [Vas┐y┐] becomes Wasayi [Vas┐’┘].
Other old-fashioned or rural religious names for women are: Muhammadi
[Mu╒ammad┘], Mahmoodan [Ma╒m┴dan], Namazan [Nam┐zan], Jannat etc.
But these names are being phased out as people get urbanized and literate. This
is more of a process of ashrafisation—the seeking of gentlemanly status among
Muslims which is the equivalent of the status-enhancing Sanskritisation (aping
the behaviour of upper castes) among Hindus which Srinivas mentions90—than
Islamisation. It may then be that the apparent Islamisation as expressed
through using components of high Islam is enhancement of status rather than
religiosity.
89
“Is Your Name Banned in Saudi Arabia,” Belfast Telegraph, http://www.belfasttelegraph
.co.uk/news/world-newa, accessed on May 01, 2014. The list of banned names issued by Saudi
Arabia include: Malaak [Mal┐k] (angel), Abdul Aati [‘Abd al-‘└═┘], Abdul Naser [‘Abd al-N┐╖ir],
Abdul Musleh [‘Abd al-Mu╖li╒], Binyamin [Biny┐m┘n] (Arabic for Benjamin), Naris [N┐r┘s] ,
Yara [Yar┐], Sitav [S┘t┐f], Loland, Tilaj, Barrah (to select, innocent), Abdul Nabi [‘Abd al-Nab┘],
Abdul Rasool [‘Abd al-Ras┴l], Sumuw (highness), al-Mamlaka [al-Mamlakah] (the kingdom),
Mallika [Malikah] (queen), Mamlaka [Mamlakah] (kingdom), Tabarak [Tab┐rak] (blessed),
Nardeen, Sandy, Rama [R┐m┐] (Hindu god), Maline, Elaine, Inar, Maliktina, Maya, Linda,
Randa, Basmala [Basmalah] (utterance of the name of God), Jibreel [Jibr┘l] (angel Gabriel),
Abdul Mu’een [‘Abd al-Mu‘┘n], Abrar [Abr┐r], Iman [├m┐n], Bayan [Bay┐n], Baseel, Reelam,
Nabi [Nab┘] (prophet), Nabiyya [Nabiyyah] (female prophet), Amir [Am┘r] (prince), Taline,
Aram, Nareej, Rital, Alice, Lareen, Kibrial, http://nameberry.com/nametalk/threads/150695-
Saudi-Arabia-Bans-50-Names, accessed on May 10, 2014.
90
M. N. Srinivas, Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India (Oxford: The Clarendon
Press, 1952), 32.
TARIQ RAHMAN
260
However, it is true that Pakistani society has been getting Islamised from
even earlier than Zia ul Haq’s regime but his nearly eleven years of rule
brought about the Islamisation of the legal system and increased the use of the
Islamic narrative in the country. International factors, such as the use of
Islamic militants in America’s proxy war against the Soviet Union (1979–1987)
and later by Pakistan in the low-intensity conflict about Kashmir with India
(1990 onwards) also increased the street-power of Islamist pressure groups in
Pakistan. The shift of Pakistani society towards the hardliner and
fundamentalist Islam is evidenced by the personal appearance of young
Pakistanis and their increasing intolerance towards the minorities.91 In naming
this is evidenced by the use of certain new components of names such as
Saddam and Osama as mentioned before. This is an assertion of an anti-
Western, radical Islamic identity which is reflective of the narrative of militant
Islam. In 1999 an Urdu-language journalist Jalil reported that the name Osama
was being given to boys and businesses in the KP province.92 In our data the
names Saddam and Osama occur very infrequently in the 1950s but are much
more frequent in the names of the 1990s (Annexure-E). Morever, Saddam
occupies the sixth position in the most popular first names in Sindh among
males named during the late 1990s (Annexure G-2). These seem to be the result
of a wave of sentiment in favour of Saddam Hussain and Osama bin Laden
who were seen as heroes who had dared to stand up to the West. The other
aspect of Islamic radicalisation in Pakistan is the rise of sectarian sentiment in
Pakistan. This has an onomastic aspect since Shia components of names are
based on the names of the im┐ms of the majority sect of the Pakistani Shias
i.e., the twelvers (ithn┐ ‘ashar┘). Ironically, however, according to a scholar of
Shia Islam, Syed Hussain Jafri, the components considered exclusively Shia
are, in fact, also shared by the Sunnis.93
The battle between the two sects, in which the Shias are generally the
victims being in a minority, has been going on since the eighties. The Shias
initially wanted to be exempted from the laws of alms collection (zak┐h)
implemented by Zia ul Haq. However, eventually their extremist
organization, the Sipah-i-Mohammad [Sip┐h-i Mu╒ammad] clashed with the
extremist Sunni organization, the Sipah-i-Sahaba [Sip┐h-i ╗a╒┐bah], formed in
Jhang in 1985 specifically to combat Shia assertiveness and create a Sunni
91
Tariq Rahman, “Pakistan’s Policies and Practices towards the Religious Minorities,” South
Asian History and Culture 3:2 (2012), 302–315.
92
Muhammad Jalil, “World: South Asia,” July 09, 1999, http://news.bbc.co.uk/l/hi/Southasia
/390248.stm., accessed on May 14, 2012.
93
Jafri, interview.
261
state.94 The result is a sectarian war in which the Shias have suffered most.95
Names indicating an anti-Shia identity are Muawiya [Mu‘┐wiyah] and Yazid
[Yaz┘d]. In our samples from the early years of Pakistan the names Muawiya
and Yazid do not occur at all though in the names of the 1990s there are
sixteen occurrences of Muawiya in the NISP sample (Poor-M) and even in the
middle classes there are some people with this name (Annexure-E). Yazid,
which is a metaphor for tyranny in Pakistan, seems to be an instance of self-
naming to proclaim an anti-Shia identity since this name was never used by
South Asian Muslims.
An incident, and reportedly not the only one of its kind, about singling
out Shias by their names and then killing them, was reported from Kohistan
in the north of Pakistan in July 2012. Reportedly a bus was stopped on its way
from Rawalpindi to Gilgit and the passengers were asked their names. Those
who had Shia components in their names—even though some of these
components such as Ali, Hassan and Hussain are shared by Sunnis as
mentioned before—were off-loaded and killed in cold blood. Another similar
incident was reported by Najma Najam, Vice Chancellor of the Karakoram
University in Gilgit, to the present author when she reported that one of her
own faculty members with Shia names was stopped by the security agencies
reportedly for his own safety after this massacre. The danger such names pose
is poignantly mentioned in the following passage by a Sunni Baloch journalist
part of whose name was Hussain. He says, “I should not be simply murdered
for my parents’ short-sightedness for not foreseeing that 30 years later this
name could get their child killed.”96
None of the Shias the author interviewed or talked to said they had
considered changing their names but Jafri did mention that the community
was much disturbed about names which, though shared with the Sunnis, were
widely perceived to be distinctively Shia and so potentially dangerous.97 The
Shias do have the doctrine of taqiyyah (concealment) which may be used when
one is being persecuted but whether it is used or not is not clear.
About the use of the names Muawiya and Yazid, which hurt Shia
sensibilities so much, the ‘ulam┐’ expressed the following views. The
Deobandi ‘ulam┐’ said,
Hazrat Ameer Muawiya was a ╖a╒┐b┘ and it is blasphemous to disrespect his name. And
even Yazid defied the Christians. There is nothing wrong with his name.98
94
Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary Islam, 119–139.
95
Khaled Ahmed, Sectarian War: Pakistan’s Sunni-Shia Violence and Its Links to the Middle East
(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011).
96
Sajid Hussain, “From Quetta to Turbat,” The News, January 14, 2013, page no. 6.
97
Jafri, interview.
98
Interview with a senior ‘┐lim at Jamia Ashrafia, Deobandi madrasah, Lahore, January 08, 2013.
TARIQ RAHMAN
262
The Barelvi and the Ahl-i Hadith ‘ulam┐’ who were interviewed,
conceded that Yazid’s name was a metaphor of oppression but added that “the
name of Muawiya is quite justified.”99 The Shia ‘┐lim, Allama Abbas, said that
such names were anathema in his sub-sect (maslak).100 As mentioned earlier,
such names were not used in South Asia in recent history and are now used by
anti-Shia Islamic militants. Asmatullah Muawiya [‘I╖mat All┐h Mu‘┐wiyah],
now a leader of the Taliban [║┐lib┐n], was a militant from an extremely anti-
Shia organization called the Lashkar-i Jhangv┘. Another person bearing this
name, Shams ur Rahman Muawiya [Shams al-Ra╒m┐n Mu‘┐wiyah], is a leader
of the Ahl al-Sunnat wa ’l-Jam┐‘at (the Sunni movement) which is also anti-
Shia. Further, talking about the abduction of his son in May 2013 Yusaf Raza
Gilani, former prime minister of Pakistan, said that “one Abu Yazeed claimed
his group had abducted Ali Haider Gilani.”101In all three cases these seem to be
instances of self-naming.
The indexation of the Islamic identity with names has other potentially
dangerous consequences in Pakistan. While Shia names may be identifiable,
Ahmedi [A╒mad┘] names are exactly the same as the majority Sunni
community. This is a constant complaint of the anti-Ahmedi Sunni ‘ulam┐’
who contend that the Ahmedis pretend to be Muslims and deceive people by
their names. Thus some of the ‘ulam┐’ would like the boundary-markers of
their community to be drawn even more strictly than at present. Incidentally
this ambiguity of the indexation of religious identity with names is presented
in Hasan Manzar’s [╓asan Man╘ar] novel in which Ahmad Baksh [A╒mad
Bakhsh], the protagonist, meets a girl called Zainab who tells him that they
belong to different sects. He asks his elder brother’s wife whether the name
Zainab occurs in any other religion except his own (Sunni Islam).102 She
cannot answer him but it turns out that Zainab’s family is Agha Khani [└gh┐
Kh┐n┘]. In short, naming is a serious matter in Pakistan as sect has become a
potentially explosive subject claiming human lives on an almost daily basis.
Conclusion
To sum up, this analysis of Pakistani personal names has brought out that
there has been an increase in Islamic naming in the middle classes in the
99
Irfan Qadri, (an ‘┐lim of a Barelvi madrasah, Ghauthiyah Ri╛viyah, Lahore), in written
communication with the author, January 05, 2013; Qari Fayyaz Ahmad (an Ahl-i Hadith ‘┐lim,
Lahore), telephonic interview by Tariq Rahman, March 14, 2013.
100
Abbas, interview.
101
Benazir Shah, “Stiff Upper Lip: Interview of Yusaf Raza Gilani,” Newsweek, September 27,
2013, page no. 45.
102
Hasan Manzar, D┐n┘ Bakhsh kē baitē [The sons of Dh┐n┘ Bakhsh] (Karachi: Shaharz┐d, 2008),
87–89.
263
country since the early years of Pakistan’s birth. This has involved not only
the use of traditional Islamic components from classical or “high” Islam, but
also the revival of Arabic names from the early period of Islam. Among such
naming practices are the use of quintessentially Arabic components of names
such as—ibn (son of) and—umm (mother of). Such names have not been in use
in Pakistan earlier but the quest for an authentic Islamic and Arabic identity
has brought them in circulation. Groups associated with radical or militant
Islam (Jih┐d┘s) use Arabic norms of naming to assert their newfound Islamic
identity. In the Lashkar-e-Tayyaba [Lashkar-i ║ayyibah], a Jih┐d┘ group, the
Arabic Kunyah (Ab┴, Umm) are used to “ensure secrecy.”103 Names such as
Abu Hafsa [Ab┴ ╓af╖ah] and Abu Nasr [Ab┴ Na╖r], not known in Pakistan
earlier, are disclosed to the press by activists of Jih┐d┘ groups.104 Even the
names of these groups and their publications are in Arabic which advertises
their relationship to Arab culture, al-Qaeda [al-Q┐‘idah], radical Islam and
Jih┐d┘ thinking. The desire to express solidarity with fundamentalist and
radical Muslims, probably as a measure of resistance against the “West,” which
is seen as hegemonic and unified, takes the form of using these Arab-sounding
names or the names of two anti-Western Arab figures: Osama and Saddam.
Yet another measure of increasing religiosity is the cognisance of sectarian
identities and names like Muawiya and even Yazid, the latter a term of abuse
among the Muslims of South Asia, are now found in the names of the 1990s
though they were almost missing in the names of the 1940s–50s. All these are
naming strategies to assert and privilege a radical or hardliner Islamic identity
and perhaps an expression of the rising power of Islamist sentiments in
Pakistan.
Appendix-I
ISLAMIC COMPONENTS
1. Names of God are given in the order established by tradition by the

