University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education

Spatial Meaning in Andean Festivals: Corpus Christi and Octavo

Author(s): L. Nicole Bourque
Source: Ethnology, Vol. 33, No. 3 (Summer, 1994), pp. 229-243
Published by: University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3774008
Accessed: 11/09/2008 11:46

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=upitt.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the
scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that
promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education is collaborating with JSTOR to
digitize, preserve and extend access to Ethnology.

http://www.jstor.org
 SPATIAL MEANING IN ANDEAN FESTIVALS:
CORPUS CHRISTI AND OCTAVO1

L. Nicole Bourque
University of Glasgow

Spatial divisions are also social ones in the Andes. The village, houses, paramo
(moor), and jungle are all places that have social meaning. Physical movement
during festivals distinguishes social and physical zones within and outside the
village. As people and events move from one areato another,the social and symbolic
importance of their activities change. This article describes sociospatial divisions
and the significance of movement between them during festivals in Sucre, an Indian
community in the central EcuadorianAndes, where fieldwork was carried out from
1989 to 1990. The analysis focuses on two importantannualfestivals: CorpusChristi
and Octavo. Corpus Christi officially celebrates the Eucharist,while Octavo occurs
the week after Corpus Christi. During these festivals, there are various costumed
participants who are associated with different spatial zones and social qualities.
Their movements demonstratethe symbolic manipulationof sociospatial zones and
the values attributedto them. This, in turn, indicates how they perceive themselves
and the people and places aroundthem.

FESTIVALMOVEMENTAND SOCIOSPATIALDIVISIONS

Attending Mass in the church, going to the prioste's (festival sponsor's) house to
eat, dancing in the village plaza, and paradingthroughthe village, are all movements
that occur during festivals throughoutthe year. The church and the main plaza are
found in the middle of the village sector called El Centro (the Center). In some
regions in the Andes, the plaza is seen as a mestizo areawhile the peripheryis Indian
(Isbell 1978:4, 61). In Sucre this is not the case-Indians and mestizos both live
around the plaza and meet there. The social importance of the center in Sucre lies
not in differentiatingethnic groups, but in distinguishing between public and private
aspects of life. The church is a public place where Masses and village meetings are
held. The church plaza is also a public area. Each village sector also has a plaza
whichservesas a publicgatheringplace.Thesepublicareasareassociatedwiththe
village as a whole. Duringfestivals,villagersdisplayreligiousunityas they attend
Mass. They also indicatesecularunity when they drinkand dancetogetherin the
plaza.
Aroundthe centralplazaarethe housesof individualfamilies.In comparisonto
the churchandplaza,the housesareprivateareas,whereonly relativesandfriends
are normallyinvited. They are associatedwith distinct householdgroups.This
degree of privacy is demonstratedwhen workerswho are not membersof the
householdare fed on the porch.Duringfestivals,the boundariesof the household
229
ETHNOLOGYvol. 33 no. 3, Summer 1994, pp. 229-43.
ETHNOLOGY,c/o Departmentof Anthropology,The University of Pittsburgh,PittsburghPA 15260 USA
Copyright ? 1994 The University of Pittsburgh.All rights reserved.
230 ETHNOLOGY

expand-all who attend are invited inside to eat. For small, household-centered,
life-cycle celebrations, the participants are kin. For large, community-centered
celebrationslike CorpusChristi,the entirecommunityis invited.
The area beyond the houses is also significant. Moving uphill, one encounters
fields, pastures, and the moor. Moving downhill, one finds the valley haciendas, the
road to the Pan American Highway, and the Rfo Patate which follows a pass to the
Amazonian lowlands. Moor and lowlands are conceived as uncivilized areas. The
moor is a place of wild animals while the lowlands are associated with naked,
amoral, "un-Christian"savages (aucas).
Moor and jungle are on the periphery of Sucre both in terms of physical and
cultural distance. They are, however, areas that some members of the community
have visited. People go to the moor to herd cattle and young, unmarriedmen go to
the jungle plantationsto work. Knowledge of the outside world extends beyond the
jungle and the moor. People also work in Quito and the coastal lowlands. Some
individuals make pilgrimages as far north as Las Lajas in Colombia. Beyond this
range lies an outer realm of areasthatpeople have heardof, such as the United States
and China, but have never visited.
Helms (1988:4) notes that space is marked out on the vertical as well as the
horizontal plane. In the Andes, the distinction of upper and lower is applicable not
only to geographical regions but also to social groups. In many areas, villages or
regions and their residents are divided into two sections-an upper and a lower-
which in turn may be subdivided (Platt 1986:230-31; Harris 1978:23-27, 1986:262-
63; Bouysse-Cassagne 1986:202-3; Fock 1981:313-19; Isbell 1978:57-58; Sallnow
1987:37; Urton 1981:40). The upperand lower zones are associated with contrasting
values (such as masculine/feminine, strength/weakness, and social order/disorder)
that change accordingto context (Bouysse-Cassagne 1986:202, 210; Platt 1986:240;
Harris 1978:25-27). The labelling of social groups as upper and lower does not
always correspond to the actual topography of the land (Fock 1981:317; Platt
1986:231). In these cases, the terms "upper"and "lower" and the values attributed
to them are used as metaphors of the social division between these groups and
illustrated by social practices. Platt (1986:237) indicates that the upper and lower
moieties of a village act as endogamous groups. Fock (1981:317) and Bouysse-
Cassagne (1986:205) add that the two groups distinguished as upper or lower may
be suspicious of one anotheror see the other group as being less civilized.
This division between upper and lower applies to the area around Sucre. But
unlike more traditionalAndean communities, Sucre itself is not divided into lower
and uppersections. Spatialdistinctions are concentric. The centeris contrastedto the
periphery.Such concentrism has been noted as a principle of sociospatial organiza-
tion in other Andean villages (Fock 1981:321-22; Isbell 1978:60-61).
Vertical zones also include the areas above and below the ground. Above the
groundlies the cielo (sky or heaven). In some areas of the Andes, the sun and moon
are male and female supernatural entities (Platt 1986:241, 1987:149; Urton
1981:174; Skar 1982; Silverblatt 1987:50-51). In Sucre, the souls of the dead, saints,
 SPATIAL MEANING IN ANDEAN FESTIVALS 231

