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New Light on the Tibet-Ladakh-Mughal War of 1679-84

Before approaching rhe subject proper of this article, it will be well to dispose of two
A

preliminary points. The first concerns the division of mNa’-ris-sKor-gSum by sKyid-lDe


fti-ma-mGon (1st half of the 10th cent. A.D.) among his three sons, and the creation, in this
way, of the kingdom of Ladakh. The relevant passage in Franckc (*) has been quoted by
me elsewhere (2).
With Francke’s translation, I would now disagree. 1 would now translate the passage
as follows:

« His three sons were: lHa-chen dPal-gyi-mGon; bKra-sis-mGon, the middle one; and
LDe-gTsug-mGon, the youngest, these three. He gave to each of these three sons a separate
kingdom. To the eldest, dPal-gyi-mGon, (he gave) Mar-yul (Ladakh) of mNa’-ris, the inhab­
itants using black bows. (The frontiers of Mar-yul (Ladakh) w ere:) In the east, Ru-thogs and
IDe-mChog dKar-po, which resembles the gold-mine (called) ’Gog; Ra-ba dMar-po at the
frontier (itself); (and) up to the top of the rocky pass of Yi-mig (I-mis) (in rhe territory of)
Wam-Ie (Han-le). In the west, the foot of the Kashmir Pass (Zo-ji La), from the cavernous
rock upwards (yan-chad) (towards Ladakh). In the north, the lands up to (tshun-chad) the
gold-mine (called) 'Gog (from the north side?) belong to China. (From the south side, they
belong to Ladakh?). bKra-sis-mGon, the middle one, he made ruler over Gu-gc and Pu-hrans,
together with rTse (*). IDe-gTsug-mGon, the youngest, he made ruler over Zans-dKar
sGo-gSum (« the three gates of Zans-dKar ») (*), sPi-ti, together with sPi-lCogs (5) ».

It is dear that what is being dealt with here is the division of the kingdom of sKyid-
IDe Ni-ma-mGon among his three sons. The eldest gets Ladakh, the second Gu-ge and
Pu-hrans, and the third Zans-dKar, sPi-ti and sPi-lCogs. Since the chronicler is concerned,
primarily, with Ladakh, he digresses a little in order to mention, specifically, the frontiers of

(*) A. H. FraNCKE, Antiquities of Indian (*) rTse is probably rTsa-ibrah) or rTsaparang.


Tibet, Part II: The Chronicles of Ladakh and (•*) Zans-dKar means « white copper
Minor Chronicles, ( Archaeological Survey of India,
New Imperial Series, 50) Calcutta, 1926, Text (*) sPi-ti and sPi-lCogs are, probably, not two
p. 35, 11. 13-8, Transl. p. 94 (hereinafter referred separate territories, but parts of the same ter­
to as Ladakh Chronicles). ritory, -ii and -ICogs being adjectives qualifying
the name of the territory, sPi-. Possibly, the
(2) Zahiruddin Ahmad, « Tibet and Ladakh: meanings are « the lowlands of sPi » and « the
A History », St. Antony’s Papers, XIV: Far East­
highlands of sPi », respectively.
ern Affairs, 3, London, 1963, pp. 36-7.

340
Ladakh, as determined in the beginning of her history, in cast, west and north. Francke’s
translation is somewhat misleading in making a list of territories, following « Mar-yul of
mfta’-ris ».
The next preliminary point refers to ’Gog, which is mentioned in the account of the
division of rniW-ris-sKor-gSum, quoted above.
In the article mentioned above (8) I (a) identified the ’Gog of the Ladakh Chronicles,
Text p. 35, Transl. p. 94, with the Kog-yul (<* the Kog country ») and the Gog
people of the Tun-huang Documents (T), Text p. 55, 11. 22-24, Transl. pp. 62-63 and Text
p. 56, 1. 25, Transl. p. 63, U. 31-32. Further, I (h) placed ’Gog in the upper valley of the
Yarkand river, close to Bru-Sa (Gilgit) on the one hand, and Sig-nig {Cighnan, in the Ali-
chur Pamir) on the other.
This identification, however, does not tally wholly with the datum that « in Kog-yul, the
Chinese Byim-po (*) appeared » (Tun-huang Documents, Text p. 55, 11. 22-3, Transl. pp.
62-3), for we know that Kao Hsien-chih did not cross the upper valley of the Yarkand river
on his way from Kucha to Gilgit. He must, however, have crossed the lower valley of the
Yarkand river during his expedition (*). Kog-yul and the Gog people must, therefore, be
placed in both the upper and lower valleys of the Yarkand river.

* * *

We come now to the subject proper of this article: the Tibet-Ladakh-Mughal War of
1679-84 D .
The following nine extracts from the Autobiography of blag clBan Blo-bZan rGya-
mTsho, the 5th Dalai Lama of Tibet (1617-82), and from the Supplement to that Autobio-

(•) Zahiruddin Ahmad, op. tit., pp. 37-8. the same pronunciation is given as pjwxmg. This is
(7) By the Tun-buang Documents, I mean the too far removed from either Byim-po or Gyim-po.
Documents de Touen-houang relatifs a Thistoire du In Nam, An Ancient Language of the Sino-Tibetan
Tibet, ed. and transl. by J. Bacot, F. W. Thomas, Borderland, London, 1948, p. 33, note 5 and p. 57,
C. T oussaint, Paris 1940. F. W . T homas speaks of the Gyim-po/Byim-po as
(•) In my article mentioned above, at p. 37, a Ch’iang tribe of A-mDo. See also F. \V. T homas ,
11. 20-1, I said that the * Byim-po * of the Tun- Tibetan Literary Texts and Documents Concerning
huang Documents, Text p. 55, 11. 22-3, Transl. Chinese Turkestan, Part III, London, 1955, p. 6.
pp. 62-3, is a Tibetan transcription of the Chinese Apparendy, Kao Hsien-chih carried out his expe­
ping, meaning « soldiers ». This is wrong. For one dition with considerable numbers of A-mDo-pa
thing. Byim-po is pronounced djim po in modern tribesmen.
Tibetan, though this may not have been the An­ <*) See E. Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-
cient Tibetan pronunciation. Secondly, the alter­ kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux, Paris, 1900, pp. 151-3.
native spelling of the name, given in the Tun-
( 10) This has been dealt with in (a) the La­
huang Documents, Text p. 55, 1. 10, Transl. p. 62,
dakh Chronicles, Text pp. 42-3, Transl. pp. 115-7;
1. 14, is Gyim-po. Thirdly, the Ancient (i.e. Sui-
(b) L. P etech , A Study of tbe Chronicles of La­
T’ang) Chinese pronunciation of ft as given by dakh, Calcutta, 1939, pp. 156-60 (hereinafter
referred to as P etech , 1939); (c) L. P etech ,
B. K arlgren, Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and « The Tibetan-Ladakh-Moghul War of 1681-83 »,
Sino-Japanese, Paris, 1923, p. 134, is c-pjwpng. In IHQ, 23, 3, September 1947, pp. 169-99 (herein­
« Grammata Serica», BMFEA, 12, 1940, p. 323, after referred to as P etech , 1947).

341
graphy written by Sahs-rGyas rGya-mTsho (1653*1705), sDe-pa or Prime Minister of Tibet
1679-1705, throw some additional light on the war in question (“ ). The Autobiography is
a three-volume work, covering the years 1617-65, 1665-76 and 1676-81 respectively. The
Supplement is also in three volumes, covering the years 1681-83, 1683-91 and 1691-97 (?)
respectively, and was written on the assumption that the Dalai Lama never died, but had
merely left his Fifth Body in order to inhabit a Sixth. The Supplement, therefore, bridges
the years between the departure of the Dalai Lama from the Fifth Body and the appearance
in public — or, as we would say, the enthronement — of the Sixth Body. In order to
keep up the continuity with the 5th Dalai Lama s Autobiography, the three volumes of the
Supplement have been numbered IV, V and VI respectively (instead of I, II and III) and
we shall retain this numbering in this article.
The first two extracts refer to the reign of King bDe-lDan rNam rGyal in Ladakh
(c. 1620-45 F rancke; c. 1640-75 P etech , 1939; 1645-75 P etech , 1948) (,2). The next
seven extracts belong to the reign of bDc-legs rNam-rGyal (c. 1645-80 F rancke; c. 1675-
1705 P etech , 1939 and 1947; c. 1675-1700 P etech , 1948).

(1)

5th Dalai Lama’s Autobiography, II, pp. 30b-31a. Mc-Lug (Fire-Sheep), 3rd Hor
month (Ting-wei, 4th month = 23 April-22 May 1667):

mNa’ . ris . Iva . dags . bde . Idan . gyis . rati. go . tna . chod . pa’i . yi . phyogs . biir (’*).
mug . p a 'i. dpe . Itar . k h y i. gu . can . la . rgyu . mtshan . lab . m i . tnkhas . mdzad . (p. 3 1a:)
pa . dan . 'brug . pa . nan . ma . ’ebatn . pa’i . skyon . gyis . sems . k y i . sog . le . iih . la . ma .
son . bar . rgyu . sdug . yin . khtd . g y i. khrig . se . dart . dpe . tbub . pa’i . mebod . gzis . pa .
gtiis . zla . bcas . butt . bu . mun . nag . tu . ’pbul . ba’i . tshul . gyi . mi . snar . btari . 'dug
. kyari. de . gtiis . kyis . nag . ma . lab . ies . rigs . su . mi , snan ,/m N a* . ris . rgyal . po’i .
mi . sna . yin . ies . gnas . skor . ba . dan . dbyibs . mtshuns . pa . des . rah . sma . rah . ‘bebs
. kyi . thabs . kho . nar . son . / Mi . sna . gag . gis . bshen . rdzogs . dah . cig . sos . kyis .
dge . bshen . du . bsgrubs . pa’i...

