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Text Series
Volume T9
Tok Pisin Texts: From the beginning to the present
Edited by Peter Mühlhäusler, Thomas E. Dutton and Suzanne Romaine
Tok Pisin Texts
From the beginning to the present
Edited by
Peter Mühlhäusler
University of Adelaide
Thomas E. Dutton
The Australian National University
Suzanne Romaine
University of Oxford
Tok Pisin texts : from the beginning to the present / edited by Peter
Mühlhäusler, Thomas E. Dutton, Suzanne Romaine.
p. cm. (Varieties of English Around the World, issn 0172–7362 ; v. T9)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Tok Pisin language--Texts. I. Mühlhäuser, Peter. II. Dutton,
Thomas Edward, 1935- III. Romaine, Suzanne, 1951- IV. Varieties of
English around the world. Text series ; v. 9.
PM7891.Z9N4684 2003
427’.9953-dc22 2003055683
isbn 90 272 4718 8 (Eur.) / 1 58811 456 2 (US) (Hb; alk. paper)
Bibliography 281
Sociohistorical and grammatical aspects
of Tok Pisin*
Peter Mühlhäusler
1. Introduction
Tok Pisin is one of the most important languages of Melanesia and is used in a
wide range of public and private functions in Papua New Guinea. The language
has featured prominently in Pidgin and Creole linguistics and has featured in a
number of debates in theoretical linguistics. Tok Pisin, however, was not always
regarded as a respectable language to speak or study. A list compiled by the
missionary Hoeltker (1945: 53) gives the following opinions of Tok Pisin to be
found in the German literature on the subject:
‘a strange universal language’, ‘a screamingly funny way of speaking’, ‘a
comical’, ‘amusing’, ‘ingenious’, ‘terrible’, ‘arbitrarily pruned language’, ‘a
wondrous mishmash’, ‘a hotchpotch’, ‘ugly jargon’, ‘the most difficult lan-
guage to learn in the world’, ‘a dreadful parody of the Anglo-Saxon language’,
‘ghastly mutilated English’, ‘very apt caricature of English’, ‘a peculiar, cross-
bred physiognomy’, ‘incredibly primitive with amazing simplicity’, ‘of canni-
balistic primitiveness’, ‘the most dreadful language of all’, etc.
(authors’ translation)
Numerous similar descriptions have since been added, and it is not so very long
ago that a well-respected journal published an article lampooning this language
(Siebeck 1982). It is nevertheless impossible to escape the fact that opinion on
Tok Pisin has recently taken a positive turn: the politicians of independent
Papua New Guinea have recognized the advantages of a universal lingua franca
* We would like to acknowledge the help of Paul Monaghan in preparing the final draft of
this document. We are grateful to the publishers of the Grass Roots Comic Company for
allowing us to use their cartoons. We also would like to acknowledge the help of the many
colleagues who over the years have given us texts — wherever possible we have
acknowledged them.
2 Tok Pisin Texts
in their multilingual country (over 700 languages for about 4,000,000 inhabit-
ants), and, also, modern linguistics has accepted the special test-case role of Tok
Pisin to an increasing extent. The enhanced status of Tok Pisin in linguistics is
demonstrated by the fact that serious literature on this language has grown
enormously: the 700 page Handbook of Tok Pisin (Wurm & Mühlhäusler 1985)
and Verhaar’s 1990 collection being prime examples here. Although linguists from
the outside have not visited Papua New Guinea much in the last decade, informa-
tion about Tok Pisin as currently used is readily available on the internet. For
tourists, a crash course (Mühlhäusler & Monaghan 1999) has been prepared.
The name ‘Tok Pisin’ (‘talk pidgin’), the official name of the language since
1981, has only become familiar since independence; older accounts use terms
such as ‘Neomelanesian’, ‘Melanesian Pidgin’, ‘New Guinea Pidgin’, ‘Tok
Vaitman’, ‘Tok Boi’, and several others. The continual renaming of the lan-
guage is more than just a series of coincidences: it reflects the fact that in the
past expatriates1 played a leading part as model speakers, to be followed by
Black plantation workers (boi2) and then finally by the entire population. A
name such as ‘New Guinea Pidgin’ is therefore particularly suitable as a neutral
term for the various developmental stages of the language, while ‘Tok Pisin’ is
best used only as the name of the present-day language.3
Tok Pisin is spoken in all parts of Papua New Guinea (cf. Map 1), but
mainly in those provinces which once belonged to German New Guinea. It is
the second language for more than 50% of the population and the first or main
language for a constantly growing number of town-dwellers. In the formerly
Australian sector of Papua, Tok Pisin has in many cases replaced the native
Pidgin Motu (Hiri Motu). Some authorities regard Tok Pisin as a regional
1.This was the label most commonly given to White administrators and settlers from
Australia, Europe and America.
2.The word boi etymologically combines Hindustani bhoi (‘carrier, bearer’) and English
‘boy’ (‘immature adult male’). The word travelled from Portuguese India to Macau to Hong
Kong and subsequently became common throughout the British colonies. In Tok Pisin it
meant ‘indigenous male in European employment’. The word was outlawed in the last years
of Australian administration.
3.The justification for this is that contemporary Tok Pisin is structurally and lexically very
different from that which was spoken before the Second World War.
Sociohistorical and grammatical aspects of Tok Pisin 3
4.Creolization involves children extending the parental input and adopting Tok Pisin as
their first language. The innovations of children survive only once creole speakers become a
critical mass and can impose their norms on second language speakers.
Sociohistorical and grammatical aspects of Tok Pisin 5
The development of Tok Pisin from its origins to the present-day covers
somewhat more than 100 years. In that time, however, the language has
changed so much that we can now identify three, perhaps four, developmental
stages which can be only mutually understood with difficulty. Tok Pisin is a
typical example of the fact that pidgin and creole languages have a faster rate of
development than ‘normal languages’. And, incidentally, they cast doubt on
methods of language dating such as glottochronology (cf. Hall 1959).
The origins of the language began with the greatly reduced English jargons
which were brought to the eastern Bismarck Archipelago from about 1850
onwards by whale hunters and traders. These forerunners rarely, if ever,
survived the short-term contacts which contributed to their emergence and
therefore have to be set apart from the actual (continuous) development of the
language of Tok Pisin. A more important factor was the recruitment of thou-
sands of Bismarck Islanders to the German plantations of Samoa, which began
in approximately 1878. There may have already existed a plantation pidgin
language there, spoken by workers from Kiribati (Gilbert Islands) who made up
the majority of the plantation population between 1865 and 1880. This pidgin
was extended and modified by the people from New Guinea (blakbois), and
taken back to New Guinea by them after their three to five year work term had
expired. When the first plantations were established in the Bismarck Archipela-
go, the employers turned to former ‘Samoans’. There is thus good reason to
assume that the Samoan Plantation Pidgin remained the most important model
for the developing Tok Pisin up to about 1900. The main function of the
plantations in this development was in stabilizing the unstable jargon English
varieties known to the different recruits to form a standardized lingua franca. In
the case of Tok Pisin it was important that the plantation owners and colonial
masters were Germans, which meant that the English language was not available
as a model. The consequence was that Tok Pisin developed its own internal
mechanisms of enlarging its vocabulary at an early stage.
6 Tok Pisin Texts
Tok Pisin was spread back to the villages from the plantations. From
approximately 1900 onwards most villages under the control of the government
had an interpreter who could speak pidgin, and knowledge of the language was
generally accepted as the means of achieving material prosperity (tobacco,
European tools, clothing etc.) and power. Apart from the ‘academy’ of the
plantations, there was also a governmental institution in which Pidgin English
was taught: the prisons. The painter Emil Nolde (1965: 65) recounts his
impressions during a stay in New Guinea at the beginning of last century:
[There] …we often met some of the wild men who arrived on the ship with us.
The purpose of their enforced stay in Rabaul was the gradual acquisition of
some means of communication, either in gestures, in the usual Pidgin English,
or in German concepts and words. When they had achieved this to some small
extent, after many months, they were taken back home again …When they
returned home they had to act as interpreters when the agents of the planters
were trying to recruit men to work on the plantations. (authors’ translation)
The spread of Tok Pisin over increasingly extensive parts of New Guinea
continued without much change under Australian administration after the end
of the German rule in 1914: the language was learned at work, at a governmen-
tal station, or on a plantation. However, Tok Pisin was now increasingly also
used outside this context at home to discuss non-traditional topics and for
communication across the numerous language barriers of the country. The Pax
Germanica and Australis had created favourable conditions for this. With the
gradual change in the use of Tok Pisin from vertical (between Europeans or
plantation foremen and workers) to horizontal communciation (between
equals within or outside the plantation) there was a reduction in the influence
of English as a model: while the Native peoples regarded Tok Pisin as the
language of the Europeans until about 1930, from then onwards there begins to
be signs that it was the language of the Native peoples, Tok Boi, and no longer
Tok Vaitman. There was also a realisation that Europeans often speak it badly.
The development of Tok Pisin into a stable lingua franca was brought to a
premature end by the Japanese invasion in the Second World War. The war had
far-reaching consequences for Tok Pisin:
a. The destruction of almost all the plantations and missionary stations
eliminated the most important social context for learning and developing
the language at a stroke. An entire generation of young people acquired
only inadequate knowledge of Tok Pisin.
b. Speakers of Tok Pisin were brought into contact with speakers of the far
Sociohistorical and grammatical aspects of Tok Pisin 7
more anglicized Papuan Pidgin English and the broken Foreigner Talk of
the Australian and American soldiers.
c. The German missionaries’ work of codifying and standardizing was
interrupted.
In spite of the extensive elimination of social and linguistic standards, the war
also had some positive consequences. Tok Pisin was the language in which the
Allies communicated (over radio and in millions of leaflets): its status changed
from that of a language of workers and servants to a medium of liberation and
self-assertion. This trend was reinforced after the resumption of the Australian
administration. From 1945 onwards, Tok Pisin was used in numerous newspa-
pers published by the government. At the same time it became the language of
local government and of the beginnings of political emancipation. This trend
was not even suppressed by the intervention of the United Nations (UN) in
1953, which urged that Tok Pisin should be abolished. The main reason for the
negative position of the UN with regard to Tok Pisin was that this language was
regarded as one of colonial repression. A detailed discussion of the UN docu-
ments relating to this can be found in the study by Hall (1955). Some important
trends in the years up to the independence of the country were:
a. the geographic and demographic spread of the language;
b. its use in new media such as radio and cartoons;
c. increasing standardization, especially at the instigation of the church;
d. the development of new sociolects and registers as a result of the new social
mobility in the country and the functional expansion of the language;
e. an increasingly positive attitude among both Native peoples and expatriates;
f. the development of a literature (cf. Kloss 1978);
g. gradual reduction in the age at which Tok Pisin is learned and diversifica-
tion of the learning context.
These trends were largely continued after the independence of New Guinea in
1975. However, changes created by independence also brought about some new
conditions. For example, decentralization and increasing power of the provinc-
es has contributed towards the fact that Tok Pisin is in some cases being pushed
back by native languages. At the same time, the influence of English has become
considerably more pronounced, and even in the more remote regions the
difference between the rural and urban varieties of the language is therefore on
the decline. The influence of the conservative mission stations, which were
predominantly in German hands until the end of the Second World War, has
waned. The German element in the vocabulary of the language has severely
8 Tok Pisin Texts
It is not possible to present all aspects of the linguistic history of Tok Pisin here.
Those interested are referred to the more lengthy history of the Tok Pisin
language in Wurm & Mühlhäusler (1985) and to individual papers such as
Woolford (1979) on complementizers, Sankoff and Brown (1976) on relative
clauses, and Mühlhäusler (1981) on the category of number.
Generally speaking, the pidgin languages differ from other languages firstly
in that they develop from less complex to more complex systems, and secondly
Sociohistorical and grammatical aspects of Tok Pisin 9
in that they are in contact with a number of substrate, superstrate and adstrate5
languages which influences their linguistic development in differing ways. The
development of a pidgin can be represented as follows:
developmental dimension
jargon
stable pidgin
post-pidgin
expanded pidgin superstrate language
creole post-creole restructuring dimension
5.These would be for instance local languages encountered by plantation workers, or Latin
in the context of mission terminological work.
10 Tok Pisin Texts
whose English origins are now only detectable with great difficulty. This applies
even more to spoken varieties than to written ones. The highly complex
grammar of the creole variant is also apparent here.
After illustrating the vertical development of Tok Pisin, we shall now turn
briefly to the horizontal development in relation to English: that is, to post-
pidgin and post-creole Tok Pisin. Our sample sentence would now look
something like this:
(5) I got plenti liklik rod on disfella ailan long go insaid. Wi ken workim samting.
There are many small roads on this island to go in. We can work something.
I getapim kantri bilong as.
pr develop country belonging to us.
Note here that neither the complexity of the grammatical surface structure nor
the referential wealth of the language (i.e., its suitability for codifying finer or
new differences in meaning) has increased. Instead of this we find that conser-
vative speech forms have been replaced by anglicized ones, as, for example, in:
a. The increased similarity to the English pronunciation (got instead of the
previous gat, getapim instead of kirapim or krapim). What we can observe
here is thus that the language is being etymologized.
b. Traditional vocabulary is replaced by neologisms: e.g., long by on.
c. Borrowings can destroy partial areas of the grammar which were previously
of fixed structure, e.g., the pronoun system. The previous difference
between exclusive and inclusive pronouns becomes blurred due to the use
of wi ‘we exclusive or inclusive’.
It is naturally only possible to illustrate a few aspects of the post-pidgin develop-
ment using such a short example. However, even this small number of observa-
tions should be sufficient to show that the autonomy and consistency of Tok
Pisin are threatened by the renewed contact with English. The language is now
considerably more difficult to learn than earlier rural varieties and therefore less
suitable as a medium of countrywide communication between speakers of many
different mother tongues. The case of urban Tok Pisin illustrates how far-reaching
the effect of social and pragmatic factors on linguistic structures can be.
After this brief passage through the linguistic history of Tok Pisin, we shall
now turn to the grammar and lexicon of this language.
The phonology of Tok Pisin is generally considered from two standpoints: firstly
with regard to the reduction of the sound range of English, and secondly with
regard to the influence of the native substrate languages. It is once again the case
here that the phonology of Tok Pisin has changed greatly during the course of its
development and that it is very difficult to make comprehensive generalizations.
If we look at the first evidence of the language we can detect a number of
variations from English:
a. The inventory of sounds is greatly reduced: in particular, some ‘difficult’
sounds such as [ð] or [θ], [w] and most of the voiced plosives are absent.
Compare:
Tok Pisin English
dispela this fellow
maus mouth
sem shame
sen chain
kuap go up
b. The syllable structure of Tok Pisin is fundamentally restricted: open
syllables are preferred and consonant groups are simplified either by the
omission of one consonant or by the insertion of a vowel. Examples are:
Tok Pisin English
supia spear
simel smell
sitirong strong
wail wild
c. In the earliest instances of the language we find a pronounced tendency
towards reduplication, e.g.:
Tok Pisin English
toritori territory
aniani onion
rokrok frog
In the course of its development, and especially in the urban varieties, the
phonology of Tok Pisin has come closer to that of English in a number of
different ways. However, differences remain, especially in regard to the phono-
logical rules. It is generally the case that pidgin languages have only very few
14 Tok Pisin Texts
6. Inflectional morphology
Like other pidgin languages, Tok Pisin does not possess a highly developed
inflectional morphology. Moreover, as pointed out in Mühlhäusler (1997),
most developments are very recent and restricted to fluent second language or
first language speakers. Inflectional morphology serves three main purposes:
a. it signals word class membership;
b. it signals secondary (accidental) semantic information, such as those
attached to lexical words (tense, aspect, number, etc.);
c. it signals grammatical relations such as case.
Only the first two functions are encountered in second language Tok Pisin. The
use of inflectional morphology to signal word classes has been widely written
Sociohistorical and grammatical aspects of Tok Pisin 15
about (e.g., Hall 1955: 73ff). It is argued that the affix -pela is used to signal
adjectives (particularly attributive mono-syllabic adjectives) and that -im signals
transitive and caustive verbs.
The freedom with which Tok Pisin speakers can shift words from one word
class to another makes these affixes rather unreliable indicators of word class,
however, as can be seen from the following examples:
(6) Longpela bilong dispela bris i fifti yat.
The length of this bridge is 50 yards.
Em i singaut bikpela.
He shouts loudly.
(7) Yu no ken askim dispela askim.
You should not ask this question.
(8) Kainkain ples i gat narapela kolim bilong dispela samting.
Every other place has a different term for this thing.
The development of tense and aspect markers in Tok Pisin has attracted much
scholarly attention. The best known case is the reduction of the time adverbial
baimbai ‘future’ to the forms bai and ba and the prefix ba- or be-. A detailed
case study is given by Sankoff and Laberge (1973) with some additional remarks
being found in Stentzel (1978). Lynch (1979: 7–8) summarises the most recent
developments as follows:
However, one point which needs mentioning here is that bai itself is undergo-
ing further reduction, and appears to have now reached the stage of a prefix to
verb phrases. Among L1 speakers, the most common phonological form of bai
is /ba/ (phonetically [ba] or [be]):
(16) /em bakam/ He will come Em bai i kam
(17) /bami singaut/ Will I call out? Bai mi singaut o?
Before vowels, bai may further optionally reduce to /b/ (often phonetically [b˜]):
(18) /bol ikam/ They’ll come Bai ol i kam
7. Syntax
7.3 Pronouns
7.3.1 Personal pronouns
The following table gives the overall pattern of Tok Pisin pronouns as used by
rural speakers:
sg. mi yu em
I you (one) he, she, it
The distinction between the inclusive and the exclusive form of the first person
plural pronoun is an important feature of Tok Pisin grammar. The distinction
of ‘inclusive’ and ‘exclusive’ is a feature also found in Melanesian languages in
New Guinea. One must always distinguish in present-day Tok Pisin whether we
includes the person or persons spoken to or not. If the addressee is not includ-
ed, one says mipela; if he is, one says yumi. Failure to observe the distinction can
lead to misunderstandings: thus a missionary must say Jisas i- dai long yumi
‘Jesus died for us’, that is, for Europeans and Natives alike; if he said Jisas i- dai
long mipela it would mean ‘Jesus died for us (missionaries, and not for the
congregation)’ (Laycock 1970a: xviii). In some of the earlier texts the distinction
is not fully developed and a confusion of inclusive and exclusive pronouns is
often found in speakers for whom this distinction is not made in their first
language. In recent years a form yumipela has become more common. For some
18 Tok Pisin Texts
of its users this form corresponds to English ‘we’. Plural pronouns for many
speakers are used only when the referents are animates.
The interrogative does not necessarily come first in the sentence, epecially if it
is the object (direct or indirect) of a verb:
(19) Yu lukim wonem samting?
What is it you see?
Sociohistorical and grammatical aspects of Tok Pisin 19
Where the interrogative is the subject of the sentence, the sentence can be broken
into two phrases, especially where the item being questioned is a long phrase:
(21) Man i kamap, em i husat?
The man coming, who is he?
(22) Dispela samting me lukim long ples bilong yu, i olosem bikpela anka, em
wonem samting?
This thing I saw in your house, like a big anchor, what is it?
Reflexivity in Tok Pisin has not yet been well studied. It must be mentioned that
not all reflexives in English are translated by a construction containing a
reflexive pronoun in Tok Pisin. My data suggest that often the reflexive pro-
noun does not appear overtly, transitive verbs without overt object often being
used to translate reflexive concepts, as in:
(25) Man bilong kano tu i bilasim.
The crew of the canoe decorated themselves.
(26) Yu no ken pulimapim olsem bulmakau.
You can’t stuff yourself like a cow.
c. NP + i + NP equative sentence
(30) Em i saveman.
He is an expert.
Interrogatives and imperatives take the same form as the basic declarative forms
just listed. For instance:
(33) Yu kam. You are coming; are you coming; come!
which becomes:
(44) I tru i gat tupela kain ol bikpela man.
It is true that there are two kinds of leaders.
seen that the vocabulary was very mixed. There are numerous forms which have
been borrowed directly from Tolai or related substrate languages, such as:
Tok Pisin English
kakaruk hen, cockerel
guria earthquake
garamut slit gong
kapul tree kangaroo
tumbuna ancestor
pukpuk crocodile
In addition, and more interesting for linguistics, there are very many syncre-
tisms, i.e., lexical units which have multiple origins. For words with a form and
meaning which can be identified across language boundaries have a particulary
good chance of survival6 in pidgin languages. A few examples of this are:
‘plane’, laim ‘glue’, pendal ‘drop line’, sapfen ‘dowel’, sikmel ‘sawdust’, swinge
‘clamp’); cooking (bonen ‘beans’, esik ‘vinegar’, kese ‘cheese’, kartopel ‘potatoes’,
kuken ‘cake’, malsait ‘meal time’, spinat ‘spinach’); and last but not least, terms
of abuse (donakail ‘my gosh’, dumekerl ‘stupid fool’, haltmunt ‘shut up’, raus
‘get lost’, rinfi ‘dumb ox’, sapkop ‘sheep’s brain’). Details on this phenomenon
in the history of the language can be found in Mühlhäusler (1975).
It seems, therefore, that the ‘purity’ of a pidgin vocabulary depends on the
social context in which the language is spoken and that, under conditions such
as those prevailing in New Guinea, it is quite possible for pronouncedly mixed
lexica to be retained over quite long periods of time.
With regard to the simplification7 of the vocabulary, this is mainly apparent
in two areas: firstly in the semantic extension and grammatical multi-function-
ality, and secondly in the grammaticalization of the lexicon. If a Tok Pisin word
is compared with its etymon it is often found to cover a considerably broader
semantic range and we find that one Tok Pisin word can express as much as
several English or German words. Let us consider a few examples of this here:
Tok Pisin Translation
harim to hear, listen, perceive, smell
lukim to look, watch, see
haus house, room, shed, building, nest
rot road, path, street
In most cases this semantic conflation is not due to the influence of the substrate
languages, but is an independent development in pidginization. An equally inde-
pendent feature is the use of words in several syntactic functions or lexical catego-
ries. An example of this is provided by instrumental verbs and nouns such as:
Tok Pisin Translation
sarip sharp knife
sarip(im) to cut with a knife
brum broom
brum(im) to sweep
bor drill
bor(im) to drill
(Note: wok long is preferred particularly when the subject is a person and the
verb is an action carried out voluntarily. For this reason, wok long is not found
in the last example and is the less popular variant in the first.)
