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el compromiso ético y político con la investigación por el otro. Dicho compromiso se expre-
sa principalmente en la orientación práctica de la investigación y el interés creciente por
documentar, e intervenir en, las realidades organizacionales locales.
Este artigo apresenta uma revisão crítica da pesquisa em comunicação organizacional
na América Latina com o objetivo de explorar suas características distintivas. Combinando
os aspectos dos estudos de comunicação identificados por Marques de Melo (1999) com
abordagens anglo-americanas da comunicação organizacional o artigo apresenta um pan-
orama sistemático da pesquisa latino-americana na área com foco nas tendências princi-
pais da produção publicada em revistas científicas entre 2010 e 2014. Os resultados
mostram que há sinais sutis mas consistentes de uma abordagem latino-americana da
comunicação organizacional no que diz respeito à miscigenação teórica e à ética e compro-
metimento político de pesquisadoras e pesquisadores. Tais características se manifestam prin-
cipalmente na orientação prática da pesquisa e no interesse crescente pela documentação
e intervenção em realidades organizacionais locais.
doi:10.1093/ct/qtx010
(Correal, Bustos, Cuevas, & Panqueva Bernal, 2008; De Farias, 2005; Kaplún, 2012;
León Duarte, 2002, 2006; Saladrigas Medina, 2005; Salas Forero, 2011). This section
is based on four systematic analyses of the academic production of Latin American
organizational communication from 1990 to 2015, namely those of Krohling
Kunsch (2011),3 Angel (2013),4 Guillén Ojeda and Espinosa Velázquez (2014)5 and
Orjuela Córdoba (2015).6 Taken together they reveal three major trends that char-
acterize Latin American organizational communication scholarship: (a) a profes-
sional research orientation with a clear focus on communicative skills, (b) the
predominance of a systemic definition of organization and an instrumental view of
communication, and (c) a discrepancy between conference papers and published
articles regarding the prominence of empirical studies.
First, these studies highlight that the academic production on organizational
communication in Latin America is mainly focused on describing the roles and
activities of organizational communication professionals. Research consistently
aimed to increase the effectiveness of communication, mostly through problem-
solving. This is translated into a marked interest for explaining the different
functions of organizational communication such as internal and external commu-
nication, strategic communication, and event logistics. Krohling Kunsch’s (2011;
see also Orjuela Córdoba, 2015) study shows, for example, that the privileged topics
of Latin American scholars address internal, public and strategic communication, as
well as organizational culture and corporate social responsibility (e.g., Pizzolante,
2003; Salas Forero, 2011; Van Riel, 2003). Worth noting here is the “integral com-
munication” framework first proposed by Brazilian scholar Margarida Krohling
Kunsch (2003) to articulate public relations and organizational communication; fur-
ther developed by her Mexican colleague María Antonieta Rebeil (c.f., Rebeil &
Hernández, 2009) for defining organizational communication as the articulation of
marketing, corporate and internal communications.
Angel (2013) and Guillén Ojeda and Espinosa Velázquez’s (2014) studies con-
firmed this professional orientation. In the respective corpus they analyzed, organi-
zational communication was mostly referred to as a management tool, and
research was oriented toward increasing organizational efficiency. Moreover, in
Guillén Ojeda and Espinosa Velázquez’s (2014) analysis, all of the conference
papers referred to applied research and addressed topics such as corporate image,
marketing, and strategic communication. Prieto (2004) explained this professional
tendency in light of the historical development of organizational communication in
Latin America. He noted that organizational communication was first associated
with the professional career of comunicadores organizacionales [organizational
communicators] and DirCom [communication directors] (Kaplún, 2012) rather
than a domain of study. Hence, organizational communication is seen as a profes-
sional field that trains practitioners in managing communication problems in
diverse organizational settings. This professional predisposition has limited the the-
oretical and disciplinary development of organizational communication in Latin
America by orienting theory building toward managerial purposes.
