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P MINAES
Any Ancient Warfare theme falls into one 60th issue of Ancient Warfare one of the
of four rough categories: we have prob- best-illustrated ever, I think.
lematic literary sources and there are few I have two points of order. First, there
artefacts to illustrate it (a.k.a. editorial is the matter of the book reviews. You
nightmare fuel, unfortunately more com- might have noticed they’d disappeared in
mon than we’d like); we have good literary issue XI.1 and there aren’t any in this is-
sources, but there are few artefacts to illus- sue either. We are currently brooding on
trate it (think the late Roman republic); we plans for that section and evaluating how
have good literary sources and artefacts are we’ve handled them so far. That said, I re-
plentiful (e.g. Roman campaigns in Germa- alise very well that a review, whether good
nia and Britain); or we have problematic or bad, in Ancient Warfare may help you
literary sources, but the artefacts are plenti- decide about buying said book, or even
ful. For this latter category, you might think draw your attention to books you might
of Trajan’s campaigns in Dacia, which otherwise have missed. A magazine like
have to be reconstructed from surviving this has a task in that respect. Second (and
fragments of literary sources and mostly sort of related), if you have any suggestions
from the narrative of Trajan’s Column. The for the review section, or any comments
current topic would also fall in this final on the newly-introduced regular features
category. I’ve had a wonderful time trawl- (‘Roman Army in Detail’, ‘Grave Matters’,
ing through my own photo archives, and ‘Tactically Speaking’), I’d love to hear from
through the online collections of various you. To get in touch, just send me an email
museums. There is so much equipment at editor@ancient-warfare.com.
and sculpture to choose from, topped off
by the amazing painted tombs. And as ‘The
Source’ in this issue shows, new ones are
still found, even though in this case it was Jasper Oorthuys
in the unfortunate circumstance of antiqui- Editor, Ancient Warfare
ties smuggling. All in all, that has made this
If you would like to write for one of these issues, please feel free to submit a
proposal. More information on submission deadlines and guidelines for arti- arti
cles can be found on our website: www.ancient-warfare.com.
many. The picture that emerges is of an attack Freiburg, identifies a centurion of the
on the fortress during which the extant grave- nineteenth legion, the Haltern garrison,
stones were wrecked. The attack was then as this man. Clearly he stayed in the le-
beaten off by the Romans and at least some gion and rose from simple centurion to
of the dead attackers dumped into a disused Praefectus Castrorum.
pottery kiln. The Roman garrison subsequent- It is not a new supposition, but the
ly kept using the base, and built new grave- odds of Haltern being the as-yet unidenti-
stones along the roads outside the fortress. In fied location of the fort ‘Aliso’ have certainly
short: the fort weathered the storm. improved. This may also mean that at least
According to a recent interview in some of the finds from Haltern belong to
Die Welt with Dr.Rudolf Aßkamp, the Germanicus’ campaigns that followed the
Haltern museum director, to all this we Varian disaster. And yes, it doesn’t help the
can now add one of the few tantaliz- case for those who want to maintain that
ing cases of archaeology confirming a Kalkriese is the site for the AD 9 battle.
surviving narrative. Velleius Paterculus For those interested in these matters,
2.120.4 states that the camp at Aliso the Haltern museum will host a special
was defended by the prefect Lucius Cae- exhibition on Germanicus’ campaigns
dicius. A lead marker from the Alpine entitled ‘Triumph without victory’ from
campaigns in 15 BC, in the museum in June 2 to November 5.
MANY IO O
The history of Italy in the fourth century BC reads like a list of relentless
wars. Many aspired for greater power, and states and groups such as
Tarentum, Rome, the Etruscans and the Samnites can all be described
as military and ferocious. Without any real diplomacy (at least as we
would recognize it), any disagreements could escalate quickly.
D
and money, up to thousands of talents, was
iplomacy in the fourth century demanded. The defeated enemies were
was hampered by the lack of tied up with Rome through bilateral trea-
a regular exchange of infor- ties in which Rome could demand military
mation, as well as a lack of equipment, soldiers, and ships according
Bronze Etruscan war- procedure. The envoys would only meet to their need, and which were confirmed
rior dated to the early to make demands in public, often so late each year. The allies were given their tasks
3rd century BC. The that disagreements had already developed in Rome by the consuls on the occasion
nicely detailed statu- when the Roman magistrates were elected;
into a state of conflict, and the demands,
ette is obviously armed
from what we know, were impossible to the list, called the formula togatorum, was
with a sword. He might
have held a spear, and accept; their only role was to justify the kept to determine their annual military
is well protected with war. With this in mind, there was nothing contributions. The allies then held their
a Montefortino-style exceptional about either Roman or Taren- own drafts to fulfil the required quota.
helmet and what could tine militarism. They acted just as harshly The Romans defeated their long-time
be either quilted ar- as other states. enemy Veii in 396. With this conquest,
mour, or a reinforced, During the fourth century, the Roman Rome increased its territory by some 562
lamellar tube-and-yoke conquest of Italy steadily progressed, while km2 (217 mi2) and gained control of the
style corselet. at the same time Tarentum sought to ex- entire Tiber valley. When we include some
© Public Domain, The Walters
pand its power in the south. The interests smaller territorial gains made in the fifth
Museum of Art.
of these two states clashed first over Naples century from Fidenae and Labici, we can
in 326; the final conflict, the Pyrrhic War estimate that the Ager Romanus (lit. “field
(282-272), made Tarentum a subordinate of of Rome”, the Roman territory), which in
Rome, and with it, Rome become the sole 495 had included 900 km2 (347 mi2), had
ruler of Italy south of the Po Valley. grown by 396 to c. 1582 km2 (611 mi2).
Rome had become the largest urban settle-
The Roman way of war ment in central Italy.