Another example of grammaticalization of the lexicon is provided by the
paraphrases which are used for some less familiar concepts such as:
We would finally like to mention one more construction which is also widely
found in other pidgin languages — the use of the negator to obtain antonymous
adjectives, as in:
As already found to be the case for other constructions, these three illustrated
here are not represented in all the stages of the development of Tok Pisin. The
last two are mainly documented in the initial stages, but the use of aspect
markers is a considerably later development. This is to say, simplification of
different parts of the lexicon occurred at different times. It is not easy to
demonstrate whether or not the lexicon of Tok Pisin was at any time simpler (as
opposed to impoverished in possible means of expression) overall.
Examples such as nostrong ‘weak’ would indicate that syntactical paraphras-
es can be the basis of word formation. There is much to suggest that the entire
morphology arose by reanalysis from syntactic structures, and that substrate or
superstrate influences in this area of the grammar were relatively unimportant.
Unlike most of the previously documented creole languages (e.g., Kriol [Jones
1971] or Sranan in Surinam [Sebba 1981]), Tok Pisin has developed a very
extensive morphology component, and only a few constructions can be
presented here. An exhaustive description can be found in Mühlhäusler (1979).
a. Compound adjectives
The lack of adjectives in the early developmental stages of Tok Pisin was initially
remedied by paraphrasing, for example:
Over the course of the years shorter adjectives developed from these paraphras-
es and idioms:
30 Tok Pisin Texts
c. Agent nouns
Another development peculiar to Tok Pisin, but accelerated by similar con-
structions in German and English, is that of compound nouns consisting of a
first part which is a verb and a second part which is man ‘man, person’. Exam-
ples of this are (the order in the following list corresponds approximately to the
diachronic development):
A total of over fifty such ‘programs’ for word formation have been identified
(Mühlhäusler 1979), and additional ones are developing in the present-day
colloquial language. This internal morphology enabled Tok Pisin to adapt to the
constantly increasing demands of communication during its expansion phase,
without the influence of external languages.
Finally, we would like to deal briefly with the assertion that pidgin languag-
es make more use of reduplication than others: if we consider Tok Pisin, it is
clear that this is only correct to a limited extent. We should first make a
distinction between lexicalized reduplications and those which are the result of
a productive word-forming system. The first group owes its existence to a
number of different processes, such as:
a. Borrowings from native languages
Tok Pisin Source Translation
pekpek Tolai pekapeke excrement
pukpuk Tolai pukpuk crocodile
purpur Tolai purpur grass skirt
b. Onomatopoeia
Tok Pisin Translation
rokrok frog
samsam drag one’s feet
c. Simplification of the English model8
Tok Pisin Translation
niknik mechanic
aniani onion
tete today
d. Avoidance of homophony
Tok Pisin Translation
sip ship
sipsip sheep
pis piece, beads, peace
pispis piss, urine, bladder
8.Vowel and consonant harmony is also found in early child language development, such
as when children refer to the name ‘Bertha’ as ‘Tata’ or ‘Edith’ and ‘Dieter’ as ‘Didi’.
32 Tok Pisin Texts
These few examples were the only instances. Reduplication did not develop into
a productive mechanism.
However, in most recent times, there is a more pronounced occurrence of
reduplication, mainly in the informal registers of the language. For example, it
is possible to intensify the meaning of a verb by doubling the first syllable, as in:
9. Conclusions
Our sketchy remarks on Tok Pisin grammar show that one is dealing with a
language that has over the years become very different from British and
Australian English. The order of magnitude of change in Tok Pisin over the last
100 years is no less than that which separates Anglo-Saxon from Modern
English. The language as it is spoken today is largely a creation of its Papuan
and its Melanesian speakers. However, it may well be that English will be an
important factor in the development of Tok Pisin. The number of Tok Pisin-
English bilinguals has been steadily growing (from 6.88 percent to 12.22 percent
of the population between 1966 and 19719) and both lexical and grammatical
influence from English is in evidence in Tok Pisin spoken by the younger
generation. Whether the outcome will be a distinct, separate, urban pidgin, a
lectal continuum, or lectal shift, remains to be seen. Lynch (1990) deplores the
lack of official policies that would make an end to the present laisez faire
attitude that has resulted in increasing sociolectal diversification, and he
proposes steps that would guarantee the continued usefulness of Tok Pisin as an
intergroup language of Papua New Guinea.
The following texts were collected by Tom Dutton (TD), Peter Mühlhäusler
(PM) and Suzanne Romaine (SR) over a period of many years. We have tried to
cover the full range of variation found in Tok Pisin, both along its historical and
its social and stylistic axes. The texts we have chosen are only a small percentage
of the ones our own linguistic analyses are derived from. We make no claims as
to the statistical representativeness of our selections and we would strongly
advise those who want to study aspects of the development of Tok Pisin to
supplement the materials given in this book with additional evidence.We are
confident that even in its present limited form, this collection of texts will
provide an inspiration both to linguists taking an interest in Tok Pisin and to
the speakers of this language.
Glosses and translations are provided for most texts except for some very
early ones. Those who recorded these texts were under the impression that they
9.As Laycock (1985a) points out, later census data are not entirely reliable and comparison
between surveys is difficult.
34 Tok Pisin Texts
were dealing with a substandard form of English that did not need a translation
and they adapted their spelling and sometimes grammar to the requirements of
European readers. Due to increasing linguistic convergence, later texts tend to
require fewer glosses than many of the earlier ones.
Abbreviations
Text 1: The earliest evidence for Pidgin English in the New Guinea area,
1840s
This is the earliest example of Pidgin English spoken in the area of present-day
Papua New Guinea. The Witu group of islands is situated in the West New
Britain Province and appears to have been contacted by Europeans as early as
the second half of the 18th century. The presence of Pidgin English here
suggests regular visits from passing vessels and the practice of taking Islanders
away for prolonged periods of time, as with the speaker Darco in this text. The
fairly developed Pidgin English in the Witu Islands is not necessarily a direct
predecessor of Tok Pisin, which developed later around the Duke of York
Islands and the Gazelle Peninsula of New Britain.
Presently the consultation ended, and the savages stood along the beach in battle
array, while a noble-looking red warrior advanced to the water’s edge, and,
shaking his spear at us, cried out at the top of his voice, ‘You make [1] lie to kill
us! You killed and eat Darco many moons ago! We [2] know you, Pongo, very
bad. Can’t kill us on land! We kill you! You afraid of magic stone!’
With this the savages uttered the war-yell and brandished their war implements,
while the tum-tums were beaten with increased fury.
Darco again hailed them: ‘Me no speak lie! Me real Darco. Pongo good man; no
eat me! Me hab been [3] to America! Me come ashore alone, and show you!
‘You speak lie plenty!’ shouted the red warrior. ‘Te-lum-by-by Darco not white
like you!’
‘Me not white!’ shouted Darco, as he stripped off his duck shirt and trousers, and
36 Tok Pisin Texts
Contacts between Europeans and Indigenes of the New Guinea area intensified
when labour recruiters turned to the Bismarck Archipelago in the 1880s.
Recruitment to Queensland in 1883 and 1884 was soon discontinued because
of the high mortality rate of the recruits and the opposition from the Imperial
German Government, who declared north east New Guinea and surrounding
islands a German Protectorate in 1884. The following two passages by New
Irelanders were taken down as court evidence and appear to be a relatively close
record of their speech. Altogether around 1,500 Islanders from New Britain,
New Ireland and adjacent islands went to Queensland, though many of them
did not return, and a number of others returned before they had a chance to
acquire a full knowledge of Queensland Kanaka English. The descendants of
these workers, even on Tabar and Lihir Islands where a very large proportion of
the male population had been to Queensland, appear to have given up their
Queensland-influenced Pidgin English and to have shifted to Tok Pisin.
Le Ang, New Ireland Islander, states as follows:
Knew Lang Aroso, he my brother, I see him along [1] hospital at M. Sick, he
been sick one week, he sick along belly, he die along hospital, I stop along
I. From early contacts and Gut Taim Bilong Siaman 37
hospital when he die, he not eat, too much sick, master been give him medicine,
he die along belly; I see him put along ground. No one beat him [2] that fellow,
no one touch him, before, Lang Aroso been sick along Island.
(Queensland State Archives, Folio Jus/N174: 8 January 1885).
Warabut, Polynesian labourer states:
I [3] am a native of New Ireland. I work long Mister Scott. Me [3] know Umba.
He make him hand long a neck. Me think him sick. He no go work yesterday. He
stop [4] long a house. When bell ring me come home and find Umba sitting up.
He dead. Me say: Umba Umba. He [5] no move, him [5] dead.
(Queensland State Archives, Folio Jus/N118: 29 March 1885)
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] A general preposition long or along has replaced a variety of prepositions of
English. Long remains the most general preposition in present-day Tok
Pisin.
[2] An early example of the transitive verb affix -im.
[3] The first person pronoun forms I and me are used variably with no appar-
ent grammatical or pragmatic conditioning. Present-day Tok Pisin has mi
but I is preserved in a fossilized form in aiting (from ‘I think’) perhaps.
[4] Stop is used as a locative or existential as in present-day Tok Pisin.
[5] The third person singular pronoun again is expressed by two interchange-
able forms he and him.
Here I was interrupted several times by them saying: ‘Oh, Duke of York man he
talk gammon belong [2] (i.e. to) you, plenty gammon [3], plenty too much
gammon. What for make fight? No make fight. Pate, pate, pate (No, no, no). No
make fight’. (p. 122)
‘Oh man belong salt water [4] he fight man belong bush. He kaikai (eat) him.
He catch him bone he go belong spear. All same this fellow place’, which last
sentence means, such is the custom here. (p. 125)
About three o’clock I went on shore again, and went up the village to Tom’s
house, where I found that he had prepared a large present of taro, pumpkins,
cocoanuts, bananas, and a large pig. He said: ‘This is yours. Duke of York man
he tell you that I [5] would fight you. Is this fighting? Will the taro fight you?
Will the bananas fight you? Will the pig fight you? No, no, me [5] no fight you,
me plenty like you’, etc., etc. I made him a few presents in return, and then we
went to another chief ’s house, where we got another present minus the pig; and
so again from a third chief, for all which I made a suitable return. Tom came on
board in the evening to say good-bye, and said several times to me: ‘Missionary,
suppose [6] you hungry you come here to this place belong me. Plenty taro, he
stop here, full, full, me give him you. Boat belong you, he go down, sink with
taro, bananas, and yams. Suppose you hungry come here; me very good fellow,
yes, me good fellow’. (p. 141).
It was quite strange to-day as we passed by some of the villages to hear Tuki tell
me, in the most unconcerned manner possible, of events that had taken place
there: ‘That fellow place he kaikai (eat) three fellow-man belong me; another
day me kaikai four men belong him. Four fellow-man me kaikai’ (eat), he said
again, laughing quite pleasantly, and in a most self-satisfied manner as he held
up his four fingers. Blood feuds appeared to be easily made up if the one party
agrees to pay. A few fathoms of shell money were quite sufficient to pay for a
murder. (p. 147)
One of the first traders in the Duke of York area was Captain Thomas Farrell,
the defacto husband of Emma Eliza Coe (Queen Emma), the famous American-
Samoan woman. Together, the two built a trading and plantation empire where
Tok Pisin stabilized. Farrell was involved both in labour trade with Samoa and
with the first plantation set up in New Britain, which employed a significant
number of ex-plantation workers from Samoa. In the following passage
Parkinson (1887: 29) describes an episode involving the recruiting of New
Britain labour for the Samoan plantations. The speaker is a White recruiter.
Little or none of his speech is understood by the natives.
The recruiter asks them in classical South Seas English:
‘You like go Samoa.’ Confused talk among the people around him. He continues:
‘Kanakas [1]; you give me plenty boys. One boy, me give you one musket, plenty
powder, ball, cap, tomahawk, tobacco, beads…’
Here he interrupts the flow of his speech, for an aged man, the chief of the
village, approaches with a black fellow, whom he wants to give away in order to
obtain the desired articles. However, he is still hesitating; he wants to know at
first the destination and duration of the journey. ‘Three Yam’ [2] says the
recruiter, displaying three fingers of his hand. ‘You go, three Yam! Plenty kaikai
(food)! By and by [3] you come back.’ The dignified chief does not understand
much of this, but it does not matter for the shining ‘gifts’ have enough power of
conviction, and soon the transaction is completed.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Kanaka ‘indigenous person, usually not in European employment and
therefore “unsophisticated”’ is a form of Polynesian origin. It is widespread
in the pidgins of the region and has even found its way into Cameroonian
Pidgin English. In present-day Tok Pisin it is used mainly as a term of
40 Tok Pisin Texts
By the time the first recruits from the New Guinea area arrived in Samoa, a
relatively stable plantation pidgin, spoken by Gilbertese and Polynesian
labourers, was already in use on the Samoan plantations. As the New Guinea
recruits became numerically dominant they changed and extended this lan-
guage into a more Melanesian Pidgin English. This language was passed on to
the next generation of plantation workers back home and soon spread over the
entire Bismarck Archipelago. In 1883 the German consular employee Mr.
Huebel supplied a list of Pidgin English expressions to the Austrian linguist
Hugo Schuchardt of Graz University. Here follows an extract from this list with
English translations by Markey (1979: 8–9):
Kaikai he [1] finish?
Is dinner ready?
He finish.
Yes.
You make him some water he boil.
Make some water hot.
He finish hot.
It is already hot.
Some egg he stop?
Are there any eggs?
He no stop.
There are none.
I. From early contacts and Gut Taim Bilong Siaman 41
As German control spread from New Britain to outlying areas of the Bismarck
Archipelago and the New Guinea mainland, so did Tok Pisin. The following are
a couple of texts recorded by the Swedish anthropologist Morner in the Wuvulu
Islands west of Manus (Morner MS). The first text describes the punishment
given to a foreign worker employed on Wuvulu for the theft of a rooster. The
second text describes a conversation of how best to point out a flying fox
hanging in a coconut tree.
(i) Faiu asked my fourteen year old Manus boy Boggio to interpret. What did the
accused have to say in his defence? Long silence. Then, via Boggio: ‘That’s all,
him he [1] like ketch [2] him grass nothing’ (he claimed that he had merely
intended to take a few feathers). Now Faiu: ‘All right, now me pay him two fella
belong ass nothing [3] too. You now savvy fashion belong whity man. You no
can pull him grass belong kokaroo [4]. Patu ketch him, put him ass belong him
he come top’.
I. From early contacts and Gut Taim Bilong Siaman 43
A large basket is rolled out and placed upside down. The sinner hitches up his
shorts and lies down across the basket. Two men grasp his wrists and ankles.
Patu stands beside him expressionless, and switches his rattan testingly through
the air. ‘One!’ A blow snaps forcefully across the sinner’s bottom. The strong
young body twitches but there is no sound of complaint. ‘Are you finished?’ No
answer.
‘Two!’
The rattan lashes out again.
‘Are you finished?’
‘Finished!’
‘Well. Suppose one time more you like pull him grass belong kokaruk. I give you
five fella more. You hear him?
‘Yes.’
‘All right. Finished! No you fella boy who savvy talk him he savvy now.’
(ii) My Manu boy Boggio, who has eyes like a sea-eagle, wanted to point out to me a
flying dog which was hanging in a coconut palm. Impossible. Then Faiu came,
and I heard the following conversation:
Where as he stop belong cocoanut?
‘He stop strait belong wie [5].’
‘He stop side belong sodawater? [6]’
‘No he stop side belong bush.’
Where?
‘He stop hat belong him piece of wood.’
Bang! The flying dog fell. Faiu regarded me, as if he wanted to say ‘Where are
your eyes Arafi?’
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] The appearance of he after the third person pronoun him clearly constitutes
an example of this form having become a predicate marker.
[2] The more common form for ‘catch’ is kitchim or kisim.
[3] Nothing or nating following verbs or nouns is used as a frustrative marker
meaning ‘in vain, of no importance or value’ and similar contextually
determined aspects of meaning, a category presumably transferred from
Melanesian languages. In this particular case ass nothing (as nating) means
‘bare bottom’.
[4] Kokaroo is a variant of kakaruk ‘rooster’, a word of Tolai origin.
[5] This is possibly the name of a tree.
[6] This is an example of solowara reinterpreted by Europeans as ‘soda water’.
44 Tok Pisin Texts
Otto Dempwolff, doctor and linguist, is one of the principal sources of informa-
tion about the linguistic situation in German New Guinea. Unfortunately,
Dempwolff never published an account of Tok Pisin and failed to date the texts
he had collected in this language. The following story would seem to relate to
the New Guinea mainland around Madang shortly after the turn of the 20th
century. There are a number of inconsistencies in Dempwolff’s transcriptions
but these have been left unchanged. I am grateful to Dr. Mosel of Cologne
University for making these materials available to me.
Long time bipo (before) all kanaka belong-Madang he like kill-him whitemen
belong Madang.
Ars [1] belong talk: kiap [2] he skant-him [3] kanaka he come he work-him
road belong kiap. Kanaka he no like, all he come together along night, he make-
him big fellow talk talk.
One fellow kanaka belong Graged, name belong him Malbog he save too much
make-him singsing belong betelnut. Boy belong him he policeman along
Madang.
All kanaka he come along Malbog he singout-him, he make-him singsing belong
betelnut. Malbog he speak: mi no like. Boy belong me he stop Madang suppose
you make-him fight along whiteman, byamby you, kill-him boy belong me. Belly
belong me he turn around [4], me no like you kill-him boy belong me.
One fellow other fellow kanaka he make-him singsing belong betelnut he no save
make-him good.
Night he finish, all kanaka he take-him spear, he take-him banara [5] he go
shore, he pull-him canoe along saltwater, he come Madang.
All whiteman belong Madang he no save, he stop nothing [6]. Doktor he stop
Beliao, he limlimbur nothing [6].
One fellow kanaka belong Beliao name belong him Nalong, him he before boy
belong doktor, he run he come along house belong doktor, he sing out: ‘Doktor
you come quik, you look-him all kanaka along canoe, he come he like kill-him
whiteman?’
Some fellow he work along store, some fellow he stop house, kiap he make him
paper along house paper, police-master he eksait (exercise) police.
Doktor he speak, ‘Nalong me think you gamon.’
‘Doktor, me no gamon, he true you come, you look-him canoe first time.’
Doktor he look-him canoe plenty to much, he look him kanaka along canoe, he
no look-him, mary [7] along canoe, he run he run along shore he kis (catch) him
boat belong him, he two fellow [8] Nalong he pull he pull he come along sure
(shore) he two fellow run along house paper.
I. From early contacts and Gut Taim Bilong Siaman 45
The administration and police force in German New Guinea was one of the prin-
cipal instruments for the spread of Tok Pisin. The following text is by the police
soldier Kakau from New Hanover. It was recorded in Monumbo on the New
Guinea mainland in 1904 by Dr. R. Poech, a German doctor, on phonogram.
46 Tok Pisin Texts
Belong place belong me me shoot him plenty kumul. Pass me come ‘long place
‘long white man, place he no strait. Plenty mountain. Pass ground he sitrait, me
shoot him plenty. Me look him, he run away finish. Pass he top good, me shoot
him. He karapaim long diway, me no look him. Pass me mark him long time, he
run away, he go an other fellow diway.
(Recording no. 381 Phonogrammarchiv der Oesterreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften: Poech (1904): Pidgin English).
In present-day Tok Pisin the document would about look as follows:
Sapos [1] mi stap long ples bilong mi, nau mi sutim planti kumul. Nau me kam
long ples bilong waitman, ples hia [2] i no stret [3], planti [4] maunten, nating
[5] yu no lukautim [6] kumul yu no sutim [7]. Sapos olo graun(?) [8] graun
[9] i stret, mi sutim planti. Na graun i no stret. Sapos graun i gutpela(?) [10] mi
sutim planti. Mi harim i krai, mi laik i go long em, mi harim mul(?) [11] i
ranawe [12] i karamapim [13] antap long diwai [14]. Sapos i sindaun [15]
daunbilo [16] mi sutim planti. I no sindaun daunbilo. I sindaun antap long
diwai. I no stap gut long diwai. Sapos mi makim, i ranawe pinis. Sapos i stap
gut long diwai mi sutim, planti.
Translation:
If I were in my own area, I would be able to shoot many birds of paradise.
Now I have come to the White man’s area, this place is not flat, many
mountains; I think one will not be able to find birds of paradise and shoot
them. If the ground (?) is flat, I shoot many. But the ground is not flat. If the
ground were good (?) I would shoot plenty. I hear them call out, but when I
go towards them, I hear them (?) fly up high in the trees. If they stayed down
low I would shoot many; but they do not stay down low, they stay up high in
the trees. And they do not stay still in the trees; if I take aim at them, they fly
away. If they stayed still in the trees I would shoot many.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Sapos is pronounced throughout as [spos].
[2] Hia is pronounced [ia].
[3] Stret is pronounced throughout as [siÁtret] when [Á] indicates stress
before the syllable stressed.
[4] Planti is pronounced throughout as [p’lanti] or [pu’landi].
[5] Nating may be ating, the more usual form in present-day Tok Pisin
with the initial [n] a carry-over from the final [n] of maunten.
[6] Lukautim is used differently here from how it would be used in present-
day Tok Pisin. Today one would use lukim ‘see’ or painim pinis ‘find’.
Lukautim in present-day Tok Pisin means ‘look after, take care of ’.
I. From early contacts and Gut Taim Bilong Siaman 47
Molebai two sailing boats ej good fellow too much two fellow
boat
Molebai a young man chases a blond oh, uh, puh, old fellow man, young
girl fellow man he catch him
Molebai a chick that has just hatched fowl, picanini, four fellow, small
fellow, good fellow too much
me give him countrymen belong me belong place. Me talk you all the same, me like
save talk belong you. Nevermind you no can give him me, all the same. I finish. Good
bye me go. Siara me go belong him.