Second, the four studies revealed the dominance of a systemic view of organiza-
tion, and an instrumental definition of communication. Krohling Kunsch’s (2011)
analysis shows a strong allegiance to systems theory in Latin American organiza-
tional communication, which is manifested in the major influence of Mexican
scholar Abraham Nosnik (2000). Nosnik was one of the first Latin American scho-
lars to advance a systemic explanation of organizational communication that would
account for its processual, dynamic and multilevel dimensions, in relation to the
environment. As noted by Angel (2013), a major consequence of using this sys-
temic framework is the dominance of normative discourses and functionalist
approaches to organizational communication, in which communication is defined
as the “exchange of signs” that links the organization with its environment (Ávila,
1998, para.1; authors’ translation). Guillén Ojeda and Espinosa Velázquez’s (2014)
study is consistent with these findings but also stresses that Latin American
researchers, particularly Mexicans, focused on the private sector, the exception
being the few studies carried out in public universities.
Yet some Latin American organizational communication scholars (Manucci,
2005; Tovar Mendoza, 2003; Valle Florez, 2003) have explicitly rejected this instru-
mental view of communication and proposed instead a symbolic, linguistic or con-
stitutive perspective (e.g., Diálogos [2012 special issue] “Pensar la organización
desde la comunicación” [Thinking Organization Through Communication]). That
being said, the critical discourse has been largely absent from the academic produc-
tion. An exception worth mentioning is Mexican scholar Rafael Ávila’s (2004) cri-
tique of organizational communication in which he explores the rationalities at play
in organizations (for similar arguments see also Kaplún, 2001; Tovar Mendoza,
2003). As noted in the introduction, we see in the emergence of alternative
approaches to the systemic view organization an opportunity for theory building
toward more integrated views of organizational communication (Kaplún, 2013).
Third, there seems to be a clear discrepancy between conference papers and
articles published in high impact journals. Between 1998 and 2008, Krohling
Kunsch (2011) noted that most conference papers were empirical studies.
Furthermore, except for 2004, when theoretical studies slightly dominated, and
2008, when the number of empirical and theoretical studies was equal, the other
years of the conference presented an important empirical orientation. Angel’s
(2013) findings are different. For a similar period, she noted that the majority of
the articles were essays, theoretical debates, or frameworks, and that few presented
empirical studies. This result was supported and extended by Orjuela Córdoba’s
(2015) study, which also specified that the few articles that presented empirical
studies did not even mention the methodological design, and in those that did,
quantitative methods such as surveys and questionnaires prevailed. Based on the
results of their study, which combined articles and conference papers, Guillén
Ojeda and Espinosa Velázquez (2014) draw an interesting observation that can
explain this discrepancy. While articles published in high-ranking journals dis-
played normative and prescriptive orientations, conference papers tended to be
which conceive communication as the site where the organization emerges and
reproduces itself. This tendency toward alternative approaches to systemic views of
organizational communication was also noted in the reviewed bibliometric studies
on Latin American organizational communication.
Where the parallel between Anglo-American and Latin American organiza-
tional communication studies is less evident is regarding theoretical traditions
based in critical, feminist, and postcolonial theories, which have shown consider-
able growth and legitimacy in the Anglo-American community in recent decades
(Putnam & Mumby, 2014). Anglo-American scholars have problematized organi-
zations in light of the post-bureaucratic era: notions of voice, rationality, work, and
organizational boundaries are increasingly mobilized to critique or describe organi-
zational phenomena. This critical orientation is, as noted, absent from Latin
American organizational communication scholarship, which is particularly intrigu-
ing considering the critical legacy of Latin American communication studies.
Third, Anglo-American organizational communication has, in recent decades,
broadened the methodological approaches to illuminate the centrality of communi-
cation in organizational life by drawing on empirical studies to propose sophisti-
cated theory building. As noted by Putnam and Mumby (2014) in parallel to the
proliferation of theoretical perspective, the field of organizational communication
in Anglo-America is clearly pluralistic in its approach to methods. In contrast to
Latin-American organizational communication, empirical study are here numerous
and central to theory building both in conference and published papers.