‘ulam┐’ and are not in alphabetical order.105 The Arabic determiner—al is
added in all names. Arabic orthography is indicated by symbols. NC
means “not counted here” as the same name has been counted elsewhere.
The language is Arabic for all these names.
103
Amir Rana, The Seeds of Terrorism (London: New Millennium, 2005), 67.
104
Amir Mir, Talibanization of Pakistan: From 9/11 to 26/11 (New Delhi: Pentagon Security
International, 2005), 67.
105
See ‘Aks┘ Muft┘, Tal┐sh (Lahore: al-Fay╖al N┐shir┐n, 2012), 89–100.
TARIQ RAHMAN
264
Sr. No. Name Meaning106

1. All┐h Proper name of God.
2. Ra╒m┐n Good, giver, beneficent.
3. Ra╒┘m
Owner, possessor, sovereign, supreme ruler,
4. Malik
supreme spirit.
5. Qudd┴s Righteous, purified, perfect, holy.
6. Sal┐m Peace, protector, preserver.
7. Mu’min To render secure and safe, trustworthy, faithful.
8. Muhaymin Protector.
9. ‘Az┘z Mighty.
Force, compeller, to employ power, to coerce,
10. Jabb┐r
omnipotent.
Proud, majestic, noble, eminent, illustrious,
11. Mutakabbir
magnificent.
12. Kh┐liq Originator, creator.
13. B┐ri’ Evolver, deity, highest God.
14. Mu╖awwir Designer, sculptor, fashioner.
Forgiver, condoner, absolver, indulgence,

15. Ghaff┐r
remission of sin.
Destroyer, vanquisher, one who forces, compels,
16. Qahh┐r
subdue, oppressor.
One who bestows favours, giver, donor, generous,
17. Wahh┐b gracious, one who gifts, concedes, surpassed in
giving.
Sustainer, maintainer, supporter, provider, one
18. Razz┐q
who provides resources for subsistence.
Opener, initiator, one who unlocks, reveals, who
19. Fatt┐╒ explains, expounds the key, the beginning,
victorious, conqueror.
All knowing, omniscient, intelligent, wise, learned,
20. ‘Al┘m
sagacious, doctor in law or literature.
106
Sources of these meanings as well as of those come in the following pages are the dictionaries
of the Arabic which the author consulted from time to time but could not cite them. The
author is responsible for the accuracy of the meanings of names given in this paper. Editor
265
Constrictor, contractor, restrictor, curtailer,

21. Q┐bi╔ astringent, one who refrains, who grasps, takes,
away.
Expander, dilating, amplifying, stretching out,
22. B┐si═
making capacious, joyful, merry.
23. Kh┐fi╔ One who humiliates, humbles makes lower.