Translation:
Master White man,
I, Tividele, told you of the money of mine some time ago. Twenty five months
have gone by. I would like you to give it (the money) to me and I shall return. I
worked for money in order to pay for my things. The things that were written
down on paper, I received them. That is finished now. So I would just like to tell
you that that is finished. If you are not agreeable, just give me two pounds to pay
for things. I have nothing coming to me so that I could distribute it among my
fellow villagers. I am telling you this, I want to inform you. Nevermind, if you do
not give it to me it makes no difference. It is finished now. Good bye, I am off. I
am going to Siara.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Pabai (baimbai), the future marker, is used as a complementizer here. The
entire text is characterized by a considerable amount of embedding and
grammatical complexity.
[2] Kandare or kandareman ‘friend, uncle, fellow countryman’ reflects the roots
of this language in the Pacific labour trade.
Tok Pisin was used increasingly in the administration of German New Guinea,
though the linguistic resources of the language remained limited. Here follows
an example of its use in the law courts as evidence given at Kokopo in a murder
case. We are grateful to Dr Steward Firth of Macquarie University for bringing
this document to our attention.
Me shoot him finish Whiteman, now me make me die, me like you die past time, by
and by other fellow boy he ketch him you.
Bell belong mi hot [1] [2] me like fight all the same place belong me, me shoot him
finish [3] one fellow master, now me like [3] die behind. Me like shoot past time you,
by and by me die, you ketch him other fellow man.
Me no look him good that [4] fellow master, me shoot him bell belong him, he big
fellow. I think me shoot him master Kolbe. Eye belong me too dark me no look him
good. Me now die. (Reichskolonialamt records vol. 29, c.1912).
52 Tok Pisin Texts
Translation:
I have shot dead the White man, now I make myself die, I want you to die first,
then another ‘boy’ can get you.
My stomach was aroused, I wanted to fight like back in my village, I have shot
dead one European, now I want to (or shall) die afterwards. (If) want to shoot
you first, then I shall die, you apprehend another man.
I did not see this European very well, I shot him in his stomach, he was a big
European. I think (or: perhaps) I shot master Kolbe. My eyes were darkened, I
did not see him well. Now I shall die.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] In this text the speaker experiences considerable difficulties with his
pronouns, particularly in their exophoric function. Note also the use of
body part images (‘my stomach was aroused’, ‘my eyes were darkened’)
which signal the reduced responsibility of the speaker for his actions,
though he is prepared to die for his actions.
[2] This would be bel bilong mi hat or mi belhat ‘I am angry’ in present-day Tok
Pisin. Gradually such expressions were replaced by loans from English, such
as kros ‘cross, angry’; cf. Text 69 below.
[3] In this text many verbs are accompanied by aspect markers such as finish
‘completed action’ or laik ‘inception’.
[4] Probably an error. Tok Pisin only has one spatial deictic adjective: dispela
‘this’ or ‘that’.
German colonial power in New Guinea came to an end in 1914 when British and
Australian forces invaded the capital Rabaul. The new situation that was created by
a war between powerful outsiders was a source of great confusion for the Indige-
nous population, and a number of attempts were made to explain the changes
through the use of government proclamations in Tok Pisin. The first example
is an extremely capable translation by Dempwolff of the Geneva Convention:
Suppose white men [1] he make him big fellow fight, all time he shoot him only that
fellow men, he got musket; he no shoot him missis, he no shoot him mary, he no
shoot him piccanini.
All the same all white men [1] he no kill him men, supposed he sick, he no kill him
men, supposed he got sore belong fight, he no kill him men, he look out him sick [2]
I. From early contacts and Gut Taim Bilong Siaman 53
fellow men.
All white men he make him tabu belong fight all house sick; he make him tabu
belong fight all place, he got sick fellow men. He make him one fellow mark belong
this fellow tabu belong fight: one fellow flagg all the same:
Vorzeigen der Rotenkreuzflagge [at this point show the Red Cross flag]
Name true belong this fellow tabu, name true belong this fellow mark, name true
belong this fellow flagg ‘red cross’.
Supposed some fellow Englishmen belong manofwar he come ashore, he look him ‘red
cross’, he no shoot him house belong ‘red cross’, no fight him place belong ‘red cross’.
All the same, supposed me you [3] fellow policemen me you look him this fellow
mark belong place belong Englishmen, me save finish, him here place belong sick
fellow men, me no can shoot him that fellow place, me no can kill him sick fellow
men. All place, he got ‘red cross’, he tabu belong fight.
(Australian Archives, ACT CRS A 370, item 14)
Translation:
If the White men make a big fight, they always only shoot those men who have
guns; they do not shoot White women, they do not shoot Indigenous women,
they do not shoot children.
Similarly, the White men do not hit (or kill) men if they are ill, they do not kill
men who are wounded and they do not kill men who look after the wounded.
The White men made a taboo against fighting in hospitals; they made a taboo
against fighting in places where there are sick people. They make a sign to signal
this prohibition to fight, a flag like this:
‘show the red cross flag at this point’
The real name of this taboo, the real name of this sign, the real name of this flag is
‘red cross’.
If some Englishmen from a man-of-war come ashore and see the red cross, they
don’t shoot at the buildings with a red cross and they don’t fight (near) a place
with a red cross.
Similarly, if we policemen see this sign near an English camp, we know, this is a
place for sick people, we cannot shoot at this place, we cannot kill sick people.
Places that have a red cross sign are taboo to fighting.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] The English plural form ‘men’ is not expected here. However, it may be a
regional pronunciation variant of the more widely attested man.
[2] The use of the adjective marker fellow after sick is not usually permitted in
Tok Pisin as sick in this language is an intransitive verb. The expected
translation would have been men he sick.
[3] Me you is used instead of the more common yumi (you me).
54 Tok Pisin Texts
[3] One of the many examples in texts written by English speakers of equating
English ‘-ing’ with the Tok Pisin transitivity marker -im.
[4] Comparative constructions of this type are very rarely found in Tok Pisin
and long is usually used instead of ‘than’.
[5] ‘Make (him) paper’ is a widespread expression (in Pacific Pidgin English)
meaning ‘to sign a contract of indenture’.
[6] The use of the comic opera um as a copula is a unique feature of this text.
Text 15: Examples of Tok Pisin used by the police force, c.1921
Whilst Rabaul was firmly in the hands of Australia and Britain, the war contin-
ued in some outlying areas of the New Guinea mainland. Captain Detzner
continued the war for four years in the remote bush before surrendering. In his
book (Detzner 1921) numerous passages of Tok Pisin as used by the police
force are quoted. Note the ad hoc spelling of these:
P. 58:
Master, me dy long kaikai!
Master, I am dying for food!
P. 75:
House copper, master Hauman, house copper!
A corrugated iron house, master captain, a corrugated iron house!
You be [1] english?
Are you English?
Me no get place b’long sleep, no house b’long set-down for you,
I have no place for sleeping, no house to live in for you,
kaikai no got, suppose you be english.
I have no food, if you are English.
Me-fellow like you and [2] altogether German too much,
We like you and all the Germans very much,
Me-fellow work finish some-fellow chrismas b’long Rabaul,
I have worked for several years in Rabaul,
b’long work b’long policeman.
prep work of policeman.
Now me like to [3] make work b’long you, maski me go loose [4]
Now I would like to work for you, nevermind I shall give up my
56 Tok Pisin Texts
With the establishment of plantations in the New Guinea area, a new culture,
described in detail by Mead (1931), grew up. Its members were young men
from all parts of the country who were looking for employment and excitement
in the coastal plantations. Their language was Tok Boi, as Tok Pisin was called
at the time. On the plantations Tok Pisin developed into an instrument of
horizontal communication and was employed in numerous new functions. One
of them was for play and recreation. It is manifested in the appearance of
numerous songs in the language. The earliest recorded song appears in Jacques
(1922: 96ff):
Master bilong mi…i…i
Come back quick
Mi like him taro
Mi like him pinap
My master
Come back quickly
I like taro
I like pineapple
I long time long Sigismun
I long time long Sigisan
Put him down Roland
I no go down long Rabaul
All cabin hi no savee notting
Kee fast him Roland
Kee fast him Sigismun
Kee fast him Sigisa
A long time for the Sigismund
A long time for the Seestern
58 Tok Pisin Texts
By the late 1920s Tok Pisin had established itself firmly in most areas of New
Guinea and surrounding islands and had become the lingua franca of accultur-
ated Indigenes. The rapid functional expansion of the language was not entirely
matched by its structural expansion, however, and the stylistic resources of the
language in particular remained restricted. As Mead (1931: 149) points out:
To the unaccustomed ear, pidgin has a terrific monotony because of the constant
repetition of three words, belong, along and fellow. ‘Belong’ has been substituted
for all the complex native possessives; it does duty for mine, thine, his, hers,
theirs, its, indifferently. ‘Along’ does similar yeoman duty for to, toward, at,
with, beside and the like, sometimes qualified by another word, as ‘one time
along em (with him), close up along em (beside him)’. ‘Fellow is used habitually
in front of any noun, to denote the substantive. So we get ‘two fellow man he go
along one fellow house. He like catch-em one fellow knife he stop along this
fellow house.’ The natives have refused to distiguish between the sexes in
pronouns; he, she and it are all ‘he’; him, her and it, objective, are all ‘em’. Every
transitive verb carries ‘em’ afterward to denote that it takes an object. ‘Me kill-
em one fellow man.’ (I struck a man.) ‘Fight-em fight-em fight-em this fellow
II. Indigenous voices 1920–1945 59
blanket.’ (Beat this blanket.) The object is then used appositively with this
objective pronoun. And the natives have been equally insistent upon their
notions of the negative and affirmative; for, in Oceania, ‘Yes, we have no
bananas’ is not a joke but good Oceanic. The boy who is asked, ‘You no got
Mary?’ will answer, ‘Yes, me no got Mary.’
The monotony of pidgin is further exaggerated by the trick of interpolating the
phrase ‘all right’ at the end of almost every sentence when the speaker is puzzled,
abashed or ‘stalling’. So a boy will give directions to a traveler: ‘You like go along
big fellow mountain, eh? All right. Now you go-go-go, by and by you come along
one big fellow diwai (tree). All right. Now lose-em diwai you come up along one
fellow road. All right. He no good fellow road. He road nothing. All right. Now
you come up along big fellow mountain. You no can cut-em. All right. You must
round-em.’ Here cut is to go through or over in a short cut; round to go around.
Whilst the administration after 1919 was in the hands of English speakers,
influence of German remained strong on the mission stations and in outlying
areas. Tok Pisin texts containing a high proportion of lexical items of German
origin could be recorded among old speakers until recently. The following is an
example recorded by Mühlhäusler on Ali Island (West Sepik Province).
Bipo mi stap long ‘snaidajunge’. Mi stap long Siaman long Sek long
In the old days I was an apprentice tailor. I stayed with the Germans in Sek in
Alexishafen. Orait, mi wok long ‘snaider’ wantaim wantok ya. Mi ‘schule’
Alexishafen. Well, I worked at the tailor’s with this friend. I went to school
long Alexishafen long tri ‘yar’.
in Alexishafen for three years.
The first serious scientific analysis is that of Hall (1943). Appended to his
grammar and dictionary are a number of texts, most of them by European
informants, but some also by Indigenes. The following transcription (developed
by Hall) and translation were taken from Hall (1943: 40):
60 Tok Pisin Texts
pinis, i salim pas long Stesin. Nambatu kiap kisim pas finis,
comp, pr send letter to post. Number-two official get letter comp,
lainim [3] olgeta kanaka. Orait. Bihain, tupela de mipela go nau. Mipela
teach all native. Very well. Afterwards, two day we go now. We
[2] Baimbai whilst often referred to as a ‘future’ marker actually signals ‘event
following another event’. It is an aspect rather than a tense marker.
[3] This verb conflates two English verbs: ‘to line up’ and ‘to learn’ (used
transitively to mean ‘to teach’). Its meaning is more in the nature of ‘to
make behave’ than ‘to impart knowledge’.
Translation:
This letter that went to Smith arrived today from you, (saying that) you are fine,
that your father was fine, the two of us also have a place and we are waiting.
Matthew, are you fine today? And Piko are you fine? Tell John and I want to tell
you that (I and) Lomi, the two of us, arrived in Kevieng. The Master had a big
illness, well, we came to the island of Tabar, well, it is all right again. Now it is
improving a little bit, today it is all right. Now I want a loincloth. Earlier on
Missis, you stayed in Madang you gave the Master a pair of slippers (made of)
brown cloth. (Such a) pair I too would like you to send to your big brother, to
me, get it? One or two records, one (goes like) like today Saturday, the Missis is
far away. The other one goes like Halelujah Abraham. A little message: (When) I
went to the sea, an eel bit my fingers, well, that is it. Good-bye, good-bye sweetie.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] The spelling in this letter deviates considerably from the usual etymological
and quasi-etymological spellings of official and mission documents.
[2] A misspelling of Kevieng, the main town on New Ireland.
[3] Note the absence of a word boundary and the avoidance of consonant
clusters in this form.
This fellow man he no kaikai pig, he sell ‘em along one fellow man, he sister belong mary
belong ‘em. All right. This fellow man he got one fellow brother, liklik brother belong
‘em, he work along one fellow station belong Malay. Close up now he like finish ‘em
time belong ‘em. Suppose he finish ‘em time now he catch ‘em plenty fellow money,
[3] fellow pound, he bring ‘em along this big fellow brother belong ‘em, one time
along plenty fellow altogether something. Now this fellow sister belong mary belong
man belong pickaninny mary belong sister belong mary belong me no.’ At this point
many a harassed district officer is likely to break in with, ‘Maskie, brother belong
mary belong brother belong mary, this fellow pig he belong whose that?’
(Mead 1930: 304–306)
Translation:
‘Now I gave the pig to a man, a man who is my sister’s husband. This man gave
the pig to a man in Patusi who was planning to marry a daughter of his. She was
not his own daughter, but he had inherited her father’s position. This pig was
accordingly given to this man. This man did not eat the pig but gave him to the
brother of his wife.’ (‘Sister’ in pidgin means ‘sibling of the opposite sex’;
‘brother’, sibling of the same sex. This distinction which we do not make is felt by
the Native as essential and he has distorted our kinship terminology to preserve
it.) ‘Now this man has a brother, a younger brother, who is working on a
plantation which belongs to a Malay. Soon he will finish his time of indenture.
When he finishes his time, he will receive a lot of money, he will receive three
pounds, together with many other things. Nevermind this brother of the wife of
the fiance of the daughter of the brother of my wife, whose pig is it?’
III. The use of Tok Pisin by missions
and government
Long three day he got ‘missa’ [1]. You got ‘marry’? [2] No, me no got marry.
In three days there will be mass. Have you got a wife? No, I have no wife.
Around 1924 the most important sections were translated into Tok Pisin for use
by Australian patrol officers (kiaps). Here follow some passages from this docu-
ment (from Report by Colonel J. Ainsworth, Commonwealth Parliamentary
Paper no. 109, 1924):
P. 83:
Boy [1] he no can steal im mary belong nother fella boy. Suppose one
Male Indigene pr not can steal woman of other man. If one
fella boy he married finish he no can go long nother fella mary. All same, spose one
man pr married comp pr not can go to other woman. Similary, if a
P. 93:
Spose kiap he talk long luluai now tul-tul [2] he must send im
If patrol officer pr talk to village headman or interpreter pr must send
boy long house sick, he must send him quick too much. Spose he no send im
man to hospital, he must send him quick very. If he not send him
P. 104:
Spose one fella boy he like bring im pig all same fowl long nother fella place he
If a man pr likes to take pig or fowl to another place he
must put im long basket first time. He no can fas’im leg bilong pig all same fowl
must put it in basket first of all. He not can tie legs of pig or fowl
long one fella dee why [4] all same fashion bilong before.
to a (piece of) wood like fashion of past.
P. 115:
Altogether kanaka [5] spose im come up long place belong white man
All bush dwellers if pr arrive at settlement of White man
all same Rabaul, Kavieng, Madang, Kieta, must put him lap-lap. Lik-lik
like Rabaul, Kavieng, Madang, Kieta, must put on loincloth. Little
68 Tok Pisin Texts
P. 138:
Spose some fella boy he gammon he policeboy all same luluai all same
If a man pr pretend he policeboy or headman or
P. 84:
Altogether boy must stop good long house belong him long 9 o’clock long night.
All men must stay put in house of them at 9 o’clock at night.
He no can stop long nother fella house. Sing sing he must finish long 9 o’clock.
He not can stay in other house. Dancing pr must finish at 9 o’clock.
The use of Tok Pisin by various missions intensified during the 1920s and 1930s
and attempts were made by several mission bodies to translate parts of the
III. The use of Tok Pisin by missions and government 69
scriptures and other religious materials into the language. Most of the missions
remained predominantly in German hands, though English-speaking mission-
aries from Australia and America were increasingly in evidence. At this stage no
attempts were made to co-ordinate the different efforts to standardize and write
down Tok Pisin.
Here is the Lord’s Prayer as rendered by the Alexishafen Catholic Mission, the
Vunapope Catholic Mission and the Rabaul Methodist Mission:
Alexishafen.
Fader bilong mifelo, yu stop long heven. Ol i santuim [1] nem bilong yu. Kingdom
bilong yu i kam. Ol i hirim tok bilong yu long graund olsem long heven. Tude givim
mifelo kaikai bilong de. Forgivim rong bilong mifelo; olsem mifelo forgivim rong ol i
mekim long mifelo. Yu no bringim mifelo long traiim tekewe samting no gud long
mifelo. Amen.
Vunapope.
Papa bolong mipela i stap antap, naim bolong ju i tambu, lotu bolong ju i kam,
mipela daun olosem ol antap i harim tok bolong ju, ju bringim kaikai tede bolong
mipela, ju larim mipela i olosem mipela i larim ol, ol i mekim nogut mipela — ju no
bringim mipela klostu long rot i nogut, ju lusim ol samting nogut i raus long mipela.
Amen.
Rabaul.
Papa bilog mi fela, iu stop an top alog [2] peles bilog iu, i qud mi fela sigsig out tru
alog nem bilog iu; i moa beta ol a fasin bilog iu i stop oltuqeta peles. I qud mi fela
mekim tru ol a lo bilog iu, ol a sem oltuqeta man i savi mekim alog peles bilog iu. I
qud iu givim mi fela kaikai inafim [3] mi fela alog tude. I qud iu no mekim koros
alog mi fela alog ol a fasin no qud mi fela mekim, ol a sem mi fela no qat koros alog
ol a man i savi korosim mi fela. Iu no bringim mi fela alog ol a samtig no qud; i moa
beta iu luk outim mi fela so mi fela no ken mekim ol a fasin no qud. Bikos ol a lo, na
oltuqeta strog, na oltuqeta samtig i qud i bilog iu, na i no ken finis. Amen.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] The Alexishafen text is characterized by a tendency towards etymological
spelling and the use of Latin loans such as santuim ‘to worship, pronounce
holy’.
[2] The Rabaul Methodist spelling is based on that developed for Fijian, a
widely used practice at the time. One of the characteristics of this spelling
is the use of single voiced consonants to signal prenazalized consonants.
Note that the translation is very wordy and rather unwieldy when compared
70 Tok Pisin Texts
with that prepared by the Vunapope Catholic Mission, situated only a few
miles away.
[3] Inafim ‘to meet our needs’ is a good illustration of how language-indepen-
dent word formation expands the basic stock of English words.
Text 25: ‘Guidance for learning the Tok Boi’, a language lesson, 1930
As Tok Pisin was adopted as a mission lingua franca throughout the Territory
of New Guinea, new descriptions, dictionaries and courses of the language
appeared and language standardization became a topic. An important docu-
ment is Borchardt’s Guidance for learning the Tok Boi translated from the
German original in 1930. Borchardt was a Catholic missionary on Manus Island
and his language is clearly influenced by the Rabaul tradition. Regrettably,
Borchardt does not give ‘natural’ conversations but structures his course
around decontextualized sentences.
Exercise to Lesson 7.
1) Vataem baembai [1] Ju go Karavia? (Nb. not long Karavia. The small word ‘to’
remains untranslated). 2) Baembae jumi girap long biknaet. 3) Ju kisim masket,
baembai mi kisim ruksak (bek) 4) Ju no lusim sitik. 5) Baembai jutupela i go vei
tumora? Mitupela i go Ravaira na baembai mitupela i sutim pisin. 6) Vataem
baembai jutupela i kam bek? 7) Tumora sande, baembai [1] mitupela i harim misa.
8) I gut, jutupela i kam long monitaem tru. 9) Tumora jutupela i no ken vok. 10)
Haptumora jumitripela i katim divai. 11) Ju tokim manki [2], em i no singsing
bikpela. 12) Jupela i no mek nais. 13) Sopos mi tok: ‘jupela i sanap’ jupela ologeta i
sanap vantaem. 14) Jupela i sindaon long giraon na jupela i rait. 15) Tripela de
baembai i pinis.
Translation:
1) When are you going to Quarantine? 2) We shall get up in the middle of the
night. 3) You get your gun, then I shall get my rucksack. 4) Don’t let go of the
stick. 5) Where are the two of you going tomorrow? We two are going to Ravaira
and then we two shall shoot a bird. 6) When are you going to come back? 7)
Tomorrow is Sunday and the two of us shall go to mass. 8) You better come very
early in the morning. 9) Tomorrow you two cannot work. 10) The three of us
shall fell a tree the day after tomorrow. 11) Tell the boy not to shout. 12) You two
must not make a noise/must not move. 13) If I say: ‘stand up’, then you must all
stand up at the same time. 14) Sit down on the ground and write. 15) Three days
will have passed.
III. The use of Tok Pisin by missions and government 71
In the year 1935 the first serial in Tok Pisin, Frend bilong mi, was published by
the Catholic Mission. Its content was mainly of a religious kind, though some
attempt was also made to include other educational and entertaining materials.
Here is a passage from the September 1938 edition:
Bismark i salim wanfelo tok.
Bismark pr sends a message.
pikinini, ‘Pater’.
children, ‘Father’.