« bDe-lDan of Ladakh in mNa’-ris, like one who (showed) his own lack of success by
being displeased with others, (acting) as if he were sorry that {a) he had done an unwise

( ” ) Both works have been catalogued by K a- (12) By P etech , 1948,1 mean L. P etech , « No­
naki/ ra. Y amada, H adano, T ada, Catalogue of tes on Ladakhi H istory», IHQ, 24, 3, Septem­
tbe Tohoku University Collection of Tibetan Works ber 1948, pp. 213-35. The present reference is
of Buddhism, Seminary of Indology, Tohoku Uni­ at p. 222.
versity Sendai, 1953, under nos. 5588 (A-C) and ( 1J) dGe-bSes ’Jam dPal Sen ge A-ti suggests
5589 (D-F) respectively. The first has been noticed the reading yid.phyogs.gian instead of yi.phyogs.
by G. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, I, Rome, biir. I have followed his suggestion in the trans­
1949, pp. 164-5. lation.

342
tiling in speaking of his circumstances to Khyi-gu ( u ) and the others, and that, (b ) because of
the fault of internal dissensions among the ’Bnig-pa, die saw of (Khyi-gu’s?) intellect had not
penetrated into the wood {/'.<?. was blunt), sent the heads of the religious establishments or
Khrig-se and dPe-thub, together with (certain) associates, as his envoys, like bees sent into
darkness (“ ). Nevertheless, these two did not know the art of speaking properly. Although
envoys of the King of mNa’-ris, they resembled, in their (outer) appearance, ordinary pil­
grims (’*), and (managed) only to humiliate and degrade themselves. One of die envoys was
ordained a priest, and the other a Kalyana-mitra (Spiritual Guide) ».

( 2)

5th Dalai Lama’s Autobiography, II, p. 82b. Sa-Bya (Earth-Bird), the former 8th Hor
month, 5th day (Chi-yu, 8th month, 5th day = 30 August 1669):

Bio . gsal . gliri . pa’i . rigs . gra’i . skal . ba . sky el. bar . slob . dpon . dge . ’dun . grags .
pa . gra . bcas . *byor . / IDih .dpon . dpal . yags . can . dan . lhan . du . mha’ . ris . bde .
Idan . g y i. m i . drag. k b u l. no . no . rgyal . zet . ba . btan . byuh . run . ’brug . pas . snum .
ma . /bon . pa . sogs . nes . pa . mams . la . nos . blahs . ’gyod . sdom . / mfta’ . ris . k y i . dge
. lugs . tshor . bdag . rkyen . 'di . tsam . zig . byed . zer . ha’i . rgyu . mtshan . gah . yah . m ed.
par . snum . ma . Ions . pa’i . chad . las . k y i . rgyu . dhos . so r. ba . m am s. phyir. gtod . dgos.
zer . ba’i . rgyal . khrims . rna . bas . mi . thos . pa . ’dra . ba’i . gtam . btan . ’dug . pa . de .
‘dra’i . rigs . la . go . ba . bskon .p a ’i . rgyu . mtshan . po . labs . kyah . bser. ma . bskyod . pa .
las . m i . snah . bas . Ian . spam . pa . iig . la s . ma . btan . / iDih . dpon . can . g y i. sa . rim .
kyah . dge . lugs . k y i . mchod . gits . mams . la . bkal . zih . rta . drel . tsho . de . mtsbuhs .
k y i . gso . bcug . ’dug . pa . rah. gis . btsugs . pa’t . zam . pa . la . rah . ’gro . ba . chos . hid .
yin . pas . /

« The Slob-dPon (Acarya, Teacher) dGc-’dun Grags-pa arrived, together with his monk-
pupils, bearing his portion (of food, etc., necessary) for the Rigs-gra ceremony (to be per­
formed) at the BlogSal Glin monastery. Although the lDin-dPon (*7), dPal-Yag and, in
addition, the nobleman sent by bDe-lDan of mNa’-ris, who (the nobleman) was called No-

( u ) 5ah Dalai Lama’s Autobiography, I, p. forms the cireumambulation of an object of pil­


34% (1664), speaks ol « Khyi-gu and the others, grimage, hence, an ordinary pilgrim.
who were ambassadors from Ladakh in rafta’- ( ,T) IDih-dPon = according to S.C. D as, Ti*
ris » (mtia’.ris.la.dvags.pd’i.mi.sna.khyi.gu.rrtatns. betan-English Dictionary, Calcutta, 1902, p. 710,
la..). col. 1, « an officer over 50 soldiers ». According to
( ,s) i.e., according to dGc-b§cs ’Jam-dPal Sen- L. P etech , China and Tibet in the Early 18th Cen­
ge A-ti, with general, not particular, instructions tury, Leiden, 1950, p. 231, a IDih-dPon was a
— instructions which were vague enough to permit military commander subordinate to the mDa‘-
the envoys to wander about aimlessly — like bees dPon, who (the mDa’-dPon) was the military com­
in darkness — before settling on the object of mander at district headquarters, equal in rank to
their mission. the rDzon-dPon (district officer).
("’) gNasjKor.ba means, literally, one who per­

343
no rGyal, (also) appeared; and the ’Brug-pa admitted to, and regretted, such failings (on their
part) as the non-supply of oil (to the dGe-lugs-pa of mNa’-ris), there was no expression (on
my part) saying: « Here, for this one occasion only, is a gift (from me) to the dGe-lugs-pa
of mNa’-ris (to make up for the losses suffered by them because of tile non-supply of oil
to them by the ’Brug-pa) » — (as the ’Btug-pa expected me to say) (’*). (When told of)
the royal law which said that the losses of wTeaith suffered (by the dGe-lugs-pa) as a result
of the non-supply of oil (by the ’Brug-pa), should be made good (by the ’Brug-pa themselves),
they said something to the effect that they had not heard with their ears (of this royal law).
Although they gave many such plausible excuses C*)> they (the excuses) did not seem to me
to be anything other than things which (merely) stirred the wind. Hence, in reply, I did not
send anything other than (a reply) which was neither favourable nor unfavourable. Also, (the
cost of the maintenance of) the postal stages (in the territory) of the IDin-dPon (dPal-Yag)
being charged on the religious establishments of the dGe-lugs-pa, the feeding of the requisite
number of horses and mules was charged on them. Although it was a well-established
custom f30) that one should (be allowed to) travel by the postal route maintained by oneself,
(the dGe-lugs-pa were not, in fact, allowed to do so?) (ai) ».

In these two passages, we see some of the antecedents of the Tibet-Ladakh-Mughal


War of 1679-84. In the first passage, we see that relations between Ladakh and Tibet are
not very good. The embassy from Ladakh headed by Khyi-gu in 1664 had not, apparently,
been a success. Thar headed by the heads of the monasteries of Khrig-se and dPe-thub in
1667 — sent, as it seems, to put right what Khyi-gu had done wrong — did no better.
In the second passage, wc glimpse, perhaps, some of the causes of the war: the *Brug-pa
had not supplied oil to the dGe-lugs-pa of inNa’-ris, as they seem to have been under some
kind of obligation to do. Secondly, if Prof. Petech’s apodosis to the last sentence of the second
passage is accepted, it seems that the dGe-lugs-pa were not being allowed to use the postal
route which they were maintaining.
The next seven passages belong, as has been said before, to the reign of King bDe-legs
rNam-rGyal.

( “ ) This is the interpretation to the passage carelessness, the copyist has copied only the
given by dGe bSes ’Jam-dPal Sen ge A-ti. protasis of the final sentence of the document,
(**) Go.ba.bsKonpa'i.rGyu.mTsban = literally, or the extract from a document, which he was
« things to ensnare the understanding *, hence, copying, but not the apodosis. The passage im­
plausible excuses. mediately following the words ...chos.iiid.yin.pas./
in the 5th Dalai Lama’s Autobiography, II, p. 82b,
(“ ) C.kos.nid I translate as « well-established 1. 5, has, in Prof. Pctech’s opinion, nothing to do
custom ». with the passage immediately preceding. The
{*') According to Prof. L. Petech this is, as he present apodosis has been supplied, as a conjecture,
would call it, a « truncated document ». Through by Prof. Petech.

344
(3)

3th Dalai Lama’s Autobiography, III, p. 131a. Sa-Lug (Earth-Sheep), 3th Hor month,
?8th clay (Chi-wei, 5th month, 28th day = 5 July 1679):

dGa’ . Idan . tshe . dbah . dpal . bzari . mha' . ris . phyogs . su . sna . sor . dge . lugs .
daz . rgyas . c h e .b a .d e . bzin . yin . kyan . bar. du . ran . phyogs . k y i. bla . ma . re . ghis .
kyis . ma . ’pher . bar . brlen . din . sari . zva . se r. po’i . bstan . pa . sin . tu . riam . dm a ' . gar .
phan . cha . zig . e . yod . re . has . dmag , la . ’gro . ba’i . rgyu . mtshan . zer . yari . *d i . rigs .
Ihus . thins . ma . byas . par . stabs . *gros . m i. ’gab . tsh u l. nan. chags . ’d i . ga . nas . labs .
pa . dan . mthun . par . sde . pa . bio . bzan . sbyin . pa . dan . stag . star . sogs . kyis .
iol . blab . kyari . tied . chos . ma . byuri . phyin . bla . m a 'i. gsol. ras . za . yin . bsdad. par .
dgos . pa . mi . ’dug . pas . bstan . pa’i . zabs . tog . bsgrub . rtsis . kyis . mha’ . ris . su .
’gro . bar . i o l . ma . thcbs . giis . sde . pas . mthun . kyen . spel . te . rdzori . bda’ . / Bi . lig .
thu’i . ‘dod . pa . Itar . riri . ’tsho’i . tshigs . bead . kyi . luri . bklags . / mDud. pa . byin .
rten . sogs . dan . bcas . gnam . gari . la . thon.

« dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZan, (having pointed out that) in the region of m tta’-ris,
the great diffusion of the dGe-lugs-pa had, previously, been as (extensive as) it was here,
but (that) — because, in the meantime, the lamas of our region had not gone up there, one
after another — at present, the Teaching of the dGe lugs-pa (in mNa’-ris) had become
(like) a paltry tassel used in dancing, (had asked) why should this be so? (and) had said,
hopefully, (that) an occasion for going to war (had arisen). Without arriving at such a
thorough understanding (" ) (of the situation), the sDe-pa Blo-bZan sByin-pa, sTag-sTar and
the others, while agreeing with what he (dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZan) had said regard­
ing the urgency of (the fact that) the state of affairs was not as it should be, had post­
poned (**) (the sending out of an expedition to Ladakh). However, I reckoned that if
there were no (practice of the) True Religion, the offerings to the lamas would be exhausted.
(Hence,) there was no need to sit idle, but service to the Teaching (of the True Religion)
had to be performed. (Therefore), I did not postpone (:i) the going (of the army) to mbJa*-
ris. Accordingly, the sDe-pa (Blo-bZan sByin-pa) gave out the necessary equipment (for going
to mrta’-ris), and sent them (the troops) out on the day of the new moon, together with
(a) farewell-presents, (b) an Edict, consisting of verses (praying for) long life, (written) in
accordance with the wishes of Bi-lig-thu, (and) read out (to the troops), (c) knotted tal­
ismans, containing blessings and (d) other things ».

(22) IHus.thihs, a « thorough understanding *. have translated as « had postponed » and « did not
See dG e -b$ es C hos -kyi-G racs-pa , brDa-dag Min- postpone», respectively, sec dGe-bSf.s Chos-kyi*
tsbig gSalJ>a!Tsang-Wen Tz’u-Tien, Peking. 1957, Grags-pa, op. cit„ p. 896, cols. 1-2, under bSol.
p. 386, col. 1, under ’Thins. ’debs and p. 889, col. 1, under Sol.tbebs.’gyur.
(J*) For Sol.bTab and Sol.tna.tbebs, which I

345
(4)

5th Dalai Lama’s Autobiography, III, p. 168b. Sa-Lug (Earth-Sheep), 12th Hor month,
1st day (Chi-wei , 12th month, 1st day = 2 January 1680):

dGa’ . Idan . tshe . dbah . d p a l. bzah . ra . la . khan . dmar . du . la . dags . pa’i . blon ♦
po . sagya . can . gyi . dmag . gdoh . bsur . yohs . pa’i . pha . rol . dgra . sde’i . dpuh . las .
mam . par . rgyal . ba'i . tshe . bstan . stun . rgya . mtsho’i . tshogs . la . ’bul . ba’i . shan .
sal . mams . kyi . kha . byah . rgyab . yig . / dGa’ . Idan . bstan . ’dzin . bo . Sog . thu .
dan . sun . giis . ka . ba . dnos . grub . nor . bus . b sku l. ba’i . gsol. ’debs . / Ran . g i . hrjed .
byah . du . pad . glih . gtum . po’i . las . byah . mthoh . has . mam . grol. rgyal. byed . slob .
dpon . chos . dbah . rgya . mtsho’i . nor . smon . lam . mams . brtsams.

« In the presence of Chos-dBah rGya-mTsho, the Slob-dPon of rNam-Grol rGyal-byed


monastery, and keeping in view (a) the inventory, and the annotations written on the back (of
rhe inventory), of the presentation-scarves which dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZan had pre­
sented to the Guardian-deities, at the time when, having gone to Khan-dMar in Ra-la to meet
the army of the minister of Ladakh, Sakya (rGya-mTsho), he (dGa’-lDan Tshc-dBah dPal-
bZah) was victorious over the enemy army; (b) the prayers which were urged by dGa’-lDan
bsTan-’Dzin Bo-£og-thu (Khan) (**) and the Pillar of Sun-g2is, dftos-Grub Nor-bu; and (c)
the List of the Rites (performed) for the Fierce One (Vajrapani) of Pad-ma Glih (?#), which
(list) was (recorded) in my own memoranda, I drew up prayers and rites (which were to be
performed in a public prayer-meeting)

(5)

Sans-rGyas rGya-raTsho’s Supplement, V, pp. 73b-74a. Sin-Byi (Wood-Mouse), 10th


Ilor month, 13th day (Chia-tzu, 10th month, 13th day = 19 November 1684):

dGa’ . Idan . tshe . dbah . d p a l. bzah . gi . dpuh . bsnon . du . bo . log . thu . rgyal. p o s,
dmag . rogs . blah . ste . la . dags . la (? ) . bteg . pa . ma . b zo d . p a 'i. rgyal. po . bde . Idan .
rnam . rgyal . pha . bu . mna’ . ris . dan . bcas . pa . chab . ’bans . su . ( p. 7 4 a:) 'd zu l. te .
c i . gsuh . sgrub . par ,/ bDc . Idan . mam . rgyal . rah . la . sa . skal . dan ./ Khu . no . no .
hag . dbah . mam . rgyal . gyog . brgya . skor . dan . bcas . zu . gter . khrid . d e . spun . bdun .
pa . mgron . gfier . Ihun . grub . rgya . mtsho . ’byor . pa’i . bla . ma . y i . dam . chos . sruh .

(I4) dGa'-IDan bsTan-’Dzin Bo-£og-thu Khan, the K’ang-hsi of China (born 1654, succeeded 1661,
great chief of the Jungars, bom 1644, succeeded died 1722) in 1696, died 1697. See note 34,
to the Khanate 1671, given the title of dGa’-IDan below.
bsTan-’Dzin Boiog-thu Khan by the 5th Dalai (*s) i.e. Padma Glin monastery in sBas-yul
Lama in 1678 (5th Dalai Lama's Autobiography, (« the hidden country ») in the Mon country.
III, p. 82a), defeated at Jao Mode by the Emperor

346
yofts . la . bzabs . gsol . gtan . rag . hin . Ina pbul . bal . stta . Ina . dar . ia l. yt . ge . bka’ .
rtsom . gyi . tshul. du . bgyis.j

«(dGa’-lDan bsTan-’Dzin) Bo£og-thu Khan having given auxiliary troops to reinforce the
army of dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZan, the King (of Ladakh) bDe-lDan rNam-rGyal ( t8),
and his son, being unable to withstand the coming-up (of these troops) (to) Ladakh, sub­
mitted, together with mNa’-ris, to (our) allegiance, and did whatever they were required to
do. To bDe-lDan rNam-rGyal himself, his portion of territory (was restored). His unde, the
No-no Nag-dBah rNam-rGyal (2'), together with about 100 attendants, brought a petition and
presents. The seventh brother, the mGron-gNer Lhun-Grub rGya-mTsho, came and offered
deep prayers and thanks to all the lamas (and) the tutelary-deities and Guardian-deities of the
Faith. He also offered wool of 6ve different colours, presentation silks, and letters, as he
had been ordered to do ».

( 6)

Sahs-rGyas rGya-mTsho’s Supplement, V, p. 78b. Sin-Byi (Wood-Mouse), 11th Hor


month, 11th and 12th days (Chia-tzu, 11th month, 11th and 12th days = 16 and 17 De­
cember 1684):

’Di . hin . dga' . Idan . tshe . dbah . dpal . bzah . dpon . gyog . dan ./ No . no . tsbe .
rih . bsarn . grub . gyog . sum . cu . skor . dan . bcas . te . ‘byor . / Tshes . bcu . gnis . la .
mha' . ris . khri . se . mkhan . zur . nag . dban . dkon . mebog . hi . mas . }b u l. yon . sbyor .
te . mam . rgyal . gra . tshan . nas . gzims . ebun . brtan . biugs.j

« On this day (i.e. on the 11th day, 16 December 1684), dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-
bZan, the commander and his attendants; and the No-no Tshe-rin bSam-Grub, together with
about thirty attendants, arrived. On the 12th day (17 December 1684), the offerings made
by Nag-dBari dKon-mChog Ni-ma, the retired Abbot of Khri-se in mNa’-ris, were recorded,
and the monastic school of rNam-rGyal offered prayers for the long life of the (deceased)
Dalai Lama ».