24. R┐fi‘ The exalter, one who elevates, makes eminent.
25. Mu‘izz One who honours.
26. Mudhill One who dishonours.
27. Sam┘‘ All hearing
28. Ba╖┘r All seeing
29. ╓akam The judge
30. ‘Adl The just.
Subtle, fine, delicate, refined, gentle, elegant,
31. La═┘f
graceful, moderate.
32. Khab┘r Aware, knowing, well informed, experienced.
33. ╓al┘m Forbearing, mild, gentle, patient, long suffering.
34. ‘A╘┘m High, lofty, enormous, very big, great.
35. Ghaf┴r All forgiving.
36. Shak┴r Grateful.
Exalted, noble, sublime, high elevated, top most
37. ‘Al┘ (NC)
summit, upper part.
Great, large, immense, proud, haughty, arrogant,
38. Kab┘r
grievous, high majesty.
Protector, defender, guardian, caretaker, known by
39. ╓af┘╘
heart.
One who nourishes someone, sustainer, preserver,
40. Muq┘t
maintainer.
One who reckons with somebody, measure, value,
41. ╓as┘b one who calls to account, one who evaluates,
recompense or rewards.
Dignified, illustrious, high esteemed in rank or
42. Jal┘l
dignity, glorious.
43. Kar┘m Noble, generous, liberal, benign.
44. Raq┘b Watchful, opponent, competitor, enemy.
45. Muj┘b Responsive, expecting, granting.
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266
Ample, capacious, all embracing, vast, broad,

46. W┐si‘
comprehensive, all inclusive.
All wise judge, physician, learned authority,
47. ╓ak┘m
knowledgeable.
48. Wad┴d Loving, affectionate, beloved, friendly.
Excelling, surpassing in glory, lauded, praised,
49. Maj┘d
honourable.
One who gives birth again, awakener, cause,
50. B┐‘ith
motive incentive, impulse.
51. Shah┘d Witness, evidence, affirmer, testimony.
52. ╓aqq Truth, reality, certainty, proven, confirmed, just.
Trustee, pleader, attorney to whom one entrusts

53. Wak┘l
one’s affairs. Counsel who represents.
54. Qaw┘ Strong, powerful, mighty.

55. Mat┘n Firm, solid, forcible.
56. Wal┘ Master, patron, guardian, friend.
57. ╓am┘d Praised, praiseworthy, commendable.
58. Mu╒╖┘ One who reckons with, counter, calculator.
59. Mubdi’ Originator, one who initiates.
60. Mu‘┘d Restorer, one who bring back.
61. Mu╒y┘ Giver of life, raiser from death.
62. Mum┘t Deadly, killer, creator of death.
63. ╓ayy Alive, living, animated.
64. Qayy┴m Stable, fixed, lasting, permanent.
Finder, discoverer, perceived, existing, inventor,
65. W┐jid invention, discovery, existence, personality,
perception.
Sublime, exalted, high, praised, noble, glorified,
66. M┐jid
honourable.
67. W┐╒id Unique, singular, original, incomparable, isolated.
68. A╒ad One, oneness, unity, individual.
Eternal, perpetual, to repair, to have recourse,

69. ╗amad
succor and salvation, high, sublime.
70. Q┐dir Able, capable, potent, almighty, prevailing over.

267
Able, overpowering, strong, authoritative,

71. Muqtadir
possessing power.
Preceding, prior, to advance, first part, antecedent,
72. Muqaddim
anterior, having priority.
Procrastinated, to delay, last part, latter part,

73. Mu’akhkhir
posterior, subsequent, following.
74. Awwal First, foremost

75. └khir Last, final
Manifest, visible, evident, obvious, external,
76. ╙┐hir
outward.
Hidden, covert, invisible, internal, intrinsic,
77. B┐═in
recesses of mind and heart.
78. W┐l┘ Governor, ruler, patron.

79. Muta‘┐l Most exalted, highest.
Good, truthful, pious, justified, innocence, having
80. Barr
good faith.
81. Taww┐b Forgiving, acceptor of penitence.
82. Muntaqim Avenger, punisher
83. ‘Afuww Forgiver, pardoner, mild, clement, indulgent.
84. Ra’┴f Forgiving, benign, pitiful, compassionate.
M┐lik al-Mulk
85. Sovereign, administrator, superpower.
(NC)
Dh┴ ’l-Jal┐l wa ’l-
86. Lord of awful mighty and bounty.
Ikr┐m*
Divider, distributer, disperser, to break into
87. Muqsi═
equitable, parts, just measure.
Collector, compiler, combining, completing,

88. J┐mi‘
synthesis, make whole, collective, all.
89. Ghan┘ Independent, self-sufficient, rich, wealthy.

90. Mughn┘ To make independent, to enrich, make wealthy.
Forbidding, inhibiting, refusing, preventing,
91. M┐ni‘
dissuading, hindering.
92. ╕┐rr Injurious, hurtful, distresses.
Profitable, beneficial, advantageous, wholesome,
93. Nafi‘
good.
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268
94. N┴r The light.

95. H┐d┘ To direct, to guide, leader, spiritual guide.
96. Bad┘‘ Novel, rare, incomparable, wonderful.
97. B┐q┘ Everlasting, permanent, eternal.
98. W┐rith Owner, master, inheritor.
Guiding in the right way, right path, holding a

99. Rash┘d
right belief, one guided or directed aright.
Having great patience, enduring, suffering, mild,

100. ╗ab┴r
self restraining, to wait, to content oneself.
* counted as two names Jal┐l and Ikr┐m.
Names of the Prophet (peace be on him)

The language is Arabic for all these names. NC= Not counted because of
overlap.
Sr. No. Name Meaning

1. Mu╒ammad Highly praised
2. A╒mad Most commendable
3. ╓┐mid Praising
4. Ma╒m┴d Praised
5. Q┐sim A distributer
6. ‘└qib Following, the last
7. F┐ti╒ (NC) Conqueror opener
8. Sh┐hid Witness
9. ╓┐shir Who gathers people
10. Rash┘d (NC) Well guided
11. Mashh┴d Witnessed
12. Bash┘r Bringer of God tidings
13. Nadh┘r Warner
14. D┐‘┘ Caller
15. Sh┐fi‘ Healer
16. H┐d┘ (NC) He who guides right
269
17. Mahd┘ (NC) He who is well guided

18. M┐╒┘ He who wipes out (infidelity)
19. Munj┘ He who saves delivers
20. N┐h┘ Safe
21. Ras┴l Messenger
22. Nab┘ Prophet
23. Umm┘ Unlettered
24. Tih┐m┘ from the land of Tih┐mah
25. H┐shim┘ (NC) from the family of H┐shim
26. Ab═a╒┘ From the land of al-Ba═╒┐’
27. ‘Az┘z Noble, dear
28. ╓ar┘╖ ‘alaykum Full of concern for you
29. Ra’┴f (NC) Mild
30. Ra╒┘m (NC) Merciful
Meaning not given but it occurs in the Qur’┐n
31. ║┐h┐
20:1.
32. Mujtab┐ Elect
33. ║┐s┘n
27:1.
34. Murta╔┐ Content
35. ╓┐m┘m
40:1; 41:1; 42:1; 43:1; 44:1; 45:1 and 46:1.
36. Mu╖═af┐ Chosen
37. Y┐s┘n
36:1.
38. Awl┐ Worthier, most worthy
39. Muzzammil Wrapped
40. Wal┘ (NC) Friend
41. Muddaththir Covered
42. Mat┘n (NC) Firm
43. Mu╖addiq Who declares for true
44. ║ayyib Good
45. N┐╖ir Helper
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270
46. Man╖┴r Helped (by God), victorious

47. Mi╖b┐╒ Lamp
48. └mir Prince, commander
49. ╓ij┐z┘ (NC) From the land of ╓ij┐z
50. Niz┐r┘ From the tribe Niz┐r
51. Qurash┘ (NC) From the clan Quraysh
52. Mu╔ar┘ From the tribe Mu╔ar
53. Nab┘ ’l-Tawbah (NC) The Prophet of repentance
54. ╓┐fi╘ (NC) Preserver
55. K┐mil Perfect
56. ╗┐diq Sincere
57. Am┘n Trustworthy
58. ‘Abd All┐h (NC) God’s servant
59. Kal┘m All┐h He to whom God has talked
60. ╓ab┘b All┐h God’s beloved friend
61. Naj┘ All┐h God’s intimate friend
62. ╗af┘ All┐h God’s sincere friend
63. Kh┐tam al-Anbiy┐’ (NC) Seal of the Prophet
64. ╓as┘b Respected
65. Muj┘b (NC) Complying, replying
66. Shak┴r (NC) Most grateful
67. Muqta╖id He who adopts a middle course
68. Ras┴l al-Ra╒mah The messenger of mercy
69. Qaw┘ (NC) Strong
70. ╓af┘ Well-informed
71. Ma’m┴n Trusted
72. Ma‘l┴m Well-known
73. ╓aqq (NC) Truth
74. Mub┘n Clear, evident
75. Mu═┘‘ Obedient
76. Awwal (NC) First
271
77. └khir (NC) Last