Long skul mi askim ol liklik manki long disfelo samting. Nau ol i tinktink
At school I ask pl little boys about this matter. Then they pr think
72 Tok Pisin Texts
Nau mi tok, ‘yes! Prist i bigfelo samting. Prist i kichim ordo [3]
Then I say, ‘yes! Priest is big matter. Priest pr get ordainment
sakrament [3]. Prist i helpim Yesus. Em i mekim ofer bilong santu misa [3],
sacrament. Priest pr help Jesus. He pr make service of holy mass,
em i lusim ol pekato [3] bilong ol man. Tok bilong em long haus lotu, i
he pr forgive pl sin of pl man. Talk of him in house church, pr
tok bilong Yesus. Hart bilong prist i hart bilong Yesus. Man i no inaf long
talk of Jesus. Heart of priest pr heart of Jesus. Man pr not able for
mekim man i prist. Olsem prist i ken holdim Yesus long hand bilong em.
make man pr priest. Thus priest pr can hold Jesus in hand of him.
God i laikim man i no laikim pekato fashin. Em i laikim man i save beten’.
God pr like man pr not like sinful ways. He pr like man pr hab pray’.
Free translation:
If you come to the Bismarck mountain, you can hear the Natives shout ‘Father’.
When you look, you expect to find a Father, but none exists.They call one little
boy ‘Father’. When the missionaries arrived at Bismarck, the Natives had not yet
seen Whitemen, and they called children ‘Father’. But, perhaps the one little boy
whom they call ‘Father’ will really become a Father? Perhaps he will really
become a priest?
At school I ask the little boys about this matter. They think about it a lot, then
III. The use of Tok Pisin by missions and government 73
Johannes says ‘no way, Black people cannot be priests. It is something only for
White people. We are not able to be priests. Priests are very important’.
Then I said, ‘yes, priests are very important. Priests are ordained. Priests help
Jesus. Priests hold mass and forgive men’s sins. They preach in church and speak
the word of Jesus. The heart of a priest is the heart of Jesus. (Mere) men are not
fit for this important duty. Whitemen also are not fit, but God’s Holy Spirit
makes men priests. Therefore priests can act for Jesus. God does not look at (the
colour of) a man’s skin, White or Black. God likes man, but does not like his
sinful ways. He likes man to pray constantly’.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Again, examples of the etymological spelling favoured by the Alexishafen
missionaries.
[2] Around 1930 the first exocentric compounds make their appearance,
blakskin ‘Black person’ being an early example.
[3] This text contains a number of religious terms borrowed from Latin.
In most areas of New Guinea the Lutheran Church adopted local vernaculars
such as Kâte or Jabêm as mission lingue franche. A major change to Tok Pisin
occurred only in the 1960s. However, in some linguistically highly diversified
areas, Lutheran missionaries employed Tok Pisin much earlier. A hymnal was
printed by the Madang Lutheran Mission in 1938 containing songs translated
from German and local mission languages. Here follow a couple of examples
(Singsing Buk, Madang: Amron College Press 1938):
Example (i)
1. Ol brata ju kam nau,
pl brother you come now,
harem tok belong Got,
hear talk of God,
nau singaut long jumi.
and sing to us.
2. Ol boi kingdom belong Got,
pl ‘boy’ kingdom of God,
74 Tok Pisin Texts
Example (ii)
1. O Got, ju olsem lait,
O God you like light,
ju ken lait long bel [4] belong mi;
you can light on soul of me;
mi ken tingting long tok belong ju,
I can think of talk of you,
mi olsem Josef bifoa:
I like Joseph previously:
no mekem pen bel belong papa,
not make painful soul of father,
Jakob i laikem tumas Josef,
Jacob pr liked a lot Joseph,
III. The use of Tok Pisin by missions and government 75
[3] Limlimbur ‘to take a walk, stroll’ was borrowed from Tolai limlibur with the
same meaning.
[4] In most local cultures the stomach is regarded as the seat of emotions.
Missionary translators often use bel to refer to ‘heart’ or ‘soul’. In this hymn
they heed a further widespread convention, i.e., that bel is inalienably
possessed and therefore has to be followed by bilong mi ‘my’ or a similar
possessive.
[5] This is an early example of an abstract noun derived from a verb by a
productive language-internal word formation mechanism.
The Second World War not only promoted the study of Tok Pisin but lead to its
use in modern mass media (radio broadcasts, leaflet drops) by both the Japanese
and Allied forces. A large collection of Tok Pisin war propaganda is found in the
Australian War Memorial in Canberra. The following pamphlets were prepared
by the Australian army and dropped over the interior of Papua New Guinea:
(i) Mifelo sitrong tumas long [1] Japan. Long Nukini Japan bakarap olgeder pinis.
Mifelo ontaim Amerika kilim pinis ol long Salamaua, Lae, Markam, Finshafen,
Raikos, nau Madang. Kiap i sindaun long ol. Soldia long yumi kosua [2] long
Bun Bun, Aitape, nau Holland. Sumfelo [3] Japan ronwei nabaut nabaut long
bik bus, end nambis. Yufelo no ken stap klostu long Japan. Supos sumfelo biket
[4] i stap bom kilim ontaim Japan.
Hambag long Japan pinis tru.
Guv i tok.
Official Translation:
Our strength has outgrown the enemy to such an enormous degree that he is now
no match for us. Throughout the whole of New Guinea, Japan has been beaten
and demoralised. Australian and American forces have killed and driven the
Japanese from all Morobe area, Salamaua, Lae and Markham valley, from
Finschhafen, the Rai coast and also Madang. Your old District Officers are now in
their offices in all these centres. We have made landings at Hansa Bay, Aitape and
Hollandia. Many fugitive Japanese are roaming through the bush and beaches
attempting to escape. Do not stay near these Japs for we are straffing and
bombing them and you would be killed also.
The Japanese adventure in New Guinea is truly closing.
The Government says this.
III. The use of Tok Pisin by missions and government 77
An important factor in the development of Tok Pisin after the Second World
War was the opening up of the New Guinea Highlands. In the years to follow an
ever increasing number of speakers of Papuan (rather than Melanesian)
languages used Tok Pisin. The pattern of transmission to Highlanders recapitu-
lated that to Coastal dwellers and Islanders in the early parts of the 20th
century: young males were recruited for the coastal plantations where they
acquired Tok Pisin and carried it back to their villages after two to three years
of indenture. In subsequent years (after a time lag of ten to fifteen years), Tok
Pisin began to be used as a language for intercommunication between speakers
of different Highlands languages. This is now its most important function in
this part of Papua New Guinea. The following materials were recorded at
Wabag (Western Highlands Province) in the early 1950s by the late Dr. Smythe.
His orthography is influenced by the Rabaul tradition. An interesting feature of
his texts is the incorporation of grammatical markers with lexical words as in
isavedaunim instead of standard orthography i save daunim used for ‘to
swallow’.
Ginger planting
Orait na ol man blog [1] Wapak olisavego log bus. Milaikstori log
All right, pl man of Wabag pl pr hab go to bush. I want to tell story about
tesela [2]. Ologeta jagpala man ibug, na ologeta maritman inosavego log
this. All young men gathered, and all married men did not go to
Further early examples of Highlands Tok Pisin were recorded by Wurm in the
Enga District in the early 1960s. Its grammar, which differs in a number of
interesting respects from Lowlands Tok Pisin, is described in Wurm (1971).
The following text is also taken from this source (p. 165–6). The speaker is a
medical orderly (doktaboi).
82 Tok Pisin Texts
Orait na, narapela taim tu, tispela wanpela kanaka i tokim mi tu long
And another time as well, this (one) Native pr told me also about
yupela kilim, nogut yupela giaman’. Mi tokim olosem na wanpela taim, taim
you pl killed it, no you pl lie’. I said thus and one time, time
long prainde [2] mi kam ologeta long Wabag. Orait na, wanpela meri
on Friday (and) came all the way to Wabag. Well one woman
long tispela ples. Mi kam pinis long Wabag na em i lukim. Mi kam pinis
at that place. I come comp to Wabag and she pr saw (it). I arrive comp
laik i brukim het bilongen. Orait na olo karim sampela rop tu.
wanted pr to break its head. And they had taken some rope there as well.
painim tel bilongen. I kam klostu long tispela ston nau kisim tel bilongen
looked for its tail. pr came close to this stone now took its tail
Ol i pasim wantaim sampela rop tu. Olo pasim strong. Orait na tispela
They pr tied it with some rope too. They tied it strongly. And this
hap het bilongen i tanim [4] i kam na i kam klostu long tispela diwai,
its head portion pr turned pr came and pr came close to this stick,
Orait na, taim mi kisim siger [5] pinis long Wabag na mi go long
(And) when I had received my ration issue in Wabag and (I) went to
liklik [6] bilong mi na ol i soim tispela longpela bun samting long mi,
my little station, they all pr showed this long bone-thing to me,
stesin bilong mi, long pipti [7], wan naintinpipti, tispela taim.
my station, in fifty, nineteen fifty, at that time.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Highlands Tok Pisin in its early years was often learnt from European
missionaries and patrol officers (kiap). It is somewhat surprising, however,
to find that the English loan possible is used instead of the well-established
coastal construction i nap kilim dispela snek (nap derived from ‘enough’).
[2] In contrast to Smythe (Text 29), Wurm uses a writing system which more
closely reflects the actual pronunciation of Highlands speakers of Tok Pisin.
Thus, non-standard prenasalization and variant pronunciation of stops are
reproduced. Neither Wurm nor Smythe appear to have a consistent
treatment of epenthetic vowels, however.
[3] After the reduction of the original resumptive pronoun he to the predicate
marker i, the new third person pronoun em is again used resumptively. A
longitudinal account of this process is given by Sankoff (1977a).
[4] This sentence is an interesting example of reanalysis. Tanim can either be
understood as a reflexive verb ‘turned around’ or else as a simple transitive
verb in a sentence with the non-standard word order O (deleted) SV.
[5] Siger ‘ration’ derives from English ‘scale’. The verb skelim means ‘to deal
out’.
[6] The meaning of liklik ‘little’ often varies with context and can mean a range
of things, including ‘little station’ or ‘younger brother’.
[7] Whereas the traditional numbers are used elsewhere in this text (tenpela
‘ten’) higher numbers are directly taken over from English.
V. Traditional indigenous voices
1970 to the present
orait, kaikai wantaim pinis, orait, mipela kirap brukim kokonat [3],
all right, eat together comp, all right, we get up break coconuts,
pinis nau, ol birua i kamap, ol i kilim birua pinis, karim i kam long
comp now, pl enemy pr arrive, they pr kill enemy comp, carry pr come to
of our ancestors, then they started to dance. We killed our enemies, hit them and
dragged them.
(ii)
Orait, nem bilong mi Yakanami, mi bilong Yaul, na mi laik bungim tok
All right, name of me Yakanami, I from Yaul, and I like join talk
orait, ol man long ples i save, save nau long tok pisin, em
all right, pl man in village pr know, know now about Tok Pisin, this (is it)
pisin [6] nau, mipela nupela mipela klia, mipela gat klia, na
pidgin now, we new (ones) we informed, we got information, and
bilong mi.
of mine.
90 Tok Pisin Texts
Translation:
Well, my name is Yakanami from Yaul and I want to continue my uncle’s story
and tell you about more recent times. The Whiteman had not arrived yet and the
first generation of people did not have a good grasp of Tok Pisin, they remained
ignorant in matters of language. Well, we know this language now. Time goes by.
Some of them went to work for a big company, just a few went to work for a
company, they worked and they returned home with the Tok Pisin they had
learnt. Afterwards the men in the village went year after year and then they knew
Tok Pisin. Now, us new generation grew up and we grew up with Tok Pisin. We
are informed, we know the rules of the language and we follow them. That is it.
My story is finished.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] In this and other longer texts orait (from English ‘all right’) is used as a
discourse structuring element. Note the frequent backtracking and repeti-
tion which is characteristic of Tok Pisin narratives.
[2] Less developed varieties of Tok Pisin are characterized by the frequent use
of epenthetic vowels. Consonant clusters and closed syllables tend to be
disfavoured.
[3] Kokonat (or kokonas) refers to the coconut tree and not its fruit. Because of
the special importance of the coconut Tok Pisin has a highly developed
terminology. Examples include kulau ‘green drinking nut’ and drai ‘dry nut
used in copra production’.
[4] This expression refers to the big trading or plantation companies in the
coastal areas of the New Guinea mainland or in the islands of the Bismarck
Archipelago.
[5] The original locative and spatial expression is used to signal the passing of
time. This is a good example of concrete expressions being extended to
cover increasingly abstract concepts.
[6] The use of the plural marker in ol pisin is somewhat puzzling.
or as a secret code. For this latter function, the following example of Tok Bokis
was taken from Aufinger (1949: 118):
Mi stap long bush, nau mi laik kaikai bilinat [1]. Mi lukautim wanfelo, mi faindim,
mi faitim, faitim, faitim, mi kaikaim tasol i no swit long mi, na spet [2] belong mi i
no red [2]. Mi lukautim kambang wantaim daka. Mi kaikai wantaim bilinat, na
bilinat i swit long mi, na spet i red ollgeder, i kamdaun plenti tumas.
Literal English translation:
While I was in the bush, I wanted to chew a betelnut. I searched for one and
found it. I kept beating it (in the betel-mortar); finally I started to chew it, but it
was not sweet to my taste and my saliva did not turn red. I then searched for lime
and betel-pepper. When I chewed all those together it became very sweet to me
and red saliva was flowing down abundantly.
Intended secret meaning:
I wanted to have a fight with a certain man in the bush. I found him there and we
had a long fight between the two of us, but it was not to my satisfaction. So I
called for two of my friends and when they joined in the brawl my enemy was
beaten to my satisfaction and he lost a lot of blood.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Bilinat ‘betel nut’ is used mainly by older speakers. Younger speakers use
buai, an item borrowed from Tolai. This demonstrates that a purely
synchronic analysis of Tok Pisin can say little about the nature of substra-
tum influence. It is yet another example of such influence making itself felt
late in the development of the language rather than in the days of early
contact.
[2] Note the etymological writing conventions adopted by Aufinger. In Tok
Pisin both spet ‘spittle’ and red ‘red’ are pronounced with a voiceless final
consonant
’Tok piksa’ is the metalinguistic label for talking in metaphors. The prolonged
use of metaphor throughout a text (tok pilai) is a favourite form of verbal play
among urban dwellers. The following passage was recorded by Mühlhäusler on
the campus of the University of Papua New Guinea in 1976.
The tok pilai is triggered off by a girl wearing a T-shirt with the letters
92 Tok Pisin Texts
‘PDF’, and her remark mi bagarap ‘I’m buggered’. In the ensuing conversation
one can observe the attempt by one of the male students to build up a tok pilai
around the workshop motif (M1) and the attempt by another (M3) to do the
same with the medicine/hospital motif. Eventually the workshop motif takes
over: (M1, M2, M3 = male students, G = girl student)
M1: Dispela meri i toktok, lukim em i lap.
This girl is talking, see how she is laughing.
M2: Pi Di Ef, Pi Di Ef!
PDF, PDF!
G: A, mi bagarap.
I’m buggered.
M1: A, dispela kain bai fiksim [1] long woksap.
This sort of thing can be fixed in the workshop.
M2: Bagarap long wanem ya?
How come buggered?
M3: Ating marasin i stap.
Perhaps there is medicine for it.
M1: Gutpela long wokim long woksap.
It’s OK to do it in the workshop.
M2: PDF woksap i gutpela.
The PDF workshop is fine.
M1: PDF woksap, ya man!
The PDF workshop, yeah man!
M2: Ol i fiksim gut.
They fix it properly.
M1: Ol i laik grisim [2] gut.
They can grease it up well.
M2: Ol i save holim gut.
They can get a grip on it.
M3: Wanem?
What?
M1: Samting [3] ya.
You know what.
Playful insults are another feature of creolized urban Tok Pisin. The following
scene of two friends meeting one another was recorded by Mühlhäusler at the
University of Papua New Guinea in 1976:
A: Antoni yu bikbol. Kok bilong yu i olsem skin dok. Pens bilong yu i gat grile.
Yupela ol Manam i save slek. Gutbai, gutnait.
B: Yu hul yu!
Translation:
A: Anthony, you bandy bastard. Your cock is hairy like a dog. Your pants are
infested with ringworm. You Manam blokes are impotent. Good bye, good
night.
B: You cunt!
Few examples of ‘natural’ conversations have been recorded in Tok Pisin until
very recently. The following example was recorded by Mühlhäusler in Port
Moresby in 1976. It is a relaxed conversation around a snooker table by a couple
of young men, which is briefly interrupted as a group of attractive girls walks
past.
M1: Mipela i spak [1], em dispela taim yu lusim ki bilong yu ya. Em
We were drinking, it was when you lost your key. That
dispela taim tasol. Mipela i spak i go, i go i go, ol boi paitim dram
was the time. We drank and drank, the boys beat the drum
na singsing:
and sang:
94 Tok Pisin Texts
husat gen ya? Dispela boi ya, S. Dispela boi Morobe ya. Mipela i
who else? This bloke, S. This bloke from Morobe. We
M1: Ais!
You are as sweet as icecream!
(Girl laughs.)
M1: Magnet ya, magnet. Samting i gat huk ya, i save hukim ol man.
A magnet it was, a magnet. Something which had a hook, to hook men.
M2: Sore!
How shocking!
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Spak derives from English ‘spark’. Its etymological meaning survives only
in spakplak ‘spark plug’.
[2] As pointed out by Dr Piet Lincoln (personal communication) the use of
o-a-o is a counter-example to the principle that vowels are more redundant
than consonants and thus more easily omitted.
[3] One reason given by the speakers of this text for the use of kandare ‘mater-
nal uncle’ for ‘penis’ was that it contains the syllable kan. Word play among
urban dwellers can be multi-dimensional and highly complex.
Text 36: The story of the loaves and fishes (1) (SR)
This is an oral version of the loaves and fishes story from the Bible, as told by a
young girl in Lae. This story has considerable anglicization, e.g., boi (cf. Tok
Pisin manki), preparim (cf. Tok Pisin redim), fud (cf. Tok Pisin kaikai), blesim
(cf. Tok Pisin givim tenkyu long God long sampela samting), pipol (cf. Tok Pisin
manmeri).
Wanpla taim olgeta man lai go lukim Jisas nau. Ol no kisim kaikai
One time altogether man want go see Jesus now. They neg get food
bilong wanpla liklik boi na em tokim em liklik boi tok olsem, ‘Mi laik go lukim
of one little boy and he say he little boy say thus, ‘I want go see
Jisas ia,’ nau mama blem preparim fud blem na em tok olsem. Em givim
Jesus foc,’ and mother of him prepare food of him and he say thus. She give
tupla fish [2] na faivpla bret na em givim em, em karim go nau. Jesus askim
two fish and five bread and she give him, he carry go now. Jesus ask
olgeta man ia, ‘yupla gat fud tu’ na olgeta man toksem [3], ‘nogat’.
altogether man foc, ‘you pl got food too’ and altogether man say thus, ‘no’.
Na liklik boi ia kirap tok olsem ‘Mi gat’. Na em givim disla bred na fish lo
And little boy foc get up say thus ‘I got’. And he give this bread and fish to
Jisas nau. Jisas blesim nau, em blesim disla tupla fish na faivpla bred na tupla
Jesus now. Jesus bless now, he bless this two fish and five bread and two
fish ia kamap olsem planti fish na disla faivpla bred ia kamap olsem
fish foc come up thus plenty fish and this five bread foc come up thus
[2] The forms fish, fis are used by many speakers now instead of pis.
[3] This is a reduced variant of tok olsem.
Text 37: Extract from a council meeting, East Sepik District, 1972
Ketehi: Bai yupela harim wanpela toktok i kam long pren bilong yumi.
fut you pl hear a message pr come from friend of us inc.
i ken tok sapos yu [1] gat tok, yu ken tok tu. Nau tokim ol, bai em
pr can talk if you have opinion, you can talk too. Now say them, then he
orait, yupela gat wonem tingting, orait bekim i kam long em.
all right, you pl got whatever opinion, well answer pr come to him.
sampela toktok i kam long nambawan bilong yumi long Agriculture. Na bin
some talk pr come from boss of us inc in Agriculture. And have
kam raun long holim kivung. Mi no bin kam long wok. Mi kam long
come round to hold meeting. I not have come to work. I come to
holim wanpela kivung tasol long ologeta pipal long hia. Kirapim tingting
hold one meeting only for all people around here. To arouse thought
bilong ol, pasin bilong kirapim bisnis. Orait, mi tok save [2] long yupela.
of theirs, fashion of start business. Well, I inform you.
wok long hap bilong Kombio. Orait nau ol i bin senisim mipela raun
work in area of Kombio. Well now they pr have changed us around
long wanwan man husat i lukautim eria em i mas senisim [3]. Nau
so that every man who pr looks after an area he pr must change. Now
bai mi wok insait long Urat Sensis Divisen nau. Oke [4], nau mi ritim
fut I work inside the Urat Census Division now. OK, now I read
sampela toktok long buk hia, toktok bilong nambawan. Nambawan toktok, em
some talk in book emph, talk of first (item). First talk, it
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 99
i tok, yupela mas planim plenti rais long dispela yia. Long wonem? Rais mil
pr says, you pl must plant lots of rice in this year. Why? Ricemill
long Bainyik i stap nating nau. I no gat plenti rais. Orait, nambawan
in Bainyik pr stands idle now. pr not exist lots of rice. All right, first
i tok, long dispela yia, taim i no pinis yet, i gat wan mun i stap
pr talk, in this year, time pr not finished yet, pr exist one month pr exist
yet, yupela mas planim rais. Nau sapos husat man em i laik planim
emph, you pl must plant rice. Now if whosoever man he pr wants plant
rais em i mas kam long didiman opis na kisim rais na planim. Orait,
rice he pr must come to agricultural office and fetch rice and plant it. All right,
nambatu toktok. Toktok long las yia yupela bin planim plenti rais long
second talk. It says that last year you pl have planted lots of rice in
hap bilong Sepik. Mipela bin kisim bikpela mani tru long las yia.
the area of Sepik. We exc have received lots of money really in last year.