The Romans operated with a citizen army
to which their allies contributed. Wars Roman allies and enemies
were a way of increasing Rome’s military During the wars between Rome and Veii,
capacity in many different ways; they the Etruscan cities acted and fought as indi-
brought new land and wealth to the Ro Ro- vidual states, never forming a front against
man state and to the soldiers involved. Rome. Tarquinii seems to have supported
Military pay was introduced in 406. The Veii – as did the Latin-speaking Capenates
Romans imposed indemnities on their de de- and Faliscans living north of Veii – while
feated enemies starting from 394: to begin Clusium remained neutral and Rome’s long-
with, they demanded clothing and food for time ally Caere supported Rome. The fort in
After the Gallic sack in 390, the Romans Samnium in south-central Italy; since the
constructed a new wall around their city, fifth century they formed a Campanian state
over 11 kilometres (7 mi) in length, which with its capital in Capua. Rome fought the
enclosed an area of c. 426 hectares (1050 Samnites in three wars (341, 327-304 and
acres). The wall was built of finely dressed 298-291). These wars presented Rome with
masonry; the stone came from the Grotta critical situations where the Roman expan-
Oscura quarries in the territory of Veii. sion could have ceased, for instance in 321,
started taking place in the final years and old structure of city-states and alliances be-
after the death of Dionysius I. In the 370s tween cities. This development is especially
and 360s, Tarentine influence was visible visible with the so-called successor states
in an area that reached from Rhegium to in the east, when the generals of Alexander
Illyria and to Naples. The city became fa- the Great competed for his legacy. Howev-
mous for its cavalry especially, but it also er, the creation of larger states was also at-
tempted – and failed – in the west. It seems Bronze muscle cuirras from
had the best port in southern Italy and the
that Agathocles tried to bring about the southern Italy, middle of the 4th
largest fleet among the western Greeks. century BC, now in the British
Tarentum held an influential role in the union of Sicilian and south Italian Greeks
Museum, London.
politics and military life of Magna Graecia. under his rule. Pyrrhus did not just fight
© Karwansaray BV.
The Tarentines used their power and sent the Romans, but also attacked the
ambassadors and warships to conflict situ- Carthaginian possessions in
ations with the purpose of changing them Sicily and made plans for
to suit the Tarentine interests. Besides of- an invasion in Africa.
fering help to the beleaguered Napolitans,
Tarentum sent a fleet of twenty ships to Roman-Tarentine treaty
support Agrigentum and other Greek cit- According to Appian,
ies in their war effort against Syracuse in there was an old trea-
315/14. The Tarentines also made an at- ty between Rome and
tempt to mediate between the Romans and Tarentum about interinter-
the Samnites at Luceria in 320. est spheres: the Romans
Tarentum had persistent issues with the were forbidden from sail-
indigenous people in the highlands who ing beyond the promon-
attacked Tarentine territory. Besides their tory of Lacinium, meaning
army, the Tarentines called in foreign com- that they were forbidden
manders with mercenary troops to defend from sailing into the Gulf
of Tarentum. It is plausible
their interests. First, Archidamus of Sparta
GIONARY IN
HANUS?
A newly-discovered tomb fresco from Paestum, Italy, may be a
unique depiction of a Roman prisoner from the era of the Samnite
or Pyrrhic wars. The prisoner shown was probably of high stature,
captured in battle and taken to Paestum as a hostage.
I
probably a mule. He is perhaps a member
talian police recently recovered five of the horseman’s retinue, and is dressed
frescoed slabs stolen from a tomb dated in a dark cloak and a revealingly short,
to the late fourth to early third century white, decorated tunic, as is common par-
BC, in the ancient city of Paestum. Con- ticularly for Samnite warriors of the era.
sidering its age, the images from the tomb He is equipped with a bronze or gilded
are likely to be related to the Samnite Wars bronze belt, a round shield, partially hid-
or possibly the Pyrrhic War. The five frescoes den by his cloak, light boots, and two jave-
depict the return of a triumphant warrior on lins from which one of the three standard
horseback, a noble lady and her slave girls, spoils is suspended, a shield. The mule is
and an armed young man leading a beast of loaded with the spoils of war, and a small
burden. Each slab has a ragged crack across lapdog, a symbol of wealth, lies on top.
the middle, having been cut in two parts to The triumphant warrior on horseback is Detail of the fresco of
make smuggling easier. The recovered paint- clearly the centre of attention. He was prob- the young warrior, who
ings, after restoration, will be on display at ably a member of the aristocracy in Paes- is equipped with a
the Paestum Archaeological Museum, Italy. tum and is well equipped for war. He wears bronze shield, bronze
a bronze or gilded muscle cuirass, and a belt and two javelins
Paestum was founded as a Greek colony
from which hangs a
on the border between the ancient regions of bronze or gilded crested ‘Attic’ helmet deco-
captured shield.
Campania and Lucania on the coast of the rated with white feathers. He wears a short
© Emilio Laguardia.
Tyrrhenian Sea in southern Italy. The colo- tunic under his cuirass, a white cloak with a
nists called it Poseidonia, after Poseidon, the red border, and a pick spur on his left ankle.
Greek god of the sea. The city was captured His horse wears a bronze chamfron and a
by the Lucanians in the late fifth century BC, bronze peytral (or perhaps a captured bronze
and henceforth Greek and Oscan lived side belt), from which a
by side. After the Samnite Wars and then Pyr- blood-stained tunic
rhus’ campaigns, the city fell under Roman is suspended. The
control and became a colonia. Now named latter would be the
Paestum, it was a loyal ally to Rome even second of the triple spoils.
during the darkest days of the Punic Wars. The triumphant warrior is escort-
ed by another soldier. He is dressed
The frescoes in a short tunic with light-blue stripes,
This set of damaged frescoes adds some another bronze belt, and a felt or fur
amazing details to the standard image. hat, and carries two javelins from
NOWD
HORSEN
Once the Romans stood victorious at the end of the Third Samnite
War in 290 BC, they increasingly turned their eyes to Magna Graecia
and the territories of southern Italy. The area was populated with
competing ethnic groups, but the land was ideal for breeding horses.
Unsurprisingly, that’s where cavalry in Italy was found.
T
the Romans with the decapitated heads of
he Romans were already well their comrades stuck on the ends of spears.
aware of the importance of cavalry Such terrifying displays were highly effective
from their encounters with mount- and did much to increase the fear that spread
ed enemies like the Gauls, but as throughout the Roman ranks even before
Tarentine cavalrymen they further interacted with the formidable they faced the horsemen in combat.
as depicted on local southern horsemen, the prestige and quality Like the mounted troops of southern
coinage. The bottom of their own cavalry increased as well. Italy and the Romans, the Gallic cavalry-
coin clearly shows the men of northern Italy were aristocratic war-
cavalryman with one Gallic horse riors. Often lightly armed and armoured, the
javelin in his right
The horsemen of southern Italy were re- horsemen commonly fought as skirmishers
hand and two held in conjunction with the mass assaults of
behind a round shield nowned for their exceptional skill and mar-
more numerous contingents of infantry. As
with his left. tial prowess, yet early Roman armies did not
some of the wealthiest Gallic warriors, the
© Wikimedia Commons come into conflict with them nearly as much
cavalrymen certainly wore more protection
as with other cavalrymen of the peninsula.
than the foot soldiers. While the majority of
Long before the Romans intervened in
the infantrymen were lucky to have any kind
the affairs of Magna Graecia, the Re Re-
of armour at all, all Gallic horsemen carried
public was regularly in conflict with
shields and most wore metal helmets, along
the Gauls to the north, allies of the
with body armour as well whenever pos-
people of Samnium on several oc- sible. Sometime near the end of the fourth
casions during the fourth and early century BC, Gallic armoursmiths invented
third centuries BC. Even though the iron chainmail. The protection quickly be-
impressive foot soldiers of the Gauls came very popular among the northern
were considered the most important warriors; therefore, all cavalrymen (and foot
troops of their armies, the Gallic horse
horse- troops) who could afford the revolutionary
men were an extremely deadly part of armour made sure to acquire it for combat.
their forces as well. In 295 BC, a tribe Yet the most elite Gallic cavalrymen
from Cisalpine Gaul known as the wore more than just mail shirts and hel-
Senones defeated the Romans in bat- mets in order to display their affluence and
tle. Afterwards, the Gallic horsemen prestige as much as possible. For instance,
ards at around 13.1 hh (approx. 135 cm, for another assault with the javelin. When Museum of Art.