78. ╙┐hir (NC) Outward, external.
79. B┐═in (NC) Internal, inner
80. Yat┘m Orphan
81. Kar┘m Generous
82. ╓ak┘m (NC) Wise, judicious
83. Sayyid (NC) Lord
84. Sir┐j Lamp
85. Mun┘r Radiant
86. Mu╒arram Forbidden, immune
87. Mukarram Honored, venerated
88. Mubashshir Bringer of good news
89. Mudhakkir Who makes remember, preacher
90. Mu═ahhar Purified
91. Qar┘b Near
92. Khal┘l Good friend
93. Mad‘uww Who is called
94. Jaww┐d Generous, magnanimous
95. Kh┐tam Seal
96. ‘└dil Just
97. Shah┘r Well-known
98. Shah┘d (NC) Witnessing, martyr
99. Ras┴l al-Mal┐╒im (NC) The messenger of the battles [of the last day]
Names of Prophets in the Qur’┐n

1. └dam Dust
To learn, as he used to learn and teach the

2. Idr┘s
heavenly scrolls a lot
3. N┴╒ One who cries a lot, one who gives solace

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272
4. H┴d Guidance, pious deed

5. ╗┐li╒ Pious, good, right
6. L┴═ Attach, adhere, pleasing, likable
Literally means “father of the people” or “most

7. Ibr┐h┘m
affectionate father”
It is said that this name is composed of two

words,—isma‘ meaning listen! and—┘l meaning
8. Ism┐‘┘l
Allah in the Syriac or Hebrew language. In
other words “Hear and grant my prayer.”
9. Is╒┐q It means one who laughs. To be far away.

Derived from “‘Aqb” which means heel,
10. Ya‘q┴b behind, end. One who holds the place of
another.
11. Y┴suf The beautiful. Extremely sad.
It is from the word “sha‘b” which means big
12. Shu‘ayb nation or from the word “shi‘b” which means
valley.
Unable to locate meaning in Arabic but the
13. H┐r┴n
Hebrew meaning is high, superior, exalted.
14. M┴s┐ Water and tree. One who is taken out of water.
Derived from “Wud” which means Beloved.
15. D┐w┴d
Friend, companion in Arabic.
16. Sulaym┐n Derived from “Sal┐m” which means Peaceful.
Derived from “Awb” or “Awbah” which
17. Ayy┴b means return, penitent. Also given as
persecuted in some sources.
Literally means “possessor of a double requital
18. Dh┴ ’l-Kifl
or portion.”
Derived from “Uns” or “Ans” which means

19. Y┴nus
affectionate.
20. Ily┐s Hebrew meaning is, “My God is the Lord.”
Beloved of God.
21. Al-Yasa‘ (Elisha)
Hebrew meaning is, “My God is salvation.”
273

22. Zakariyy┐
Hebrew meaning is, “The Lord remembers.”
23. Ya╒y┐ The living.
Leader, blessed. Mixture of colour red and

24. ‘├s┐
yellow with white.
People Mentioned or Referred to in the Qur’┐n but not as Prophets

(Language is Arabic)
1. ‘Imr┐n Fully inhabited, full.
Khi╔r/Kha╔ir (Khi╛ar in
2. Guide, green, subtle.
Urdu)
3. Luqm┐n Perfect wisdom.
4. Dh┴ ’l-Qarnayn With two horns.
Orthodox Caliphs (Language is Arabic)

Ab┴ Bakr Father of youthfulness.

1.
• ╗idd┘q Truthful.
‘Al┘ Exalted.
2.
• ╓aydar Lion, brave.
‘Umar Long-lived, elevated.

3.
• F┐r┴q One who discriminates, distinguisher.
‘Uthm┐n Servant of God.

4.
• Ghan┘ Generous.
Companions of Prophet Mu╒ammad (peace be on him) (Language is

Arabic)
1. ‘Abb┐s One who frowns, stern-faced, morose.
2. Ab┴ Hurayrah Keeper of cats.
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3. Ab┴ Dhar Father of fragrance.
4. ‘Amm┐r Cultivator, mild, agreeable, benevolent.
Cultivate and inhabit a land, worship, visit

5. ‘Amr
frequently.
6. Anas Very sociable; friend
7. Bil┐l Satisfies thirst.
8. ╓amzah Lion.
Ploughman, cultivator. (The name Haris

means guardian and protector but there is no
9. ╓┐rith (NC)
distinction in the pronunciation of the two
words in Urdu).
10. ╓asan Handsome, good.
11. ╓usayn Handsome, good.
12. Kh┐lid Eternal, glorious.
13. Mu‘┐dh Protected.
14. Mugh┘rah One who is hasty about everything.
15. Mu╖‘ab Who is difficult to be defeated, difficulties.
16. Nu‘m┐n Blood.
Gifted, bestowed. Most sources do not give

17. Uways
any meaning.
18. Sa‘d Felicity, good luck.
19. Sa‘┘d Happy, fortunate.
20. Th┐bit One who exists.
21. Salm┐n Healthy, safe, wholesome.

275
22. Sa‘┴d Fortunate.
23. ║al╒ah Kind of tree.
24. ‘Ubaydah Servant of God.
25. ‘Ubayd Faithful, small slave.
26. ‘Urwah Support, handle.
27. W┐qid One who burns.
28. Waqq┐╖ Warrior.
29. Y┐sir Wealthy.
30. Zayd Increase, growth, abundance.
31. Zubayr Strong, powerful, smart.
T┐bi‘┴n (Language is Arabic)
1. ‘Alqamah Height.
Command, order. The meaning with an ‘ayn

2. Amr (NC)
is given elsewhere.
3. ‘A═┐’ Gift.
4. ╓am┐m Pigeon, dove.
5. Jurayj From “jurjah” a particular place.107
6. Masr┴q That which is stolen.
7. Muj┐hid Warrior, one who strives.
8. Mu╖‘ab Restive, made difficult.
9. Muslim Submitting oneself to God.
10. Qays To scale, to measure, to estimate.
107
Al-Q┐m┴s al-Mu╒┘═, s.v. “j-r-j”
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11. Shih┐b Meteor, shooting star.

12. ‘Ubayd (NC) Little slave.
Qur┐’nic name for boys and girls that means

13. ‘Urwah (NC) lion, ever-green tree and handhold. It is
mentioned in the Qur┐’n twice.108
14. Zayd (NC) Increase, growth, abundance.

15. Zubayr (NC) Strong, powerful, smart.
Tab‘ al-T┐bi‘┘n
1. Awz┐‘┘ Sources do not give a clear meaning.

2. Bukh┐r┘ (NC) From the Central Asian city of Bukhara.
3. ╓ambal Purity.
4. Sufy┐n Owner of ships, rich.
5. Sh┐fi‘┘ (NC) Mediator.
Shia Components (Language is Arabic)
1. ╓asnayn Hassan and Hussain.
2. Kalb/Qalb names Kalb=dog; Qalb=heart.
Names of Im┐ms and Components Derived from Them Used in Shia

Names
Sr. Component of
Name Meaning Period
No. Name
1. ‘Al┘ b. Ab┘ ║┐lib Exalted one. 600–661 CE. ‘Alaw┘
2. ╓asan b. ‘Al┘ Handsome 626–670 CE ╓asan┘
108
Qur’┐n 2: 256; 31:22.
277
3. ╓usayn b. ‘Al┘ Handsome 626–680 CE ╓usayn┘
‘Al┘ b. ╓usayn
Ornament of
4. (Im┐m Zayn al- 658/9–712 CE
worshippers
‘└bid┘n)
Mu╒mmad b. ‘Al┘ The revealer (of

5. 677–732 CE
(Im┐m al-B┐qir) knowledge)
Ja‘far b. Mu╒ammad
6. (Im┐m Ja‘far al- Honest 702–765 CE Ja‘far┘
╗┐diq
M┴s┐ b. Ja‘far (Im┐m

7. Calm 744–799 CE K┐╘im┘
Ja‘far al- K┐╘im)
‘Al┘ b. M┴s┐ (Im┐m

8. The Pleasing One 765–817 CE Ri╔w┘
al-Ra╔┐)
Mu╒ammad b. ‘Al┘
9. The God-fearing 810–835 CE
(Im┐m al-Taq┘)
‘Al┘ b. Mu╒ammad
10. The Pure 827–868 CE Naqw┘
(Im┐m al-Naq┘)
╓asan b. ‘Al┘
11. Citizen of a garrison 846–874 CE ‘Askar┘
(Im┐m al-‘Askar┘)
Mu╒ammad b.
12. ╓asan (Im┐m al- The guide; the proof 868–? CE
Mahd┘)
NB: These components are regarded as markers of the Shia sect but are shared
by the Sunnis also.
Indigenous Components of Names Considered Islamic by Pakistanis

1. Bakhsh (P) Gift
2. D┐d (P) Given
3. D┘n (A) Religion. Written as Deen in Urdu.
4. Ditt┐ (Pu) Given
A high rank of mystics. The name refers to
the belief that a child is born by the blessing
5. Ghawth (A)
of Shaykh ‘Abd al-Q┐dir al-Jil┐n┘ who is
written as Ghauth in Urdu.
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The Presence. Refers to the Prophet of Islam.