(7)

Sahs-rGyas rGya-mTsho’s Supplement, V, pp. 88b-89a. Sin-Byi (Wood-Mouse), 12th


Hor month, 3rd and 4th days (Chia-tzu, 12th month, 3rd and 4th days = 7 and 8 January
1685):

(2B) This is the usual mistaken way of referring Transl. p. 107, that No-no Nag dBan rNam-rGyal
to bDe-legs rNam-rGyal. was the half-brother of Scn-gc rNam-rGyal, the
(JT) Prof. Petech points out, on the authority father of bDe IDan rNam-rGyal.
of the Ladakh Cbrontdes, Text p. 39, 11. 13-14,

347
'D i. hin . dga’ . Idan . tshe . dbaft . dpal .bzan . dan . / No . no . tsbe . rih . bsam . grub .
'khor . bcas . la . dags . la . thon . rgyu’i . gnah . sbyn . rgyas . par . p h u l./ . bzi . la .
Iha . (p. 89a:) sa . khrims . rar . dga’ . Idan . tshe . dban. dpal. bzan . gis . gtsos . pa’i . mna .
ris . la . ’gro . mi’i . dmag . mi . /jAo . phra . miko.? dag . la . ston . mo . dan . ster . shy in .
rgyas . pa . bstar . thog . dga'. /Jan . tshe . dban .dpal . bzan . la . mtshan . ran . ’jags . dan .
lha . dban . d p a l. 'bar . la . da’i . chin . pa . dur ./ Badzra . skyabs . la . no . yon . kho . so’i .
chi . / No . no . tshe . rih . bsam . grub . la . dbus . chin . nan . so . sogs . cho . lo . gnah (?) .
bar (? ) . gsol . dpon . rab . ’byams . pa . hag . dban . dge . legs . rdzoh . bda’ . gnah . tshul
dan . gnah . cha . kyah . spom . mtho . bstar . ro.

« On this day (i.e. on the 3rd day, 7 January 1685), dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZah and
the No-no, Tshe-rih bSam-Grub, being about to depart for Ladakh, gave many offerings. On
the 4th day (8 January 1685), in the parade-ground of Lhasa, in addition to showing an
entertainment-exhibition and giving many presents to the men of the army which was going
to mNa’-ris, led by dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZari, I gave to dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-
bZah that title itself (*"); to lHa-dBan dPal-’bar, (the title of) Da’i-chin Pa-dur; to Vajra-
sKyabs, (the title of) Noyon Kho-so’i-chi; to the No-no Tshe-rih bSam-Grub, (the title of)
dBus-chin Nan-so, etc. The gSol-dPon, Rab-’byams-pa Nag-dBan bDe-lcgs, gave farewell-pre­
sents and other gifts to superfluity ».

( 8)

Sans-iGyas rGya-mTsho’s Supplement, V, p. 104b. Sin-Glan (Wood-Ox), 4th Hor


month, 21st day (I-eh’ou, 4th month, 21st day = 23 May 1685):

gNam . gah . la . man . yul . gu . ge . rtsa . bran . gi . rdzoh . sdod . du . khan . dmar .
pa . tshe . brtan . rdo . rje . dan . / sTag . la . mkhar . du . bio . bzan . don . yod . / Pi . tir .
than . groh . pa . dgos . dgos . mams . rdzoh . bda’ . byas.

« On the day of the new moon, I gave appropriate farewell-presents (and bade farewell)
to (a) Tshe-brTan rDo-rJe of Khan-dMar (who was now appointed) rDzon-sDod ( = rDzon-
dPon) of rTsa-hrah in Gu-ge (which was, formerly, a part of?) Man-yul {i.e. Mar-yul, i.e.
Ladakh); (b) Blo-bZan Don-yod (who was now appointed) to sTag-la-mKhar; and (c) Than-
Gron-pa (who was now appointed) to (s)Pi ti ('*) ».

(Jg) i.e. dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZan, who ml^a’-ris was divided. sTag-la-mKhar, better known
was, hitherto, not known by that name (or title), as sTag-la-Kof (Taklakor), was the headquarters of
was now, officially, given the name of dGa’-lDan sPu-rahs district. It is situated near the junction
Tshe-dBan dPal-bZah. of the borders of Nepal, India and Tibet. sPi-ti
(**) rTsa-hrah or Tsaparang is a well-known is a district in the Indian Union territory of
town in mNna’-ris. It was the headquarters of Himachal Pradesh.
one of the 4 rDzons or districts into which Tibetan

348
* * *

In the light of the above extracts, we can amend the chronology of the Tiber-Ladakh-
Mughal War — as determined by P etech in his 1947 article, at pp. 187-9 — as follows. It
is to be remembered that, following P etech , 1947, p. 187, the Christian years given below
indicate only three seasons: spring, summer and autumn.

1679. dGa’-lDan Tshc-dBah dPal-bZan’s first campaign against Ladakh. The Ladakhis, led by
Sakya rGya-mTsho, were defeated at Khan-dMar in Ra-la (5th Dalai Lama’s Autobio­
graphy) or 2va-dMar-lDin (Ladakh Chronicles). P etech , 1947, pp. 175-9.
1680. dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZan’s second campaign. Defeat of the Ladakhis at Byan-Ia
and the occupation of Ladakh (except Bab-sGo) by the Tibetans. P etech , 1947, pp.
179-81.
1680, 1681 and 1682. For three years, the Ladakhis held out at Bab-sGo against the Tibe­
tans. P etech , 1947, p. 182.
1683. dGa'-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZan’s third campaign. Mughal intervention in A.H. 1094
= 31 December 1682-19 December 1683. The Tibetans were defeated and fled to
bKra-Sis-sGaii. Treaty between the Mughals and the Ladakhis. The Mughals withdrew
to Kashmir. P etech, 1947, pp. 182-6.
1684. With the help of rc-inforcements from dGa’-lDan bsTan-’Dzin Bo-s'og-thu Khan, the
Khan of the Jungars, dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZan waged a fourth campaign
against the Ladakhis, defeated them, concluded a Treaty between the Tibetans and the
Ladakhis, and returned to Lhasa on 16 December 1684.
1685. The Tibetan Government appointed rDzon-dPons (« district officers ») to sTag-la-
mKhar (or sTag la-Kot), rTsa hran (or Tsaparang) and sPi-ti, which had been annexed
to Tibet by the Ladakh-Tibet Treaty of 1684.

Four interesting facts emerge from the above data. Firstly, from the passage dated 5
July 1679, it seems that the decision to send the expedition to Ladakh was taken by the 5th
Dalai Lama himself, who, concurring with the advice given by dGa’-IDan Tshe-dBan dPal-
bZan (that an expedition be sent), over-ruled the advice given by the sDc-pa Blo-bZan
sByin-pa (that the expedition be postponed). I t should be remembered that the sDe-pa Blo-
bZan sByin-pa was, at this time, in the very last day's of his tenure of office as sDe-pa. Already
on 27 June 1679, a notice had been issued, naming Sans rGyas rGya-mTsho as sDe-pa (*°),
although the actual installation of the latter as sDe-pa took place on 13 July 1679 (*’).

(80) 5th Dalai Lama’s Autobiography, III, pp. ( 81) Ibid., p. 132b. Sa-Lug (Earth-Sheep), 6th
127b-128a. Sa-Lug (Earth-Sheep), 5th Hor month, Hor month, 6th day (Chi wei, 6th month, 6th
20th day (Chi-wei, 5th month, 20th day = 27 day = 13 July 1679).
June 1679).

349
Secondly, the three-years’ so-called « siege » of Bab-sGo does seem to have lasted for
as long as three years (3S). The length of time is probably explained by two facts: first, that
the Ladakh Chronicles themselves (Text p. 42, 1. 6, Transl. p. 115, 11. 21-3) do not, strictly
speaking, speak of a « siege » of Bab-sGo. What they do say is that the Mongols (and Tibe­
tans) occupied the territory up to — but not including — Bab-sGo. « Some forces following
the commander-in-chief of Ladakh had occupied (bZuh) the fortress of Ba-mGo (Bab-sGo).
Although they fought (the Mongols) for three yeans, the Mongol army did not go back ».
This seems to mean that after the fall of Leh to the Tibetans and Mongols, what remained
of the Ladakhi forces moved westwards, established themselves at Bab-sGo, and made that
place the centre of operations against the invaders. From the new base, the Ladakhis fought
the Tibetans and Mongols for three years, but were unsuccessful in driving them out of La­
dakh. This is not the same thing as a « siege » of Bab-sGo.
Even if wc regard the Ladakhis’ holding out at Bab-sGo, and the occupation of the rest
of Ladakh by the Mongols and Tibetans as a virtual « siege » of Bab-sGo, the length of time
is explicable by the conjecture that the door to the south, the Zoji La, probably remained
in Ladakhi hands. The Ladakhis could, thus, bring in supplies from the Valley of Kashmir —
at teast, they could do so, if not during the seasons of activity (spring, summer and autumn),
then either at the end of autumn (when, it is conjecturable, the « besiegers » withdrew to
Leh) or die beginning of spring (before the « besiegers » returned to Bab-sGo).
Whatever the explanation, the fact seems to be that the Ladakhis defiicd the Mongols
for three years from Bab-sGo.
Thirdly, although Prof. Petech was inclined to doubt die historicity of a fourth cam­
paign (33), there does seem to have been such a campaign waged by dGa’-lDan Tshe-dBan
dPal-bZah against Ladakh in 1684. It was made possible by re-inforoements sent to dGa’-
IDan Tshe-dBan dPal-bZah by no less a person than dGa’-lDan bsTan-’Dzin Bo-$og-thu
Khan, the Khan of the Jungars, who was, in this way, coming to the aid of his cousins, the
Khoshotes of Tibet (34).
Fourthly, the passage dated 23 May 1685 affords, perhaps, some confirmation of the
Ladakh-Tibct treaty of 1684, as given in the Ladakh Chronicles, Text pp. 42-3, Transl. pp.
115-7. In 1630, according to the Ladakh Chronicles (**) and according to Sans-rG yas
rG ya-m T sho, Vaidurya Ser-po'i Me-lon (1698), Lokcsh-Chandra’s ed., New Delhi, 1960,
p. 221, II. 15-18 (**), Sen-gc rNam-rGyal, the then King of Ladakh, had annexed Gu-ge,

(“ ) P etech , 1947, pp. 182, 188, doubted (**) Text p. 40, 11. 28-30, Transl. p. 110, 11.
whether the siege of Bab-sGo lasted for as long 10-12. G. Tucci, E. G hexsi, Secrets of Tibet, Lon­
as 3 years. don and Glasgow, 1933, pp. 180-1, have suggested
( 3*) P etech , 1947, p. 187, note 14 and p. 189. the reading t'o.glih or t ’o.lin instead of los.lon in
(34) The Jungars were one of the Dorben Oirad the Ladakh Chronicles, Text p. 40, 1. 29, Transl.
(« Four Allies ») who constituted the Western Mon­ p. lio , L 11.
gols. Jungar = Jagi'in Gar = Left Wing. The (3‘ ) The passage in the VSP, p. 221, 11. 15-18,
Khoshotes of Ch’ing hai and Tibet were another of reads as follows:
the Four Allies. To Western writers, the Western ’Di . skabs . pan . chen . bio . bzah . cbos .
Mongols were, generally, known as the Kalmuks. rgyan . spyan . drans . dam . cbos . kyi . sgo . ’ pbar.

