A GENERAL OVERVIEW OF THE HOPI RELIGION

A. Marcela Sanchez

ANTH 2120: Sacred Religions

April 11, 2019

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Once located at the borders of Arizona, New Mexico, and Colorado, the Hopi are a Native

American tribe located in Arizona whose numbers are about 11,323 (Bonvillain 93). Bonvillain describes

the Hopi lifestyle as hunter gatherer lifestyle. They retained this lifestyle of hunting and moving from

camp to camp for thousands of years, after which they adapted to an agricultural lifestyle, while still

retaining some hunter gatherer practices such as gathering plants for food and hunting small animals (16).

Their pueblo model dwelling structures were composed of stone and clay; however, they abandoned these

structures due to climatic changes in their environment (19-23). The Hopi social system was centered on

the family and informed many aspects of their belief systems. Despite the influences of modern culture

has had on the Hopi people’s culture and religion, the Hopi people’s spiritual beliefs are still present to

this day. This paper explores their religious beliefs as well as how their religious beliefs relate to their

everyday life.

Hopi religion and society are greatly influenced by women and the feminine principle. The Hopi

are still matriarchal. Hopi lineage lines traced back to Hopi Women and Hopi man identified his mother’s

family as his main family (Bonvillain 25-26). In fact, Older women are the heads of clans, and are

entrusted with keeping objects used in ceremonies (Bonvillain 25). Despite Hopi’s reverence for the

feminine, men and women had different jobs that complimented each other and make them equals in Hopi

society (Bonvillain 30). Hopi religion is more aligned with the feminine principle, they see the world

through a receptive and passive lense. Their perceptions are very receptive to their to their environment

to the point that they are not separate from their world; their world makes them, not the other way around

(Loftin 25). Their way of speaking reveals their receptivity and view of their environment as a controlling

agent that influences their actions. For example, instead of saying ‘”I guess I’ll have to change my way,’”

they say, ‘”I guess I’ll come to that.’”(Loftin 25). In a basic sense, the active principle is seen as male,

while the passive principle is seen as female; however, in the Hopi culture, both embody the feminine
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principle to varying degrees (Loftin 25) Men need to participate in activities like hunting and participate

in ceremonies to experience their creativity, whereas women are seen as already being aligned with

creativity just by virtue of being women (Loftin 25). The activities that men do to participate in their

environment in active way include hunting and conducting ceremonies. According to Loftin, women’s

ability to give birth is an expression of the sacred that brings them closer to the land and is highly prized

in Hopi society; in contrast, men are prized for their ability to connect with the Gods through ceremonies

(Loftin 26). Women’s creative activity takes place in the inner space and men’s creative activity takes

place in the outer space. Women create life for the tribe in their inner space, whereas men hunt in the

outer space and, instead of a child, they bring forth meat as their creation for the survival of the tribe

(Loftin 26) Male initiation rites include pulling dead prey over the back of the youth, leaving a trail of

blood behind; this is a way of showing that the young man has given birth to the prey; after his four day

fast, the boy acquires a new name (Loftin 26).

Hopi kin and clan relationships demonstrate aspects of their religious beliefs and view of the

world. (Loftin 17) The names of clans correspond to the expression of the natural world around them,

such as plants and animals and are forms of their clan ancestors, whom the hopi hold in high regard

(Loftin 17). The Hopi feel a sense of connection to the natural phenomena corresponding to their clan

name. For instance, rain clan members feel a kinship with the element their name represents (Loftin 17).

Through their kin relationships, the Hopi usually belong to more than one clan, these groping of clans is

called phratries (Loftin 18). Clans and Phratries are considered sacred for the connection they signify

between the hopi and their ancestors which allow the Hopi to experience a sense of timelessness and

recreation of world (Loftin 18) Phratries are composed of clans with similar phenomena whose religious

rituals serve the purpose of securing blessings and controlling natural phenomena associated with hunting

and farming (Loftin 19, 21). Some examples of phatries linked with agriculture include the

Corn-Cloud-Rain and Sun-Eagle phratries (Loftin 21). Hopi mythology also helps us understand how the
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spiritual power of clans is able to aid Hopis, as can be gleaned from Malotkis’ telling of The Snake Clan

Boy and The Sorcerers; the protagonist gets help from his snake clan grandmother and uncles to win his

wife over and overcome numerous obstacles by sorcerers; his snake clan uncles show him the hunting

skills he needed to win a hunting contest, they help him win a stone flicking race, and help him procure a

large-rattlesnake that rids the village of the sorcerers. By overcoming these obstacles, the boy is able to

lead his clan to a village called Oribai where his clan is able to flourish by joining and aiding the Oribai

villagers with their snake dance (93-103).