6. ╓u╔┴r (A)
Written as Huzoor [╓u╛┴r] in Urdu.
7. Il┐h┘ (Urdu Ilahee) (A) God

8. Khud┐ (P) God
9. Mawl┐ (A) God
Old. Here it refers to a sufi saint. Written as
10. P┘r (P)
Peer in Urdu.
11. Rabb (A) God
Title of respect in Sindhi and Siraiki cultures.

12. Sa┘ (Siraiki/S)
Written as Sain [S┐’┘╞] in Urdu and Sindhi.
Names from the Jih┐d┘/Resistance Muslim Subculture (Language is

Arabic)
1. Ab┴ names Father of
2. Bin names Son of
3. Mu‘┐wiyah Young fox
4. Us┐mah Lion. Also spelled Usama.
5. ╗add┐m Brave.
Names not used among Pakistani Muslims
Specific Arab names
earlier.
6. Yaz┘d Becoming greater.
Appendix-II
ISLAMIC COMPONENTS IN FEMALE NAMES
1. Wives of the Prophet (peace be on him) (Language is Arabic)

1. ‘└’ishah Life, vivaciousness, living, prosperous.
2. ╓af╖ah Young lioness, gathering.
3. Hind From India, female deer in Hebrew.
4. Juwayriah One who spreads happiness, mysterious.
279
5. Khad┘jah Early baby.

6. Maym┴nah Safe, trustworthy, auspicious.
7. M┐riyah Bitter or sea of bitterness.
Prophetess. One who is embellished. It means
8. Ramlah
sand in Arabic.
9. Ray╒┐nah Fragrance
10. ╗afiyyah Lion's share, pure, best friend, untroubled.
11. Sawdah Decent, mild tempered.
12. Zaynab (NC) Beautiful. Also a fragrant flowering tree.
2. Daughters of the Prophet (PBUH)

One who saves, motherly, one who abstains.
F┐═imah (Zahr┐’ Bat┴l) Flower, beauty; also bright, shining, brilliant
1. • Zahr┐’ (slightly different spellings in Arabic but
• Bat┴l identical in Urdu).
Virgin, pure, chaste.
2. Kulth┴m (Umm╚) With fresh and pink cheeks, beautiful.
3. Ruqayyah Spell, superior.
4. Zaynab Meaning given above.
3. ╗a╒┐biyy┐t
1. Afr┐╒ Celebrations, joys.
2. Asm┐’ Loftier, more eminent, supreme.
3. Barakah Blessing
4. ╓amr┐’ Red
5. H┐n┘ Delighted, content.
6. Khans┐’ Pug-nosed (famous Arabic poetess).
7. Salm┐ Peaceful.
“High above” in Arabic. This was the name
8. Summayyah
of the first martyr for Islam.
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It is an ancient Arabic word and the meaning

is not certain when used as a name. It is
derived from the verb amma, which means
“he/she intended to do something,” thus it
may have meanings of “intention.” It is
9. Um┐mah
derived from the a-m-m root which many
Qur’┐nic words are derived from, such as
ummah (nation, creed) and umm (mother).
Some sources say ‘the diminutive of mother.’
In Xosa it means “mother.”
It is an ancient Arabic name and its meaning
is not exactly known. However, its root is ‘-
10. ‘Um┐rah m-r, which has meanings of “to build,” “to
maintain,” “to tend to,” “to enliven,” “to
inhabit,” “to settle in.”
4. Other Women Associated with Piety

1. └minah Secured
2. ╓al┘mah Gentle, patient, mild-tempered.
3. R┐bi‘ah Fourth
5. Women in the Qur’┐n [Named or Referred to]

1. └siyah Alive, hope. In Hebrew “work.”
2. Bilq┘s Queen of Sheba.
3. H┐jirah One who migrates.
4. Maryam Chaste. Star of the sea.
5. S┐rrah Pure, happy.
6. Zulaykh┐ Brilliant one.
6. Arabicised/Radical/Islamic Female Names

1. Bint names Names of daughters.
2. Umm names Names of mothers.
281
7. Shia Components (Same as in Men’s Names)
8. Indigenous Components (Language is indicated)

One who has been sustained or made to live

1. Bas┐’┘ (U)
in peace.
2. Ditt┘ (Pu) Given i.e., God-given.
Female form of Ma╒m┴d. This is a variant

3. Ma╒m┴dan (A)
used among the Muslim speakers of Urdu.
Female form of Mu╒ammad. Variant used by

4. Mu╒ammad┘ (A)
the above.
5. Rakhkh┘ (U-Pa) Same as 1.
6. Was┐’┘ (Pa) Same as 1.
9. Names of Religious Concepts

1. Adh┐n (A) Call to prayers. Udhun also means “ear.”
2. Du‘┐ (A) Prayer, wish, invocation.
3. Firdaws (P) Paradise. Many variant spellings.
4. Iram (P) Paradise.
5. Jannat (A) Paradise.
6. Marwah (A) A mountain in Makkah.
7. ╗af┐ (A) A mountain in Makkah.
8. Sidrah (A) A tree, a certain mystical location.
9. ║┴b┐ (A) A tree in paradise, venerated.

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282
Annexure-A
SPECIAL TERMS USED FOR THE ANALYSIS OF NAMES
For counting the number of religious components in names the following

abbreviations have been used.
Sr. No. Term Explanation

1. The first four orthodox caliphs: Ab┴ Bakr, ‘Umar,
Caliphs
‘Uthm┐n and ‘Al┘.
2. Components in names e.g., Y┴suf Kh┐n has two
Comp.
components.
3. Daughters Daughters of the Prophet of Islam.
4. Density The number of components per name.
5. Families Well-known extended family names.
6. Indigenous components found in folk Islam e.g., Ditt┐
Folk
(given).
7. The ninety-nine names of God as given in Muslim
God
literature.
8. Women associated with piety such as ╓al┘mah, the nurse
Pious
of the Prophet.
9. Names of the Prophet of Islam except those which
overlap the names of God. PBUH is understood to be
Prophet
used after these names if used for him but not if used as
part of other peoples’ names (see ABBREVIATIONS).
10. Names of the prophets and other personages mentioned
Prophets
in the Qur’┐n.
11. Qur’┐n (W) Names of women mentioned in the Qur’┐n.
12. Components which may be indicators of radical
Radical
interpretation of Islam or Arabisation.
13. Names inspired by religious associations but now used as
Rel.
group identity labels.
14. ╗a╒┐bah Names of the male companions of the Prophet.
15. ╗a╒┐biyy┐t Names of the female companions of the Prophet.
16. Components predominantly used by Shias in North India
Shia
and Pakistan (Naqv┘, Ri╛v┘ etc).
17. Those who had seen the ╗a╒┐bah and those who had seen
T&T
the T┐bi‘┴n (Tab‘ al-t┐bi‘┘n).
18. Wives Names of the wives of the Prophet of Islam.
283
Annexure-B
BRIEF DESCRIPTIONS OF SAMPLES
Sr. No. Term Explanation
Names of voters in one polling station of Loralai