4’6”) on average, Apulian horses were fighting infantry, the targets of these attacks
were mostly either the flanks or rear of the
well known in antiquity. With these su-
formation, in an attempt to cause disruption
perb beasts of war at their disposal, the
and panic to spread throughout the ranks so
Tarentines became some of the best caval-
that the formation would collapse. Then, as
rymen of the ancient world.
DER PSSE
Magna Graecia, circa 300 BC, was struggling. While not every city
was on the brink of defeat and loss of identity, when compared
to the grandeur and dominance of two hundred years before,
the Greeks in Italy had fallen to a sorry state. By comparison, the
native peoples of Italy were better organized than in the preced-
ing centuries, and more successful in war.
T
was the trade emporium, Pithecusae, on
he Romans stood above all oth- the island of Ischia just outside the Gulf
ers at this time, coming off the of Naples. Its modest foundation in the
back of their spectacular victories eighth century BC marked the beginning
Italian warrior wear-
in the Second ‘Great’ Samnite of Greek colonization in Italy. The Eu- ing what seems to
War. But even the Samnites themselves, as boeans founded Cumae, across the Gulf be a Corinthian-style
well as fellow Italians, the Lucanians and on the mainland, soon afterwards. Cumae helmet, and greaves.
Campanians, increasingly got the better of in turn founded Neapolis, the “new city,” Though his spear and
their Greek rivals, sacking several cities and further north along the Gulf, which is now shield are missing, it's
settling them with their own colonists. The Naples. The Ionians also established the clear he was sculpted
settlements of Elea and Siris, as well as ready to strike with
Greeks of Italy were under severe pressure,
the former, holding
and their responses to Italian pressure, both Rhegium on the toe of Italy.
the latter in the 'Mid-
Roman and from the other Italian peoples, The Achaean cities clustered more to
dle Ward' (see page
shaped the subsequent decades, allowing the south. This collection of cities seems to 44) position. Late 6th
for the establishment of total Roman domi- have carried over their forebears’ federal in- century BC, now in the
nance in the peninsula. clinations, as major Achaean centres Cro- Louvre, Paris.
The Italian Greeks, or Italiots, were far ton, Sybaris, and Caulonia formed a league © Karwansaray BV.
from a unified group. Just as Greece itself much like the Achaean League in mainland
was riven with divisions between different Greece, according to Polybius. Croton and
cities, groups of cities defined themselves Sybaris fought a decisive war in the fifth
against each other through ethnic terms. century which supposedly involved hun-
The Italiots hearkened back to the ethnic- dreds of thousands of soldiers. Croton,
ity of their mother cities, or metropoleis. led by their Olympic wrestling victor,
The Greeks treated their ethnicities as fictive Milo, carried the day and wiped Sybaris
blood ties, imagining the Greek race de- from the map. This early conflict pres-
scending from the mythical Hellen. Hellen aged the propensity for existential conflict
had three sons: Dorus, Xuthus, and Aeolus. in Magna Graecia. Croton continued its
Xuthus’ two sons were Ion and Achaeus. The role as chief Achaean city and intermittent
different Italiot cities asserted their lineal de- hegemon of the Italiot League.
scent from Dorus, Ion, and Achaeus, form- There were generally fewer Dorian
ing the Dorians, Ionians, and Achaeans. cities in the Italian Peninsula, and Taren-
tum was by far the most important. Dorian
Greeks in Italy Corinth colonized a number of cities, but
The Ionian cities were primarily settled most of them were concentrated in Sicily,
by the Euboean cities of Chalcis and Er- to the south. The Tarentines traced their ori-
mother city sacked and repopulated, the mans’ growing reputation for respecting
Neapolitans understood the stakes of allies may have played a role; yet more
war. More than anything, they wanted to fundamental, perhaps, was a common Late 4th century helmet of a
Phrygo-Chalcidian type with
maintain their culture and something of cultural framework that allowed proud
a decorated spiked crest and
their autonomy, which was embedded Neapolitans to accept Roman suzerainty
hinged cheek-pieces. The Chalcid-
in their civic life. To use Aristotle’s defi- during the Samnite Wars. ian style, both in its simplest
nition, a human is defined as a political These power dynamics were well form and in highly decorated
animal (Zoôn Politikon), as in an inhabit- and good for the beleaguered Greek cit- versions, was quite popular in
ant of a polis, or city (Aristotle, 1253a). ies of central Italy, which faced a choice Magna Graecia.
The tribal societies of most of their Italian between accommodation or annihilation. © Mougins Museum of Classical Art.
neighbours thus seemed alien and exis- In the south, meanwhile, the Italiots main-
tentially threatening to the urban Italiots. tained a semi-functional alliance of strong
Rome, while initially viewed as a cities led by Tarentum. The latter city
threat, was different from the local Cam- warred continuously with the neighbour-
panians and powerful Samnites. Influ- ing Iapygian tribe and Greek rivals. Yet as
enced by the sophisticated Etruscans to time drew on, several of those rivals suc-
the north and the Greeks themselves, cumbed to Italian pressure.
the Romans developed an urban culture
which the Greeks of Neapolis recog- The rise of Tarentum
nized as familiar. Though contemporary These wars had an edge of brutality rarely
evidence is scarce, later Greeks imagined seen in mainland Greece. Just as the cit-
deep connections between themselves ies of Campania faced annihilation,
and Rome. Dionysius of Halicarnassus battles between Italian tribes and the
even went so far as to posit that Latin was Italiots were often fought without
a mixture of barbaric and the Greek dia- quarter. Diodorus Siculus records
lect, Aeolic (1.90.1). one battle in the 390s where the
Lucanian army killed 10,000
Freedom and independence Greeks from a coalition of Thurii,
Across the Hellenistic world, Macedonian Locri, and Rhegium (14.102). The
successor kings mouthed the slogans of fertile land and broad agricul-
eleutheria and autonomia, freedom and tural hinterlands per city led to
independence. The Ptolemies and Seleu- large urban populations in Mag-
cids in particular boasted of their respect na Graecia. These large numbers
for the traditional independence of the seemed to increase the intensity of
Greeks, and blasted their opponents for war and the amount of bloodletting.