Religion is at the center of Hopi culture and can be found in every aspect of Hopi life and is tied

to their relationship with the land as well as with their deities. To expound, every day practices like

weaving, farming, and working are imbued with spiritual meaning that connected the Hopi to a sense of

unity and timelessness (Loftin 3). For instance, weaving is seen as a divinely inspired activity; patterns

are revealed to them by the Spider Woman, who oversees their weaving (Loftin 4). Another spiritual

activity is farming, which connects the Hopi to their ancestors and illustrates the Hopi people’s

relationship to the earth. Their connection to their ancestors as they work the land helps them experience

oneness with the sacred. In fact, blue corn is a religious symbol that the hopi use to show their belief in

working hard for things that are worthwhile, so that life does not become overly easy as modern life often

threatens to make it (Loftin 5). The Hopi experience farming as recalling their creation, their emergence

into the fourth world, and also the first plantings of their ancestors (Loftin 6). As with weaving, the Hopi

believe their farming techniques are guided by the Gods, and despite the great results yielded by their

farming techniques, the Hopi claim that they do not use their farming techniques maximize their harvest,

but that they are just following the way of the Gods that their ancestors followed since their emergence

(Loftin 7). They believe that if they have the right thoughts of humility and harmony when dispersing

seeds, their Gods will germinate the seeds (Loftin 8). The importance the Hopi place on securing harmony

with the land through farming practices shows their religious connection to the land, which they see as the
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mother they came from and the mother they will go to after death (Loftin 9). The Hopi believe that

showing respect to the land will ensure the God Maasaw, caretaker of their land, will let them live off the

land resources, while disrespect, arrogance, and greed will result in a lack of rain (Loftin 10). Not only is

water essential for their survival, but it is also seen as a sacred substance that the creator provides in the

adequate amounts if the Hopi live in harmony (Loftin 10) The above demonstrates their religious

connection to the land and the reciprocal relationship they have with their deities.

Hopi rites and ceremonies were influenced by their mythology and involved worship of deities​;

two notable examples, are their Kiva ceremonies and their Kachina rites and ceremonies. In Hopi

cosmology, Kivas were underground circular structures used for the purpose of worship and prayer; they

contained a ladder inside the kiva which protruded out and was placed such, that at times, it was aligned

with constellations particular to their ceremonies, such as the constellation of Orion (David 9). A room

inside the structure is used to store ceremonial items such as costumes and instruments. The ladder inside

the kiva also symbolizes the Hopi people’s emergence from the underworld (Bonvillain 5). The Hopi saw

this as their place of origin, where they were born and came into the world and also the place where they

would go in the afterlife (David 2-3). Their direct connection to the underworld was a sipapu, a hole on

the floor of a kiva. Kivas also contained a fire pit at the center (David 3). The Hopi story of origin shows

how the Hopi first established their belief system; they believed they emerged from the third world, or the

underworld, into the fourth world, the earth. Conflict arouse in the underworld and the Hopi people tried

to find a way out (Bonvillain 2). Those Hopi who were righteous were the ones who emerged by climbing

up a ladder symbolized by the ladders found on kivas (David 4). Four chiefs led the Hopi people into the

fourth world; these chiefs had each had the task of planting an ear of corn in one of the four cardinal

directions; the meaning of which was to outline their beliefs and establish their religious practices

(Bonvillain 2). Their belief system demonstrates their desire for peace and cooperation in their way of

life. They claim that a knowledge of these principles will allow them to live in harmony with their
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environment as well as in harmony with their deities and ancestor spirits (Bonvillain 3-4). In some

versions, the Spider Woman was the first deity to emerge into the fourth world; her job is to protect the

Hopi from the evil that found its way into the fourth world nand come to their aid in times of trouble

(xvii). ​The Kachinas were powerful beings who are believed to be the spirits of Hopi ancestors and are

key in performing ceremonies and rites. In these rituals and ceremonies, Hopi men depict kachinas by

dressing in special costumes, adorned with masks, and headdresses, and honoring them through the use

songs, dances, and prayers; some of these rites teach children to express honor and respect for their

ancestor spirits and also teach children of the spiritual power of Kachinas (Bonvillain 8). The power of

Kachina Spirits can also be seen in Hopi mythology such as in Malotkis’ telling of The Boy Who Wanted

to Be a Medicine Man; Kachina spirits answer the protagonists’ prayer to become a medicine man and

carry out an initiation ceremony in which the Kachinas whip the boy to death and subsequently revive

him through their dances; after the ceremony, the boy can heal and becomes a powerful medicine man

(15) . When the Hopi carry out these rites, they are believed to harness the spiritual power of kachinas

(Bonvillain 9). The purpose of these ceremonies is to secure the Kachina spirits favor so they will

reciprocate with blessing the Hopi people, particularly with water (Bonvillain 9-10), though they’re also

believed to bring them food and other blessings (Bonvillain F).