angels, and God are inhabitantsof heaven. Amongst the people who go to heaven are
the village cretins (tontos). Like children, they are said to be innocent of sin. They
areconsideredveryChristianbecausetheyworkhard.Theydo not argue,complain,
speak badly of people, or experiencegreed. In this life they are mute, mentally
retarded,and impoverished,but in the other life (otra vida) they will become
teachersandhave a good salary.They will give food andclothingto all those who
gave to themduringthis life. On the otherhand,wealthy,greedypeoplein this life
will be poorin the next.
The Christian hell (infierno) is below the nearby volcano of Tungurahua.The
devils and the souls of evil people live here. They are fed horriblethings while being
told that it is normalfood: June bugs replaceboiled dried maize; ashes replace
ground, roasted barley; eyeballs replace mote pelado (dried maize which had been
boiled and then peeled); and the legs of witches are used to rest the pots while
cooking.Distinctfromhell is theunderworld(ucupacha).Theentranceto it is in the
sideof Tungurahua volcano.TheLaymiin Boliviabelievethattheunderworldis the
home of the dead (Harris1982:62).However,the people of Sucre say that it is
inhabitedby a race of Indians who are half normal size. They work, talk, and eat like
the people of Sucre, but their world is upside down. When the sun sets on this world
it enters the underworldwhere there is anothersky (otro cielo), making it day there
during night in this world. Harris (1982:62) and Skar (1982) also report the under-
world as a place of inversion.
Helms (1988:4) observes that "geographicaldistance from a given culturalheart-
land may correspondwith supernaturaldistance from the centre."The furtherone is
away from the center, the more super- or subhuman the inhabitants become. The
moor and jungle are uncivilized and wild. The people of the coast are vicious
murderersand thieves. Quito is a dangerous place where Indians are badly treated.
People believe that everyone in the United States (and in other English-speaking
countries) is a gringo (a person with white skin) and has unlimited amounts of
money. The Virgin of Las Lajas in Colombia is said to be the most powerful of all
the saints and Virgins. Products from the United States, Colombia, and China are all
believed to be inherentlybetterthan ones made in Ecuador.Both the heavens and the
underworldsare places where life is the reverse of this one. The furtherone moves
from Sucre, the more fantastic the tales.
Helms (1988:38) further suggests that spatial distance from the center is also
related to temporal distance from the present. Thus the Indians of the jungle are
associated with the distant past, while people look to the Unites States as a model of
the future. Heaven, where the soul goes after death, is also seen as a place of the
future. The underworldand its devils are associated with a pre-Christianpast.

MOVEMENTAND SPACE IN CORPUS CHRISTI AND OCTAVO

Corpus Christi,which occurs in late May or June, officially celebrates the Eucha-
rist as the body of Christ. However, the actual celebrations focus more on San
232 ETHNOLOGY