PIENG IT
A T ER
Italy showed an accentuated ethnic and cultural differentiation at the
end of the 4th century and the beginning of the 3rd century BC. It was
a particularly significant period for the relationship between Rome and
the Italic peoples, with all sides struggling to survive in an extremely
warlike and competitive environment. All of these cultures and identi-
ties would eventually fuse into one, but that was yet to come.
T
ance of neighbouring or related populations
he ethnic identities of ancient Italy for which we have less data. This can create
were defined during the Iron Age. a false sense of cultural uniformity.
In this period the Greek influ- Another difficulty, especially for cen-
ence was decisive, but Etruscan, tral and southern Italy, is the Greek influ-
Celtic, and Illyrian contributions were also ence. This cultural model became very pop-
very important. Native traditions dating from ular with the Italic elites, who in turn are
the Bronze Age also played a role in creat- always the best represented in both literary
ing an extremely varied ethnic and cultural sources and the archaeological record. This
landscape, that is still visible in the regional makes it harder to recreate the common
diversity found throughout modern Italy. man: did they follow the same trends as the
The re-enactment of this historical elites, or retain the material and immaterial
period is an extremely fascinating and culture that derived from an ethnic identity
significant challenge. All the ancient peo- rooted in the Bronze age? We must ask if
(Opposite page) ples of Italy had a distinct cultural identity, the sources actually show an Italic or Italiot
Recreated Italic
though they also shared important traits, of the fourth century, or rather depict how
cavalrymen. Though
especially with neighbouring tribes. he wanted to be represented.
it's difficult to iden-
tify their culture Archaeological sources, which are use- Due to the similar shortage of data,
or tribe from their ful for reconstructing appearance, lifestyle the image of a Roman soldier from this
equipment, the fact and military practices, are often incomplete. period has been composed of an aggre-
that they all seem Much of this information comes from buri- gation of various Etruscan and Italic ele-
to be equipped with als, so the different funeral rituals greatly ments, under the assumption that the Ro-
thrusting spears, affect how much we can know about these mans adopted everything useful from the
suggests we are
peoples. In some cases, tomb paintings neighboring peoples. So our reconstruction
looking at heavier
(such as those from the Lucanians of Paes- of a "typical" Roman legionary of the period
cavalry, such as
Campanians or tum or the Etruscans of southern Etruria), are contains nothing that is exclusively Roman
Lucanian cavalry. our primary source for reconstructing the or Latin in origin! Despite all of these dif-
© Vito Maglie, 'I Cavalieri appearance of a specific Italic people. How- ficulties though, reenacting the period is an
di li Terre Tarentine'. ever, these invaluable pictures may tempt us informative and worthwhile challenge.
T
the two peoples.
he Samnites were an Oscan- By the time the Third War began in 298,
speaking group of Italian hill peo- the tide of the war had turned in Rome’s fa-
ples who, during the Iron Age, vour, despite her disastrous and humiliat-
were located along the southern ing defeat at the Caudine Forks in 321 BC.
Apennines, to the southeast of Latium. They By 296, the main Samnite army had been
were related to the Sabines and the Sabelli. driven north out of Samnium into Etruria,
The Samnites proper were composed of and the Romans freely pillaged Samnite
The classic Montefor- lands. In Etruria the Samnite commander
four separate clans: the Carracini, Caudi-
tino helmet survives in
ni, Hirpini, and Pentri (the most important Gellius Egnatius persuaded the Etruscans to
hundreds of examples
and was widely used of the clans), which were in turn divided ally with him, and also hired many Gallic
throughout Italy for into tribes, and were grouped together in a mercenaries, mostly from the Senones tribe.
centuries. This 4th loosely knit confederation. The native name To counter this threat, the consul al-
century BC sample of this people was Safineis, with the region located to Samnium, Volumnius, marched
comes from Etruria and they inhabited being known as Safinium. north to join his colleague Appius Claudius
has decorated cheek- The Romans interpreted this as Samnites, in Etruria. Together they defeated the com-
pieces. Now in the while the Greeks called them Saunitai and bined Etruscans and Samnites, though it was
Metropolitan Museum
their territory Saunitis. not decisive. In the absence of the consul,
of Art, New York.
new Samnite forces laid waste to Campania
© Rogers Fund, 1908, the Met-
ropolitan Museum of Art.
The Samnite War and the Falernian district, gathering large
The Samnite War lasted from 343 BC quantities of booty and prisoners. Volum-
to the 280s BC, over 60 years, with nius’ force marched back to Samnium, how-
various interludes of peace and ever, and caught up with the heavily laden
truces. In modern times the column, taking it by surprise and defeating
German historian Niebuhr it. Nevertheless, great alarm was caused in
arbitrarily divided it into Rome, exacerbated by news that the Etrus-
three, conventionally cans were again mobilising. To make things
called the First Samnite yet worse, the Etruscans were joined by Gel-
War (343-341 BC), the lius Egnatius with the main Samnite army,
Second (326-304 BC) and now the Umbrians as well. Moreover,
and the Third (298- great sums of money were being offered to
280s BC). Its origins the Gauls if they would join too.
lay simply in mutual ex-
pansion: Rome and the The campaign
Samnites were bound In the crisis, Rome levied more troops than
to clash along one of the ever before, perhaps over 50,000 in total.
real Roman historian was Fabius Pictor, who wrote his work just after the end of
the Hannibalic War c. 200 BC. For the period of the Samnite Wars, he had to rely
on sources going back to unreliable annalists, and family traditions, which named
different consuls for the same year, and different victors triumphing! Also, many of
the ‘glorious victories’ reported by Livy may have been indecisive victories at best
and downright defeats at worst, because Livy was also very patriotic, hence inclined
to exaggerate Roman victories and gloss over defeats, as reported in his sources.
We also have lesser information via Polybius (Book 2), Diodorus Siculus (Book 16),
Appian (Samnite Wars), ), Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Books 17 and 18), Frontinus
(Stratagems),
), and excerpts in the later historians Justin, Zonaras, and Eutropius.
SWORD, SPR,
OR JE N?
The fourth century BC was a tumultuous time for military systems and
strategies. In this period, regions like Italy became something of a test-
ing ground as cultures clashed. On the equipment side, swordsmen,
spearmen, and javelineers contested for tactical supremacy.