The mythology of the Hopi demonstrates another aspect of that helps us understand how their

way of life way influenced by their belief system (Malotki 2001). Hopi Mythology offers us insights into

their story of origin, spirituality, as well as their beliefs about death and the after life. Many of these

mythologies deal with the themes of witchcraft and shamanism; these offer us insights into their views on

these practices. Witchcraft was seen as very negative by the Hopi people because those who practiced it

invariably hurt their loved ones and their community (xx). In fact, they believed that those who practiced

witchcraft would be punished with severe punishments in the spirit world (Malotki, 2001). Shamanism,

on the other hand, was seen as life-giving; shamans had the ability to cure people of illnesses and promote
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spirituality within the community (Malotki, 2001). Their mythology also demonstrates their belief deities,

mainly in the Spider woman which they saw as the primordial grandmother of all people. The Spider

woman was there as a teacher who aided the Hopi, and reminded them about the importance of life and

death; her advice, if followed, would free them from peril (Malotki xvii). In many mythologies, the Spider

Woman appears in times of peril where she instructs the hopi to dig their heel into the ground; the hole

then becomes bigger and the spider woman is able to aid them by giving them her medicines and

life-saving instructions (Malotky chapter 1). Those who ignore her instructions find themselves caught in

the traps of their enemies. For example​,​ in the story of The Man Who Travelled to Maski, with the aid of

the Spider Woman, the protagonist succeeds in winning his wife back from the Maski, the world of the

dead, but he loses her at the very end because he disregards the Spider Woman’s advice not to sleep with

his wife until they have reached the village (Malotki 57). Other mythologies such as An Oribai Boy’s

Visit to Maski, give us insight into Hopi beliefs about the afterlife; after death, the spirit would journey

towards a place the Hopi called paradise. We find that those who had done many wrongs in their lives had

their progress impeded with loads placed on their backs, as a result of heavy loads, some only moved

forward a step per year. Those Hopi spirits that made it to paradise, no matter what had happened to their

body during their life-time, became like children who kept progressing in the spirit world.

The way modern hopis practice their religion has been impacted as a result of efforts to anglicize

and modernize them. For example, Hopi religion has been impacted by christian missionaries, who in ​the

second half of the nineteenth century brought about the establishment of christian missions on Hopi lands.

However most of these missions did not have much success, as Hopies resisted missionaries efforts to

christianize them (Loftin 53) An exception were the Mormon missionaries who were able to convert some

Hopis to Mormonism without force (Loftin 66). Indeed, because Mormons tolerated their religious

practices, Mormon-Hopis did not have to abandon Hopi religion and felt they could be Mormon while

holding on to their Hopi ways (Loftin 66). However, many Hopi who were Mormons ceased doing Hopi
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rituals because of prophecies saying they should end these practices once the true religion was brought to

them by the white men, who would not force their conversion and offer this religion humbly. The

prophecy claims all people will eventually convert to this church as be unified as one people (Loftin

66-67). Loss of lands has also impacted Hopi religion, as their way of life is in many ways tied to their

ability to live off the land (Loftin 87). To illustrate, loss of farmland means many Hopi no longer pray for

rainfall (Loftin 86); it also means an increased reliance on mainstream resources and further threatened

the sacredness of Hopi lands. For instance, the Hopi have ambivalent attitudes about developing the land

through industrial methods for economic growth; traditional chiefs expressed this need to protect the land

noting that, ‘“If the land is abused, then Hopi life will disappear.’” (Bonvillain 69). There is a reluctance

to even use technology to preserve their culture through the use of photographs or recordings because the

Hopi see these means as interrupting Hopi life and because they reason that something that interrupts the

Hopi way of life and did not originate from Hopi culture, is not a sufficient means for preserving their

traditions (Loftin 60- 62).

Adjusting to changes of the modern age; may mean the Hopi culture will eventually merge into

mainstream culture. This is evidenced by Hopi prophecies that at one point their culture will end and that

they must eventually join mainstream life if they are to survive (Loftin 102). Despite their efforts to retain

their culture, modern life has changed their lifestyle; though they still perform ceremonies for religious

reasons, though with less frequency; today, the ceremonies that the Hopi still perform are performed on

weekends because adults work during the week to earn a living (85-86). They also see a difference in

values between Western culture and Hopi culture; they believe that they have to choose what values to

take from white people and feel that whites cannot expect the Hopi to solve their problems just as the

Hopi cannot expect the whites to solve theirs (Loftin 70). Only time will tell what values the Hopi chose

to integrate into their culture in order to ensure the survival of their culture.
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Bibliography

Bonvillain, Nancy. 2005. ​The Hopi: Indians of North America​. Newark NJ: Chelsea House Publishers.

David, Gary A. 2010. ​The Kivas of Heaven : Ancient Hopi Starlore​. Kempton, Ill: Adventures Unlimited
Press.
https://libprox1.slcc.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=5
45686&site=eds-live​.

Loftin, John D. 2003. ​Religion and Hopi Life​. Vol. 2nd ed. Religion in North America. Bloomington:
Indiana University Press.
https://libprox1.slcc.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=9
2055&site=eds-live​.

Malotki, Ekkehart & Gary, Ken. 2001. ​Hopi Stories Of Witchcraft, Shamanism, and Magic.​ University of
Nebraska Press.