Franciscothan Jesus or God. San Franciscois the patronsaint of Sucre and the
protectorof grainplants.CorpusChristioccursnearthe end of the maizeharvest,
and is also a harvest/fertilityfestival. San Franciscois thankedfor providingthe
maizeharvestandaskedto makethe seeds fertilefor the nextplanting.
Throughout thefestivalthereis movementto andfromtheoutskirtsof thevillage,
the house of the sponsor,andthe church.This movementis also accompaniedby
costumedpeoplewho representindividualsfrombeyondthecommunityboundaries
(or beyondtheboundariesof civilization).Theyalso representcertainsocialcharac-
teristicsandvalues.
In the past, individualhouseholdswould sponsorcelebrationsduringCorpus
Christiand Octavo.They were responsiblefor providingfood, hiringa band,and
buyingfireworks.Today,village sectorsassumethe taskof organizingthe festival.
To fundthe event, contributionsare soughtfromall the householdsin the village.
Even thoughin these modemfestivalsthereis no one householdwhichacts as the
prioste,the house wherefood is cooked and servedis referredto as the prioste's
house.
The celebrationof CorpusChristiin 1990 was organizedby the village section
calledEl Carb6n.It startedon Wednesday,the day beforethe Masson Thursday.A
hiredbandfromthenearbytownof Pelileoannouncedtheirarrivalby playingon the
frontsteps of the church.Accompaniedby music,the imageof San Franciscowas
removed from the church and taken to El Carb6n, where the band and the partici-
pants in the procession ate.
The procession is called La Entrada (the Entrance). The participantswere the
local band from Sucre, men on horseback (los caballeros), young women with
washing bowls filled with flowers and buring incense (las lavacareras), people
carrying boughs of rosemary (los romeriantes), people holding fireworks attached
to a frame roughly in the shape of a bull (called toros) and men hauling dried scrub
(chamiza) with yoked bulls. The procession startedby going once aroundthe central
plaza of El Carb6n (Figure 1). It then moved towards the sector El Centro. Once
there, the procession walked as close as the roads would allow to the outer boundary
of the sector. Having encircled the sector, the procession then moved to the church
plaza, which was also encircled. At the end of the procession, the dried scrub was
placed at the side of the plaza, the bands played and the men with the firework bulls
danced. The people carryingincense and rosemaryaccompanied San Francisco into
the church where prayers were recited. The flowers, incense, and rosemary were
placed in front of the altarand San Francisco.
In the early evening, the bands went to the prioste's house to eat. When they
returnedto the plaza for the dance, they were accompaniedby men dressed as bulls
(toros). One man came disguised as a ram and was led by his "owner."The ram
(moche) and the bulls wandered around with a martillo band. This band differed
from normal bands in using traditional wooden flutes and drums covered with
painted cowhide, ratherthan trumpets and accordions. The toros tried to charge at
people and mount young women. The toros and the moche also asked people to buy
 SPATIAL MEANING IN ANDEAN FESTIVALS 233

Figure1: Movementof Processionsin SucreduringCorpusChristiandOctavo

Florida

Cochaloma

. _
Floresta Carb6n
_,

l
l

FURlo
Patate \ Param6

.| canceln t
2? N

..' SectorBoundary ..,

/'
* .*|if~ Road

1Path
I
of CorpusChristi
Pathof Octavo
Scale: 1 inch =150
=150 yards
234 ETHNOLOGY

them drinks. The church soon filled with people reciting the rosary while the bands
and the costumed men remainedoutside. After the rosary,the dance began in earnest
and the fireworks and bonfire were lit.
The pattern of movement during the second day was very similar. However, a
notable difference was the arrivalof the priest after the procession to the church. At
the end of the Mass, the Eucharist was placed in a monstrance and the priest led a
procession around the main square. At the four comers of the square, descansos
(rests with pictures of the Virgin Mary or Jesus, burning candles, and flowers) had
been set up. A prayerwas said at each rest and then all returnedto the church for the
final blessing.
A dance and several games occurredafter the Mass. Near the end of the celebra-
tion, the saint was brought to the church plaza to witness the distribution of fruit.
Oranges and bananaswere thrown to the crowd from the back of a truck as it drove
in a circle aroundthe church plaza. This was the despidida (good-bye) of the saint,
San Francisco, who was then returnedto the church. Games and dancing continued
until late afternoon, when the band from Pelileo returnedto El Carb6nto eat before
going home. The day following the Mass was also celebrated by the residents of El
Carb6nonly. The martillo band continued to play in El Carb6nand the residents of
the sector drank alcohol and ate the remaining food. This day of extra feasting is
called el ultimo (the last).
The celebration of Octavo, on the following Wednesdayand Thursday,was very
similar to that of CorpusChristi but on a larger scale. It was organized by the sector
El Centro.The most noticeable difference between the two festivals was the Entrada.
As the prioste's house was close to the village center, people decided that it would
not be a suitable place to start the procession. The various groups who participated
in the Corpus Christi Entradagathered at the easternmost entrance to the village.
They were joined by the martillo band and people disguised as bulls (toros), devils
(diablos), old widows (viudas), bedraggled witchlike women (huarichas), women
from Otavalo (Otavaleflas), and lowland Indians (Yumbos).The Entradafor Octavo
is distinct from that of CorpusChristiin that the devils, bulls, etc., are not present at
the first Corpus Christi Entrada.
The route for the procession was similar to that of Corpus Christi; circling the
sector of El Centro,moving towardsthe church,and finally circling the churchplaza.
During the procession the people in costume, especially the bulls, ran around the
other groups. The procession was joined by a pair of coin- feather-,andlace-covered
dancers called danzantes. These men were hired from an Indian community in the
neighboring canton. The procession ended in front of the church. The lavacareras,
romeriantes, and danzantes all entered. The toros, diablos, and other costumed
participantsremainedoutside and danced. After the Mass and the procession, some
games were held in the church plaza, along with a dance by the danzantes and a
maypole dance by the devils and bulls. At the end of the celebrationscastillos (poles
topped with fruit, bread, alcohol, and live guinea pigs) were erected. Men climb the
poles, take the items they want, and throw the rest to the crowd below.
 SPATIAL MEANING IN ANDEAN FESTIVALS 235