B’Tan (M-1940);
constituency of Balochistan. Ages approximately
1. (M-1960) & (F-
known. The elderly males are from the 1940s and the
1960)
other males and females from the 1960s to the 1990s.
Working-class, partly-employed and unemployed
men who receive financial aid from the government
2. Poor-M through the Benazir Income Support Programme
from all districts of they are of different ages ranging
from 20 to 60 years.
3. Poor-F Women of the same sample.
Middle and lower-middle class males from the Punjab
whose names are in the 2012 matriculation gazette of
Punjab-M
4. the Lahore Board of Intermediate and Secondary
(1990s)
Education (BISE). Their ages being between 15 and
16, they were named in the late 1990s.
5. Punjab-F (1990s) Girls of the above sample.
Boys of the same ages and classes in the gazette of the
6. KP-M (1990s)
Peshawar BISE, 2012.
7. KP-F (1990s) Girls of the above sample.
Men of the middle-class from Sindh named in the
8. Sindh-M (1950s)
early 1950s.
Boys of the middle-class from Sindh named in the
9. Sindh-M (1990s)
1990s and early 2000s.
10. Sindh-F (1990s) Girls of the same sample.
Upper-middle and upper-class men from an elite club
11. Elite-M (1990s) and an English-medium school in Lahore named in
the 1950s.
12. Elite-F (1950s) Women of the same sample.
Middle and lower-middle class males from the Punjab
Punjab-M whose names were in the matriculation gazettes of
13.
(1950s) the Lahore BISE of the 1950s and 1960s. They were
named in the late 1940s and 1950s.
14. Punjab-F (1950s) Women of the above sample.
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284
Names of males of the above classes in the

15. KP-M (1950s) matriculation gazette of the Peshawar BISE of 1961.
They were named in the 1950s.
16. KP-F (1950s) Women of the above sample
Boys from the upper-middle and upper classes of
17. Elite-B (2000s)
urban Punjab named in 2000s.
18. Elite-G (2000s) Girls of the same sample.
Annexure-C
CONSOLIDATED SUMMARY OF ISLAMIC COMPONENTS IN

MALE NAMES
Sr.
No.
Names MAIN SAMPLES
Punjab- Punjab Sind Sindh- Elite- Elite- B’ B’ Tan-
Poor-M KP-M KP-M
Heads M -M h-M M M B Tan-M M
1990s 1950s
1990s 1950s 1950s 1990s 1950s 2000 1950s 1940s
No. of
500, 000 42692 65331 22,464 63,013 2950 42,459 3649 512 13,771 22,799
Names
Comp. 1,030,000 89270 148057 53,717 135621 6632 119,178 10198 1138 27,925 27,701
Density 2.06 2.09 2.27 2.39 2.15 2.25 2.81 2.79 2.22 2.03 1.22
1. God 61,989 12,610 9,209 4,183 18,919 508 9,718 640 116 5,634 7,745
2. Prophet 83,056 14,560 35, 123 16, 361 18,513 1411 14, 992 1537 202 5, 586 9, 128
3. Prophets 8,205 2,497 3,480 858 1,842 105 1, 411 143 29 542 837
4. Caliphs 110,900 4,488 13,660 2,225 4,287 468 13,745 383 76 350 618
5. ╗a╒┐bah 59,424 5,415 12,201 2,905 4,929 274 5,803 545 77 322 568
6. T&T 1022 462 355 96 330 7 274 8 01 05 58
7. Shia 6,508 175 2,330 245 221 65 600 126 13 35 47
8. Folk 28,888 1053 443 1,068 1,814 148 595 137 4 700 1,654
285
9. Radical 3,346 350 726 15 4 Nil 546 5 18 11 02
Total 363,338 41,610 76,827 25,051 50,859 2986 47,684 3529 536 13,185 22,360
Percentage 35.28 46.61 51.89 46.64 37.50 45.03 40.01 34.60 47.10 47.22 80.72
Annexure-D
CONSOLIDATED SUMMARY OF ISLAMIC COMPONENTS IN

FEMALE NAMES
Sr. No.
Names MAIN SAMPLES
Punjab-F KP-F Sindh-F Elite-F Punjab-F KP-F Elite-G B’tan-F

Heads Poor-F
(1990s) (1990s) (1990s) (1950s) (1950s) 1950s 2000
No. of
3,00,000 65532 17,333 21,765 1,900 2,828 413 608 9,028
Names
Comp. 6,09,000 1,34,011 29,994 45,868 4,313 5,938 838 1,265 16,601
Density 2.03 2.05 1.73 2.11 2.27 2.1 2.03 2.08 1.84
1. Wives 2,859 4,731 962 697 65 76 9 34 224
2. Daughters 12,125 3,367 769 882 24 130 21 78 226
3. ╗a╒┐biy┐t 1,045 1,089 447 419 24 22 5 4 28
4. Pious 1,004 3,596 559 190 17 25 1 16 218
5. Qur’┐n (W) 1,625 1,599 546 483 30 61 4 10 97
6. Radical 309 105 51 08 Nil Nil 1 2 Nil
7. Shia 162 193 9 16 27 16 Nil 5 Nil
8. Folk 310 42 6 86 01 02 4 Nil 12
Total 19,438 14,722 3,349 2,781 188 332 45 149 815
Percentage 3.19 11.07 11.17 6.06 4.36 5.59 5.37 11.78 4.91
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286
Annexure-E
FREQUENCY OF OCCURRENCE OF THE RADICAL ISLAMIC

COMPONENTS
The frequency of occurrence of the names given below out of the total
number of names is expressed in numbers. The numbers in the parentheses are
percentages calculated to two decimal places.
Sr. No. Names MAIN SAMPLES

Punjab- Punjab-
Poor-M Elite-M KP-M KP-M B’tan-M
M M
Heads N= 1950s 1950s 1990s 1990s
1950s 1990s
500,000 3,649 63,013 42,692 13,771
22,464 65,331
195 1 282 245 08
1. Saddam Nil Nil
(0.04) (0.001) (0.66) (0.38) (0.06)
529 03 1 46 Nil 233 01

2. Osama
(0.11) (0.08) (0.00) (0.11) (0.36) (0.007)
16 7
3. Muawiya Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil
(0.00) (0.01)
13
4. Yazid Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil
(0.00)
1793 01 05 6 07 45
5. Abu Nil
(0.36) (0.03) (0.01) (0.01) (0.03) (0.07)
800 01 02 23 07 42
6. Bin Nil
(0.16) (0.03) (0.00) (0.05) (0.03) (0.06)
Elite-F
KP-F KP-F Punjab-F Punjab-F
Poor-F (P) B’ tan
Heads 1950s 1990s 1950s 1990s
300,000 1950s (F) 9,028
413 17,333 2,828 65,532
1900
234 13 77
7. Umm Nil Nil Nil Nil
(0.08) (0.08) (0.12)
75 01 7 28
8. Bint Nil Nil Nil
(0.03) (0.24) (0.04) (0.04)
Sources: The above data is from both male and female samples of the years
given above. Umm and bint names (e.g., Umm Kulth┴m) and corresponding
male names (e.g., Ab┴ Bakr) are used traditionally and are not an expression of
a self-consciously radical Islamic identity. As such, they have not been
counted.
287
Annexure-F
FREQUENCY OF OCCURRENCE OF THE NAMES OF THE

AHL-I BAIT
Frequency of occurrence of the names given below out of the total number of
names is expressed in numbers. The numbers in the parentheses are
percentages calculated to two decimal places.
Sr. No.
Name MAIN SAMPLES
Elite-M KP-M KP-M Punjab-M Punjab-M

Poor-M
1. Heads 1950s 1950s 1990s 1950s 1990s
N=500,000
N=3,649 N=63,013 N=42,692 N=22,464 N=65,331
18,333 484 11068 7926 9768 21232

2. Muhammad
(3.67) (13.26) (17.56) (18.57) (43.48) (32.50)
1,02,640 210 3421 3053 1774 8733

3. Ali
(20.53) (5.76) (5.43) (7.20) (7.90) (13.37)
28,013 126 1522 1209 1833 2121

4. Hussain
(5.60) (3.45) (2.42) (2.83) (8.16) (3.25)
8,876 105 362 359 234 1593

5. Hassan
(1.78) (2.88) (0.57) (0.84) (1.04) (2.44)
MC- MC-
UC-F(P) MC-F(P) MC-F(P)
WC-F F(KP) F(KP)
Heads 1950s 1950s 1990s
300,000 1950s 1990s
1900 2,828 65,532
413 17,333
7,127 7 06 292 66 1938