As we can see, the current state of organizational communication studies in the
United States and Canada has evolved considerably since its emergence in the
1960s and 1970s, which was characterized by a clear dominance of functionalist
approaches. Comparing the present state of Latin American scholarship with the
field’s development in Anglo-American countries, we could say that the former is
today where the latter was in the 1980s. However, this assertion is problematic
because it denies the possibility of contingent communicational explanations of
organizational phenomena that would be grounded in Latin American issues, his-
tory, and traditions. Thus, instead of adopting a comparative analysis, we develop
next a mestizo analytical framework that combines Latin and Anglo-American tra-
ditions, and informs our analysis study.
research in this region of the world. However, because of its general attention to
communication, it lacks specificity for considering organizational communication.
We thus combine the features here presented with two meta-theoretical frameworks
that outline the metaphors and the discourses of organizational communication.
Methods
Problem of study of
Discourse View of organization communication approach Types of studies
We considered the article as the unit of analysis, because of the role it plays in
problematizing and propagating new knowledge. We chose the period 2010–2014
for two reasons: first, to complement the bibliometric studies reviewed previously,
and second, to contrast Latin American production from the Anglo-American,
especially considering that the period 2010–2014 represents a new era in Anglo-
American organizational communication (Putnam & Mumby, 2014).
Our selection of Latin American journals was based on three criteria: (a) repre-
sentativeness of a majority of Latin American countries, (b) visibility and readabil-
ity of the journals, in accordance with the Google Scholar H index (Repiso &
Delgado, 2013), and (c) analysis of the journals specializing in organizational com-
munication. Let us note that the only specialized journal that has a significant H
index is the Brazilian publication Organicom. For the other countries, we chose the
journal with the highest H index (see Appendix 1 for the complete list). We con-
sulted all the issues of the selected journals published between 2010 and 2014 and
analyzed all the articles that explicitly addressed organizational communication.8
This brought us to a total of 92 articles.
We designed a questionnaire9 to collect data from the corpus. Then we ran a
test on five randomly selected articles from each journal. This helped us improve
the questionnaire and the codebook. We ran several similar tests before we reached
the final version. Data were collected over a six-month period through QuestionPro,
Criteria Items
According to our data, the most recurrent author profile is that of female scholars
affiliated with a university (48.9%). Male authors come in second (2.7%), and
mixed gender authorship, third (30.4%). Razón y Palabra (Mexico) and Organicom
(Brazil) are the main organizational communication journals in the region. Of the
92 articles, 70 were published by these two journals. Very few contributions from
other regions are evidenced; most of these are from Spanish scholars (28.3%), and
very few from Anglo-American countries (2.2%).
Research results based on empirical studies dominate the corpus (47.8%). This
finding is encouraging in terms of theory building, given that the publication of
empirical studies stimulates the field by introducing knowledge based on context,
and either validates or refutes prior knowledge. The publication of theoretical
reflections (38%) is also significant because it drives the field forward by circulating
knowledge. Also noteworthy is the low percentage of prescriptive texts (3.3%) that
other research (Angel, 2013) has shown to be characteristic of the field. This type
of article appears to be decreasing in favour of the publication of empirical studies.
Our analysis of the topics showed that most of the articles address problems
related to organizational processes (63%), followed by a significant percentage of
articles (59.8%) that focused on communication and organizations, i.e., corporate
communication and/or strategy. In third place was networks and technology
(23.9%), and in fourth, discourse and language (14.1%). Lastly, there were articles
that addressed the general field of organizational communication (10.9%).
If we consider in more detail these topics, we can see that organizational culture
appears in many articles as an umbrella concept for addressing organizational values
(Figueiredo, 2011), narratives (Vargas Pedraza, 2012), identity (A. Urbiola Solís &
Vásquez, 2010), and organizational change (Dias Baptista, 2014; Moreno Cano,
Arbeláez Luna, & Calderón Dávila, 2014). Another salient theme is internal commu-
nication. Worth noting here is the combination of an informational and relational
view of organizational communication. These views are grounded in a normative and
interpretive discourse respectively (Deetz, 2001). For example, Oliveira and Rodrigues
Alencar’s (2013) article defies the formal–informal divide by showing their interde-
pendence. Monteiro Batistella and Marchiori (2013) articulate the use of information
(i.e., container metaphor; see Putnam et al. [1996]) with organizational members’
sense-making practices in interaction (i.e., performance metaphor; Putnam et al.