The main features of these celebrations are:(1) movement to and from the church,
prioste's house, and community boundaries; (2) costumed participants;(3) bands;
(4) music; (5) food; and (6) games. The movement is constant as the focus of the
celebration shifts from place to place. The first series of movements highlights the
importance of the community of Sucre as the location of the festival. People who
work on the haciendas (and others who live away from Sucre) arrivejust before the
celebration. Food from the marketis broughtto the houses for cooking and alcohol
is purchasedin large quantities. This movement from outside to inside the commu-
nity is particularlystressed with the arrivalof the band to the center of the commu-
nity (church) because its members literally are outsiders, as they come from a
community other than Sucre.
The band goes to the second focal point of the celebration, the house of the
prioste, taking San Francisco with them. There the members are fed and officially
welcomed into the community. Other participants in the Entrada gather at the
prioste's house in order to be fed before the procession. The procession moves
throughthe village in an anticlockwisespiral.It startsin the plaza in El Carb6n
(CorpusChristi)or the communityboundary(Octavo). The processionmoves
aroundthe sectorEl Centroandfinallyaroundthe churchplazato the churchitself.
Thisbringsthe focusof attentionbackto thechurchandannouncesthe beginningof
the dance,whichis only interrupted whilethe bandreturnsto the prioste'shouseto
eat dinner.
The spiralmovementsof the processionsare linear and circular.The circular
movementmarksa boundary,distinguishingwhat is inside from outside. In the
Entradafor CorpusChristi,theplazain El Carb6n,theentiresectorof El Centroand
the churchplazaarethusdemarcated. El Carb6nis the locationof the domesticpart
of the celebration;i.e., the feast. It is also the place wherethe festivalbegins(with
the preparations)andends(withthe celebrationof the ultimo).
The churchandthe plazaarefocal pointsfor the religiousandpublicaspectsof
the celebration.The churchplaza has both Catholicand paganassociations.The
Entradaof Corpus Christidemarcatesit as a Catholic place; San Francisco is present
and the devils, bulls, etc., are absent. They arrive at night for the dance, giving the
plaza a non-Christianatmosphere.On the next day, afterthe Mass, the plaza is again
a focus for Christianforces, when the priest leads a procession with the monstrance.
After the priest's departure,the pagan and Christianelements join each other as San
Francisco, the bulls, and the devils are present for the festivities. This union contin-
ues in the celebration of Octavo, where San Francisco and all of the costumed
participantsappearin the Entrada.
Between the prioste's house and the church and plaza, are the individual house-
holds that form the community. During the processions, they are representedby the
entire section of El Centro. Circular movement in the procession associates the
public, religious, and domestic aspects of village life with different spatial zones.
Linearmovement involves moving from one of these focal points to another.During
the preparationsand at the beginning of the celebration, the focus is domestic and
236 ETHNOLOGY

action takes place at the prioste's house. Later, there is a general move towards the
public aspect of the festival in the church and plaza. At the end of the festival (the
uiltimo),the focus returns to the household. However, the distinction between the
private/domestic households and the public/communalchurch and plaza is not clear
cut. During festivals, this boundaryis manipulated.By expanding the limits of the
household to feed the entire community, the symbolic boundaries of the household
and community become the same. The prioste's household stands for the community.
If the people have pleased the saint by giving the festival, blessings will come to the
entire community.
The two focal points of the celebrations, the prioste's house and the church/plaza
emphasize different aspects of the festival. The feasts at the prioste's house reaffirm
and strengthen ties between community members. The Mass, processions, and
dances associated with the plaza attemptto bring supernaturalforces under human
control. This is best demonstratedby considering the symbolism of the costumes.

COSTUMEAND MEANING

The manipulationof boundaries beyond the village is symbolized in the various

costumed participants and their movements. They are associated with different
zones, such as jungle/moor and heaven/underworld,and symbolize conflicting val-
ues. They represent a network of different oppositions such as Christian/pagan,
man/nature, civilization/savagery, order/disorder,and social/antisocial which are
broughtto the center of the village. Bouysse-Cassagne and Harris(1987:27) indicate
that in Andean thought, the center is a place where opposites are defined and unified
in an effort to control them. Not only are festivals ordered,as Rappaport(1979:176)
observes, they can also create order.
The band is an importantelement in any festival in Sucre. It leads the procession
andit is alwayspresentatthe focalpointof theproceedings.Anychangein thefocal
point, such as a move from the prioste's house to the church, is signalled by the
movement of the band. Its importanceis demonstratedduringmeals, when the band
members are always served first and receive large quantities of meat and potatoes.
For most celebrations, such as funerals, the band comes from Sucre. For Corpus
Christi and Octavo, however, there are at least three bands. The hired outside band
is the most importantand is considered to be better than local ones.
San Francisco follows the band. Like the band, the saint moves as the focal point
of the celebration changes. His carrying case is transportedin turn by villagers
seeking his favors. During the Entrada,he is accompanied by the lavacareras and
romeriantes, who carry offerings to place inside the church. These offerings of
flowers, incense, and rosemary boughs evoke images of abundance.The last of the
undisguised participants,the caballeros, present an image of strengthand virility as
they escort the Saint to the church. After the Mass the prowess of the ridersis tested
with games and races on horseback. Mishaps during the races are attributedto the
saint's disapprovalof the festival arrangements.
 SPATIAL MEANING IN ANDEAN FESTIVALS 237