A
troops such as the peltast and the Mac-
t the time, Italy was a di- edonian phalangite, which allowed much
vided land. The Etruscans wider recruitment from a larger population
controlled the northern part base. Thus in general, the individual wealth
of the peninsula, Latin- and of recruits sharply affected what equipment
Oscan-speaking Italians the central and and tactics were employed.
inland southern territories, and Greek set- The Italian peoples, sandwiched be- Bronze statuette of an
tlers (Italiots) claimed the southern coast. tween Greeks to the south, Gauls to the Etruscan or Roman war-
North of Italy proper, in the Po river val- north, and Illyrians to the east, built up a rior wearing a simple
ley, lived the Gauls, who gradually seized military that often comprised the elements helmet and carrying a
territory from the Etruscans. To the east, of these other peoples. So it will be best non-Greek-style shield
to first give an overview of each, focusing with a central spine. Now
the Illyrians occasionally raided the Adri-
upon the infantry. in the Archaeological
atic coast, and also settled in Apulia, the
Museum of Cortona, Italy.
south-eastern corner of Italy.
Italy saw a lot of wars in the fourth
Swords of the north © Karwansaray BV.
could keep the more inexperienced troops the Tarentine soldiers having more military
from breaking. The hoplite phalanx was a experience. Tarentum had a disproportion-
strong formation, especially on flat terrain, ately large aristocracy, which may account
but once broken, it could not be easily re- for their expertise with cavalry. In a time
formed. Late in the fourth century, some when cavalry rarely exceeded 10% of a
Italiots began adopting the more rectangu- force under arms, in Tarentine armies it
lar shields of the north, which they called could reach as high as 20%.
the thureos. Mercenary Tarentine cavalry soon be-
The Italiots had won their lands in came sought after, with enough imitators
Italy through conquest, and many of these that ‘Tarentine’ began to refer to equipment
settlements had increased their territories rather than origin. Contemporary Greeks
through offering land and citizenship to described Tarentum, a Spartan colony and
soldiers considering abandoning war-torn major trade port, as having the advantages
mainland Greece. This meant that the of both Athens and Sparta in the fifth cen-
An aspis-style round shield
Italiot hoplite forces tended to be a bit tury. In addition to an army of 30,000 in-
with a still recognizable picture
more seasoned and experienced than their fantry and 4,000 cavalry, the Tarentines had
of a woman and Eros, from
Centuripe, a Greek community counterparts to the east. This development arguably the largest individual fleet in Italy.
in Sicily. First half of the 3rd of actively recruiting citizens also serves as The Tarentines tried to exert hegemo-
century BC, now in the Allard an indication that warfare in fourth-centu- ny over the Italiots, just as Syracuse tried to
Pierson Museum, Amsterdam. ry Italy took a serious toll upon the Italiot exert hegemony over both the Italiot and
© Karwansaray BV. citizen body. Siceliot Greeks, and as the Spartans had
Of the fourth-century Italiot states,
earlier done over the Peloponnese. Ulti-
Tarentum stands out as the
mately, though, these attempts to unite the
dominant power. The Taren
Taren-
Italiots failed, as the other Italiot cities had
tines outfitted a powerful
little desire for an overlord. Only when
force with an unusu
unusu-
the local Lucanians, Bruttians, and Iapy-
ally strong arm of
ges invaded did these cities form any real
javelin-armed cav
cav-
alliances (and in some cases, Italiot cities
alry. The Taren
Taren-
sided with the Italians against would-be
tines cheerfully
hegemons like Tarentum).
hired mercenar
mercenar-
Individually the Italiot cities could be
ies when they
ruled by democracies or tyrannies, with
needed them
the latter probably being more common.
and hired out
Generals could be elected by councils or
their own solsol-
chosen by tyrants. Unlike its contemporar-
diers as merce
merce-
ies, Tarentum seems to have produced few
naries when they
did not. Beyond military minds of note, and relied heavily
the financial ben ben- on the quality of its troops.
efits, this resulted in By the late fourth century, Tarentum,
despite its many victories, simply did not
principes and triarii, who were equipped 8.8) indicate that a few spear-armed troops
more like the Greeks, keeping the heavy initially remained in the front ranks. Wheth-
hasta and generally wearing heavier ar- er this was meant to mislead the enemy or
mour than the hastati, though they also to allow second or third ranks to participate
carried the Celtic/Italic scutum. Gradually in the front-line fighting, or simply repre-
the principes, originally outfitted more like sented soldiers who had not updated their
the triarii, changed over time to be more gear, is unclear.
like the hastati, but around 300 BC, the Etruscans in Roman service and other
principes were probably still spearmen Italian allies generally adopted the Roman
This group of figures, atop a
bronze container, show Hypnos with lighter armour than the triarii, though unit model, but there was limited stand-
(sleep) and Thanatos (death) they would also carry pila. The Roman ardization of equipment, and soldiers
carrying the slain Trojan Sarpe- shield was an oval, almost rectangular might well have a Greek breastplate, Etrus-
don off the battlefield. The shield, an Italic/Celtic design with a cen- can helmet, and Celtic sword. This lack
winged figures are dressed as tral ridge, easily distinguishable from the of standardization for units also makes it
contemporary Italic warriors, round Greek shields of the south. difficult to ascertain whether military arte-
bronze, early 4th century BC, Judging from archaeological remains, facts were local or foreign.
now in the Cleveland Museum of the Romans individually adopted Celtic Italian cavalry generally followed Hel-
Art, Cleveland, Ohio. breast-
mail, Etruscan lamellar, and Greek breast lenistic norms in terms of weapons and ar-
© Karwansaray BV.
plates piecemeal before settling on mour. This may have been little more than
mail later in the third century (so conspicuous consumption: wearing a more
Polybius reports), and Hellenized panoply was the sign of a wealthy
by the mid-second man. For what it’s worth, the Greek historian
century, mail would Polybius insists (6.25) that the Romans adopt-
be seen as a par- ed Greek-style cavalry equipment not for sty-
ticularly Roman thing. listic reasons but because it was better.