[1996]). Internal communication is also approached by focussing on the concepts of
speech and organizational listening (Sólio, 2010). Sustainability and corporate social
responsibility are also privileged topics (Baldissera & Kaufmann, 2013; da Silva,
Galinkin, & de Oliveira Almeida, 2013; Valarezo González & Marín Gutiérrez, 2013).
Interestingly, in these the main mode of theorizing is consistent with Marques de
Melo’s (1999) theoretical miscegenation as foreign frameworks are combined with
local ones. Some of the most cited foreign frameworks are Morin’s complexity theory
and Schein’s organizational culture dimensions. Moreover, the work of some Latin
American organizational communication scholars is consistently cited, for example,
Krohling Kunsch’s (2003) integrated communication perspective and Baldissera’s
(2009) complex organization.
Worth mentioning is the empirical focus of most of these articles. For example,
Campos Martins (2013) studies the role of oral communication in state-owned
company in the northern region of Paraná, Brazil, while also addressing the profes-
sional significance of the findings (i.e., considering orality as an internal communi-
cation strategy). This can be interpreted as evidence of the emphasis on praxis that
characterizes theory building in Latin American scholarship.
If we read these results in conjunction with the type of article, we find that the
increase in research articles can be understood as a sign of theoretical miscegena-
tion as the foreign frames are put to the test and modified through empirical stud-
ies situated in Latin American organizational contexts. For example, Sólio’s (2010)
study proposes a psychoanalytical reading of two Brazilian companies’ internal
communication. Grounded in Freud and Lacan’s theories, this study considers psy-
chic aspects of workers and shows the importance of subjectivity and emotions for
internal communication. The author suggests conceiving international communica-
tion as a process that involves both speaking and listening within a distributed net-
work of interlocutors (workers and the organization itself), instead of approaching
it as a formal hierarchical process of information transmission.
45
40 42.4
35
30
25 27.2
20
15
14.1
10 12
5 8.7
0
0
Other Critical Normative None Dialogic Interpretive
virtual listening systems built-in the websites of universities and Figueiredo’s (2011)
study of the espoused organizational values displayed in websites of top-ranked
companies are examples of this kind of normative discourse.
Interpretive discourse was found in 27.2% of the articles (see Figure 1). In these
articles, organizations were conceived as social interactional contexts in which
employees as interlocutors “create their strategies, their discourses and make sense
of their lived experiences” (Oliveira & Rodrigues Alencar, 2013, p. 212; authors’
translation). In contrast with the normative discourse, communication was not
limited to its formal, planned, and managerial dimension; rather, it encompasses
“all the sense making flows that configure the transmission, reception and circula-
tion of discourses” (Oliveira & Rogrigues Alencar, 2013, p. 212: author’s transla-
tion). Within interpretative discourse, employees’ meanings and concerns were
seen as valid as those of the managerial apex (Monteiro Batistella & Marchiori,
2013; Sólio, 2010). The use of this approach also expands the understanding of
what counts as an organizationally relevant feature (e.g., Sganzerla Provedel, 2013).
In third place, with 14.1%, are dialogic discourses (see Figure 1). Salgueiro
Marques and Martins Mafra’ (2013) work illustrates some of the features of this
discourse. These authors provide an alternative view of dialogue by taking distance
from harmonious and consensus-seeking conceptualizations. For them, organiza-
tional dialogue does not mean suppressing differences or individual interests but it
is rather considered a discursively constructed site of resistance.
In 12% of the cases, none of Deetz’s four discourse types were found. This can be
explained by the fact that some of these articles were essays or their approach did not
fall under any paradigmatic vision following this typology. Finally, 8.7% of the articles
used critical discourse. For example, Baldissera and Kaufmann’s (2013) study of corpo-
rate social responsibility mobilizes a critical approach to shed light into corporations’
discursive hegemonic practices. The research shows that organizations’ discourses of
40
35
34.5
30
25
26
20 23
15
10
11
5 7 8
0 5 5
0
Discussion
This article was motivated by two related questions: “What characterizes current
Latin American organizational communication scholarship?” and “Is there is a dis-
tinctive Latin American approach to organizational communication?” In what fol-
lows, we discuss these questions in light of our findings.