350
i.e. rTsabran (Tsaparang), mTho-glin and Ru-thog, to his kingdom. In 1641, after the war
between Ladakh and Tibet, the Tibetan government, headed by the ruler of gTsan, had
acquiesced in the annexation of Gu-ge to Ladakh, and had fixed the frontier between La­
dakh (including Gu-ge) and Tibet at the Mar-yum Pass (*T). Now, in 1684, the government
of Tibet, headed by the sDe-pa Sans-rGyas rGya-mTsho, annexed Gu-ge to Tibet, and fixed
the frontier between Ladakh and Tibet at the lHa-ri stream at bDe-mChog. If there had
been no such annexation of territory by Tibet in 1684 — as the Ladakh Chronicles, in
effect, say there was — there could have been no question of appointing rDzon dPons to
sTag-la-mKhar (or sTag-la-Kot), rTsa-bran ^Tsaparang) and sPi-ti in the spring of 1685.

* * *

We produce now a new translation of the Ladakh Chronicles, Text p. 42,1. 1 - p. 43,
1. 17. The translation given below should be compared with that of Francke, at p. 115,
1. 8-p. 117, 1. 22 of his Translation.
« His son, bDe-legs rNam-rGyal, came to the kingship. At this time, the people of
Bhutan and the Tibetans bad a dispute. Because (the head lama of) Bhutan was the
patron-deity of (i.e. worshipped by) the King of Ladakh, he (the King of Ladakh) sent a
letter to Tibet, saying that he would help him. The Tibetans, having examined the matter
(and having considered that) if the army of that King arrived here (in Tibet) before (the
Tibetans advanced to meet him), there might, in accordance with his name, be a "State
Destroyed’’"' (1S), agreed to the advice that they should raise an army before (the arrival
of the Ladakhis). (The name of) the Mongol monk-pupil of dGa’-lDan (monaster)’), call­
ed Tshe-dBan, fell on (i.e. appeared in, or was indicated by) the astrological calculations.
Having returned (i.e. absolved himself from) his monastic vows, he arrived (in Ladakh),
with (his) Mongol tribesmen and a large army. First, there was a fight at 2va-dMar-lDin.
(Then), gradually, the Mongol army arrived at Ba-mGo. At this time, the King was staying

phye ./ Pbyrr . pbebs . kbar . mkban . po . bio . Abbot (of mTho-lDin) and that of the Lord of
bzah . ye . ies . Kyis - khri . lo . bcu . ghis. mdzad. Gu-ge, bKra-Sis Grags-pa, and took them (to
rjes . mda' . lhas . mam . par . bcihs . pa’i . byed Ladakh). He brought Gu-ge under his own power *.
pn . La . dvags . sen . ge . rnam . rgyal , gyis . Cf. G. T ucci, « Tibetan Notes », HJAS, XII,
mkhan . po . dan ./ Gu . ge . bdag . po. bkra . sis . 3-4, December 1949, p. 486, II. 8-13.
grags . pa . bcas . ran . dbah . ' phral . te . gdan .
dratts ( Kho . pas . gu . ger . dbah . bsgyur. (*7) Ladakh Chronicles, Text p. 40, II. 19-22,
Transl. p. 109,11. 32-9; also. Text p. 40,1. 30-p. 41,
« At this time (i.e, when IHa-bTsun Blo bZan
1. 3, Transl. p. 110, II. 13-19. In my book on
bsTan-fli was head of mTho-!Din). the Pan-chcn
Sino-Tibetan Relations in the Seventeenth Century,
Blo-bZan Chos-kyi-i^yal-mTshan (1569-1662) was
to be published in Ismeo SOR, I have discussed
invited (to mNa’-ris) and opened the door of the
the reasons for fixing the date of Scn-ge rNam-
True Religion. On his return, after the Abbot,
rGyal's invasion of Tibet to the year 1641.
Blo-bZah Ye-Ses, had held the see for 12 years,
the doer who was completely struck by the 5 ( s") sDe.bRlags (“State Destroyed*’) is, ap­
arrows (of Kama, the god of Desire, viz., insanity, parently, pronounced the same way as bDe.Legs,
desire, obscurity, dryness and death), Sen ge rNam- the name of the King of Ladakh.
KJyal of Ladakh, took away the power of the

351
in the castle of gTih-sGah, (but) some forces following the commander-in-chief of Ladakh
had occupied the fortress of Ba-mGo. Although they fought for three years, the Mongol
army did not go back. The King of Ladakh (then) sent a messenger to the Nawab of Kash­
mir. Thereupon, a large (Mughal) army having come out (of Kashmir) and having fought
on the plain of Bya-rGyal at Ba-mGo, the Tibetan soldiers fled, leaving behind a large
quantity of armour, bows and arrows. (Ih e Mughals?) having (then) gradually marched
to dPe-thub, the Mongol troops fled (further) and having arrived at bKra-sis-sGah, built
a fort there, erected an enclosing wall and surrounded the (outer) limits (of the wall) with
water. Having (thus) made it impossible for (enemy) troops to enter inside, they lived
there. Thereupon, the Government of Tibet, being afraid that the King of Ladakh and his
Hoops might, once again, make war (on Tibet), ordered the ’Brug-pa Mi-’pham dBah-po
that he ought to go (to Ladakh) in order to establish peace. Accordingly, the 'Brug-pa All-
Knowing One came to gTih-sGan. Together with him, other envoys of the Tibetans also
appeared. (C M S:) The King of Ladakh perceived that (no less a person than) the head-
lama of his ancestors and his own lama had bestirred himself. What the two of them have
uttered (and laid down) is not to be overthrown.

(I) The (three) parts (of mNa’-ris-sKor-gSum) were determined (a*) in accordance with
the grant of kingdoms which fti-ma-mGon (had made), in the beginning, to each of his sons.

(II) (B MS:) With regard to such matters as that Tibet is a Buddhist country and
Kashmir a non-Buddhist country: Since the religious beliefs and practices of non-Buddhists
and Buddhists are hostile to each other, if at the border the King of Ladakh is unhappy,
Tibet (too) will be unhappy. The Tibetans having considered (this), whatever has happened
up to now should be considered things of the past. From now onwards, in order to guard
the frontier between non-Buddhist and Buddhist countries, the King (of Ladakh), while
being responsible for himself (rah.gis.gan (’gun?).len.mdzad.de), will, out of regard for the
Teaching of the Buddha, take measures for not bringing up foreign armies.

(III) With regard to the duties (or obligations) of Kashmir:

(a) The goat-wool and other products of mfta’-ris-sKor-gSum must not be sold to any
country other (than Kashmir). As for the price of the wool: for every 80 nags (<c) of long-

(*•) Cba.bZag. Das, op. cit., p. 404, col. 1, makes me translate it not as a verb, but as a noun
gives the meaning of cha.b24g.pa as * to rely or and a verb: « the parts (eba) were determined
depend upon, to confide in; sbst. trust, confidence... (b2ag) in accordance with (I t a r ». That is to
To adhere, cling to; to follow, obey (law s)». say, the frontiers between the three parts of
C hos -kyi-G rags-pa , p. 246, col. 2, says « ties.par. rntta’-ris were re-affirmed to be those which fli-
ma-mGon had laid down. This is saving very much
yin.du.biag.paj t t jfc. ft f t . f t , *. However, the same as what Francke said in his translation,
only in a somewhat different way.
the use of the particle Itar, instead of la,
as the particle on which cba.biag depends, (40) 1 bag — A Vi ounces.

352
haired wool, 2 rupees (*’) are to be given. (C MS:) As the price o£ the wool, for every
80 nags of long-haired wool, one rupee (**) is to be given.

(b) (B MS:) The Byan(-than) people will not be allowed to trade with the nag of
Ron (the Indus gorge?). It should not be said of the wool of Byan(-thah) that it contains
soil, stones or moisture. To Ru-thog itself, none but the court merchants (of Ladakh) are
to be admitted. With regard to the wool (of Byan-than, which is to be sold to Kashmir):
four Kashmiri merchants shall reside at dPe-thub and trade with the Kashmiris of (the
Valley of) Kashmir, Other than for doing that which is to be done for (the purpose of)
going (back) to Kashmir (with the wool, merchandise, etc.) (°), the Kashmiris of (the Valley
of) Kashmir will not be allowed to go to Byan-than. The Kashmiris of Ladakh who go to
Byan-than will not be allowed, themselves, to go to (the Valley of) Kashmir with the wool
— as in the case of mhJa’-ris sKor-gSum (“ ).