Poorer soldiers (including The strength of the Roman innova-
hastati) wore a pectoral,
the hastati tion was that each style (sword, spear, or
a flat piece of brass strapped javelin) could be employed to its own in-
to the chest, or alternatively, dividual strengths. The weakness was that
the triple-disc pectoral of Roman commanders did not really under-
the Samnites. Some an an- stand what those strengths were and of-
cient reports (e.g. Livy ten deployed the legion ineffectively. This
ing clans from looking out for themselves afford to be hoplites became peltasts. In
on the battlefield, instead of for the entire Macedon, the cheaper corselet allowed
army. To this force, a varying proportion of Philip and Alexander to mobilize more
professional mercenaries would be added. men. Later in the fourth century, Greek
All groups contributed to this mercenary armies swelled in size for battles through
pool: Celts and Campanians are found in temporarily employing mercenaries. By
Sicily, Illyrians in Greece and Cisalpine enjoining their allies and subjects to con-
Gaul, Greeks in Italy. The Romans took ac- tribute more troops than tribute, Rome ac-
tion to limit mercenary activity in the third cessed a much larger ‘reserve’ force than
century, forbidding their subjects from hir- other states had access to, and one that
ing themselves out as mercenaries, making kept growing as Rome fought.
treaties prohibiting their former enemies
from hiring soldiers out to Rome’s enemies, Dr. Aaron L. Beek (University of Mem-
and even restricting the trade of gold and phis) specializes in ancient piracy, mer-
silver coins to the Gauls (having coined cenaries, and historiography. He has
metal is obviously crucial for paying mer- also taught at the University of Minne-
cenaries). In this, they were largely success- sota and Massey University.
ful, and Rome’s adversaries started drawing
mercenaries from further afield (such as the
German mercenaries hired by Gallic states
in the first century). But by 300, the merce- Further reading
nary tradition was still alive and well. ♦ A.M. Eckstein, Mediterranean
Whereas other states tended to hire Anarchy, Interstate War, and the
specialists (e.g. cavalry, archers, and skir- Rise of Rome (Berkeley 2006)
mishers), the Romans tended to draw from
♦ J.Armstrong, Early Roman War-
the ranks of subjects and allies for these
fare: From the Regal Period to the
forces. In a sense, this different form of re-
First Punic War (Barnsley 2016)
cruitment was as much of an innovation as
the equipment. In the early fourth century,
HOP TE
How can you fight effectively whilst wearing a large round shield on
your arm? Very few traditional martial arts have much to say about the
subject, and when they do, there are always questions about how the
version taught today relates to that taught hundreds of years ago.
M
aspis of bronze, eight palms in diameter
odern combat sports can and not too concave” that Asclepiodotus
be fun, but the rules and (5.1) describes. Shields like these were
the safety precautions and commonly used by soldiers throughout
the audience’s expectations the sixteenth century, and continued in
always shape the form the fighting takes. use much later by civilians and fencers.
The historical martial arts, which died out Some were heavy and bulletproof, while
but left manuals for teachers or students, others were lighter. They were commonly
raise their own questions, but are much used with a straight sword about a metre
more open for analysis with well-tested long, or with one or two broad-bladed
scholarly tools from history, archaeolo- spears 2.4m (8’) long called partisans. But
gy, and physical training. While they are how do the techniques taught compare to
not ideal sources, these manuals at least the evidence in ancient sources?
give someone interested in learning how While moderns often imagine a hoplite
hoplites fought a place to start. fighting with the domed face of his shield
towards the enemy, ancient art more often
Shields in fencing manuals shows them with the edge towards the ene-
In their classic article, Stephen Hand and my and the dome facing towards the left. A
Paul Wagner noted that fencing manuals position like this was widely recommended
from renaissance Europe mainly deal with by fencers from the sixteenth to the eight-
two kinds of large shield. One is a special eenth century, but they also provide some
Decorated bronze long, narrow shield for duelling, which is crucial details and explanations of why this
greave, 4th century BC, described in many manuscripts from the is a good stance. A shield provides a strong
from Greece, now in the German-speaking countries and will not defence, but it is also slow and blocks the
Metropolitan Museum be discussed here. These manuals have wielder’s vision. A favourite technique was
of Art, New York, NY. been used to reconstruct techniques with to feint high, luring the opponent to raise
Hoplite combat, follow- Viking shields, and might be used by peo- their shield, then strike low. So there are
ing fencing instructions, ple interested in the thureos and in Celtic advantages to holding your shield in a way
may have focused on
or Germanic flat shields. The other shield that lets you see your opponent while al-
the legs and head.
type is the so-called rotella, a domed lowing you to defend most of your body
© Gift of Mr. and Mrs.
Jonathan P. Rosen, 1991. The
round shield with two straps for the fore- without a big movement of the shield.
Metropolitan Museum of Art. arm, about 60 cm (2’) in diameter. The The most popular starting position for
where formations were not as dense. the world teach a technique where the for-
Ancient art often shows hoplites hold- ward hand grips the spear loosely while the
ing their spears overhand, but a recent book rear hip and rear hand drive the weapon
doubted that this would be effective in hand- forward in a thrust, and swordsmen in fif-
to-hand combat. Manciolino did not share teenth century Italy and Republican China
this doubt, since he opened his section on the were both taught to wait with their weapon
partisan and rotella with holding the partisan low and parry upwards across the body
overhand and defending against a thrust to against opponents with more reach. Differ-
your forward leg. He also recommends that ent styles of boxing or staff fighting are not
fighters holding the partisan in both hands all the same, but the range of variation is
with the rotella on their arm should hold it smaller than one might expect.
with the rear hand and not the front hand The renaissance fencing masters focus
high. Polybius seems to expect that the men on single combat not great battles, and at
in a Macedonian phalanx would hold their first that might seem like a great difference
sarissas slanting upwards (18.30), but both between them and ancient soldiers. But
nately, the historical fencing world is just cine, and Munich, and he still takes up a
as riven by factions as Thucydides’ Corcyra, longsword now and then.
and the groups that work on sources from
sixteenth century Italy are not the easiest to
find. Steve Reich (north-eastern US), Rich- Further reading
ard Cullinan (Australia), Ilkka Hartikainen
To start learning about Greek arms
(Finland), and Alex Zalud (Austria) are re-
and armour, read Peter Krentz, The
spected teachers and interpreters of Italian
Battle of Marathon (New Haven, CT
fencing manuals; I suspect that there are
2010) and Paul M. Bardunias and
many other groups in Spain and Italy with
Fred E. Ray, Hoplites at War (Jeffer-
something to offer. In martial arts, groups
son, NC 2016).
with very different approaches can use sim-
The classic articles by Stephen Hand
ilar names, so there is no substitute for talk-
and Paul Wagner are out of print, but
ing to people, watching lessons, or training
can be found at https://stephen-hand.
at a short workshop.
selz.com/
I also agree with Christian Cameron
that the more ancient activities you work
E PEA
Around the time of the Persian Wars, the Greek city states (the
poleis) fielded armies whose strength lay in heavily armoured
infantrymen, the hoplites, each of whom was generally
accompanied on campaign by a servant. The latter did the
fetching and carrying, and in battle they performed the tasks of
light troops: psiloi, also known as gymnetes (“naked men”, not
wearing any armour), or akontistai, javelinmen. In due course,
that role would be taken by true specialists, the peltasts.