Thedisorderlyshowof strengthseenin thetorosprovidesa contrastto theorderly

progressionof San Franciscoandhis entourage.Harris(1982:52)notes thatin the
Andes bulls are symbolicof disorderand wild strength.The bull is the strongest
animalin Sucre, whose strengthis domesticatedand harnessedby men to plow
fields. In order to control a bull, a man needs to be strong. A groom has to be able to
plow to provehis worthto the familyof his intendedbride.In the moor,however,
bulls aresaidto be wild androamfree.Thetorosin the processionweavein andout
of the othermoreor less orderlygroups.Theygruntinsteadof talk,threatenpeople
with theirhorns,andattemptto mountthe youngwomen.Thesebulls representthe
wild virilityof the moor,whichis controlledby manandusedin the fields. During
the eveningdancesthey arepropitiatedwithgifts of food andalcohol.
Devils area commonfeatureof Andeanfestivals.In Bolivia,the devil is associ-
atedwithCarnival(Bastien1978:11;Nash 1979:125-26;Harris1982:57-58),which
is a first fruitsceremony.In Sucre,Carnivaldoes not fall duringany criticaltime
duringthe agricultural calendar,so is not a majorfestival,anddevils do not appear.
The arrivalsof devils in Sucre at harvest time and Corpus Christi suggests that there
is a connection between the devils and agriculturalproduction. Harris (1982:58)
notes that the devil in Bolivia is associated with naturalincrease and abundance as
well as with the souls of the dead. In Sucre, both the devil and the souls of the dead
are responsible for plant growth.
Taussig (1980) observes that in the Andes the devil is associated with the precon-
quest earth and mountain spirits. Spanish missionaries believed that the Indian
offerings to mountainspirits were offerings to the devil. These spirits were therefore
referredto as diablos (Taussig 1980:170). Today, in the tin mines of Bolivia, devil
images are asked to provide protection and to make veins of metal grow (Nash
1979:156-59). This is similar to what happensin ruralareas, where Pachamama (the
earth-mother)is asked to make crops plentiful (Bastien 1978:71-78).
The devil has a dual interpretation,both of which oppose him to God and San
Francisco. As a Christianfigure, his opposition to God is one of evil versus good. As
a representationof the old gods, however, the devil is neither evil nor good. Rather,
his opposition to God is one of paganism versus Christianity/Catholicism.As an
earth spirit, the devil has the power to make things fertile (Harris 1982:58). This
pagan power can be tapped, but only by those who have renounced God.
The daughterof one of the two village curandero-brujos (witch doctors), noted
that, unlike other people in Sucre, her father was not a Christian.In order to cure or
predict the future he had to speak to two devils, one male and the other female. To
gain his powers he went to a place near the jungle town of Puyo where there are two
ponds. One belongs to God and the other to the devil. He chose to enter the pond of
the devil and followed the steps that led to the bottom. When he was completely
under water, doves appeared.This baptism by the devil indicated that he had been
given the suerte (luck) to cure. (Not all who enter are given suerte.) He emerged
from the pond and from then on was always accompaniedby his devil helpers.
238 ETHNOLOGY

San Franciscoand the devils standin oppositionto one another.As they are
sources of power and fertility,appealsare made to both withoutany sense of
contradiction.HonoringSan Franciscoand having the devils presentat Corpus
ChristiandOctavobringstogethertwo opposinganddifferentkindsof supernatural
power, Christianand pagan. In Andeansystems of categorization,the union of
opposites(tinkuy)createssomethingmorepowerfulthaneitherelement.Bringing
togetherthese forcesof fertilityhelpsensurethe successof nextyear'sharvest.
Note thatthe curandero-brujo neededto go to thelowlandsto receivehis powers.
Thisphenomenonis also reportedby Taussig(1987:230):
Randall [1982] cites testimony to the effect that the people of these mountains send their shamans,
responsible for healing the sick and caring for the fertilityof the fields, down to the jungle to learn there
for a year, "in order to bring that fertility back up to the sierra."The very wilderess of the jungle (and
presumablyits inhabitants)is curing and fertilising.

The wild, fertilizing power of the jungle is present during Corpus Christi and
Octavo in the yumbo, a lowland Indian. The man who portrayshim paints his face,
wears only a pair of football shorts,has a head-dressof dyed chicken feathers,shouts
in Quichua,2 and sprays out mouthfuls of cane alcohol (trago) as shamans do in
curing rituals. The yumbo's nudity,shouting, and shamanisticpractices indicate that
he is not Christian or civilized. In contrast to the toros, who symbolize the wild
power of the moor, the yumbo representsthe naturalfertilizing power of the jungle.
Both highland and lowland powers of natureare broughttogether in Sucre.
The toros are not totally wild because they can be domesticated. Similarly, the
yumbos are not purely savage, since they can speak Quichua. Taussig (1987:230)
indicates that wildness and power over the supernaturalis something Indian as
opposed to mestizo or white. Helms (1988:41), referring to Salomon (1981:195)
notes that
... the forest has long been, and continues to be, a refuge for ancient, traditional,ancestralknowledge.
Particularlysince the indigenous highland societies experiencedrepeatedconquests by foreign peoples
who introducedtheirown knowledge and power, the forests were viewed as a repositoryfor the ancient
aboriginal knowledge that was repeatedly expelled from the highlands. The forest thus became the
ideological tie with the native state of being that existed before Christianitywas established and that
continues to exist "beyond"and "behind"the foreign religion currentlyexpressed in the capital.