First, we can say that, while normative discourses maintain their prominence in
this scholarship, interpretive discourse (e.g., Monteiro Batistella & Marchiori, 2013;
Oliveira & Rodrigues Alencar, 2013; A. Urbiola Solís & Vásquez, 2010) is increasingly
consolidating a legitimate position in Latin American scholarship on organizational
communication. This does not mean that interpretive discourses have just recently
entered the field of organizational communication. What we want to highlight is their
legitimization as “scientific” and “recognized” forms of knowledge in the academic
community, which can be seen in the increase of studies adopting interpretive and
constitutive approaches compared to previous years (Angel, 2013; Orjuela Córdoba,
2015). As noted, these studies were previously mostly confined to conference papers
(Guillén Ojeda & Espinosa Velázquez, 2014; Krohling Kunsch, 2011). Their increasing
presence in high-ranking journals can be seen as a step toward their legitimization
and a promise for future development. Worth noting is a tendency, particularly in
Brazilian scholarship, to combine interpretative and functionalist perspectives in the-
ory building (see Campos Martins, 2013; Monteiro Batistella & Marchiori, 2013;
Oliveira & Rodrigues Alencar, 2013; Sólio, 2010). We see in this combination a
specificity of Latin American organizational communication with respect to its
Anglo-American counterpart, in which interpretative perspectives emerged in strong
opposition to functionalism, a division that still remains in current scholarship.
The same cannot be said about critical and dialogic discourses, which are
almost absent from Latin American scholarship on organizational communication.
This finding is not surprising if we consider previous studies (Angel, 2013; Guillén
Ojeda & Espinosa Velázquez, 2014). Yet, when recalling the strong critical history
of the Latin American tradition in communication studies, and its important legacy
in both research and teaching in schools of communication (which is where orga-
nizational communication scholarship is based), we wonder why Latin American
organizational communication scholars have not embraced this approach in the
same way their colleagues in media and cultural studies have.
Kaplún (2012) offers the following explanation: organizational communication
scholarship in the region has been characterized by a strong orientation toward
pragmatism, which has led to the dominance of functionalist discourses. Moreover,
the critical approach in Latin American communication studies has mostly been
media-centred (see also Waisbord, 2014). In this sense, organizational communica-
tion scholarship in the region does not generally identify with the main emancipa-
tory agenda of a Latin American school of communication, which is grounded in a
critical tradition (Marques de Melo, 1999).
However, one of the critical strands in Latin American communication studies
that began with Freire’s education movement and evolved into what Kaplún (2013)
calls the “alternativist” perspective is gaining attention in Latin American organiza-
tional communication scholarship. This explains the small percentage of critical
(Baldissera & Kaufmann, 2013; Sólio, 2010) and dialogic studies (Salgueiro Marques
& Martins Mafra, 2013) present in our findings, which, according to Deetz’s (2001)
discourses, aim for the disruption of social structures and define the production of
knowledge, as well as the researcher’s role, in terms of social transformation.
Our findings also suggest a strong focus on professional and applied research as a
second characteristic of Latin American organizational communication scholarship.
Latin American organizational communication scholars privilege themes related to
organizational processes (e.g., culture, identity, conflict, and organizational change),
discourse and language, and the role of technology. Interestingly, we can see a corre-
spondence with Anglo-American organizational communication scholarship (Putnam
& Mumby, 2014). The difference lies, however, in the sustained interest of Latin
American scholars to apply these topics in understanding or prescribing professional
practices. This is reflected, for example, in the proliferation of studies on internal com-
munication (Adame, 2013; Campos Martins, 2013; Dias Baptista, 2014; Sganzerla
Provedel, 2013) and strategic communication (Salas Forero, 2013). Some of these stud-
ies are concerned with documenting success stories and sharing best practices. While
the professional and applied orientations of Latin American organizational communi-
cation research is not new (Kaplún, 2013), our findings suggest that they seem to have
moved from a strictly professional to an academic field.