(IV) In accordance with the order of Mi-’pham dBan-po, when the wherewithal for
(lighting) the sacred lamps and (performing) the festival of prayers at Lhasa is got ready,
in (the territory of) the Garis-tsho (« Ice Lake ») at Men-ser (C MS: sMon-tshcr), so that
the Ladakhis may have the wherewithal to make the holy offerings for the sacred lamps (at
Lhasa) and to make the Offering of Earth (at Lhasa), the King shall be his own master (4S).
With this exception, the frontier (of Ladakh) was fixed as from the IHa-ri stream at bDe-
mChog (4‘).

(V) (a) The government trade which is to come from Tibet with (/.<?. consisting of)
200 animal-loads of tea and (another quantity of) rectangular tea-bricks, will not be sent

(41) dfiul.JMar.Zog, literally, «rcd silver goods* to agree with Francke. b lin , as Das say's, at p.
= rupees, according to Francke. 1085, col. 1, means « as, like, according to*. The
meaning of the passage seems to be that, as in
(42) Rin.dfiul, literally, « price-silver », i.e. the
the case of mfla’-ris-skor-gsum, so in the case of
silver in which prices are paid = rupee, according
Byan-than, the 4 Kashmiris of Kashmir, who
to Francke.
resided in dPe-thub in order to carry on the wool-
{**) Francxe translated Kbaxhul.’gro.rgya.bya. trade, would not be allowed to go to Byan-than,
ba.ma.gtogs (Text p. 42, 1. 21) as « Besides these except for the purpose of going back to Kashmir;
men who arc called Kha-chul-hgro-rgya * (Transl. p. and that the Kashmiris of Ladakh who went to
116, 1. 13). I take the -rgya of 'gro.rgya to be an Byan-than would not be allowed to go to Kashmir
equivalent of -rgyu, as in gan-rgya or 'gan-rgya, themselves, but would have to trade with the 4
where -rgya = ■rgyu. See G ios-kyi-G rags-pa , Kashmiris of Kashmir at dPe-thub.
p. 114, col. 1 and p. 159, col. I. Also, Francke, {” ) i.e. the offerings for the lighting of the
apparently, took bya-ba as an equivalent of zes- sacred lamps, etc., at Lhasa, which the I^adakhis
bya-ba, « so-called». It seems to me better to were to make, were to be paid out of the revenues
take bya-ba for its literal meaning: kartavya, « that of the tem'toiy of Gans-tsho in Mcn-scr.
which is to be done * — not, incidentally, kdrya,
{**) i.e. the territory inwards towards Ladakh,
as Das says in his Dictionary, p. 882, col. 2.
as from the IHa-ri stream at bDe-mChog, was
(44) F ranckf. translated mtia'.ris.skor.gsum. Ladakhi territory. The territory outside the IHa-ri
biin (Text, p. 42, I. 22) as « Regarding Mnah- stream at bDe-mChog, towards Central Tibet, was
ris skor-gsum » (Transl. p. 116,1. 16) and connected Tibetan territory. The frontier between Ladakh
the phrase with the passage immediately following. and Tibet was, therefore, fixed at the IHa-ri stream
Unless we read ni instead of biin, it is difficult at bDe-mChog.

353
to any frontier other than to this (frontier) (*T). When the government trade does not come
annually, the above stipulation will not apply (4*J.

(b) The King of Ladakh (will send) offerings to Tibet for the Saluting of the (New)
Year (or « the Salutation of the (New) Year ») and the Placing (of himself) under the
Protection (i.e. protective blessing of the Dalai Lama) (**). (C MS:) (These offerings)
should be sent from Ladakh to Tibet, together with (other) presents, every three years.

(c) (B M S:) Although the quantity (of presents to be given) to lamas and others has
not been laid down exactly, (nevertheless), after (the envoys from Ladakh to Tibet, bearing
the above-mentioned offerings) have given
10 thur-zos of gold (C M S:) 2 tbur-ios (10 tolas) (of gold),
(B M S:) 10 sraris of perfume,
(saffron),
6 rolls of doth of Hor (Mughal or Mongol) manufacture and
1 roll of bab-sta (soft cotton?) doth,
to the Treasurer of the Office of the Dalai Latna (Bla-brari), they will receive, throughout
their stay (at Lhasa), (daily) rations; and (C MS:) they will return (to Ladakh), taking with
them (40),
(B M S:) 200 animal-loads (of goods), (to be collected) during the journey (back),
(C M S:) 25 riding-horses,

(4T) I believe the word dvags, following la, at of the (New) Year or the Salutation of the (New)
p. 42, 1. 25, should be deleted. La, here, is a Year had been sent every year, the term lo-pbyag
preposition — strictly speaking, a postposition — could, properly, he translated as « Annual Salu-
connected with the word ’di immediately preceding, tation ». But, as in this case, the embassy was
not part of the name La-dvags. ’Di (this) refers to sent every third year, the term is better translated
the frontier defined in the previous sentence: the as the Saluting of tire (New) Year or the Salu­
IHa-ri stream at bDc-mChog. The syntagma ’di-la tation of the (New) Year. Jaschke's definition —
— “ to this (frontier)” — is complementary to the « embassy sent every year to the king to renew
syntagma gZan.mTba'.la (“ to another frontier” ) of the oath of allegiance » (H.A. J aschke , Tibetan-
the next line. English Dictionary, Reprint, London, 1958, p. 552,
col. 2) — quoted by D as at p. 1221, col. 2, with
(■") Meaning, I take it, that when, if ever, the the substitution of the words « a suzerain» for
government-trade did not come annually, the sti­ « the king *, is permissible only in cases where, in
pulation that the trade should come only through fact, the embassy was sent every year, and sent to
bDe-mChog would not apply to non-government a king or a suzerain, for the purpose mentioned
traders, who may then — but only then — come by Jaschke. sKyabs-’Jug = the Placing (’jug) of
through any other route. As long, however, as the oneself under the Protection (sKyabs) of the bless­
government trade continued to come annually, the ings of a high-ranking lama, or the divinity incar­
route of the trade would he through bDe-mChog nate in a high-ranking lama. Pbul-rGyu — that
only, both for government and non-government which is to be offered, hence, offering.
traders.
(sn) * they will return (to Ladakh), taking with
(**) Lo-pbyag = the Saluting of the (New) them... *. I read Zon. sKyel.bar.phyir.{log.dgos.)dah
Year, in which the Year itself is saluted, or the at Text p. 43, 1. 2. Francke, who read this as
Salutation of the (New) Year, in which a feudal Zoh.sKyel.pkar.phyir.dan, translated it, at p. 116,
superior is saluted on the occasion of the New I. 38, as « both going and coming the goods shall
Year. If tire embassy sent to perform the Saluting be transported... ».

354
10 men of lower rank for the kitchen (while it is being transported) on hotseback (*'),
(or, B M S:) 15 horses (to be supplied) under the compulsory service scheme (u-lag) (JJ),
10 riding-horses (*') and
3 men who will come with the kitchen (transported) on horseback (**),
fodder, without restriction, for their horses, while they are there (in Tibet),
1 tent for the nomadic districts,
1 tent for the camp-kitchen (” ) and the treasury,
horse-loads (of goods), (to be collected) during (the journey from) one postal-station
(C M S:) to another (**), and
(other) goods.
(VI) (B MS:) Although it was laid down that with each Saluting of the (New) Year
(or « Salutation of the (New) Year ») (made every three years), (the revenues of) one of
the three parts of mNa’-ris-sKor-gSum should be paid (C M S:) to Mi-’pham dBan-po,
(B MS:) (the King of Ladakh) did not memorialize in accordance with the words of Mi-
’pham dBah-po (>T). But, at the time when the Central Government of Tibet (temporarily)
bestowed on Mi-’pham dBampo three districts in Tibet, in place of mNa’-ris-sKor-gSum,
he (the King of Ladakh) memorialized that no blame could be imputed to mNa’-ris (for the
Tibetan government having had to do so). The Central Government then gave the three
estates to Mi-’pham dBah-po (permanendy) (’*).

(C MS:) For the rest, Ru-thog, Gu-ge, etc., were annexed (to Tibet) in order to pro­
vide the wherewithal for (the lighting of) the sacred lamps and (the performance of) the
Festival of Prayers. Thereafter, the troops of the Nawab of Kashmir also went back (to
Kashmir). The Nawab (of Kashmir) and the King of Ladakh became friends. (B M S:) It

(51) rTa horse; tbab = kitchen. Hence, and servant * (Transl. p. 116, 1. 34). See note 51,
rTa tbab = a kitchen carried on horse back, while above.
on a journey. It is contrasted with blugs-thab of (Ss) bZugs-tbab = camp-kitchen. See note 51,
Text, p. 43, 1. 1, the kitchen which is « fixed» above. F rancke translated b2ugs.tbab mdzod.bcas.
or « settled » on the ground, when camp is pitched, lagur (Text p. 43, 1. 1) as « (three) small tents
hence, « camp-kitchen *. F rancke’s translation of for the leader, the head-cook and the treasurer *
rTa.tbab.’og.bcu (Text p. 42, 1. 30) as « 10 men (Transl. p. 116, 11. 36-7).
(to act as) groom, cook and servant* (Transl. (56) i.e. the 200 animal-loads mentioned above
p. 116, line 33) is inadmissible. were to be collected during the course of the whole
(” ) rTa-’ul — rT a ’udag = the supply of journey from Lhasa to Ladakh, from one postal
horses as compulsory and unpaid service. F rancke’s station to another. F rancke’s translation of this
translation at p. 116, 1. 34, as « baggage p o n ies* passage as « The baggage ponies... well-trained,
is incorrect. docile ponies* (Transl. p. 116, 11. 37-9) is
<5*) The B MS’s « 15 horses (to be supplied) untenable.
under the compulsory service scheme Vu-lag), (and) (4T) i.e. he did not act in accordance with Mi-
10 riding-horses » is, obviously, an elaboration of ’pham dBari-po’s desire, and did not pay in the
the C MS’s « 25 riding-horses ». revenues of Ladakh to him.
(**) F rancxe translated rTa.tbab.yon.mi.gsum (‘") Cf. F rancke’s translation of this passage
(Text p. 43, 1. 1) as « 3 men to act as groom, cook at p. 116, 1. 39-p. 117, 1. 3.