T
Persian Wars ended in 479, two coalitions
hese servants doing double duty or Leagues gradually coalesced in south-
as light troops had no armour or ern Greece. On the one hand there was
shield, and for weapons carried the Peloponnesian League, dominated by
a javelin or two, perhaps a bag of Sparta, whose allies and influence spread
stones to throw, and at best a hunting knife. beyond the Peloponnese itself; on the
Not being organised in any way, nor trained, other was the Delian League, dominated
they were basically something of a rabble, by Athens, which included many of the is-
but could for example screen hoplites while lands of the Aegean. Inevitably, these coa-
they formed up in phalanx on the battlefield. litions went to war, first between 460 and
Thracian peltast on a This task and others became more important 445 BC, and then from 431 to 404 BC, the
fragment of red-fig- once hoplites ceased using throwing weap- better-known Peloponnesian War docu-
ure pottery, from Ath- ons and used only the doru, the great spear mented by Thucydides.
ens.The peltast wears
– a large thrusting weapon. Few if any cav- Having colonies in northern Greece
a typical 'Phrygian'
alry roamed the battlefield at this time, nor and Thrace, primarily for ship-building
cap and patterned
cloak, and carries were there many mistophoroi (mercenaries). materials, the Athenians quickly came
a wicker and hide Such as there were involved specialist skills to appreciate the fighting qualities of the
lunette-shaped shield and training, such as archers, slingers, and fierce Thracian tribesmen, semi-organised
and small javelin. oarsmen. When Pericles listed Athens’ forc- under tribal leaders and having lifelong
Now in the Vatican es in 431 BC at the start of the Peloponne- hunting skills with javelins. Experienced
museums, Rome. sian War, fewer than 10% were cavalry, and akontistai could throw javelins to a range
© Dan Diffendale. fewer than 10% were archers – this while of 40-60 metres (44-66 yd). Through the
Athens, as the wealthiest city, could use of the ankyle, a throwing thong, this
afford more mercenaries could be improved by 50-60%, as estab-
than most. lished by modern tests, out to about 60-
90 metres (66-98 yd). The javelins used
Peltast origins varied, of course, but were typically 1-1.5
All this would change metres (3-5 ft) long, and about a finger’s
quite rapidly over the width thick (15-20 mm, 5/8th-7/8th in.).
course of what came to be These Thracian javelinmen were also
vaded Aetolia with citizen and allied hoplites Athenian force under Demosthenes faced
and a small force of archers. He was sup- a Peloponnesian army at Pylos, but thanks
posed to be joined by a force of Locrian jave- to Athenian naval superiority a force of
linmen, but decided not to wait for them. He 420 Spartans and their helot servants
captured several towns, but the main force found themselves cut off on Sphacteria
of Aetolians, consisting entirely of peltasts, island. A detachment consisting mainly
gathered in the hills and alternately attacked of peltasts, but including 400 archers and
and retired in groups. The Athenians man- 800 hoplites, was sent to reinforce Demos-
aged to hold out until their archers ran out of thenes. The main force of Spartans was in
arrows. The hoplites, worn down and unable the centre of the island, near its well, with
to reply, eventually broke, and the fleeing outposts at the northern and southern ends
groups were hunted down. Large numbers on high ground as pickets. The Athenians
of allied hoplites fell, as did even 120 of the landed in two places at dawn, and the
300 Athenian citizens present. After recov- southern outpost was immediately over-
ering their dead under a truce, the Atheni- run. The Spartan hoplites then advanced
ans sailed back to Athens, but Demosthenes on their Athenian counterparts, who did
stayed away. This was a stunning victory for not advance to meet them. Instead, the
peltast tactics over hoplites. peltasts and archers confronted them,
Demosthenes was not slow to show and edged around their flanks and rear.
that he had learned from his experience Once again the tactics of groups advanc-
were very threatening as the Greeks training to co-ordinate their group tactics,
marched down the ridges, for they could and good fitness too, whether evading out-
then get close and suddenly charge over runner hoplites, or seizing high ground
the crest. By holding higher ground, pel- together with hoplites who would subse-
tasts could threaten the flank of any such quently hold it, or operating in rough ter-
attack. They would then move around rain. They also needed discipline to not
the contours to repeat the performance only survive but be effective.
on the next ridge. On another occasion, They had weaknesses too, though.
the Persians had occupied a ridge on the They could not engage enemy heavy in-
flank of a large hill overlooking the road. fantry in close combat, nor hold ground
A force of peltasts and 300 picked hop- against them, for example. Peltasts cer-
lites raced for the summit, as did the Per- tainly did not make hoplites obsolete. They
sians when they saw what was happen- were also highly vulnerable to enemy cav-
ing. The Greeks won the race and drove alry, and to slingers and archers, whose
the Persians down the hill, clearing the missiles outranged theirs. However, in
the latter case, the small shields that gave
π DID YOU KNOW?
road. Yet another time, the Greeks had Thracian peltasts were so suc-
to cross a river, and as they re-organised them their name, as well as weapons used cessful that they became an
and moved off, a force of peltasts hid hand-to-hand, might allow them to chase essential part of Graeco-Mac-
and ambushed the pursuing Persian cav- off the unshielded light troops. edonian armies for over 100
alry, driving them back against the river years. In 334 BC Alexander the
and inflicting heavy casualties as they ‘Tacticus’ spends his time as an itinerant Great even took 6,000 of them
struggled to re-cross. hoplomachus, offering to teach the mar- with him on the invasion of
It is fair to say that without their peltasts tial arts, but most people think they al- Asia. Their use would not de-
(and small forces of slingers and cavalry), the ready know it all (after Plato’s Laches). cline until Hellenistic times.
E AQUI R
When the Sassanids overran Roman Syria in the 250s AD, the city
of Apamea (now Afamiyya, Syria) fell with it. After its capture,
many tombstones in the city’s Roman necropolis were uprooted
to reinforce the defensive walls. One such tombstone commem-
orated one Felsonius Verus, a standard-bearer in the Second
Parthian Legion during the reign of Gordian III.
T
from books to illustrations – have taken the
he Second Parthian Legion was relief at face value and asserted that live ea-
based primarily at Alba Longa in gles were, on occasion, used by the legions.