Third, compared with the previous bibliometric studies (Angel, 2013; Guillén
Ojeda & Espinosa Velázquez, 2014; Krohling Kunsch, 2011; Orjuela Córdoba, 2015),
our findings reveal an increase of empirical studies in high-ranking journals. This
increase is combined with a decline of the publication of essays on the field of orga-
nizational communication, which was most prominent in the 1990s and 2000s.
Worth noting here is their anchoring in local contexts: the economic and political
realities of the Latin American organizational landscape have increasingly attracted
the interest of Latin American organizational communication scholars. For instance,
in line with the previously mentioned alternativist perspective, some researchers have
studied the role of communication as a tool for social change in phenomena such as
recovered factories in Argentina (Calloway, Colombari, & Iorio, 2013). This implies,
as mentioned, an adaptation of foreign theories to local contexts, as well as the
search for alternative and local frameworks for understanding local realities.
We argue that this local anchoring, combined with the use of both local and
foreign approaches, are testimonies of two of Marques de Melo’s (1999) features of
a Latin American communicational approach: theoretical miscegenation and ethics
and political commitment of the researcher. The first refers to a critical reading
and adaptation of foreign approaches in light of the particularities of the social
context being studied which was mainly present in the combination of interpreta-
tive and normative discourses and in theory building derived from empirical stud-
ies locally situated. The second corresponds to the redefinition of the role of the
research and researchers in terms of social transformation, which was particularly
found in the alternativist perspective. In the case of Latin American organizational
communication, we argue that these two features joined together promote a more
respectful and accurate understanding of the “real” concerns and issues of Latin
American organizations, they also offer renewed ways for theory building.
Notes
1 This term includes the United States and Canada, the first being significantly more
influential in the constitution and development of the field of organizational
communication.
2 We make this idiomatic distinction to include Mexico, since it has greater similarity with
Central and South American countries in terms of language, historical development, and
shared identity than with the United States or Canada.
3 Krohling Kunsch’s (2011) bibliometric study is based on an analysis of 136 papers
presented in the organizational communication and public relations thematic group in
the context of the bi-annual conferences of the Asociación Latinoamericana de
Investigadores de la Comunicación (ALAIC) held from 1998 to 2008.
4 Angel’s (2013) study is based on a bibliometric analysis of 120 articles published from
1990 to 2009 in five of the most recognized Latin American scientific journals in
communication studies.
5 Guillén Ojeda and Espinosa Velázquez’s (2014) bibliometric study is based on an
analysis of 16 publications in EBSCO journals and 49 online papers presented from 2008
to 2012 in the organizational communication thematic group of the Asociación Mexicana
de Investigadores en Comunicación’s (AMIC) annual conference.
6 Orjuela Córdoba’s (2015) doctoral thesis is based on a bibliometric study between 2006
and 2011 of 10 Latin American journals specializing in communication studies,
representing seven Latin American countries and a total of 542 articles.
7 While several Latin American authors have advanced metaphors (e.g., Ávila, 2004) and
thematic categories (e.g., Orjuela Córdoba, 2015; Montoya Robles, De la Rosa Gutiérrez,
& De la O Burrola, 2013); these analytical criteria are still a work in progress and thus
have not yet been recognized in the organizational communication Latin American
community as meta-theoretical devices.
8 For the purposes of this article, we considered public relations as a distinct field.
However, it should be noted that in some Latin American countries (such as Brazil) the
similarities and differences of both fields have been considered, leading to a greater
interaction between them (see Marroquín Velásquez, 2015 and Organicom’s 2009 special
issue Comunicação organizacional e relações públicas: pesquisa, reprodução, aplicação.
Organicom, 6(10/11)).
9 The design of this research tool was based on a similar questionnaire used and tested to
study the field of communication for development and social change (Barranquero
Carretero & Angel, 2015).
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