Mipela kisim olosem $134,000, long las yia. Em i bikpela mani tru
We exc get something like $134,000, in last year. It pr big money truly
hia [5]. Orait, dispela bikpela mani em i bin helpim mipela plenti samting.
emph All right, this big money it pr has helped us exc lots of things.
Em i helpim mipela long kaunsil takis, em i helpim mipela long salim pikinini
It pr help us exc with council tax, it pr help us exc to send children
masin, pruning so [6]. Ol samting long helpim mipela long kirap bikpela.
machine, pruning saw. pl thing to help us exc to develop big.
Orait, yu save long mani bilong las yia. Yu save em i bikpela mani
All right, you know about money of last year. You know it pr big money
moa, insait long wanwan ples bilong yumi. Na nambatri toktok em i tok.
emph, inside each village of us inc. And third talk it pr says.
100 Tok Pisin Texts
Dispela yia, sapos mipela i no kirapim bisnis nau bai mani i lus long
This year, if we exc pr not start business now then money pr lost for
yumi. Long wonem? Long las yia yumi kisim bikpela mani i kam insait
us. Why? In last year we inc obtain big money pr come inside
long ples. Long dispela yia, sapos mipela i les long kirapim bisnis,
to village. In this year, if we exc pr reluctant to start business,
bai mipela i lus long dispela mani bipo las yia mi gat. Nau tasol, sapos
then we exc pr without this money earlier last year I had. Now only, if
mipela i les long planim rais bai mipela i [loud cough muffled speech]
we exc pr reluctant to plant rice then we exc pr
long dispela.
about this.
Translation:
Ketehi:
You are about to hear a message from our friend. He would like to share a
few thoughts with you. He would like to find out from you what has
prevented you from starting this business. You can talk freely. We would like
to know why you do not participate in (cash crop) business. At present you
are not interested in planting rice and doing business. You must tell him
your reasons. Not just the men. The women too can talk if they have
something to say. I am telling them and he can hear from them. That’s all, sit
down and he will ask you. Whatever you have to say, tell it to him.
Joseph:
Well, good morning everyone. I have some information from our boss in
Agriculture. I have come to hold this meeting. I have not come to work. I
have only come to meet with you people in order to make you think about
how to go about starting up a business.
Well, I would like to inform you that I am new in this area. You know that I
used to work in the Kombio area. Now they have changed us around and
each man who looks after an area must change. From now on I shall work in
the Urat Census Division. OK, I would like to read you some passages from
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 101
this book here, starting with the first item. The first item says that you must
plant lots of rice this year. Why? The rice mill in Bainyik stands idle. There is
not much rice. Well, the first item is that this year, which is not finished yet,
there is still a month to go, you must plant rice. If anyone wants to plant rice
they must come to the agricultural office and obtain rice and plant it.
Well, the second item on the agenda is that last year you planted lots of rice
in the Sepik area. We made big money last year. We made $134,000 last year.
This is really big money. Well, this money has helped us in a lot of ways. It
helped pay our council tax, it helped us send our children to school. It helped
us buy bags, grassknives, coffee machines, pruning saws and so on. All sorts
of things that help us to develop. Well, you know about last year’s money.
You know there was lots of money in each of our villages.
The third item is: if we do not start our business this year then our money
will be lost. Why? Last year we obtained lots of money for our villages. This
year, if we fail to start up our business, we won’t have the money we had last
year. If we are too lazy to plant rice then (…) this money again. All right, this
is item number three.
Baby and caretaker talk is rarely documented for pidgins and creoles. The
following text was recorded by Don Kulick of the Australian National Universi-
ty at Gapun in the Sepik area. It illustrates how Tok Pisin has taken over from
traditional languages (in this case Taiap) even in the mainly intimate domestic
domains.
Bonika: (bouncing Amambwira up and down on her lap)
Bus mangi bus mangi
bus mangi
bus bus mush mush bush
yu bus mangi bus mangi yu
bus mangi mush mush
bus mangi mush mush.
(Seeing their seven year old sister Yapa emerging from the forest, Bonika slaps
Amambwira lightly on the face and points to Yapa:)
Yapa ia Yapa ia
em ia em ia em ia
Yapa tata ia
lukim tata
Yapa
apa apa apa
em ia Yapa bapa ba pa
pa pa pa.
(Bonika suddenly puts Amambwira belly down on the floor and spanks her
bottom to the rhythm of:)
Yu sindaun
sindaun
sindaun
sindaun.
(Bonika lifts Amambwira up and lays her across her lap:)
Nau bai yu slip
sip sip bebi
bebi! sip sip sip
bebi! bobi bobi
bebu bebu
wo wo wo wo wo wo …
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 103
Translation:
Bush kid bush kid
bush kid
bush bush mush mush bush
you bush kid bush kid you
bush kid mush mush
bush kid mush mush.
There’s Yapa there’s Yapa
there there there
there’s older sibling Yapa
look at older sibling
Yapa
apa apa apa
there Yapa Bapa ba pa
pa pa pa.
You sit down
sit down
sit down
sit down.
Now you’re gonna sleep
seep seep baby.
baby! seep seep seep
baby! bobi bobi
bebu bebu
wo wo wo wo wo wo…
In this interview Michael Wurio talks about his Second World War experiences.
Michael is 65 years old and comes from Kamanibit Village on the lower Sepik
River, Papua New Guinea. He is uneducated.
Yes, orait a … dispela stori em … mi, mi … mi nogat [1], mi, mi stap long
Yes all right ah … this story it … I, I … I not, I, I be in
mipela karim kago i go, mipela karim kago i go. Mipela lukim Siapan a …
we carry cargo pr go, we carry cargo pr go. We see Japanese ah …
kam kwik. Yupela mas i stap pastaim. Stop … stopim lain pastaim.’
come quickly. You pl must pr stay first. Stop … stop line first.’
sua. Sori! Ol i go! Man, salim stret. Amerika, man! Mekim sa:::ve
ashore. Alas! They pr go! Gee, send straight Americans gee! Make understand
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 105
i angat. Ol i sanap lain nau, lain bilong Siapan, lain bilong Amerika
pr attack. They pr stand line then, line of Japanese, line of Americans
ken i kam ausait. Olgeta mas i stap. Mipela i stap. Mipela i sta:::p,
can pr come outside. Everyone must pr stay. We pr stay. We pr stay,
diwai ol i kolim lok, slip olsem long nambis. Man! Planti mo!
tree they pr call log, lie down thus on beach. Gee! Many more!
Siapan tu olsem mipela kisim ol planim ol. Pinis nau, em nau! Mipela
Japan too thus we get them bury them. comp then that’s it! We
surik bek nau. Orait Amerika i tok, ‘orait yupela go bek nau long kem.’
move back then. Okay Americans pr say, ‘okay you pl go back now to camp.’
Mipela go bek nau long kem. Nau dispela lain Siapan ya i kam bihain
We go back then to camp. Then this line Japanese foc pr come behind
106 Tok Pisin Texts
long mipela, o::: man! Ol i kam i dai tasol, i dai tasol, i dai tasol na
us, oh gee! They pr come pr die only, pr die only, pr die only and
pinis. Em nau pait i slek nau. Nau ol i tokim mipela, ‘yupela no ken
finish. And so fight pr slack then. Then they pr tell us, ‘you pl not allow
go long Mosibi. Yupela mas kam bek nau!’ Mipela kam bek. Kam
go to Port Moresby. You pl must come back now!’ We come back. Come
bek i kam stap liklik nau. Em nau, Amerika wantaim Austrelia, man!
back pr come stay little then. And then, Americans with Australians, gee!
kapsaitim man! Lae i pulap. Em nau. Kirap long Lae, raunim Siapan i
disgorge gee! Lae pr full up. That’s it. Start in Lae, drive Japanese pr
I dai long rot tasol. I dai long rot tasol, planti mo mo yet i dai long
pr die on road only. pr die on road only, many more more very pr die on
rot. A man! Mipela lukim ol ya, man! Sh [6]! I no liklik, kam kam
road. Ah gee! We see them foc, gee! Gosh! pr not little come come
kam kam [7] ol i tok, ‘ol … olgeta Siapan i ranawe pinis.’ Sh!
come come they pr say, ‘all Japanese pr run away comp.’ Gosh!
Ol Siapan i stap hia long Niugini a … long Sepik na long hap belong
pl Japanese pr be here in New Guinea ah … in Sepik and in area of
Aitape, olgeta i sh! I ranawe i go. I pinis nau. Em nau mipela kisim
Aitape, all pr gosh! pr run away pr go. pr finish then. And so we get
Sepik nau. Go kisim Aitape. Orait ol sampela wan wan tasol i pret i
Sepik then. Go get Aitape. Okay they some one one only pr afraid pr
Siapan bilong Rabaul. Go:::, pinis. I kam ausait [8], ol i stap nau.
Japanese of Rabaul. cont, comp. pr come outside, they pr be then.
wanem kain man, senerol, generol [9] o meja bilong ol, olgeta i go long
whatever kind person, general general or major of them, all pr go to
narapela hap. ‘Orait nau, we stap dispela man bilong katim nek? I brukim
another area. ‘Okay now, where be this person for cut neck? pr break
nek bilong man?’ Ol i tok, ‘em! Dispela lain i stap hia, ol Kembe.’
neck of person?’ They pr say, ‘those! This line pr be here, pl Kembe.’
Free Translation:
Yes, okay ah … this story that … I, I … I wasn’t one of them [those Sepik men
who were captured by the Japanese in Rabaul]. For my part I was in the area …
the area around Madang, between Madang and Port Moresby. I was there and
they … they [other Sepik men] were on the island of Rabaul and the Japanese
brought them, many New Guineans, New Guinea men, all Sepiks, brought them
[to the New Guinea mainland as labourers] and we also carried supplies, we
carried supplies. We saw the Japanese ah … the Americans stopped us. They said,
‘don’t come quickly. Stay first. Stop … stop the [cargo] line first.’
And so the Japanese came then. They came in a ship, in a ah … they came in a …
that thing that travels under water ah … what is it? [Background: submarine]
108 Tok Pisin Texts
‘Okay now, where is this guy who cut off people’s heads, the breaker of men’s necks?’
They said, ‘those! This group here, Kembes.’
And so they stood up in a line.
Then they said to them, ‘now you chaps, you take this compound.’
They took this other compound and interned them in it.
Points to note include:
[1] Michael’s introduction does not make much sense until he introduces ol
which refers to other Sepik men who were captured by the Japanese in
Rabaul.
[2] For some reason Michael refers to Rabaul as an island even though he
claims later on in the text that he went there with the Allies as part of the
occupation force.
[3] Michael has no difficulty pronouncing English ‘j’ and ‘sh’, particularly in
the examples of Siapan, pinis and meja later in the text.
[4] Em nau is a common textual feature of Tok Pisin which is difficult to
translate directly into English. It indicates that the episode just mentioned
is complete and a new one is beginning. Literally it means something like
‘that having occurred’ but is often used to approximate to ‘so, as a result,
consequently’.
[5] Angat comes from English ‘on guard’ which refers to a movement in
bayonet practice where the bayonet is presented to an oncoming enemy.
[6] This sound is made by sucking in air through half rounded lips.
[7] This is a continuation of the thought introduced several lines back where
Michael was talking about rounding up the Japanese.
[8] It is unclear what Michael is referring to here. It would seem most likely he
is referring to the prison compound where captive Japanese were held.
[9] Note that Michael changes his pronunciation of ‘general’ on the second
occasion
In this interview Hosea John talks about his work as a field manager providing
support for fieldworkers of the Australian National University’s (ANU)
Research Support Unit in Port Moresby. Hosea is very well-educated and was
a school inspector before taking up this position. He is thirty-five years old and
comes from Vunakaur Village near Rabaul.
110 Tok Pisin Texts
wok we mi save duim long meik siua that ol dispela hauses bikos ol rent
task that I hab do in make sure that pl this houses because pl rent
kain kain wok insait long ol hauses na jes jenrol meintenens long ol
different kinds of job in pl houses and just general maintenance in pl
dispela hauses. Wanpela bikpela wok tu we mi save tekim kwait a lot ov taim
this houses. A major task too which I hab take quite a lot of time
bilong mi long itsh dei em bilong chesimapim ol tenant long ol rent long ol
of me in each day it for chase up pl tenant for pl rent in pl
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 111
tenant tu i save hambak liklik long mi long … long peimap in taim long
tenant too pr hab cause trouble a little to me in … in paying in time for
stap long kot na wantaim ol loyas bilong yumi yet long einyu long
stay in court and with pl lawyers of our own emph from ANU for
planti reseses i stap long a … long Mosbi eria, tasol long lain bilong
many researchers pr be in ah … in Moresby area, but in group of
yumi yet long einyu mi no save bisi tumas. Mi no save bisi tumas. A …
us own emph in ANU I not hab busy very. I not hab busy very. Ah …
wen ol … ol lain bilong yumi long einyu i kam nau mi bisi long ol …
when pl … pl group of us in ANU pr come then I busy with pl …
em i save kisim a … planti taim bilong mi long itsh dei during tha wik em
it pr hab take ah … much time of me in each day during the week it
hia long Mosbi tasol bat long ol provinses tu bikos mi bin a … bin
here in Moresby only but in pl provinces too because I past ah … past
planti i save kam, so em mi save tekim planti taim long mipela long pekimap
many pr hab come, so it I hab take much time for us to packup
i ken tekim taim bilong mi … long mi long sortimaut espesoli ol vekols long
pr can take time of me … for me to sort out especially pl vehicle in
problems em bai i tekim samtaim long mi long diuring tha dei long mi
problems that fut pr take some time for me in during the day for me
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 113
informesen long we kar i stap. Em i ken tekim taim liklik long wanpela
information on where car pr be. It pr can take time a little in a
karimaut long ol kars bilong mi … bilong yumi. So emol sampela wok we mi ken
carry out to pl cars of me … of us. So they some task that I can
requirements. Ah, a … a job too that I … that takes ah … much of my time each
day during the week is to ah … publicising our books, the New Guinea Research
Bulletins, which I … I have … they ah … many institutions here in town come
and buy them and that’s one thing that takes much of my time, for me … for me
to sell those books. In fact it’s not only here in Port Moresby but in the provinces
as well [that I sell them] because I have ah … made ah … I advertised those
books in institutions, educational institutions in Papua New Guinea and many
orders, many come in. So that takes a lot of our time packing and wrapping them
up and then ah … going to send those books away to them [those who ordered
them] and that is one task that takes our time to ah … my time at … at work.
Ah, we also have vehicles which can also take my time … for me to sort out,
especially the vehicles we have in Lae. They are used to go to the Highlands or to
go to the Lae ah … Madang area, and that can also take … if some vehicles have
problems, that will take some of my time during the day for me to contact them
[those who look after the vehicles] in Lae and sort out the problems, and so that
ah … is somewhat time consuming when I sit by the phone or telex [machine] or
wait for information about where the vehicles are. That can take some time in a
day for me. I only sit and wait for information ah … contact to go out to them
and hold them to whatever has to be done to my … our vehicles. So they are
some of the tasks that can take up ah … can take up my time during the day.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Note how Hosea encorporates English borrowings into his Tok Pisin. Some
of these are so common that they could be said to be part of a developing
acrolect, e.g., so, bat, bikos, gatim, tekim taim, espesoli, eria, kontakt. Several
other phrases are idiosyncratic, as are words like duim (for mekim) and
vikols (for kar). Note also that Hosea often uses English plural forms even
though the nouns so pluralised are marked in the normal Tok Pisin way
with ol. As well, his pronunciation of many traditional Tok Pisin words is
anglicized, e.g., wok.
[2] Hosea pronounces ol in a way common to many Tok Pisin speakers who
come from the islands or coastal regions of the New Guinea mainland,
notably olo.
[3] The use of na here is obscure.
[4] This is a newly observed use of wantaim as transitivity marker. The expect-
ed form is kontakim.
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 115
This story is told by Alfred from the Aradip census division in the mountains
inland of Madang. He is in his late twenties and is a speaker of the Papuan
language Harway. He is uneducated.
Nem bilong mi Halavis. Olsem na nau mi laik wokim wanpela stori bilong
Name of me Alfred. Thus and now I about to make a story of
tumbuna. Em nau, wanpela man i … i go stap long longwe ples [1]. Orait
ancestor. That then, a certain man pr … pr go stay in distant place. Okay
ples bilongen. Na man ya laik givim kaikai long dispela meri na painim
village of her. And man foc want give food to this woman and look for
foa longen [2], bai mi kam.’ Em tok olsem na i go. Meri ya i wok
four after it, fut I come.’ He speak thus and pr go. Woman foc pr busy
stap long hap na lukim wait nau tok, ‘o sori, meri ya wetim mi na
stay at there and see white then say ‘oh dear woman foc await me and
116 Tok Pisin Texts
stap long antap. Man ya i go, i go daun long dispela diwai i kisim sampela
stay at on top. Man foc pr go, pr go down on this tree pr get some
pikinini bilong diwai ya. Nogat, hap diwai i bruk na man ya i gondaun
fruit of tree foc. But no, part tree pr break and man foc pr fall down
tasol mekim na dispela man i dai. Orait yu i kam na slip y … ananit long
only do it and this man pr die. Okay you pr come and sleep y … under
insait long dispela, ananit bodi.’ Em tok olsem na ol … olgeta man em pait.
him inside this, under body.’ She say thus and pl … all man they fight.
Pait na meri ya kirap tok, ‘yupela mekim bai mi karim man bilong mi
Fight and woman foc get up say ‘you pl do it fut I take husband of me
bai mi karim go planim long sampela ples.’ Em tok olsem na ol man tok,
fut I take go bury in some place.’ She say thus and pl man say
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 117
‘maski, lusim na bai yumi planim long hia.’ Em tok olsem na ol man
‘nevermind, leave it and fut we bury at here.’ They say thus and pl man
em bung, wok long planim. Pinis, orait meri ya sutim em. Meri ya
they meet, busy at bury. Pinish, okay woman foc taunt them. Woman foc
long wara, karim i go. Olsem na ol i stori na mi harim dispela stori nau
in river, take pr go. Thus and they pr tell and I hear this story now
started fighting. They fought and the woman got up and said, ‘If you do that I’ll
take my husband and go and bury him somewhere else.’ She said that and the
men said, ‘stop [the fighting] and let’s bury him here.’ They spoke thus and the
men came together and buried him. When they had buried him the woman
taunted them. Then, when she wanted to return to her house, the men came and
blocked the road and she came along the road. The men met her and hit her and
threw her into the river which carried her away. And that’s what they say and I
heard this story, and now I am … have told it. That’s the end.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Note the cryptic style of this story in which much background detail is
omitted and the logical and causal connection between events is often not
formally marked.
[2] Literally: ‘on the fourth one after three have elapsed’.
[3] Note the use of em for ol in the rest of this story.
[4] This is obscure. It sounds like a blend of wetim, na and em pronounced
[wegenim]
Ulaminiogaye [3] long mi ya, dispela ples. Orait na mi laik stori long
Ulaminiogaye to me foc, this place. Okay and I want tell about
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 119
na fopela nait.
and four night.
salim tok i gondaun long Quainyaalye olsem i tok, ‘o, Nguyipu, papa
send word pr go down to Quainyaalye thus pr say, ‘oh, Nguyipu, father
tok, ‘o, Nguyipuya pikinini bilong em.’ Orait na wanpela tumbuna bilong
say, ‘oh, Nguyipuya child of him.’ Okay and an ancestor of
mi, kayemu [9] bilong mama bilong mi, nem bilongen Nguyeuleqangapache
me, uncle of mother of me, name of him Nguyeuleqangapache
long haus ya.’ Na mama bilong mi kirap na i tokim em, tok, ‘sori,
in house foc.’ And mother of me get up and pr tell her say, ‘sorry,
na ol i laik go.
and they pr want go.
122 Tok Pisin Texts
hul bilong ston. Na kaiemu bilong mama bilong mi go, sanap long
hole of stone. And uncle of mother of me go, stand up in
kirap na singautim olgeta meriman [16], tok, ‘e, yupela olgeta lain, yupela
get up and call out all people, say, ‘hey, you pl all clan you pl
A: Yes, fortified themselves and then intended to carry the corpse to the rock
crevice/cave. And my mother’s uncle went and stood at the door and was
watching and said, ‘hey, corpse get up.’ And it got … got up and honoured his
name, saying, ‘brother-in-law, Hiwoye, they are doing something for me, I don’t
know what, and I called out to my daughter Nguyonaqa but she didn’t hear what
I said.’ And the corpse’s brother-in-law got up and called out to everyone, ‘hey,
all of you, come. This man who died is getting up. How come?’ And so everyone
got up and replied, ‘Ah, Wamataqangapace you’re a liar. There’s nobody who’s
dead for eight days and is putrid who can get up.’ And so [he replied], ‘please,
I’m not telling lies. You all come and stand around and look. I’m opening the
door.’ And so he opened the door and went inside and his brother-in-law got a
knife, a real knife, it doesn’t … it hasn’t got a name …
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Throughout this text Yagwoia proper names and other expressions are
spelled in Yagwoia orthography.
[2] Angapachungwa actually says hamagas.
[3] The length of proper names is an interesting feature of this text. In this
case (and in many others) the name is derived from a combination of
a place name (e.g. Ulamini) and a plant species as endearment term
(e.g., wogaye ‘red cordiline’).
[4] This was actually the narrator’s mother’s father.
[5] This is more specific name for the narrator’s mother’s father.
[6] Aamakase are mortuary songs. The word is also used to refer to the
actual performance of mourning through the singing of dirges and the
healing rites in which songs are sung, although these latter are not
dirges.
[7] Inggalye are fluids which emanate from a corpse.
[8] This is the deceased man’s daughter introduced as his first-born child.
She is the narrator’s mother’s sister reintroduced later in the expression
‘Hwonya Nguyonaqa.’
[9] Kayemu is strictly speaking the narrator’s mother’s brother, that is,
mother’s maternal uncle.
[10] Narrator’s mother’s brother’s name.
[11] Wanja is a species of plant used here as an endearment name for his
mother.
[12] This is the way the Yagwoia say ‘hard head, idiot’.