355
was laid down chat, together with his sons (*'), whom he had to send to Kashmir every
third year, the King of Ladakh was to present 18 piebald horses, 18 pods of musk and 18
white yak-tails (C MS: 6 each year). It was (further) laid down, inter alia, that from Kash­
mir, 500 bags of rice (C MS: 300 bags of rice each year), being revenue accruing to the
King of Ladakh in his jagir (fief) at Na-gu-sa-har (Naushahr), would come (to him) annually.
These seasonal (sendings of) rice came to an end at the time when the Kingdom of Ladakh
fell to the Dogras. Peace and prosperity having been (re-Established, the King’s kingship,
which in deeds and thoughts had no superior, increased and flourished. (S M S:) At the time
when that bDe-legs rNam-rGyal held the kingship, the Mongol dGa’-lDan Tshah, he with
raven’s eyes, brought an army (into Ladakh).
The King residing in Bab-sGo,
Wirh (the help of) the army of Kashmir,
Beat back the Mongols,
And the Mongols had recourse to flight,
(Thereafter), once again, the kingdom flourished as before. The splendour of Virtue and
Happiness was at its best ».

Although it must be admitted that Francke’s edition of the Iyadakh-Tibet treaty —


which must be dated to the autumn of 1684 — is something of a patchwork document,
nevertheless, as will be seen from the Roman numerals inserted in the translation above, six
main « clauses » or « articles » are discernible.
The first is a general declaration of principle. It upholds the division of mNa’-ris-sKor-
gSum into three separate kingdoms, made in the 10th cent. A.D., by sKyid-lDe Ni-ma-
rnGon.
In the second clause, Tibet — so to say — recognises the independence of Ladakh —
the King of Ladakh is responsible for his own defence — but enjoins on him not to call up
any foreign army into his kingdom.
The third clause regulates the trade between Kashmir and Tibet. For this purpose,
two regions of Tibet are recognised: mNa’-ris-sKor-gSum (i.e. Gu-ge) and Byan-than, the
Northern Plain of Tibet. This clause, therefore, is sub-divided into two sub-clauses, one
relating to mNa’-ris-sKor-gSum, the other to Byan-than. It is a plausible conjecture that
both this third clause and the bit from B MS at p. 43, 11. 7-9 (*°), are incorporations into
the Ladakh-Tibet treaty of 1684 of parts of the Ladakh-Mughal treaty of 1683.
The fourrh clause fixes die frontier between Ladakh and Tibet at the IHa-ri stream of
bDe-mChog, but leaves the King of Ladakh an enclave at Men-ser.

(” ) F rancke, p. 117, 1. 8, translated bu-sde ginning with the words « It was laid down that,
(Text p. 43, 1. 7), meaning « sons *, as « filial together with his sons, whom he had to send to
share ». Kashmir every third year », and ending with the
C0) In the above translation, the passage be­ words « ...would come (to him) annually ».

356
The fifth clause regulates the trade between Ladakh and Tibet and the sixth clause,
finally, deals with the fee payable to Mi-’pham dBan-po, the ’Brug-pa Incarnate, for his pains
in bringing about the treaty. Ultimately, as will be seen, the fee was paid by Tibet, in Lhe
form of a grant of three estates in Tibet to die ’Brug-pa Incarnate.

it it *

The above-mentioned grant of three estates in Tibet to the ’Brug-pa Incarnate must
have taken place sometime between the autumn of 1684 and rhat 1685. For, in a passage
in Supplement V, dated 26 October 1685, Sans-rGyas rGya-mTsho refers to this grant of
land, thus giving us a second confirmation of the Ladakh-Tibet treaty of 1684 as recorded in
the Ladakh Chronicles, the first being the passage dated 23 May 1685. The tenor of the
passage is clear enough: Sans-rGyas rGya-mTsho wishes to point out how well he (Sans-
rGyas rGya-mTsho) has done with his lands, and how badly the ’Brug-pa Incarnate has
done with his.
The whole passage is as follows:

(9)

Sans-rGyas rGya-mTsho’s Supplement, V, pp. 124a-125a. Sin-Glan (Wood-Ox), 9th


Hor month, 29th day ( = I-Ch’ou, 9th month, 29th day = 26 October 1685):

mfla’ . ris . la . dags . bde . Idan (read: legs) . mam . rgyal. ’bans . bcas . iva . ser. cod .
pan . ’chan . ba'i „ rih . lugs . su . bsgyur . te . sras . bio . bzah . nag . dbah . pbun . tshogs .
chos . sgo , zugs . pa’i . ’dzam . glih . me hod . sdon . chen . mo .bla . na . med . pa . dpal .
Idan . ’bras . spans . su . mos . sems . kyis . bslab . gher. mdzad . pa’i . mthun . rkyen . du . /
gZis . start (read: ston) . dan ./ Ra . p h y i. khan . pa ./ Afi . (p. 124b:) ser . sdad . groti .
rkah . bcu . ghis . ’bru . ‘bab . kbal . ston . pbrag . geig ./ ’Brug . pa . sprul. pa’i . sku . chos
gzis . sogs . kyi . zu . don . mdzad . Ihag (read: thog) . / mNa‘ . ris. su . 'brug . bstan . la .
dgotts . pa’i . sne . len . la . phebs . cbog (read:tshogs?) . pa . dgos . tshul . gsun . ba . Itar .
bzed . sbyar . zus . par . gzuh . bstan . la . m i . ’gyur . ba . ma . byuti . ba . ma . zad . bar .
skabs . mchod . gzis . la . ior . god . son . ba . ‘brug . nan . ma . chams . k y i . dkar . gyen . la .
brten . pa . yin . ’dug . par ./ fie . lam . mho.’ . ris . phyag . tu . ’byor . ba’i . yig . rigs .
sogs . la . gzigs . no . ha . can . gi . zabs . ’dren . cbe . ba . ma . mdzad . ’dug . pa . dart . f
bSam . grub . khan . gsar . gyi . sa . rigs . tsbur . p h u l. g y i. sa . brjes . bcas . byar . kbar . po .
gzis . ka . mi . gra . yon . 'bab . / Lag . ’debs . / Sas . / sKyes . btsugs . kyi . sin . / Ri .
kluhs . k y i . rtsva . chu’i . bdag . tbob . sogs . sbyor . ’jags . byas . par . / gZis . ka . skyes .
btsugs . kyi . tin ./ R i . kluhs . k y i . rtsva . chu . sogs . k y i . dge . bed . lam . chod . ’bru . ru’i
kbal . his . brgya . skor ./ De . pbyin . /jg . yoh . Vegj . gsor . ru’i . mar . kbal , lha . brgya .
dan . ghis . hag . bcu . b i i . spor . gah . / T sh il. k b a l. geig . hag . bcu . bdun . spor . gsum . /

357
’Bru . k h a l. bdun . brgya . dan . brgyad . cu . gya . drug . bre . b z i. p h u l. phyed . drug . cba .
gcig J rTsam . khal . bcu . / Tshva . bre . gsum . p h u l. do . / Phyur . ba . k h a l. h i . iu . rtsa .
gsum . bre . gsum . phul . lha . sum . cha . goig . / sNum . kh a l. ghis . bre . bcu . p h u l. lha ./
Tshag . mgo . gsum ./ gYag . gcig / Phug . sog . dan . mu . rtsva . ’dres . pa . khal . chig .
stoh . b i t . brgya . dgu . hag . bcu . gcig . / (p. 125a:) Mi . ser , dud . ’dzin . che . chuh .
bsdams . drug . cu . re . drug . mams . kyi . ’bab . yoh . dge . bed . lam . tshod . bsnan . pa .
bcas . 'bru . dor . ?? . r u i . khal . sum . stoh . sum . brgya . hi . §u . rtsa . lha . bre . bcu .
bdun . p h u l. do . lhag . bcas . / Byar . phu . dgon . pa . sha . sor . ser . khyim . yin . 'dug .
kyah . rgyal. ba . btsoh . kha . pa . chert. po’i rih . lugs . 'dzin . pa . se . chcn . dpon . pos .
mam . dkar . la . dmigs . gcah (read: gtsah) . dgon . du . bsgyur . hos . sman . bla’t . mdo . chog
btsugs . pa'i . mchod . giis . phye . gsal. dbon . kho . rah . gis . sbyar . 'dug . don . biin . mi .
ser . bod . pa . them . hi . su . / 'Brog . pa . them . bcu ./ Lag . 'debs . sogs . ?? . bsgril
'bru . thog . tu . phab . par . 'bru . k h a l. stoh .dan . lha . bcu . ha . drug . ’jags . pa’i . tham
kha . by in.