The yumbo represents Indian power and knowledge associated with a state of
savagery. The view of the Indian as savage is echoed in the way the white urban
dwellers and the canton priest portraythe Indians as uncivilized, dirty, uneducated,
irrational,drunk,and violent.
A conflicting view is that the Indians are the civilized ones. This face of being
Indian is presented by those disguised as Otavalefias.The Otavalefos are an Indian
group in northernEcuador who have had a certain amount of economic success by
selling textiles to tourists. Some of the Otavalenos can afford cars and large homes
and some have received university education. Mestizos and whites in and around
Sucre say that the Otavalefos are clean, educated, and rational. Casagrande
 SPATIAL MEANING IN ANDEAN FESTIVALS 239

(1981:260-61) observes that across Ecuador similar opinions are held. The
Otavalefiosthemselvesareproudof theirIndianheritage.Most still speakQuichua
and they retaintheirindigenousclothing and hairstyleratherthan adoptmestizo
fashions. The Yumbo and the Otavalefiasbring to the fore the contrast between the
two different images of Indians: one as savage, the other as civilized. In describing
the Yumbos at celebrations in Quito, Salomon (1981:198) notes that the character
illustrates tensions in daily life. Indian power contrasts to submission to the
state/Church, while intimacy with nature conflicts with domination over tamed
nature.
Also note that the Yumbo is male whereas the Otavalefia is female. Harris
(1978:29, 1986:266) observes that in the Andes males and females are opposite, yet
complementary.The male-female paring of the Yumbo and Otavalefiasuggests that
savagery and civilization are seen as complementaryopposites.
In opposition to the naturalfertility, disorder,and paganism of the yumbo, toros,
and devils, is the Christianityand orderliness of the danzantes. The danzantes are
Christian,for they are allowed to enter the church. Their costumes are covered with
old coins and trimmed with lace reminiscent of altar cloths. Their headdresses are
dotted with mirrors and topped with feathers. Coins and mirrors have special
importancein the Andes. According to Harris(1989:256): "As Tristian Platt (1986)
has shown, mirrorsin Andean culture representduality, and duality as expressed in
the Quechuaconcept of yanantin is the state of wholeness that typifies social order."
Harris(1989:256-57) also notes that since coins are reflective, they can be relatedto
mirrors. Coins also "belong to orderedhuman society [for] stamped on them is the
image of the state." Coins and mirrorsthus representorder. They "standin contrast
to the shadowy, disorderedworld of the dead and the devils."
Harris's remarkon the duality and order of mirrors and coins is consistent with
the actions of the danzantes. Danzantes always come in pairs and they dance in an
orderly and intricate fashion opposite one another. The order that the danzantes
representis one of a world of knowledge, as seen in human society and its institu-
tions such as the state and the Church.The danzanteis an outsider to the community.
The costumes and dancerscome from anothervillage. Like the disorderof the jungle
and the moor, the order of the danzanteis broughtto the center of Sucre.
The viudas and huarichasare figures from the margins of society. The viuda is an
impoverished old widow. Her role is usually played by men dressed in tattered
mestiza clothing. The characterof the viuda also appears during New Year's Eve,
when she claims to be the widow of the Old Year and begs money from people in
orderto meet the cost of burial. The viuda is a marginalcharacterbecause she is too
old to work and has no husbandor family to help her. Her lack of kin connections is
underlined by the fact that she is a mestiza. It is an Indian custom to use kinship
networks to obtain workers, while mestizos hire laborers.
The huarichais a witchlike woman with tangled hair. The term huarichais used
to describe someone who is lazy, an antisocial characteristic in a labor-intensive
economy. While the viuda cannot support herself because she lacks a family, the
240 ETHNOLOGY

huarichahas only lazinessto blame.Thesecharactersstressthata householdneeds

a kin networkandhardworkin additionto supernatural assistanceif thereis to be a
good harvest.
Both Salomon(1981) andCrespi(1981) note thatethnicrelationsareplayedout
in festivals. In Sucre, the contrastof the Yumboand the Otavaleflareveals two
different views of what it means to be Indian. The danzante contrasts Indian
organization to that of the Churchand state. The Indians are representedas periph-
eral and savage. They are ordered and civilized by the Churchand state, which are
associated with the center. On the other hand, the superiorityof the Indians' social
organization, which stresses the importanceof kinship ties, over that of the mestizos
is demonstratedby the viuda.