[13] Namne is ‘(my) mother’s brother’.
[14] Mbela or mbele refers to one’s wife’s brother or sister’s husband.
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 125
The speaker is a boy from the Kabwum District, who speaks Tok Pisin as a
second language. This is a traditional story about spirits called masalai.
Wanpla taim ol planti manmeri ol i stap na wanpla masalai man planti
One time pl plenty people they pr stop and one spirit man plenty
i stap em lukim nau tupla man tupla kamap i stap na em kisim bosim
pr stop she see now two man two come up pr cont and she get boss
tupla, tupla kamap bikpla na tupla wokim spel blo tupla na tupla tokim
two, two come up big and two work spell of two and two say
mama, ‘mitupla go mipla kisim kilim disla devel ia mitupla bai kam.’
mother, ‘we two exc go we exc get kill this devil foc we two exc fut come.’
126 Tok Pisin Texts
Tupla tokim na tupla go putim spia long wantaim na tupla go lo aus blo
Two say and two go put spear in together and two go to house of
disla devel na tupla kisim bun blongen tupla kukim lo paia nau disla devel ia
this devil and two get bone of him two cook in fire and this devil foc
em kam. Tupla sutim em na tupla sutim sutim sutim kam long tumbuna
he come. Two shoot him and two shoot shoot shoot come to ancestor
tupla em lai kaikaim disla pisin ia nogat tupla sutim long lewa blongen disla
two they want eat this bird foc neg two shoot in gut of this
ples blo tupla na tupla tokim ol kukim kaikai blo tupla na ol kaikai.
village of two and two tell them to cook food of two and they eat.
Translation:
Once upon a time there were many people and a spirit man, who often ate
people. They were afraid of him so they left this place where they stayed and went
to the other side of the mountain. Now an old woman was inside a house and she
went down to her garden and saw a cucumber. She got it, and while she was
cutting it, she cut herself. She said, ‘it will be no good if the spirit comes and eats
me.’ So she got a leaf, put it on herself and her blood went onto the leaf. Then she
saw two men coming up. She took them in and looked after them till they grew
up. They worked a spell on themselves and they said, ‘we’ll go get this devil and
kill him, then we’ll come back.’ They said this and got their spears and went to
the devil’s house. They got his bones and cooked them in the fire and then the
devil came. They shot him, then they went to their ancestor’s. Their ancestor
turned himself into a bird and was flying around. The two of them wanted to eat
this bird. They shot it through the heart and it fell to the ground. They got their
bows and arrows and went back to their village and told the people to cook their
food, and they ate.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] The verb kaikai has both a transitive and an intransitive form. The transi-
tive form is not very frequently used.
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 127
The speaker is a 10 year old boy from the Kabwum District. This is a story about
hunting. The lexis here is traditionally rural.
Wanpla taim wanpla papa blongen na liklik brata pikinini blongen tupla i go
One time one father of him and little brother child of him two pr go
The speaker is a boy from the Kabwum District who has never been outside the
area.
Apart from the use of the words bebi (cf. pikinini) and plying pox (cf. blakbokis)
the lexis is traditionally rural.
Bifo tru wanpla meri na sikspla brata ol i stap na wanpla meri
Before true one woman and six brothers they pr stop and one woman
karim bel na ol tok, ‘yu no inap bai i stap wantaim mipla yu bai
carry stomach and they say, ‘you neg able fut pr stop with us exc you fut
ia, em lukim disla bebi em krai i stap. Na em kam antap kisim kaikai blo
foc, he see this baby he cry pr cont. And he come on top get food of
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 129
ia na em tok, ‘em bebi blomi.’ Em traim long olim em nau, bebi ia mangi
foc and she say, ‘he baby of me.’ She try to hold him now baby foc boy
ol planim ol.
they bury him.
130 Tok Pisin Texts
Translation:
In the very old days, a long time ago, there was a woman and six brothers. The
woman was carrying a child and they said, ‘you can’t stay with us, you’ll have to
go to the bush.’ She saw a big tree, sat down underneath it and had her child. She
left it there and came back to the village. Then a tree kangaroo came and wanted
to eat some nuts off the tree. He came down and saw the baby crying. The tree
kangaroo got some food and gave it to the baby, and then he went into the bush.
A flying fox came and heard the baby’s cries. He went and saw it crying. So he got
some food and gave it to the baby. Both of them fed him till he grew up into a big
boy. The two of them took spades and worked in the boy’s garden. When they’d
finished the garden they took food from it and came and gave it to the boy, and
the boy grew up into a big boy. Now in the village they said, ‘you come and have
a feast,’ so they prepared it and they came to this village and had a feast. The
boy’s mother, who had given birth to him and left him, saw the boy and she said,
‘he’s my baby’. She tried to grab him. The boy said, ‘father, she wants to grab me.’
So they took him home, cooked some food and gave it to him. They killed the
flying fox and cooked it and ate it. The boy was very sorry about this, so he took a
knife and stuck it through his neck and died. They buried him.
In this interview John Arisi Parinjo talks about the effect of Tok Pisin on his
mother tongue, Boiken, a Papuan language spoken near Wewak in the East
Sepik Province. John is 52 years old and is a former school teacher and govern-
ment interpreter, who was partly educated in Australia. He speaks in a very
crisp, precise school-masterish style.
Tru tumas brata bilong mi olsem [1]. Gutpela askim bilong yu na mi
True very friend of me thus. Good question of you and I
tru [2] mi, mi gat bikpela sori nau long lukim tokples bilong mi
true I, I have tremendous sadness now to see local language of me
tok Boiken we [3] i wok long go daun isi isi isi. Na mi tru nau
language Boiken which pr busy at go down slow slow slow. And I true now
bilong yumi [4], ol nau liklik tru, na ol dispela pikinini bilong yumi em i
of us, they now small really, and pl this child of us they pr
bikpela na nau marit ol i gat pikinini, long ples, na long ausait long
big and now married they pr have child, in village, and in outside of
ples bilong wok long stesin, ol i tok pisin [5] tasol long pikinini bilong
village to work at station, they pr speak pidgin only to child of
ol. Olsem na tok ples bilong mi long Boiken em wok long ranawe. Bilong
them. Thus and speak village of me in Boiken it busy disappear. For
long pisin na Inglis. Na lukluk bilong mi stret nau mi tok ples long
in pidgin and English. And view of me own now I speak village to
nara twenti yias terti yias … terti yias baimbai Inglis i karamapim
another twenty years thirty years … thirty years later English pr replace
132 Tok Pisin Texts
pisin gen. Bikos olgeta pikinini long olgeta ples ol i go long skul
pidgin again. Because all child in all place they pr go to school
olsem pisin baimbai i karamapim tasol long bihain Inglis bai i karamapim
thus pidgin later pr replace but at later English fut pr replace
bilongen long ples bilong … em tru baimbai i pinis. Mi lukim pinis long
of it in village of … it true later pr finish. I see comp in
sampela hap long wol long wanem mi yet mi travol planti hap long wol na
some part in world for what I self I travel many part in world and
mi lukim.
I see.
Free translation:
It’s very true what you say my friend. That’s a good question of yours and I
myself I, I am deeply saddened now to see my native language, Boiken, going
downhill slowly, slowly, slowly. And now I myself say that school is … is
something good, but why are our children, those really small ones and those who
are grown up and now married with children in the village and those working
outside the village on stations, speaking only Tok Pisin to their children and not
local languages to ah … ah … ah … to their children? And so my native
language, Boiken, is fast disappearing because I myself have ten children. Of
those ten, the first one is a schoolteacher, the second is a school teacher, and the
third works at the Harbours Board. And they are married too now and they
converse in Tok Pisin and English. And in my own view, [if] I speak our local
language to one of my children, they will reply in Tok Pisin or in English. It’s
quite a shame, and it saddens me to see that local languages … because Boiken
was once an important local language but now is going … is no longer: Tok Pisin
is replacing it. And I think that I can see that in another twenty or thirty years …
thirty years, English will replace Tok Pisin again. [Why?] Because all the children
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 133
everywhere are going to school. Whatever they learn in school they speak only
Tok Pisin [while] within [the school] they are persistent in teaching English. For
this reason I myself say that Tok Pisin will replace them [the local languages], but
that later English will replace it and later on this country ah … ah … the real
language of the parents in the village … it will really be gone later. I have seen this
in some parts of the world because I myself have travelled to many parts of the
world and I have seen it.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Olsem here refers to a suggestion made in the interviewer’s question to
which this text is a reply.
[2] This is an unusual use of tru, the more common qualifiers are yet, wanpela,
tasol. It seems to be a feature of John’s speech although he does use yet right
at the end of the text.
[3] This is conflated to something like [eiyu].
[4] Yumi here is unexpected unless the speaker knows that the interviewer’s
children are in the same category as those of his own. The expected form is
mipela.
[5] Note here and in later expressions such as tok ples John is using tok as both
a noun and a verb simultaneously for ‘the language’ and ‘to speak’. Note
also that John pronounces pisin as [pijin].
[6] What is said here is obscure but one can see the train of thought.
The following text was told by a middle-aged fluent second language speaker of
Tok Pisin, Mr Joseph K. of Lorengau, Manus, in 1973. It is a fairly accurate
account of the history of Tok Pisin at Manus and illustrates the metalinguistic
sophistication of the narrator.
Nem bilong me bihain. Mi laik toktok long pasin bilong Tok Pidgin. Tok
Name of me later. I want tell story about manner of Tok Pisin. Tok
Pidgin [1] em i luk olosem tete nau taim belong ol nupela man nau
Pisin it pr looks like today now time of pl new generation now
i luk olosem i tripela toktok nau. Nambawan toktok long taim German i
pr look like pr three talks now. First talk in time Germans pr
134 Tok Pisin Texts
kam i bin yusim ol i bin yusim taim ples i bin tudak [2] yet, i
come pr past use, they pr past use time place pr past uncivilized emph, pr
tumas. Sampela ol i bin yusim tasol mipela tete mipela laik traim lainim i
very. Some pl pr past use but we exc today we exc like try learn pr
hat tumas i olsem planti i no krai gut, orait, i kam long mipela
hard very pr like plenty pr not sound good, alright, pr come to us exc
tete, mipela i kam bihain long ol, em i klia liklik tasol. Pisin i
today, we exc pr come after prep them, it pr clear little bit only. Pidgin pr
insait long wanpela wanpela wanpela ples insait long ailan long Niugini.
inside of one one one place inside of island of New Guinea.
Planti sampela hap i kam long Rabaul [3], sampela hap long Niugini,
Plenty some part pr came from Rabaul, some parts from New Guinea,
sampela hap long Papua, sampela hap long Manus, olsem ol liklik hap
some part from Papua, some parts from Manus, this pl little part
i tru, orait, long tete mipela i toktok bipo long ol bikman i klia
pr true, alright, at today we exc pr talk before to pl bigman pr clear
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 135
liklik long ol long bipo long taim long Germany, i klia moa long ol.
little bit to pl of before in time of Germany, pr clear more to them.
Orait nau inap long mipela ol dispela toktok i pinis nau i gat tete
Alright now until to us exc pl this language pr finished now pr exist today
nau ol i ken toktok long Pidgin na ol i ken putim liklik hap Inglis moa
now they pr can talk in Pidgin and they pr can put little bit English more
i go long sampela hap hatpela [5] toktok i no orait long Pisin. Orait,
pr go in some bit hard language pr not alright in Pidgin. Alright,
klia, i no klia, i no gut, tasol i kan long mipela i klia liklik nau, i
clear, pr not clear, pr no good, but pr can to us exc pr clear little bit now, pr
gutpela orait nau tete dispela toktok olsem i laik go, i laik go i pinis
good all right now today this language thus pr fut go, pr fut go pr finish
nau. Olsem nupela save i kamap nau. Nupela man gen i kamap na i luk
now. Thus new hab pr appear now. New man again pr appear and pr look
136 Tok Pisin Texts
olsem nupela toktok gen i laik kamap nau. Olsem ol i planti Pidgin i
like new language again pr fut appear now. Thus they pr plenty Pidgin pr
go ol i bringim moa planti liklik hap Inglis long sampela hap gutpela toktok
go they pr bring more plenty little bit English in some area good talk
nogat. Orait, em dispela toktok sampela mi laik toktok long yu long em.
not. All right, emph this talk I want talk to you about it.
Tasol, tru mi not nap long tokim yu long toktok bipo bikos mi
But, truly I not able to tell you about some talk of before because I
manki yet na mi bai harim na mi start long lainim Pidgin tu, tasol mi
buy emph and I fut hear and I start to learn Pidgin too, but I
leba [7] bilong ol, ol i wok long ol bipo. Orait, ol i save stat
labour for them, they pr work for them before. All right, they pr hab start
dispela kain Tok Pisin. Orait, i go, i go, i go, i go, i go, i go Pidgin
this kind Tok Pisin. All right, pr go, pr go, pr go, pr go, pr go, pr go, Pidgin
tru nau. Tasol i no tru i haphap nabaut long olgeta hap ailan ol i
true now. But pr not true pr bit bit around in all part island, they pr
dispela Pidgin i go olosem. Tasol tete long ol nupela man i luk olsem i
this Pidgin pr go thus. But today among pl new man pr look like pr
bringim long insait ol sampela hap toktok long … ol i no ken kisim long
bring from inside pl some bit talk from … they pr not can catch in
olsem nupela toktok nau. Tete ol i ken kolim olsem nupela toktok na nau ol
like new talk now. Today they pr can call like new talk and now pl
no ken bringim moa i go nau, nogat, inap. Nupela man em nupela toktok
not can bring more pr go now, no, enough. New man he new talk
long en.
about it.
Translation:
I shall give you my name later. I would like to tell you about the ways of Tok
Pisin. From the perspective of today’s generation of speakers it looks as if there
have been three languages. The first was the one used when the Germans arrived,
when the country was still uncivilized and no one was friendly with the White
people. Well, they have abandoned this old way of talking now — it was a pretty
impoverished variety. Some people spoke it but we today would find it hard to
learn: a lot of expressions do not sound right. Well, my generation was the next
one and our variety is quite a bit clearer, but Tok Pisin is still not a real language.
All sorts of expressions from all parts of New Guinea were incorporated. Lots
came from Rabaul, some from mainland New Guinea, some from Papua, and
some bits from Manus. All kinds of expressions were mixed to make up the
language. It is true that it is still not a real language, but my generation used a
much more intelligible variety than that spoken in German times. All right, the
variety spoken by my generation has lasted to the present, but now it looks as if it
is finished. There is a new generation now and a new kind of language. They keep
adding little bits of English to their Tok Pisin, good expression for which there
had been no word in Tok Pisin. They take words from English and they increase
the expressive power of the language. In earlier days this did not happen. Well, I
wanted to tell you about this early variety but I really can’t because I was only a
little boy when I was exposed to it and began to learn it. But I only listened to the
older generation and I thought it was pretty bad; I used to laugh when I heard
them but I did not speak the language. When the Germans and the Japanese
arrived here they employed labourers from Buka. When they started they did not
understand one another’s language, so they developed this second variety of Tok
Pisin. I am not quite sure how it started but I believe the missionaries brought it
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 139
from Malaysia, Indonesia or some other islands. Well, they arrived here and
instructed the people and it became a real language — but not quite real yet
because speakers from different islands used different expressions. This is the
life[?] of Tok Pisin. Today, it looks as if the new generation is changing it around
again by borrowing lots of English expressions. They want to express something
and they find it hard to do so in Tok Pisin; they look for an expression but with
no success, and then they borrow one from English. They increase the size of the
lexicon. We can speak of a new language today. The older varieties and those who
spoke them are on the way out, we have nothing to contribute to the growth of
Tok Pisin. We have to adopt the language of the new generation. My story is
finished now, I have nothing to add.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Note that Joseph K. variably refers to Tok Pisin as Pidgin, Tok Pidgin, Tok
Pisin, and Pisin. The name ‘Tok Pisin’ is not widely known to older speakers
and was made official only in 1985.
[2] Tudak ‘dark’ is used to refer to the times before missionization and Wes-
ternization.
[3] There was a considerable influx of Tolai expressions between 1900 and
1930, with Tolai words such as buai ‘betelnut’ replacing earlier English
derivations such as bilinat. During the 1920s and 1930s a large number of
words from other local languages were also borrowed (see Mühlhäusler
1979: 239–241).
[4] Note the use of transitive verb joinim as passive or reflexive, a construction
widespread in Manus Tok Pisin.
[5] Hatpela ‘hard’ is pronounced happela, a somewhat unusual pronounci-
ation.
[6] For a long time an active knowledge of Tok Pisin was found among grown
men only. Since the Second World War the learning age of Tok Pisin has
declined dramatically.
[7] The setting up of plantations on Manus was the main catalyst for the
development of a stable Tok Pisin on this island. The main source of labour
was Bougainville, Buka and the interior of Manus. In at least one instance
(Malabang Village) a new non-traditional community grew out of a
plantation.
[8] We have evidence that Catholic missionaries began to use Tok Pisin in
Manus around 1910.
140 Tok Pisin Texts
An account of how Tok Pisin was established in Tumam Village in the Torricelli
Mountains of the East Sepik Province is found in the following text by a middle
aged man from this village. Most males of his generation had a good knowledge
of Tok Pisin in 1972 though only a small number of women were proficient in
it. The transition from Tok Boi (language of males in European service) to Tok
Pisin occurred in the next generation.
Tok Pisin, brata bilong mipela ol i go long stesin [1]. Na mipela
Tok Pisin, my male relatives (and I) we exc pl pr go to plantation. And we
i no save long Tok Pisin tu. Brata bilong mipela ol i go long stesin,
pr not know of Tok Pisin also. Relative of us pl pr go to plantation,
orait, mipela mas haskim ol. Tok: ‘dispela samting kolim olsem wanem?’
all right, we must ask them. Say: ‘this one is called like what?’
tret stua, o mipela i gat bisnis, na mipela olgeta meri man [2], mipela i
trade store, or we pr got business, and we all people, we pr
gat liklik save long Tok Pisin, na ritrait [2] nau. Na bipo,
got a little knowledge of Tok Pisin, and read and write now. And before,
misin tasol i kam, wanwan man tasol ol i kisim save long Tok
mission only pr come, a few men only they pr acquired knowledge of Tok
Pisin long misin. Taim misin i kam long ples. Orait, mipela i
Pisin at mission. When mission pr come to village. All right, we pr
kisim save long tok pisin. Planti manmeri o mipela pikinini ol pikinini
acquire knowledge of Tok Pisin. Plenty people or my children pl children
hat, tasol nau, mipela i klia gut long Tok Pisin. Nau mipela i
hard, but now, we pr informed well about Tok Pisin. Now we pr
klia gut nau, husat narapela ples i laik kam, mipela tok
informed well now, whatever other village pr wants come, we say
susta [3], brata, kandare, na bipo, mi no inap long go long hap long Kuanga
sister, brother, uncle, and before, I not able to go to area of Kuagna
o Urim o Bubuita, Wam, Kombio, mi no nap long go long dispela hap longwe.
or Urim or Bubuita, Wam Kombio, I not able to go to this area distant.
Mi no nap long save tok ples bilong em, em no nap long save
I not able to know local language of him/her, he/she not able to know
tok ples bilong mi, nogat. Mi no save tok ples bilong em,
local language of me, no way. I not know local language of him/her,
142 Tok Pisin Texts
bai em i sutim mi long supia. Taim em i kam bek long ples bilong mi, mi
then he pr shoot me with spear. When he pr come back to place of me, I
no save tok ples em, bai mi sutim em long supia. Tasol nau, mipela i
not know local language he, then I shoot him with spear. But now, we pr
kisim save long Tok Pisin, orait, mipela mas toktok long Tok Pisin
acquire knowledge of Tok Pisin, all right, we must talk in Tok Pisin
These remarks on variation in Tok Pisin were made by the pastor of a rural
church in near Lae in the 1980s.
Abus, animal o enimal em wanpla tok tasol. Enimel [1] em
‘Abus’, ‘animal’ or ‘enimal’ it one talk just. ‘Enimel’ it
olsem bignem. Enimal blo bus olsem bus i gat kainkain enimal, na abus
like big name. ‘Enimal’ of bush thus bush pr got kind ‘enimal’, and ‘abus’
em olsem wankain liklik. Abus olsem lo stua abus olsem tinfis, mit em ol
it thus same little. ‘Abus’ thus in store ‘abus’ like tin fish, meat it pl
wanpla tok. Bebi [2] em mining ‘bebi’ em olsem em dring susu, em bebi. Pikinini
one talk. Baby it means baby it same it drink milk it baby. Little
bebi. Pikinini blo bebi bois o pikinini gels, ‘gels’ em ‘meri’ tok inglis. Nau
baby. Little baby boys or little girls, ‘gels’ it ‘woman’ (in) English. Now
i stap meri tasol, pikinini meri o bebi meri o bebi bois [3], bebi
pr exist woman only, child woman or ‘baby’ woman or ‘baby’ boys, ‘baby’
144 Tok Pisin Texts
bois, bifo em boi, Tok Pisin blo bifo boi olsem. Olgeta ting ee olsem boi
bois’, before it ‘boi’ Tok Pisin of before ‘boi’ thus. All think ‘ee’ thus ‘boi’
em disfela leta i bihainim Tok Pisin dis leta ol putim disla boi na bihain
it this letter pr follow Tok Pisin this letter they put this ‘boi’ and letter
kainkain mining i stap. Bai baimbai ating wantain liklik. Mi bai i go,
kind meaning pr stop. ‘Bai’ ‘baimbai’ perhaps same little. I ‘bai’ pr go,
lapun tok mi bai i go. Ol liklik nau ol i stap in skul ol tok bai mi go.
old say I ‘bai’ pr go. pl little now they pr stop in school they say ‘bai’ I go.
Narapla tok em hari yu painim pinis lo sampla [5] pikinini. Hari, harim.
Another talk it ‘hari’ you find comp in some children. ‘Hari’, ‘harim’.