6. Fatima
(2.38) (0.37) (0.32) (1.68) (2.33) (2.96)
Sources: The above data is from both male and female samples of the years
given above.
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Annexure-G
BADEEN (SIND) - First Names G1
Male names 1940s-50s Male names 1960s-70s Female names 1960s-70s
Total 5,208 Badeen-M 1940s Total 5,208 Badeen-M 1960s-70s Total 4, 584 Badeen-F 1960s-70s
Percentage
Frequency
Frequency
Frequency
Sr. No.
Names Names Percentage Names Percentage
1. Muhammad 1,997 38.34% Muhammad 1,453 27.90% Fatima 152 3.32%
2. Ali 374 7.18% Ali 983 18.87% Noor 126 2.74%
Sakeena
3. Ahmad 255 4.90% Ahmad 470 9.02% 96 2.09%
[Sak┘nah]
4. Hussain 142 2.73% Hussain 191 3.67% Amina 91 1.99%
Ramzan Parveen
5. 134 2.57% Hassan 104 2.00% 89 1.94%
[Rama╔┐n] [Parv┘n]
6. Ibraheem 104 2.00% Noor [N┴r] 101 1.94% Mariam 80 1.75%
Raheem Hawwa
7. Allah Dino 101 1.94% 84 1.61% 58 1.27%
[Ra╒┘m] [╓aww┐’]
Naseem
8. Usman 98 1.88% Ramzan 81 1.56% 57 1.24%
[Nas┘m]
Zaib-un-
Nisa
9. Ismail 93 1.79% Allah Dino 68 1.31% [Zaib al- 56 1.22%
Nis┐’] &
Haleema
Jannat &
Nawaz
10. Hassan 90 1.73% 63 1.21% Zarina 54 1.18%
[Nav┐z]
[Zar┘nah]
65.06% 69.09% 18.74%
% for 10 names each 6.51 % % for 10 names each 6.9 % % for 12 names each 18.74 %
% for 5, 198 names 34.94 % % for 5, 198 names 30.91 % % for 4, 572 names 81.26 %
% for 5, 198 names each 0.007 % % for 5, 198 names each 0.006 % % for 4, 572 names each 0.02 %
289
SIND - First Names G2
Male names 1940s-50s Male names Late 1990s Female names Late 1990s
Total 8,178 Sindh-M 1950s Percentage Total 42,459 Sindh-M 1990s Total 21,765 Sindh-F 1990s
Percentage
Frequency
Frequency
Frequency
Sr. No.
Names Names Percentage Names
1. Muhammad 2,776 33.82% Ali 12,977 30.56% Parveen 624 2.87%
2. Ali 742 9.07% Muhammad 5,743 13.53% Fatima 410 1.89%
3. Ahmad 615 7.52% Ahmad 5, 340 12.58% Amina 375 1.72%
4. Hussain 304 3.72% Hussain 3,618 8.52% Anam 321 1.47%
Saima
5. Raheem 191 2.34% Raza [Ra╛┐] 548 1.30% 310 1.42%
[╗┐’imah]
Sana
6. Umar 137 1.68% Saddam 515 1.21% 306 1.41%
[San┐]
Shazia
7. Hassan 128 1.57% Amir 504 1.19% 254 1.17%
[Sh┐ziyah]
8. Ibraheem 123 1.50% Rahman 473 1.11% Asma 243 1.12%
Kainat
9. Usman 116 1.42% Hassan 456 1.07% 239 1.10%
[K┐’in┐t]
10. Ismail 105 1.28% Imran [‘Imr┐n] 438 1.03% Hira 236 1.08%
63.92% 72.10% 15.25%
TARIQ RAHMAN
290
BALOCHISTAN - First Names G3
Male names 1940s-50s Male names 1960s-80s Female names 1960s-80s
Total 22,799 B’tan-M 1940s Total 13,771 B’Tan-M 1960s-80s Total 9,028 B’Tan-F 1960s-80s
Percentage
Percentage
Percentage
Frequency
Frequency
Frequency
Sr. No.
Names Names Names
1. Muhammad 7,552 33.12% Muhammad 4,546 33.01% Gul 540 5.98%
2. Gul 777 3.41% Jaan [J┐n] 498 3.62% Fatima 171 1.89%
3. Noor 550 2.41% Gul 398 2.89% Noor 163 1.81%
4. Sher [Shair] 459 2.01% Noor 300 2.18% Akhtar 126 1.40%
5. Ali 407 1.79% Ahmad 265 1.92% Amina 94 1.04%
Zahida
[Z┐hidah],
6. Ahmad 354 1.55% Ali 227 1.65% 90 1.00%
Hameeda
[╓am┘dah]
7. Abdullah 340 1.49% Sher 218 1.58% Sabra 84 0.93%
8. Raheem 326 1.43% Abdullah 193 1.40% Ayesha 78 0.86%
9. Ameer 324 1.42% Raheem 170 1.23% Sakeena 73 0.81%
Feroza
10. Akhtar 286 Ameer 149 1.08% 70 0.78%
[F┘r┤zah]
48.63% 50.56% 16.50%
291
ALL PAKISTAN POOR AND RURAL PEOPLE - First Names G 4
Male names 1950s-1990s Female names 1950s-1990s
Total 5,00,000 Poor-M Total 3,00,000 Poor-F
Percentage
Percentage
Frequency
Frequency
Sr. No.
Names Names
1. Ali 1,02,640 -20.53% Fatima 6,908 -2.30%
2. Ahmad 41,260 -8.25% Gul 4,185 -1.40%
3. Hussain 28,013 -5.60% Batool 2,291 -0.76%
4. Muhammad 18,333 -3.67% Zehra 1,896 -0.63%
5. Abbas 13,495 -2.70% Parveen 1,710 -0.57%
6. Rahman 11,832 -2.37% Kulsoom 1,053 -0.35%
7. Hassan 8,876 -1.78% Zainab 798 -0.27%
8. Gul 7,731 -1.55% Aasiya 777 -0.26%
9. Haider 5,089 -1.02% Ayesha 682 -0.23%
10. Iqbal [Iqb┐l] 5,070 -1.01% Jannat 653 -0.22%
-48.48% 6.99%
% for 10 names each 48.48% % for 10 names each 6.99%

% for 499990 names 51.52% % for 299990 names 93.01%
% for 499990 names each 0.0001% % for 299990 names each 0.0003%
TARIQ RAHMAN
292
ELITE PUNJAB - First Names G5

Boys names 2000s Girls names 2000s
Total 512 Elite-B 2000s Total 608 Elite-G 2000s
Percentage
Percentage
Frequency
Frequency
Sr. No.
Names Names
1. Muhammad 93 18.16% Fatima 62 10.20%
2. Ali 69 13.48% Noor 22 3.62%
Minahil
3. Ahmad 49 9.57% 18 2.96%
[Man┐hil]
Mahnoor
4. Omar 19 3.71% 17 2.80%
[M┐hn┴r]
5. Abdullah 15 2.93% Ayesha 16 2.63%
6. Hassan 13 2.53% Amina 14 2.30%
7. Ahsan 10 1.95% Zainab 12 1.97%
Zain,
Salman, Eiman
8. Usman, 8 1.56% [Ayman] & 10 1.64%
Hamza & Mariam
Hussain
Fahad, Ayan
[Ay┐n],
9. 7 1.37% Rida [Rid┐’] 9 1.48%
Amir
[‘└mir]
Tariq
[║┐riq],
Faisal
[Fay╖al],
Faheem
[Fah┘m],
Khadija &
10. Rizwan 6 1.17% 8 1.32%
Ramlah
[Ri╔w┐n],
Saad, Saleem,
Haider,
Jameel
[Jam┘l] &
Abid [‘└bid]
56.43% 30.92%
% for 24 names each 2.35 % % for 12 names each 2.58 %

% for 488 names 43.57 % % for 596 names 69.08 %
293
Total 3, 648 Elite-M 1950s Total 1, 900 Elite-F 1950s
Sr. No. Names Frequency Percentage Names Frequency Percentage
1. Muhammad 560 15.35% Amina 57 3.00%
Rubina
[Rub┘nah],
2. Ahmad 478 13.10% 38 2.00%
Sameena
[Sam┘nah]
Yasmeen
3. Ali 211 5.78% 37 1.95%
[Y┐sm┘n]
Shahida
4. Hussain 126 3.45% 32 1.68%
[Sh┐hidah]
Ghazala
5. Javed [J┐vaid] 116 3.18% [Ghaz┐lah], 31 1.63%
Nighat
Fauzia
6. Khalid 109 2.99% 30 1.58%
[Fauziyah]
Ayesha,
7. Mahmood 105 2.88% Shahnaz 29 1.53%
[Sh┐hn┐z]
Saeed, Fareeda
8. 85 2.33% 27 1.42%
Hassan [Far┘dah]
Rukhsana
9. Iqbal 84 2.30% 26 1.37%
[Rukhs┐nah]
Shahla
10. Tariq 78 2.14% 25 1.32%
[Shahlah]
53.50% 17.48%