ORDERINGTHE UNIVERSE

During Corpus Christi and Octavo, Sucre becomes a model of the Indians'
universe. The boundariesof the village become the wild peripheryand the forces that
gather there are ordered and drawn to the center of their universe. The two central
points of the festival are the church and the prioste's house. The church not only is
a place for worship,it is also the venue for politicalmeetingswherethe residents
literallyordertheirworld.The householdis wherefamilydecisionsare madeand
life is organizedon a day-to-daybasis. Duringthe festival, the boundariesof the
prioste'shouseholdexpandto includethe entirevillage. The two differentfoci in
dailylife, communityandhousehold,becomeone. An attemptis madeto go beyond
organizingdomesticor politicalaffairsto bringorderto andharnessthe powerof
the supernatural.Rasnake(1986:673-74)indicatesthatprocessionsare"morethan
'socially'symbolic... for they referexplicitlyto a conceptof divinitythatlinksthe
movementof groupsthrougha territorywithspiritualentitieswho overseethe well
beingof all withinthatterritory-the people,theirfields, andtheirflocks."
In the processionfor Octavo,the pagan,disorderedfertilityof the moor and
jungle are broughtfrom the peripheryto the center. Here they meet ordered,
Christiansociety and are domesticated/civilized so thattheirpowerscan be used.
The relationshipbetweenthe civilized centerand the wild peripheryis not one of
asymmetricaldomination.Society is dependentuponthe powerof the wild for its
continuation.This echoes Taussig(1987:299-302),who notes that while colonial
Spaniardsdominatedthe wild Indians,they also realizedthatthey weredependant
uponthem.
Theoppositionbetweena civilizedcenteranddisorderedperipheryis notdistinct.
The center is not entirelyorderednor is the peripheryentirelydisordered.The
peripheryof Sucreincludesnot only the jungle andmoor,but also the cities. The
people of the city see themselvesas orderedand civilized in comparisonto the
disorderedandwild Indiansof the surrounding villages.This pointis also stressed
by thedanzante,whorepresentstheStateandChurch.He is a reminderof thechaotic
natureof politics,social relations,andworshipin Sucre,whichneedto be regulated
 SPATIAL MEANING IN ANDEAN FESTIVALS 241

from the outside. When there is a large amount of strife in the village, government
authorities from the outside come into the community to create order. During the
celebrations, the disorder of the community is symbolically portrayed in games.
Instead of unifying the community, games introduce a sense of competition, strife,
and individualism. The breakdown of social order can also be seen in the drunken
fights that break out. In comparingorder/disorderwith center/periphery,it is impor-
tantto specify whatis beingcomparedandin whatcontext.
Thecontrastbetweencivilizationandnaturerevealssomethingaboutsocialorder.
Withinthe boundsof civilized society,a divisionis madebetweenthe publicand
privateaspectsof life, whicharefocusedin thecommunityandthehousehold.There
is a certainamountof tensionbetweenhouseholdandcommunity,becausethe needs
of the householdareoftenconsideredabovethoseof the community.
In religion this appearsas householdsincreasinglychoose not to accept the
financialburdenof individuallysponsoringfestivals.By expandingthe boundaries
of the prioste'shouseholdto includethe whole communityduringannualfestival
feasts,thisdailyconflictof interestis mediated.It alsohastheeffectof symbolically
alteringthe ties of communitymembershipso thatthey takeon some aspectsof the
closer bondsbetweenhouseholdmembers.Festivalsremindindividualhouseholds
of the importanceof the communityas a sourceof identityandstrength.

CONCLUSIONS

Space is dividedinto segmentswhich correspondto social groups,such as the

householdand community.The social landscapeis also a religiousone which is
populatedby saintsandnaturespirits.Thesedivisionsarenot arbitrary, unchange-
able, nor withoutvalue, since they reflect how people try to organizethe world
aroundthem. The distinctionsthat people make between one place and another
reflectfeaturesthat are distinguishedin social, economic,political,and religious
organization.
Duringfestivals,the boundariesof these zones aremoved outwardandinward.
When the center moves outwardto encompasswhat normallyfalls beyond the
boundary,the relationshipbetweenoutside and inside are redefined.This occurs
duringlife-cycle celebrationssuchas a marriage,whenthroughfeastingthe house-
hold is temporarilyexpandedandnew kinshiprelationsareidentifiedanddefined.
The domesticaspectof annualfestivals,whichfocus on the prioste'sfeast, accom-
plishesthis at the communitylevel. Whenthe boundariesarebroughtto the center,
suchas in CorpusChristiandOctavo,an attemptis madeto imposeorderandhence
to manipulatewhatlies outsideof the normalrangeof control.This is associated
with the public aspectsof the festival, such as the Mass, dance, and procession.
Movementin spaceinvolvesthe definitionof boundariesandgroupswhicharethen
manipulatedandredefinedin an effortto harnesshuman,natural,andsupernatural
power.
242 ETHNOLOGY