Long lapun yu bai harim olsem harim, halim tok. Wantaim olsem karim,
In old you fut hear thus ‘harim’, ‘halim’ talk. Together thus ‘karim’,
Givi, puti em taun ating Inglis em gat puti. Em olsem ol i kisim hap
‘Givi’ ‘puti’ it town perhaps English it got ‘puti’. It thus they pr get half
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 145
tok tasol i no pinisim. Em olsem long taun i gat kainkain senis em klostu
talk but pr neg finish. It thus in town pr got kind change it close
wantaim disfela, naispla nais [6] tru. Em inglis, nais. Inglis gut, pisin
with this, ‘naispela’ ‘nais’ true. It English, ‘nais’. English ‘gut’, pidgin
‘f ’ [7] wantaim. Yufela, yupla. Nau em gutpla, gutpla. Yufera pisin blo
‘f ’ together. ‘Yufela’, ‘yupela’. Now it ‘gutpla’, ‘gutpla’. ‘Yufera’ pidgin of
he ‘baimbai’ comes. That’s ‘baimbai’. It’s similar to ‘bai’: they’ve got the same
meaning. ‘Bai’ and ‘baimbai’ are perhaps just about the same.
The changes that are taking place are good but they are not always very good. It’s
not very good because the old people don’t understand this kind of pidgin
because it’s mixed with English.
Another thing is ‘hari’ — you find this among some children: ‘hari’ ‘harim’.
Among the old people you’ll hear ‘harim’, ‘halim’. And the same with ‘karim’,
‘kalim’. The language is mixed: pidgin of the past and pidgin of today. ‘Givi’,
‘puti’ — that’s town pidgin, perhaps English has ‘puti’. It’s as if they catch a piece
of the word and they don’t finish it. In town there are all kinds of changes — it’s
nearby now the children are in school and they speak it in a similar way to those
in town. In pidgin — ‘putim’, ‘harim’ and ‘karim’ — these new things that are
coming in are not pidgin. It’s not pidgin. It’s a fashion of the young people in
town. They shorten their speech and do all sorts of other things.
Now it’s mixed, so there’s ‘naispela’ and ‘nais’. That’s English ‘nais’. English has ‘gut’
and pidgin ‘gutpla’ and in the pidgin of the past it was ‘gutfela’, ‘arafela’. They put ‘f’
in the middle. ‘Yufela’ and ‘yupla’. Now it’s ‘gutpla’ and ‘yufera’. That was the pidgin
of the past. You don’t hear ‘f ’ anymore. The pronunciation is ‘yupra’, ‘yupa’.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] The English term ‘animal’ has penetrated all but the most rural areas of
Papua New Guinea to some degree. It is fast becoming the preferred term
for urban children in colloquial speech. It often happens when a language
borrows a new term for a word it already has, semantic specialization
occurs. This man suggests that the English term ‘animal’ is now used in a
generic sense as the superordinate category name, while Tok Pisin abus
preserves its meaning of ‘edible meat’. The semantic distinction is reminis-
cent of one that exists between English pig/pork, cow/beef, etc., where the
native English term refers to the animal in the hoof, so to speak, while the
borrowed French term refers to the edible version on the table.
[2] Here a semantic distinction between bebi and pikinini is being explained.
He suggests that bebi refers to a young infant still drinking milk and unable
to walk.
[3] The introduction of -s plural marking has occurred since at least the 1950s
and is now very frequent (see Romaine 1992).
[4] Baimbai is now a recessive feature. A reduced form bai is used both clause-
initially and preverbally. With younger speakers it is more frequently used
preverbally.
[5] Here short forms are discussed. Although this man seems to believe they are
the result of English influence, it seems more likely they are the result of
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 147
The speaker is a village elder in his seventies from the Kabwum District of
Morobe Province, who relates his impressions of first hearing Tok Pisin while
working as an indentured laborer outside the district. He and many others
thought it was the White man’s language, i.e., English. Tok Pisin was intro-
duced into this part of Morobe Province after the arrival of the first Whitemen,
German missionaries, in 1919. Many of the village men learned Tok Pisin while
working as contract laborers in the goldfields of Bulolo and brought it back to
the village where it was learned by younger boys. Thus, the language was
introduced into many areas by New Guineans themselves rather than directly
by Europeans. The shift from vertical to horizontal communication, i.e.,
between superordinate and subordinate to equals, is a main force in the
stabilization of Tok Pisin (from Romaine 1988: 122–3).
It was probably not until after the Second World War when people had
more exposure to Europeans that they realized that English was the ‘real’
language of Europeans. Many people believed that English was being deliberate-
ly withheld from them so that they would be unable to get access to European
secrets and material goods. As knowledge of English became increasingly
important for advancement, people withdrew their support from mission
scholars who taught in Tok Pisin or vernacular languages (see Romaine 1992:
Chapter 3).
SR:
Long taim yupela harim tok pisin pastaim, yupela ting em tok bilong
At time you pl hear Tok Pisin first, you pl think it language of
waitman o nogat?
White man or neg?
148 Tok Pisin Texts
Elder:
Mipela ting em tok bilong waitman ia. Mipela ting tok bilong
We exc think it language of White man foc. We exc think language of
no bilong waitman. Mipela askim kiap ol kiap mipela askim kiap. Mi tok,
neg of White man. We exc ask kiap pl kiap we exc ask kiap. I speak,
‘em tok ples bilong yu?’ Em tok, ‘nogat. Disfela Tok Pisin em i bilong
‘it language village of you?’ He say, ‘neg. This Tok Pidgin it pr of
yupela bilong Niu Guini. Mipela longlong. Mipela ting em bilong kiap ia
you pl of New Guinea.’ We exc wrong. We exc think it of kiap foc
Translation:
SR:
When you first heard Tok Pisin did you think it was the White man’s language?
Elder:
We thought it was the White man’s language. We thought it was the language of
the White people. Then they said that there’s only a little bit [of English] inside of
it [i.e., Tok Pisin]. It’s not the White man’s. We asked the kiaps [Australian
administrative officials]. We asked the kiap. We said, ‘is this your native
language?’ He said, ‘no. This pidgin language is your language, a new Guinean
language.’ We were wrong. We thought it was the kiap’s language, the
government’s language, their native language, but it wasn’t.
The speaker is a man in his forties from the Kabwum District of Morobe
Province, and has Tok Pisin as a second language.
In order to understand the full significance of this explanation, it is impor-
tant to know that in many parts of Papua New Guinea birds play a large role in
V. Traditional indigenous voices 1970 to the present 149
the culture. For example, among many groups birds are believed to be spirits of
the dead. People hope that when they die, they can become birds. However,
they try to prevent the association of young children with birds, and they avoid
eating pigeons which make sounds like birds. In the early stages of language
development children have not yet learned the phonology specific to their
native language, and they typically babble. Schieffelin found that when children
made cooing noises and sounded like birds, the mothers corrected them and
told them not to talk like birds. The Kaluli fear that children might become like
birds and die. Therefore they must protect the children’s language development
at a stage when the children’s language is not ‘hard’, i.e., fully formed (Romaine
1988: 109–110).
It is interesting that the speaker attributes a large role to New Guineans as
erecting the language through their imperfect attempts at imitating English
speakers. It is also significant that Tok Pisin is referred to as narapela tok ples
bilong ol Niu Gini — ‘another of the vernacular languages of New Guinea’.
Bifo ol i kolim Tok Pisin, tok bilong pisin. Ol i makim nating. I
Before they pr call Tok Pisin, language of bird. They pr mark nothing. pr
bilong ol Niu Guini. Ol Inglis tok, ol Inglis tok olsem: ‘yu kam’.
of pl New Guinean. pl Englishman say, pl Englishman say thus: ‘you come.’
long inglis tasol. Nau Niu Guini man i tok i go i kam em narapela
in English only. Now New Guinean man pr speak pr go pr come it other
150 Tok Pisin Texts
Ol i makim nating.
They pr mark nothing.
Translation:
Before, they called it Tok Pisin, ‘the speech of birds’. They didn’t mean anything
by it. It wasn’t that way at all. When the Whiteman came they didn’t know the
languages of New Guinea. The English people spoke like this: ‘/yu kam/’. They
just said it like this: ‘/yu kam/’. And the New Guineans were puzzled. They
thought, what kind of language is this that the English people speak. The English
people said: ‘/yu kam/’, and they said, ‘/hu xam/’, and it went on like this, and
that’s how they got Tok Pisin. It’s another of the local languages of the people of
New Guinea. They just kept on like this. They themselves spoke only in English,
English only. And New Guineans kept speaking another kind of English, a related
variety of it, and now they all speak this variety. They kept on saying: ‘/yu kam/’.
They acquired it. It’s another language. This is how they got Tok Pisin. It’s not
bird language. That doesn’t mean anything.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] The form disfela instead of dispela is common in this area among the older
generation
VI. Translations of foreign voices
The imperfect Tok Pisin, often not more than idiolectal variants of English
interspersed with Tok Pisin expressions, used by expatriates in the times of
colonization, is called Tok Masta ‘master talk’. It was a source of miscommuni-
cation and racial friction and has now become largely restricted to a stylistic
device in Tok Pisin writings. In former times, quasi-Tok Pisin of the Tok Master
type was often found among the jokes and witticisms published in local
newspapers such as the Rabaul Times. Here follow examples from the 1930s:
(i) Rabaul Times 28.7.1933 [anonymous author who signs him/herself Long-
Long ‘stupid’]
Pidgin
(Present-day Tok Pisin)
‘Missus he no [1] stop?’
‘Misis i no stap?’
‘Yes.’
‘Yesa.’
‘Me like talk along him.’
‘Mi laik tok longen.’
‘He no stop.’
‘Em i no stap.’
‘He no stop?’
‘Em i no stap?’
‘Yes.’
‘Yesa.’
‘He no stop along house?’
‘Em i no stap long haus?’
152 Tok Pisin Texts
‘Yes.’
‘Yesa.’
‘He no go Rabaul?’
‘Em i no go long Rabaul?’
‘Yes.’
‘Yesa.’
‘He go ‘long who’s that ‘long Rabaul?’
‘Em i go long husat long Rabaul?’
‘He no go ‘long Rabaul.’
‘Em i no go long Rabaul.’
‘He no got paper he stop along me?’
‘I no gat pepa long mi i stap?’
‘Yes.’
‘Yesa.’
‘Bring him he come.’
‘Yu bringim i kam.’
‘He no got.’
‘I no gat.’
‘He no go Kokopo?’
‘Em i no go Kokopo?’
‘Yes.’
‘Yesa.’
‘He go ‘long who’s that along Kokopo?’
‘Em i go long husat long Kokopo?’
‘He no got.’
‘Nogat.’
‘Goddam, Missus he go where?’
‘Goddam, misis i go we?’
‘Wunawutung.’
‘Wanuwatung.’
·Long-LongÒ
The concert having ended in a fight, daylight revealed quantities of fur scattered
over the lawn, and the house-wife enquired of the monkey: ‘What name
something?’ But the resources of Pidgin were equal to the strain: ‘’E feather [2]
belong pussy, I tink.’
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] The use of negative no and affirmative yesa particles in Tok Pisin differs
from English in that they deny or affirm what has been stated in the
question. The ‘yes we have no bananas’ construction has been the source of
numerous colonial jokes.
[2] The use of feather in this text looks like a fabrication, as the Tok Pisin word
gras ‘hair, fur, feathers’ was widely known in the 1930s.
In 1973 a conference was held at the University of Papua New Guinea where it
was recommended that a wider range of reading materials be produced in Tok
Pisin. According to Donald Laycock this was to include ‘humour, biography,
fables, language games, etc., as well as instructional subjects’ (see Laycock
1985b). The following is a translation of the English bawdy ballad ‘Sam Hall’
contributed by Laycock.
O nem bilong mi Samol, yes Samol
O nem bilong mi Samol
na mi gat wanpela bol
em i inap long pakim ol
bladi sit, bladi sit
em i inap long pakim ol
bladi sit
Mi laik plei long meri long nait…
tasol man bilongen i no laik
na bol i lus long pait…
O kiap em i kam…
na i kotim mi long san-
em i ken siubim kot long bam [1]
nau mi stap kalabus…
na nau mi nogat brus [2]
na bai ol moni i lus…
154 Tok Pisin Texts
Translation:
O my name is Sam Hall, yes Sam Hall
O my name is Sam Hall
and I’ve only got one ball;
that’s enough to fuck you all,
bloody shit, bloody shit
that’s enough to fuck you all
bloody shit
I wanted to sleep with a woman at night,
but her husband objected,
and I lost my ball in the fight.
The administrative officer came
and prosecuted me next day;
he can stick his court up his bum.
Now I am in prison,
without tobacco,
and soon my money will be finished.
I work at cutting the grass,
and the priest goes past;
he is a sodomite.
Soon my time will be up;
I should like to try a White woman,
I’ve got enough money to buy one.
VI. Translations of foreign voices 155
Another attempt to extend the range of Tok Pisin literature is the translation of
the German Wilhelm Busch’s ‘Max and Moritz’, an illustrated account of the
adventures and misdeeds of two young rascals. Attempts to get this translation
published in Papua New Guinea were unsuccessful as this kind of literature was
regarded as unsuitable for Papua New Guineans. Laycock’s translation was
subsequently published in a scholarly collection of translations of Max and
Moritz into a number of different pidgins and creoles, edited by Görlach
(1984):
Long Rida:
To the reader:
Ol i hambak, ol i kranki.
They pr humbug, they pr silly.
HAP 1
PART 1
Poisonman 1: Wonem taim yumi bung gen? Long klaut i pairap, o long ren?
Sorcerer 1: What time we inc meet again? In cloud pr explode, or in rain?
na hait.
and hide.
Poisonman 3: Na mi!
Sorcerer 3: And me.
In 1969 the first Tok Pisin translation of the Highway Code Your Guide to Safety
was produced by the Government Printer of New South Wales, Sydney, for use
in Papua New Guinea. The following passage deals with regulations for speed
restrictions:
160 Tok Pisin Texts
Yu noken draivim kar long sipid nogut. Igat bikpela tambu long dispela.
You cannot drive car at speed bad. pr exist big taboo against this.
Maski [1] tingim igat tambu long winim 30 mail tasol. Nogat. Sapos yu
Nevermind think pr exist taboo to exceed 30 miles only. No. If you
sipid. Igat sampela peles nabaut yu noken ron sipid [2] longen. Olsem 10
speed. pr exist some place around you cannot run speed in them Thus 10
mail emi ariap tumas long kolostu [3] long sukul [3] o bung o hap bilong
mile it pr speedy very at near school or market or area for
wokabaut bilong planti man. Bihanim tok bilong sipid tambu sapos yu lukim
walk of plenty people. Follow word of speed taboo if you see
wanpela sain i tok long sipid. Long taun insait long ol hap Papua New
one sign pr talk about speed. In town inside of area of Papua New
olsem. Igat sain long dispela nau yu mas putim gut ai bilong yu long
thus. pr exist sign for this and you must put well eye of you to
painim sain pinis na bihainim tok long sipid. Long bik rot long bus
look for sign comp and obey talk about speed. On big road in bush
igat tambu inap long 40 mail. Tasol sapos igat sain, yu ken ron
pr exist taboo amounting to 40 mile. But if pr exist sign, you can run
Free Translation:
7. Speed restrictions
You are not allowed to drive a car at an unreasonable speed. This is strictly
forbidden. It does not matter, for instance, that the official limit is 30 miles per
hour. If you drive at a speed of 20 miles per hour and many people are walking in
the street, this is illegal. The same holds for all speed restrictions. There are some
places where speeding is not appropriate. Thus, 10 miles per hour is quite fast
near a school, market or public gathering. Make sure you obey the speed
restriction when you see a sign. In built-up areas of Papua New Guinea the top
permitted speed is 30 miles per hour. However, in some places it is 20 or 15 miles
per hour only. There are signs alerting you to this and you must watch out
properly and obey the speed sign. In unbuilt-up areas there is a maximum speed
limit of 40 miles. However, if there is a speed sign you can only go as fast as the
sign tells you. The speed signs look as follows.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] No pronoun subject appears in this sentence. Whilst in this particular case
this may be a bad translation, the phenomenon is common and needs to be
investigated.
[2] Sipid can be either an adverbial or a verb. The sequence ron sipid is one of
the many that is ambiguous in its grammatical interpretation. European
speakers of Tok Pisin tend to favour a verb + adverbial interpretation,
whereas for indigenous speakers it tends to be verb + verb, i.e., a verb chain.
[3] In this official document, like in most others, the standard spelling conven-
tions are not heeded. Thus, predictable epenthetic vowels are spelled out
and there is a tendency towards etymological spelling.
Tok Masta is the variety of Tok Pisin associated with English speaking expatri-
ates [see Text 52]. It ranges from broken English with a few Tok Pisin expres-
sions interspersed to relatively fluent Tok Pisin with a heavy English accent and
discourse pattern. A recent example of literary Tok Masta is found in Rushton
(1983: 83):
Long Place Belong Man Cutim Grass Belong All Mary
At the Hairdresser’s
162 Tok Pisin Texts
Halo, switi!
Hello, sweetie!
Halo, man cutim grass belong all mary he you?
Hello, are you the hairdresser?
He tru, honi. Name belong me — Yesus Kraist!
Yes, honey. My name is — Jesus Christ!
Me no hearim.
Pardon?
Got belong me, switi! Me look-look long grass belong you!
My God, sweetie! I just saw your hair!
Me sory long you!
You poor thing!
You all-same someting pusi he bringim inside!
You look like something the cat dragged in!
Me savvy. Me likim wanfella sempu?
I know. May I have a shampoo?
O sory, he tru!
Oh dearie, yes!
Me got wanfella tikit costim nutting here.
I have a free ticket here.
Oboy, you buyim plenty someting long stor, switi.
Goodness me, you must have bought a lot of things at the department bulk store,
sweetie.
Storman he monki belong me.
The proprietor is my friend.
Naisfella.
That’s nice.
No got! Me haitim him.
No! I hate him.
Me sory.
I’m sorry.
Me likim wanfella sempu en wanfella set?
Could I have a shampoo and set?
Altagether someting, switi! You likim:
Anything, sweetie! Would you like:
VI. Translations of foreign voices 163
Tok Pisin was used as a medium for propaganda by both the Allied Forces and
the Japanese. Here is one of the rare preserved examples of a message dropped
by Japanese planes over New Guinea (Luke 1945: 95–96). Note that the spelling
adopted here is somewhat aberrant, with [p], [f], and [b] being used inter-
changeably. The date of this document is around 1942. Note that the glosses in
this text are the ones of Luke 1945 and not the editors of this volume.
NOTIS
NOTICE
Dis Imperal belong Nipponis [2] Nevi ituru nau i holim pas.
This Imperial-belong Nipponese Navy it true now he hold him fast.
Dis pala hap peles log solowara na log kilaut to log hap belog
This fella have place along salt water, along cloud too, along half belong
u mi.
you me.
164 Tok Pisin Texts
Nou sopos ol man belog dis pala peles i habak log Nippon.
Now suppose all man belong-this-fella-place he humbug along Nippon;
waitman log ol sam tig [3] Nippon Nevi i mekim log Nippon
white man along all same thing Nippon Navy he make him along Nippon
waia na balus hu sat i fainim dis fala man i salim tok log waitman.
aeroplane. You find him this fella man and see him talk along white man;
na ba uan be log Nippon Nevi em stap log dis pala peles Shorland na
Number One belong Nippon Navy him be stop along this-fella place Shortland and
Me pala tok em u ol sopos dis pala pasin bi log salim tok log ol
Me fella talk him you all suppose this fella fashion belong send him talk long all
Translation:
NOTICE
The Imperial Japanese Navy has now conquered this place. We have troops along
the beaches and in the skies over the greater part of the Group.
Our Navy is completely ready for heavy fighting. If anybody in this place double-
crosses the Japanese, they will be fought against.
We hear that some men are reporting to the White men of the activities of the
Japanese Navy. If anyone finds a man doing this, he must capture him and bring him
to the Japanese Naval Commander at Shortland or Buka, and he will be tried.
You are warned that if anyone spies on behalf of the White men, the Japanese
Navy will bomb his village and kill everyone there.
The Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial Nipponese Navy.
Translation:
Some of the things you can’t bring into Australia.
Because of the disease threat to Australia’s animal and plant life, there are some
things which you cannot bring into Australia. These include:
VI. Translations of foreign voices 167
The following is a recipe for lemon sponge sandwich from Wantok Niuspepa, 5
March 1987. The ingredients are obviously available at the urban consumer
store, as it assumes familiarity with store-bought goods such as Flame brand
sponge and biscuit flour and the availability of electricity and cooking utensils
such as sandwich tins. Flour-based products are not in traditional diets, but
baked goods of this type are sought after and easily available in towns like Lae
where there are bakeries. In this recipe new expressions such as wait mit ‘egg
white’ are coined, while others such as ais suga ‘icing sugar’ are calqued.
We bilong Kuk Lemon-Sponge Samis
Way of cook lemon sponge sandwich
We bilong kukim:
way of cook:
Hatim ges o lektrik aven i go inap 180C (350F). Brukim na tantanim wait
Heat gas or electric oven pr go until 180C (350F). Break and beat white
mit bilong kiau i go inap em i malumalum. Putim yelo mit bilong kiau
meat of egg pr go until it pr soft. Put yellow meat of egg
hap flaua i redi pinis na karamapim dispela miksa bilong kiau na lemon.
part flour pr ready comp and cover this mixture of egg and lemon.
samis praipan i gat tupela hap (raunpela hap inap 8 ins). Subim
sandwich fry pan pr get two halves (round half up to 8 inches). Put
Swit moa!
Sweet more!
170 Tok Pisin Texts
Translation:
4 eggs (separate the eggs)
3/4 cup sugar
juice of half a lemon
1 cup Flame sponge-and-biscuit flour
Heat gas or electric oven to 180 C (350F). Break and beat egg whites until soft.
Put the egg yolks into the lemon juice and mix well. Get the flour ready and cover
the mixture of egg and lemon. (Don’t mix again). Lift the sandwich and pour it
into two halves of an 8 inch round sandwich tin. Put the tins in the oven and
leave for 25–30 minutes. Remove the tins and let the sandwich cool. Put the two
halves together with cream (whipped) and cover the top with icing sugar.
Delicious!