Italy, where it acted as a strate- The issue here is that there is no corroborat-
gic reserve for the empire. In this ing evidence beyond this carved relief. As
role, the legion was stationed temporarily the embodiment of the legion, it is difficult
at Apamea in Syria on at least three occa- to imagine a live eagle on the standard,
sions. The first posting was under Caracalla, where it would have been at the mercy of
the second under Severus Alexander, and every projectile hurled its way during bat-
the third – from AD 242 to 244 – under tle. Any sign of illness would also have
Tombstone of Felso- Gordian III. It is from this latter posting that been seen as a grave omen, and its eventual
nius Verus, note the the tombstone of Felsonius Verus dates. death would have been catastrophic.
awkward depiction The natural looking pose of Verus’ eagle
of the caged eagle The tombstone does lend it an air of realism however, and
standard. To the spirits of the departed, the frame surrounding it also has the appear-
© Dr.M.C.Bishop
Felsonius Verus, standard- ance of a cage. In addition, it is not the only
bearer of the Second Parthian eagle depicted this way: the eagle shown in
Legion, Gordian’s forever loyal the ‘Praetorians Relief’ of the Arch of Claudi-
and faithful, in the century of us holds a similar pose. Surviving images of
the primus pilus, who served Roman-era birdcages also differ markedly
11 years, born in Thuscia, lived from the box shown on Verus’ tombstone;
31 years, for whose memory what the relief could be depicting, however,
his wife Flavia Magna set this is a mobile shrine seen side-on. This would
hus-
up for her well-deserving hus make sense of the cage’s ‘open’ right-hand
band. (AE 1991, 01572) side, which would have been the front of the
The inscription itself is generally shrine, allowing the eagle to be fully visible.
unremarkable, but there is one The part of the shrine facing the viewer –
tomb
unusual feature of Verus’ tomb- with crossed timbers – would therefore have
stone: the legionary standard been the side. This would have offered the
clasped in his right hand. shrine structural integrity as well as allowing
A crate-like object sur- the eagle to be viewed from both sides. The
rounds what looks to be a live ea-
ea eagle may have been carved side-on simply
gle perched atop the standard. Its because it offered a more defined image
than a frontal depiction.
E IMS
There appear to have been ample opportunities for the legionary
who wished to dodge the daily drudgery of military life, since
the possession of some special skill or talent might enable him
to gain employment as a clerk or artisan. A contemporary source
from the Antonine period lists an astounding variety of such
specialisms, though it is often unclear how they impacted upon
the ordinary Roman soldier’s daily routine.
I
50.6.7), a term that underlines their exemp-
n a well-known papyrus letter of 26 tion from munera or drudge-work.
March AD 107, a soldier named Ju- The other literary source is the writer
lius Apollinarius explains to his father Vegetius, whose late-fourth-century com-
that, while his comrades spend their pilation, the Epitome of Military Science,
days dressing building stones (apparently allegedly drew upon the work of Paternus
for the new legionary fortress at Bostra in amongst others. At one point, Vegetius lists
Arabia), he has managed to acquire the job “the titles and ranks of the principales mi-
of librarius legionis (“legionary clerk”), re- lites” (the “chief soldiers”), some (but not Letter written by
porting to a cornicularius (“chief clerk”). In all) of whom appear in Paternus’ list of im- Julius Apollinarius in
another letter from around the same time, munes. Vegetius claims that “these are the AD 107. Papyrus from
Karanis (Egypt), now
Apollinarius tells his mother that his status chief soldiers, who are protected by their
in the collection of
as a principalis grants him exemption from privileges. The rest are called munifices,
Michigan University
the laborious stone-cutting that he sees all because they are forced to perform duties” (P.Mich. VIII 466).
around him. His skills in literacy had evi- (Epitome 2.7). The term munifex under- © Courtesy of the Cairo
dently enabled him to mount the first rung lines the link between the ordinary soldier Photographic Archive of
on the ladder of promotion. and his duties (munera). the Centre for the Study of
Ancient Documents, Oxford.
However, it was not only the literate Over a hundred years ago, the fun-
who managed to avoid the daily toil of damental study of the military hierarchy
soldiering. Two ancient writers shed some by Alfred von Domaszewski (Die Ran-
light on the matter. The first of these is Tar- gordnung des römischen Heeres, 1908)
rutienus Paternus, a well-known jurist who divided Vegetius’ principales into three
wrote a lost work On Military Affairs, prob- categories: those men whose specialist
ably around AD 175 (he was the emperor jobs entailed no increased salary (these
Commodus’ Praetorian Prefect). Justinian’s he took to be immunes proper); those
Digest of Roman Law quotes a passage in who received pay-and-a-half (classi-
which Paternus claims that “the status of fied as sesquiplicarii); and those who
certain men [in the Roman army] grants received double pay (the duplicarii).
them exemption from the more onerous Furthermore, he suggested that the im-
duties”. And after listing several dozen portant subdivision of the principales
specialists, many of them artisans of some was actually between the immunes
sort, he ends by noting that “all of these and those others who filled promoted
J
By Jasper Oorthuys meaning was understood everywhere. It
simply went out of use once Rome had
ohnny Shumate’s cover image unified the peninsula; it meant nothing to
shows the warrior at the moment of Rome's new, foreign enemies. But the im-
his triumph, having just despoiled portance of taking the enemy’s spoils and
his defeated enemy of his lined proving one’s personal virtue remained.
bronze belt and tunic. Together with Livy (23.23.6) reports that when Rome
the enemy’s shield, these items make needed to rebuild its senate during the
up the traditional triple spoils com- Second Punic War, as so many senators
monly depicted on painted pottery and had died in battle, they first looked for
in tomb paintings from Campania. Sev- “such as had spoils taken from an enemy
eral of those can be seen in this issue. fixed up at their homes”. Examples of sin-
The context in which this is seen is that gle combat continue to appear through-
of the returning, triumphant warrior. He out the Republican era down to 45 BC.
is often shown in full battle regalia, on This culture of personal prowess
horseback, with the spoils hanging from remained present in the Roman army,
his spear. His return from the war is wit- which, as Lendon describes it in Soldiers
nessed by a woman, his wife or mother, & Ghosts, was in a constant state of ten-
who is depicted standing ready with a sion between demanding rigid disciplina
libation to offer thanks. and virtus. The former represents sub-
Obviously, for the elites of southern mission to higher command enforced by
Italy, personal prowess in battle was of strict military law, and movement and
great importance and it was proven by combat as a single unit on the battle-
the capture of these spoils. That it was field. The latter demands manly courage
more than an ideal, but had real mean- and virtue from every single legionary
ing, can be deduced from the famous that was recognized by higher author-
incident of the ‘passing under the yoke’ ity, which would require the soldier to
by the Roman army defeated at the Cau- stand out from the formation in which
dine Forks in 321 BC. It symbolized an he was supposed to fight as one. One
army being so utterly helpless that they way to achieve both was the extensive
were entirely at the mercy of their en- system of military decorations, which
emy and spoils could be taken as though originated in the Republic era but seems
they were slain. The yoke seems to have to have been formalized in the Imperial
been a tradition throughout Italy and its Roman army.