NOTES

1. Financialsupportis gratefullyacknowledgedfromthe United KingdomCommonwealthScholarship,

the IODE WarMemorial Scholarship,the O'Brien FoundationFellowship, the Wyse Fund, the Anthony
Wilkins Studentshipin Social Anthropology,the Crowther-BenyonFund, theWortsTravelling Scholars
Fund, and the Radcliffe-BrownMemorial Fund. Fieldwork in Ecuadorwas done under the auspices of
the Instituto Nacional del Patrimonio Cultural del Ecuador.The comments of Stephen Hugh-Jones,
Caroline Humphries,Penny Harvey,and RobertE. Wrighthave been most helpful in writing this paper.
Of course, all remainingerrorsand shortcomingsare the sole responsibilityof the author.
2. Quichua is an Indianlanguage found both in the highlands and lowlands of Ecuador.It is similar to
Quechua,which is found in Peru and Bolivia.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bastien, J. 1978. Mountainof the Condor:Metaphorand Ritualin an Andean Ayllu. St. Paul.
Bouysse-Cassagne, T. 1986. Urco and Uma: AymaraConcepts of Space. AnthropologicalHistory of
Andean Polities, eds. J. Murra,N. Watchel,and J. Revel, pp. 201-27. New York.
Bouysse-Cassagne, T., and 0. Harris. 1987. Pacha:en Tomo al PensamientoAymara. Tres Reflexiones
Sobre el PensamientoAndino, pp. 11-59. La Paz.
Casagrande,J. B. 1981. Strategiesfor Survival:The Indiansof HighlandEcuador.CulturalTransforma-
tions and Ethnicityin Modem Ecuador,ed. N. Whitten,Jr.,pp. 260-77. Urbana.
Crespi, M. 1981. St. John the Baptist: The Ritual Looking Glass of HaciendaIndian Ethnic and Power
Relations. CulturalTransformationsand Ethnicityin Moder Ecuador,ed. N. Whitten,Jr., pp.
477-505. Urbana.
Fock, N. 1981. Ecology and Mind in an AndeanIrrigationCulture.Folk 23:311-30.
Harris,0. 1978. Complementarityand Conflict: An AndeanView of Women and Men. Sex and Age as
Principlesof Social Differentiation,ed. J. La Fontaine,pp. 2140. ASA monograph17. London.
1982. The Dead and the Devils Among the Bolivian Laymi.Death andthe Regenerationof Life,
eds. M. Bloch and J. Parry,pp. 45-73. Cambridge.
1986. From Asymmetryto Triangle:Symbolic Transformationsin NorthernPotosi. Anthropo-
logical History of Andean Polities, eds. J. Murra,N. Watchel, and J. Revel, pp. 260-80. New
York.
1989. The Earthandthe State:The Sources andMeaningsof Money in NorthernPotosi, Bolivia.
Money and the Moralityof Exchange,eds. J. Parryand M. Bloch, pp. 232-68. Cambridge.
Helms, M. 1988. Ulysses' Sail: An EthnographicOdyssey of Power, Knowledge, and Geographical
Distance. Princeton.
Isbell, B. J. 1978. To Defend Ourselves: Ecology and Ritualin an AndeanVillage. Austin.
Nash, J. 1979. We Eat the Mines and the Mines Eat Us: Dependency and Exploitationin Bolivian Tin
Mines. New York.
Platt,T. 1986. MirrorsandMaize: The Conceptof Yanantinamongthe Machaof Bolivia. Anthropological
History of Andean Polities, eds. J. Murra,N. Watchel,and J. Revel, pp. 228-59. New York.
1987. The Andean Soldiers of Christ:ConfraternityOrganization,the Mass of the Sun, and
Regenerative Warfarein Rural Potosi (18th and 20th Centuries). Journalde la Societe des
Americanistes,pp. 139-91.
Randall, R. 1982. Qoyullur Rit'i, an Inca Fiesta of the Pleiades: Reflections on Time and Space in the
AndeanWorld.Bulletin de l'InstitutFranqaisd'Etudes Andines 11:37-81.
Rappaport,R. A. 1979. The Obvious Aspect of Ritual. Ecology, Meaning and Religion, pp. 173-221.
Berkeley.
Rasnake,R. 1986. Carnivalin Yura:RitualReflectionson AylluandStateRelations.AmericanEthnologist
13:662-80.
Sallnow, M. 1987. Pilgrimsof the Andes: Regional Cults in Cusco. WashingtonDC.
Salomon,F. 1981. Killing theYumbo:A Ritual Dramaof Norther Quito. CulturalTransformationsand
Ethnicityin Moder Ecuador,ed. N. Whitten,Jr.,pp. 164-208. Urbana.
 SPATIAL MEANING IN ANDEAN FESTIVALS 243

Silverblatt, I. 1987. Moon, Sun and Witches: Gender Ideology and Class in Inca and Colonial Peru.
Princeton.
Skar, H. 0. 1982. An Andean Cosmology. Working Papers of the Social Anthropology Department,
University of Gothenburg,26.
Taussig,M. 1980. The Devil and CommodityFetishism in South America. Chapel Hill.
1987. Shamanism,Colonialism, and the Wild Man: A Study in Terrorand Healing. London.
Urton,G. 1981. At the Crossroadsof the Earthand Sky. Austin.