« bDe-lDan (read: -Legs) rNam-rGyal of Ladakh in mNa’-ris having, together with his
subjects, been converted to the creed of those who wear the crown of the Yellow Hat, made
a petition (praying) for (the award of) an uninhabited estate, a ra-pbyi (?) house, 12 villages
peopled by agricultural tenants and yielding 1000 khals of grain, and a religious endowment
(for) the ’Brug-pa Incarnate — (all this) for the support of his son, Blo-bZah bJag-dBan Phun-
tshogs, so that he (the son) might enter the door of Faith and pursue his studies, with devo­
tion, at the supreme House of Worship in Jambu-dvipa, namely, dPal-lDan ’Bras-sPuns. Fur­
thermore, in accordance with the (’Brug-pa Incarnate’s) statement that there ought to be some­
thing forthcoming for the showing of courtesies to the (literally: «c for the showing of courte­
sies which had in mind the ») Teaching (4l) of the 'Brug-pa in mNa’-ris, he (bDe-Legs rNam-
rGyal) (petitioned) approving (the 'Brug-pa’s statement).
(This petition was granted and,) as a result, not only did stability not appear in the
Government and the Teaching (‘*) (in the lands thus handed over to Blo-bZah Nag-dBah
Phun-tshogs and the ’Brug-pa Incarnate), but also, in the meantime (between 1684 and
1685), there were losses and arrears in the religious endowment (handed over to the ’Brug-
pa), (so much so that) the ’Brug-pa had to resort to discordant legal proceedings.
(On the other hand,) with regard to mNa’-ris nearer this way, if one examines the re­
ceipts (literally: rrthe papers which have come to hand’3), they do not make one greatly a-
shamed (of them). In the estate of Byar mKhar-po, together with the lands of bSam-Grub Khari-
gSar, which were annexed (by us) as a result of an exchange of lands, when (a) the tax
(yoh-bab) (which was to be levied) on the people (mi-gra); (b) the (amount) to be sown

I*1) i.e. the ecclesiastical establishment (of the (•*) i.e. the secular and ecclesiastical establish­
'Brug-pa). ments respectively.

358
(lag-’debs) (**); (c) the sixth part of the autumn harvest (las) (M); and {d) the lord's share
(bDag-thob) of (i) the (produce of) trees, both natural and planted, and of (ii) the grass and
water of mountains and valleys, were fixed{sByor-’jags) ("a), that which was set aside (**)
for the re-planting of trees, both natural and planted, in the estate, the re-sowing of grass,
and the improvement of (the supply of) the water of mountains and valleys, (reckoned) in
grain-measurements (‘7), (was reckoned at) about 200 kbals (of grain). Since then, the
gSor (*■) measurements (*7) of the (revenue known as) lag-yon-’degs (i.e. the lag-yoh-’aegs
measured in gfors), have amounted to):

Butter, 502 kbals, 14 nags and 1 full spor;


Fat, 1 khal, 17 nags, 3 spors;
Grain, 700 kbals, 80 or 86 bres, 4 pbuls less one 1/6 th part (of a pbul);
Parched Barley Flour, 10 kbals;
Salt, 3 bres, 2 phuls;
Phyur-ba (Cream or curds or butter-milk), 23 kbals, 3 bres, 5 phuls and one l/3 rd
part (of a pbul);
Oil, 2 kbals, 10 bres, 5 phuls;
Yak’s heads, 3;
Yak, 1; and
Chaff, straw (or hay) and wild (? mu) grass, put together, 1409 kbals and 11 nags.
The yield of the tax ('bab-yon) on the agricultural tenants who are also house-holders
(mi.ser.dud.'dzin) (6*) — great and small put together (numbering) 60 or 66 — together
with the addition of the Reserve Fund {dG e.bed.lam.t shod) reckoned in kbals (70) of grain,
amounts to over 3325 kbals, 17 bres and 2 phuls. Although Byar-phu (7‘) formerly had
married monks (of the rftin-ma-pa creed), in consequence of (the fact that) Se-chen dPon-po,
who adhered to the creed of the Victor, bTson-kha-pa the Great, had changed it to a mo-

(**) This meaning of lag-'debs (sowing) has it, at p. 125a, 1. 1, seems permissible.
been given to me by dGc-bSes ’Jam-dPal Scn-gc (•*) The translation of ru, in Bru ru and gSor-
A-ti. ru (p. 124b, 1. 4) as « measurement », I derive from
{**) The translation of fas as « the sixth part D as, p. 1185, col. 2: * ru, 2. = cha, a division,
of the autumn harvest », I take from dG e -b $ fs part, section ». Ru is, therefore, a unit of measure­
C hos -icyi-G rags-pa , p. 878, col. 2. ment.
(**) sByor-’jags. See Chos -kyi-G rags-pa , p. 618, ("*) gSor = a certain measurement. See C hos -
col. 1. kyi-Grags-pa, p. 893, col. 1.
(•") The term ’dGe.bed.lam.cbod (or /shod) of (•*) An agricultural tenant who is a house-holder
p. 124b, I. 4 and p. 125a, 1. 1, has been explained is a fiscal unit. See G. Tucci, Tibetan Painted
to me by dGc-bSes ’Jam-ciPal Scn-gc A-ti as a Scrolls, I, Rome, 1949, p. 14.
fund set aside for the future maintenance, repair, ( ,0) These kbals are, probably, kbals of a special
replacement or improvement of a property. Hence, type — perhaps, double kbals — but the text at
I have translated it here as « that which was set p. 125a, 1. 1, is illegible.
aside for the re-planting of trees, ...the re-sowing (T1) Byar-pbu = the Valley of Byar, where,
of grass, and the improvement of (the supply of) presumably, the Byar mKhar-po or Fortress of Byar,
w ater...». « Reserve Fund », as I have translated mentioned at p. 124b, 1. 3, was situated.

359
nastery (belonging to the) entirely pure thought (of the dGe-lugs-pa), (and) in accordance
with his intention that the religious endowment to be established in order to permit the
recital of the sutras of the God of Healing sMan-Bla) should be provided for by the dBon-po
of Phye-gSal (Ti) himself, he (Se-chen dPon-po) issued (documents with his) seals, fixing (a)
(the tax to be levied on groups of) 10 Tibetan houses, and (b) (groups of) 10 nomadic settle­
ments, and (c) the amount to be sown, etc. Putting it all together, and putting grain at the
head, (of the list), (he fixed the total at) 1050 or 1055 khals of grain ».

* * *

I would like to conclude this article by acknowledging my thanks to two persons who
have helped me to write it, namely, Prof. L. Petcch, Director of the Istituto di Studi delTIn-
dia e dell’Asia Orientale (Rome University) and dGe-bSes ’Jam-dP^ Sen-ge A-ti, formerly
of Se ra monastery, now of the Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, Rome.
Needless to say, the responsibility for any errors of understanding remains with me.

Z ahiruddin Ahmad

ADDENDUM I

According to Prof. Pctech, the passage from Sahs-rGyas rGya-mTsho’s Supplement V,


pp. 124a-125a, dated 26 October 1685, consists of extracts from 4 related but separate
documents. The first extract ends with the words « ... ’bru.'bah.khal.stoh.phrag.gcig./» at
p. 124b, 1. 1; the second with the words «. ...dkar.gyeh.la.brten.pa.yin.’dug-parj* at p. 124b,
1. 2; the third with the words « ... pbul.do.lbag.bcas,/* at p. 125a, 1. 1; and the fourth at
the end of the passage.
Further, according to Prof. Petcch, the first and second extracts are, to use his term (see
note 21 above), « truncated documents »: the copyist has copied the subordinate clauses of
the protasis but not the main clause (containing the main verb) of the apodosis. In the
case of the first extract, however, it is conjecturable that the main verb was « made a petition
(praying) for (the award o f ) » or, simply, « petitioned for (the award of) *. The translation
of the passage from rhe beginning to p. 124b, 1. 2, would then be as follows:

« bDe-lDan (read: -Legs) rNam-rGyal ot Ladakh in mNa’-ris having, together with his
subjects, been converted to the creed of those who wear the a w n of the Yellow' Hat,

(Tli) Presumably, the head of the monastery of Byar.

360
petitioned (?) lot (the award of) an uninhabiked estate, a ra-phyi (?) house, and 12 villages
peopled by agricultural tenants and yielding 1000 khals of grain — (all this) for the support
of his son, Blo-bZari Nag-dBan Phun-tshogs, so that he (the son) might enter the door of
Faith and pursue his studies, with devotion, at the supreme House of Worship in Jambu-
dvlpa, namely, dPaUDan ’Bras sPuns. The ’Brug-pa Incarnate having, in addition to making
a petition (praying) for (the award of) a religious endowment, stated that there ought to
be something forthcoming for the showing of courtesies to the (literally, « for the showing
of courtesies which had in mind the *) Teaching (,s) of the ’Brug-pa in mNa’-ris, he (bDe-
Legs rNam-rGyal) (petitioned) approving (the ’Brug-pa’s petition and statement).
(These petitions were granted and,)... » ( 7“).

ADDENDUM II

With regard to « Ra.phyi.kbah.pa. » of the passage from Sans-rGyas rGya-mTsho's


Supplement, V, dated 26 October 1685, which I have translated as « a ra-phyi (?) house »,
G. N. Roerich, in his translation of the Blue Annals, I, Calcutta, 1949, p. 257, has a place-
name « Rags-rTsigs khan-pa », which is pronounced similarly.

(7*) See note 61.


(*■•) The remainder of the translation remains as it is given in the body of the article.

361

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