% for 3,637 names 46.5 % % for 1,887 names 82.52 %
% for 3,637 names each 0.013 % % for 1,887 names each 0.044 %
PUNJAB LOWER MIDDLE & MIDDLE CLASS - First Names G6

Male names Late 1990s Female names Late 1990s
Total 65, 331 Punjab-M 1990s Total 65, 532 Punjab-F 1990s
1. Muhammad 21,209 32.46% Iqra 2,465 3.76%
2. Ali 8,713 13.34% Ayesha 2,162 3.30%

TARIQ RAHMAN
294
3. Ahmad 5,361 8.21% Amina 2,014 3.07%
4. Hussain 2,119 3.24% Saba [╗ab┐] 1,437 2.19%
5. Usman 1,727 2.64% Anam 1,432 2.19%
6. Raza 1,693 2.51% Sidra 1,208 1.84%
7. Hassan 1,545 2.36% Rabia 1,194 1.82%
8. Bilal 1,267 1.94% Mariam 1,147 1.75%
9. Iqbal 1,065 1.63% Kiran 939 1.43%
10. Abbas 1,038 1.59% Sadia [Sa‘diyah] 932 1.42%
69.92% 1,038 22.77%

% for 65, 321 names 69.92 % % for 65, 522 names 77.23 %
% for 65, 321 names each 0.05 % % for 65, 522 names each 0.12 %
Total 22,464 Punjab-M 1950s Total 2,828 Punjab-F 1950s
1. Muhammad 9,762 43.46% Akhtar 367 12.98%
Sultana
2. Ahmad 3,134 13.95% 163 5.76%
[Sul═┐nah]
3. Hussain 1,833 8.16% Parveen 145 5.13%
4. Ali 1,472 6.55% Naseem 127 4.49%
Shameem
5. Bashir 692 3.08% 120 4.24%
[Sham┘m]
Surayya
6. Iqbal 469 2.09% 89 3.15%
[Thurayy┐]
7. Aslam 434 1.93% Fatima 66 2.33%
8. Anwar 416 1.85% Khalida 58 2.05%
9. Rashid 406 1.81% Jabeen [Jab┘n] 56 1.98%
10. Nazir 385 1.71% Razia [Ra╔yah] 52 1.84%
84.59% 43.95%
% for10 names each 8.5 % % for 10 names each 3.93 %

% for 22, 454 names 15.41 % for 2, 818 names 60.67 %
% for 22, 454 names each 0.07 % % for 2, 818 names each 2.15 %
295
KP LOWER MIDDLE & MIDDLE CLASS - First Names G7

Male names Late 1990s Female names Late 1990s
Total 42,692 KP-M 1990s Total 17,333 KP-F 1990s
1. Muhammad 7,926 -18.57% Gul 962 -5.55%
2. Ali 3,066 -7.18% Ayesha 397 -2.29%
3. Ahmad 2,723 -6.38% Sana 319 -1.84%
4. Rahman 1,589 -3.72% Amina 313 -1.81%
5. Hussain 1,209 -2.83% Fatima 289 -1.67%
6. Jan 727 -1.70% Mariam 284 -1.64%
7. Gul 666 -1.56% Hira 226 -1.30%
8. Bilal 558 -1.31% Huma [Hum┐] 218 -1.26%
9. Saeed 557 -1.30% Saba 210 -1.21%
10. Amir 500 -1.17% Saima 204 -1.18%
45.72% -19.75%

% for 42, 682 names 54.28% % for 17, 323 names 80.25%
% for 42, 682 names each 0.001% % for 17, 323 names each 0.005%
Total 63,013 KP-M 1950s Total 413 KP-F 1950s
Sr No. Names Frequency Percentage Names Frequency Percentage
1. Muhammad 11,068 17.56% Akhtar 55 13.32%
2. Gul 4,429 7.03% Parveen 33 7.10%
3. Ali 3,359 5.33% Naseem 29 7.02%
4. Rahman 2,534 4.02% Sultan 12 2.91%
5. Ahmad 2,235 3.55% Shameem 11 2.66%

Nasreen
6. Saeed 1,251 1.99% 10 2.42%
[Nasr┘n]
Mumtaz
7. Jan 1,884 2.99% 9 2.18%
[Mumt┐z]
8. Sher 1,564 2.48% Razia, Surayya 8 1.94%
TARIQ RAHMAN
296
Iffat [‘Iffat],
Khursheed
9. Hussain 1,522 2.42% [Khursh┘d], 7 1.69%
Rashida
[Rash┘dah]
Fatima,
Shahnaz
10. Wali [Wal┘] 958 1.52% 7 1.45%
[Shahn┐z],
Fareeda
48.89% 42.69%

% for 63, 003 names 51.11 % % for 398 names 42.69 %
% for 63, 003 names each 0.08 % & for 398 names each 0.107 %

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Personal names and the Islamic Identity in Pakistan

Article in Islamic studies · October 2013

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Personal Names and the Islamic Identity in Pakistan

identity show, they may be challenged to examine these perceptions—

(British) civilization. John Searle, in his book on the philosophy of language,

as part of their personal names. Thus, in present-day Western countries

In short, the study of names, including alternative names, can provide

social status.50 Unfortunately, the only study purporting to be on Muslim

different provinces of Pakistan. Only some of these interviewees and

The Desire for Islamic Naming among South Asian Muslims

‘Ilm al-A‘d┐d k┘ R┤shn┘

So important is the giving of Islamic names as boundary-markers of the

As the Islamisation of the Meos progressed, the components of names

Islamic Components in Present-day Pakistani Names

Calculating Islamisation through the Frequency of Occurrence of

An examination of the Muhammadan names in the census tables shows that

But Temple’s definition—“Arabic or foreign origins”—is problematic

The Islamisation of Names in Pakistan

An analysis of twenty-three samples suggests that there are three trends in

Names in Top Positions in Most Samples

Muhammad 11 2 Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil Nil 13

Ali 2 6 2 1 1 1 Nil Nil Nil Nil 13

Ahmad/Ahmed Nil 4 3 4 1 1 Nil Nil Nil Nil 13

Hussain Nil Nil 2 6 1 Nil Nil Nil 1 Nil 10

Names in Top Positions in Most Samples

Fatima 3 2 Nil Nil 1 Nil 1 Nil Nil 1 7

Amina 1 Nil 2 2 1 1 Nil Nil Nil Nil 7

Ayesha Nil Nil 2 Nil 1 Nil 1 1 1 Nil 6

Naming and Folk Islam

1. Names of God are given in the order established by tradition by the

Sr. No. Name Meaning106

14. Mu╖awwir Designer, sculptor, fashioner.

Forgiver, condoner, absolver, indulgence,

Constrictor, contractor, restrictor, curtailer,

23. Kh┐fi╔ One who humiliates, humbles makes lower.

Ample, capacious, all embracing, vast, broad,

Trustee, pleader, attorney to whom one entrusts

54. Qaw┘ Strong, powerful, mighty.

Eternal, perpetual, to repair, to have recourse,

70. Q┐dir Able, capable, potent, almighty, prevailing over.

Able, overpowering, strong, authoritative,

Procrastinated, to delay, last part, latter part,

74. Awwal First, foremost

78. W┐l┘ Governor, ruler, patron.

Collector, compiler, combining, completing,

89. Ghan┘ Independent, self-sufficient, rich, wealthy.

94. N┴r The light.

Guiding in the right way, right path, holding a

Having great patience, enduring, suffering, mild,

Names of the Prophet (peace be on him)

Sr. No. Name Meaning

17. Mahd┘ (NC) He who is well guided

46. Man╖┴r Helped (by God), victorious

77. └khir (NC) Last

Names of Prophets in the Qur’┐n

To learn, as he used to learn and teach the

3. N┴╒ One who cries a lot, one who gives solace

4. H┴d Guidance, pious deed

Literally means “father of the people” or “most

It is said that this name is composed of two

9. Is╒┐q It means one who laughs. To be far away.