Article from:
i wanpela pipel mipela i onaim ol tumbuna bilong mipela bilong bipo, long
pr one people we exc pr honor pl ancestors of us exc of before, for
Mipela i tenkim [1] ol tumbuna long olgeta gutpela kastam na gutpela tingting
We exc pr thank pl ancestors for all good custom and god idea
i stap namel long mipela nau, na i bin kamdaun long han bilong ol
pr stop middle of us exc now, and pr past come down from hand of pl
pasin mipela i bin kisim pinis. Mipela yet i gat pawa na i gat rait,
custom we exc pr past get comp. We exc emph pr got power and pr got right
long wanem, mipela i lain pipel i bin stap hia longtaim moa, na
for what, we exc pr line people pr past stop here long time more, and
172 Tok Pisin Texts
sanapim dispela nesen i gat pawa bilong bosim em yet. Mipela i tokaut
stand up this nation pr got power of govern it emph. We exc pr talk out
klia olsem: mipela i stap long han bilong God, na kantri bilong mipela
clear thus: we exc pr stop at hand of God and country of us exc
insait long banis o haus bilong em, sapos lo i no givim orait long yu.
inside in fence or house of him, if law pr neg give alright to you.
Lo i tok, yu ken kalapim dispela lo sapos: kot i givim oda long sekapim
Law pr say, you may breach this law if: court pr give order to check
grup o lain i gat wok long helpim wok bilong ol pipel — na ol dispela
group or clan pr got work to help work of pl people — and pl this
man i mas go insait long banis o graun o haus bilong man bilong sekapim
man pr must go inside of fence or ground or house of man of check
VI. Translations of foreign voices 173
long dispela graun, o narapela bikpela lain i holim wok bilong Gavman
in this ground, or other big group pr hold work of Government
lo stret i tok orait long ol ofisa i ken go insait long dispela banis o
law emph pr talk alright for pl officer pr may go inside of this fence or
Insait long kaikai i gat stas na i gat protin na i gat vaitamin wantaim
Inside of food pr got starch and pr got protein and pr got vitamin with
Dispela ol kaikai i save pulapim bel bilong pik. Tasol i no inap helpim
This pl food pr hab fill stomach of pig. But pr neg able to help
pik i kamap bikpela. Sapos yu givim dispela kain kaikai tasol bai bel
pig pr come up big. If you give this kind food only fut stomach
bilong pik i solap na bun i stap nating. Protin i stap long ol liklik
of pig pr swell up and bone pr stop nothing. Protein pr stop in pl little
na mangbin tu. I gat liklik long kon na sogom tu, na long lip kaukau
and mungbean too. pr got little in corn and sourgum too, and in leaf yam
na long gutpela gras na long kaupi na long lip tapiok. Konsentret bilong
and in good grass and in kaupi and in leaf cassava. Concentrate of
pik, yumi save baim long stua, em tu i gat planti protin. Protin i helpim
pig we inc hab buy in store, it too pr got plenty protein. Protein pr help
176 Tok Pisin Texts
pik i kamap bikpela. Tasol protin i no inap was long kain kain
pig pr come up big. However protein pr neg able to guard against kind kind
Wel pik
Wild pig
tu, bipo i gat planti wel pik i stap, nau i no gat. Olsem na mobeta
too, before pr got plenty wild pig pr stop, now pr neg got. Thus and better
This text is the standard version of the loaves and fishes from Nupela Testamen,
which has served as a standard for Tok Pisin since its publication in 1967.
Jisas i givim kaikai long 4,000 man
Jesus pr give food to 4,000 man
ol i bekim tok bilong em, i spik [1], ‘dispela hap i no gat man. Na
they pr return talk of him, pr speak, ‘this place pr neg got man. And
bai yumi inap kisim bret we na yumi givim kaikai long ol dispela
fut we inc able to get bread where and we inc give food to pl this
long God long dispela, na em i tokim ol disaipel long tilim dispela tu.
to God for this, and he pr tell pl disciple to distribute this too.
Bihain ol i kaikai inap pinis, ol i bungim olgeta liklik hap i stap yet,
After they pr eat enough comp they pr gather all little pr cont,
Nesonelis olsem, olgeta man i mas save longen ya. Wanpela samting
Nationalist like that, all people pr must know him emph. One item
Ol i ken do whatever they want to. Em nau mi save. O, I don’t like them.
They pr can do whatever they want to. emph now I know. O, I don’t like them.
Em ol Morobe siti kaunsil, Lae siti kaunsil, no no, area authority, area
emph pl Morobe City Council, Lae City Council, no no, Area Authority, Area
In this interview Mel Togolo of the University of Papua New Guinea talks with
Peter Kilara about the chain letter he received. This conversation was broadcast
over the National Broadcasting Commission’s ‘Contact’ programme in 1974.
PK: Nau sen leta i i kamap long long Papua Niu Gini. Ating i
Now chain letter pr pr arrive in in Papua New Guinea. I guess pr
gat planti kain sen leta. Wanpela i sen leta yu no yu no baim tasol
have many kind chain letter. One pr chain letter you not you not buy but
baim a dispela sen leta na bihain yu salim sen leta long ol narapela
pay for ah this chain letter and later you send chain letter to pl other
kamap bikpela nau long Papua Niu Gini na ating i gat sampela
become big now in Papua New Guinea and I guess pr have some
bringim dispela kain a sen leta i kamap long Papua Niu Gini?
bring this kind ah chain letter pr appear in Papua New Guinea?
PK: Ating wanpela wari long sen leta long dispela sen leta i
I guess one concern about chain letter about this chain letter pr
gat i gat mani na ol pipol i save baim sen leta. Long dispela sen
has pr has money and pl people pr hab pay for chain letter. For this chain
leta ating planti man i man i save baim na westim nating mani
letter I guess many person pr person pr hab pay for and waste in vain money
RR: Aha.
Aha.
VII. Urban Tok Pisin and the influence of English 185
F: Skul ya.
School foc
RR: Ye.
Yes.
i ounli fiftin.
pr only fifteen.
RR: Aha.
Aha.
RR: (Indistinct)
RR: Ye.
Yes.
186 Tok Pisin Texts
(Background comment)
lukautim tasol
take care of only
RR: Jahor.
Jahore.
F: I wan.
pr one.
da wo mama i ranawe.
the war mother pr run away.
RR: Aha.
Aha.
RR: 1949 a?
1949 eh?
RR: O!
Is that so!
F: Em i dai.
He pr die.
Translation
F: He wanted to look for some young girl, a young one so that he would
have children to help him out (?) so he asked Papa Sale, you know him?
RR: Yes, aha.
F: He asked Papa Sale and Papa Sale discussed it with Nene.
RR: Aha.
F: He told Nene and Nene said that she was still going to school.
RR: (Indistinct … this large school.)
F: That school.
RR: Yes.
F: All right, and you know the customs and you must just listen to what is
said. So mother listened and the woman told her that she [Nene] was
only fifteen.
RR: Aha.
F: And father was approaching fifty. That’s what he said but he didn’t really
know what his age was but he declared it to be fifty.
RR: (Indistinct)
F: Ah, so the two of them were married. When they were married then only
I know what happened to him from then on (?). From there then he
[became] a plantation …
RR: Yes.
F: So I asked him, ‘dad, why didn’t you go back?’ I said, ‘dad, why didn’t
you go back … go back home? Ah, your real home is in Singapore.’ You
190 Tok Pisin Texts
F: Yes, in July.
RR: Is that so!
F: He died.
Points to note here include:
[1] Earlier on the speaker had explained that her father’s first wife was from
Java but was sent home when she failed to bear any children.
[2] It is not clear exactly what is said here.
[3] The go here is obscure unless the intention is to mean something like ‘he
was able to keep track of his age thereafter’.
[4] The repetition here suggests that the first form of the question in which wai
is used is not regarded by the speaker as ‘real’ pidgin.
[5] This was apparently the plantation on one of the small Anchorites (or
Kaniet) Islands north-west of Manus Island.
In this excerpt Marilyn talks about her work and a frightening experience. She
is 25 years old and reasonably well-educated and comes from the Tari area in
the Southern Highlands Province.
Mi bai stori hau [1] mi bin statim wok bilong mi long rises.
I fut talk about how I past start work of me in research.
Long nainten seventi et long Januari etin a … sikstin, mi bin stap long
In nineteen seventy eight on January eighteen ah … sixteen I past be at
wok i stap hia na mi pinisim gred nain bilong mi nau mi kam I stap
work pr cont here and I finish grade nine of me then I come pr cont
Nau ol i save gatim [2] ol man save dring bia na samting olsem
Now they pr hab have pl person hab drink beer and something thus
nau Dokta Smit tok, ‘oke yu ken wok long … long hia.’ Na mi stat wok
then Doctor Smith say, ‘okay you can work at … at here. And I start work
long dispela hap. Mi wok i go. Mi no save gut long olgeta samting.
at this area. I work pr cont. I not know good about all thing.
‘Yu ken wokim olsem olsem’ na mitupela [4] Dokta Smit save ron ron long kar
‘You can do thus thus and we(2) Doctor Smith hab go go in car
rot. Mipela go long Pari rot nau na long bris ya dispela hap Pari rot,
road. We go on Pari road then and on bridge foc this part Pari road,
bruk wanem ya? … bris ya na narapela taia i go long … long arere bilong
broke what foc … bridge foc and other tyre pr go on … on side of
bris na klostu mitupela Dokta Smit pundaun long dispela hap tasol wanpela
bridge and nearly we(2) Doctor Smith fall down at this part but one
VII. Urban Tok Pisin and the influence of English 193
… tupela man sanap long dispela hap i stap em pulim mitupela olsem na
… two man stand at this part pr cont they pull we(2) thus and
mitupela sef Na kam bek, wok pinis, planti man wantaim mipela brukim
we(2) safe and come back, work comp, many man with us break
dispela … sampela diwai olsem karim i kam bek. [Background question] a:,
this … some tree thus carry pr come back. Yes
karim i kam bek na fiksim dispela bris na mitupela kam sef long op …
carry pr come back and fix this bridge and we(2) come safe to off …
office, to the station and … and I went home. If the bridge wasn’t what? … we
would have died.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Hau is now a common item in the developing acrolect of Tok Pisin.
Haumeni and sef, which occur later in the text, are also increasingly com-
mon items.
[2] Gatim is increasingly used for gat in the developing acrolect of Tok Pisin.
[3] The socio-geographical details lying behind this last comment are obscure.
[4] Note that mitupela is pronounced [mitala]. This is increasingly common in
meso- and acrolectal varieties of Tok Pisin. Note also the construction
mitupela Dokta Smit. This means ‘we(2) including Dr Smith’ and not
‘we(2) and Dr Smith’.
[5] Note that the use of wantaim here and elsewhere in this text means that Dr
Smith is included in mitupela. This is not standard Tok Pisin.
TJ: Mi bilong Loniu, long liklik [1] ples insait long [2] Los Negros ailan
I of Loniu from small village within Los Negros Island
VII. Urban Tok Pisin and the influence of English 195
TO: Na yu bin go long wanem kain skul? Olsem toktok liklik long
And you past go to what kind of school? Like discuss a little about
TJ: Pastaim tru mi liklik mi stap mi atendim comuniti skul yet long
First really I small I be I attend community school still in
nain na gred ten bilong mi. Na bihain [cough] mipela mekim sampela
nine and grade ten of me. And later we do some
wok long Simbu tasol mama bilong mi no laik nau na mi stap long
work in Chimbu but mother of me not like then and I stay in
go na mi stap.
go and I stay.
TO: Nau yu stap long Lorengau taun. Wanem kain wok bilong yu?
Now you stay in Lorengau town. What kind work of you?
TO: Toktok liklik long dispela wok. Wanem kain wok yu wokim?
discuss a little about this work. What kind work you do?
JP: O, mi, mi olsem selspeson mi save olsem salim buk long ol man
Oh, I, I like salesperson I hab like sell book to pl person
TJ: Mitupela wantaim mekim seim wok tasol. Mipela salim ol buk bilong
We (2) together do same work only. We sell pl book of
198 Tok Pisin Texts
i kisim ol sampela samting i kam insait long kisim mani tu. Olsem
pr get pl some thing pr come inside for get money too. Like
kisim mani long helpim wok bilong Bikpela insait long provins.’
get money for help work of God inside province.’
TJ: Mi stat wok long eiti faiv long Epril namba nain na inap dis yia
I start work in eighty five in April number nine and up to this year
mans.
months.
TJ: Mi enjoim long wok long bukshop na salim ol kain kain buks
I enjoy work in bookshop and sell pl kind kind books
TJ: Mi stap long … taim mi pinis long kolis mi kam long ples nau mi
I stay in … when I finish from college I come at village then I
stap tasol long ples na ol lain long wanem? … lotu bilong mipela
stay only at village and pl group in what? … church of us
mi. Eiti fo mi stap nating long ples, wan hol yia, eiti faiv
me. Eighty four I stay just in village, one whole year, eighty five
TO: Na laif long ples na laif long liklik taun olsem Lorengau i
and life in villages and life in small town like Lorengau pr
TJ: Laif long ples em save kain … kain bilong mipela long ples em mipela
Life in village it hab kind … kind of us in village it we
… taim bilong wok mipela i wok. Sapos no gat wok mipela i stap
… time for work we pr work. If not got work we pr stay
stap tasol. Wanem kain wok bilong haus mipela mekim mipela mekim,
stay only. What kind work of house we do we do,
feloship nabaut long lotu bilong mipela. So(?) [6] olsem long Baibel
fellowship kinds of in church of us. So like in Bible
TO: Yu bin stap long ples tu bipo yu kam long taun long wok long
You past stay in village too before you come to town to work in
bukshop?
bookshop?
JP: Yes.
Yes.
JP: Mi stap olsem wan yia tasol long ples na bihain mi kam wok long
I stay like one year only in village and later I come work in
202 Tok Pisin Texts
bukshop.
bookshop.
TO: Na wanem tingting bilong yu long laif bilong ples na laif bilong …
And what thought of you about life of village and life of …
long taun?
in town?
tumas long … long ples olsem long taun planti kain kain man na ol
very in … in village like in town many kind kind person and pl
samting olsem.
thing like that.
JP: Yes, kamap pinis. Olsem ol i save brek en enta long shops nabaut
Yes, emerge comp. Like they pr hab break and enter in shops round
dispela.
this.
TO: Na sapos wanpela meri i laik wokabaut long nait i sef liklik
And if a woman pr want walk about at night pr safe a little
o i nogat?
or pr not?
save harim long nius olsem a … ol manki save repim ol meri long
hab hear on news that ah … pl boys hab rape pl woman on
JP: O, sapos mi laik wokabaut long nait bai mi ken wokabaut wantaim
Oh, if I want walk about at night fut I can walk about with
204 Tok Pisin Texts
ol sampela frens bilong mi, olsem sampela ol brathas bilong mi. Sapos
pl some friends of me, like some pl brothers of me. If
TO: And life in the villages … and life in a small town like Lorengau is
different. And what differences do you see between the two?
TJ: Live in the village is usually kind of … our life in the village is … when
it’s time to work we work. If there’s nothing to do we just sit around
doing nothing. And in town when you have work you have to get up in
the morning and come and work and then go back in the afternoon. And
some, like those who engage in sports and similar things, go and play.
And some of us don’t have … we just stay, not doing anything in
particular. Whatever housework we have to do we do it. If we don’t have
any we just sit around doing nothing in particular. And sometimes at
night we go and have different kinds of fellowship within our church, for
example, Bible study and similar things. At night we have group
fellowships and we go and attend that. But it’s not bad in the village. I
think it’s okay because in town too there are not many relatives/friends
and we just stay in the house and it’s not very good. And if I go to/am
in(?) the village I go around yarning here and there after dinner. That’s
the way it is in the village. That’s the difference.
TO: You were at home in the village too before you came to town to work in
the bookshop?
JP: Yes.
TO: How long were you at … at home in the village?
JP: I was there for something like one year and then I came to work in the
bookshop.
TO: And what do you think about life in the village and life of … in town?
JP: I see differences between the two. One thing about being in the village is
we … we are free. We … there’s no such thing as having to do things
according to a government schedule, eh? We just work according to our
wishes. And I think it’s good ah … for me to be in the village, and that
there are no raskols and similar major problems like one finds in towns.
One’s not so busy in the village as one is in town and there’s not the
many different kinds of people and similar things one finds in the towns.
TO: Have raskols appeared in Lorengau?
JP: Yes, already. They break and enter shops around about and try to rape
women. But there’s none of that in the village.
TO: And there are gangs as well in Lorengau?
JP: There are. There are. There are small groups. Gangs which act like that.
TO: And if a woman wants to walk about at night is she reasonably safe or not?
JP: I don’t think so, because in the beginning it was okay, it was safe, so
women could walk about at night by themselves. Now we hear on the
news that ah … boys are raping women on the road. So I do not think
it’s very safe for women to walk about at night by themselves.
VII. Urban Tok Pisin and the influence of English 207
TO: And if you want to walk about you go together with a lot of women, or
what do you do? Or do you just stay in the house?
JP: Oh, if I want to walk about at night I could go with some of my friends,
for example, my brothers. If I don’t have any I could go together with a
lot of women, not just on my own.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Although the speaker uses liklik here she does not mean that it is a small
village, liklik is used to contrast the place with the larger district name (such
as ‘Los Negros’ in this case).
[2] Loniu is actually on the south coast of Los Negros Island. The speaker uses
insait long here merely to refer to the fact that Loniu is on the island not in
its interior.
[3] This is very short and may be either a shortened form of na ‘and’ or is a
shortened form of ah, a hesitation form.
[4] Note the use of nabaut here and elsewhere. It modifies the noun and not
the verb and means ‘different kinds of’, which is normally expressed by kain
kain.
[5] Na ol is very brief and devoiced.
[6] What is said here is obscure but it sounds most like so.
[7] What is said here is also unclear. The recorder is of the opinion that it is
stap but others hear go.
[8] These two words are run together and not very clear.
This is a narrative of personal experience and the speaker is a twelve year old
boy from Madang. There are many English borrowings such as enjin, hospital
(cf. Tok Pisin haus sik), fain aut (cf. Tok Pisin painimautim), injekshin (cf. Tok
Pisin sut). Again broad phonetic transcription has been used to signal non-
standard pronunciations.
nau. Balus, balus nogut na noe tri enjin Daglis. Mipla kam
now. Plane, plane no good and number three engine Douglas. We exc come
208 Tok Pisin Texts
noeu, wanpla enjin nogut nau. Mipla ron lo tu enjin toeshol kam noe
now, one engine no good now. We exc run on two engine only come now
mipla kham khamap loe ia. Nau, ‘anti blomi ol poisinim em nau. Em
we exc come come up at here foc. Now aunty of me they poison her now. She
sik nogut tru noe ol go lo, ol go lo hospitoel nau. Ol lae fainaut [1]
sick no good true now they go to, they go to hospital now. They want find out
loeik, wonim em, ol laeig giwi em injekshin nau. Ol gim em injekshin pinis
want, what it, they want giver her injection now. They give her injection comp
Em nau, em kambek loe aus sik nau, em silip. Ol dokta tokim em, ‘yu
That now, she come back to hospital now, she sleep. pl doctor tell her, ‘you
silip. Inap tumoro.’ Noe im silip nau. Tumoro moning nau, em dai.
sleep. Till tomorrow.’ And she sleep now. Tomorrow morning now, she die.
Naeu mawa blomi arim nau, mam blomi i go lo Mosbi. N’em go lukim
And mother of me hear now, mother of me pr go to Moresby. And she go see
em nau. Ol, ol, wanim eya, pasta kam, em prei em finish nau. Ol
her now. They, they, what foc, pastor come, he pray he finish now. They
Translation:
We went to Lig. We went and then we came back here. The plane was not
functioning. It was a three engine Douglas. We came and one engine was not
functioning, so we ran on only two engines and we landed here. Now my aunt,
who was poisoned, she was very sick. They went to the hospital now. They
wanted to find out what kind of illness she had, but they couldn’t. So they went
now, they put her in now. They wanted to give her an injection now. They gave
her an injection. They told her to sleep and she slept. In the morning she got up.
She was alright. She went to her village. Some of her relatives made her cross and
she came back to the hospital. She slept. The doctor told her, ‘you sleep until
tomorrow.’ She slept, then in the morning she died. My mother heard about it
and she went to Moresby. She went to see her. The pastors came. They prayed for
her and they buried her. My mother came back and told us. She told us and we
were very sorry. Now we’re here.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Normally painimaut is the expected form.
The speaker is an eleven year old girl from Madang, who was born in Port
Moresby. She speaks both her mother’s Tok Ples and Tok Pisin. This story is
notable for its use of code-switching into English to animate the dialogue of the
goats. The child heard this story in school in English.
Mi gat stori blo ‘Billy Goats Gruff’. Wanpla taim i gat tripla got [1], i gat
I got story of ‘Billy Goats Gruff’. One time pr got three goat pr got
mama got wantaim tupla pikinini blem, ol save stap antap lo wanpla
mother goat with two children of her, they hab stop on top of one
maunten na disla … wanem ia planti taim san i kam, planti taim san sa
mountain and this … what foc plenty time sun pr come, plenty time sun hab
Na disla liklik got ia, lasbon got em wokabaut i kam na disla trol ia
And this little goat foc, last born goat it walk pr come and this troll foc
Na liklik got ia kira na siksti [2] tasol go lo hapsait. Em klop klop tasol
And little goat foc get up and sixty go to other side. He clop clop just
Na disla thin got ia kira na trol ia kira na tok olsem. Trol ia kam
And this thin goat foc get up and troll foc get up and say thus. Troll foc come
kam, ted got mama got i kam tasol, em wokabaut isi tasol go antap
come, third goat mother goat pr come only, she walk easy just go on top
VII. Urban Tok Pisin and the influence of English 211
Em kam antap ia, em laik faitim [3] em, em laik fait na em kira na tok,
He come on top foc, he like hit her, he like hit and she get up and say,
Em kam antap na tupla laik fait ia nogat, disla fat got ia em bampim em
He come on top and two like hit foc neg, this fat goat foc she bump him
ia gen, em go pinis.
foc again, he go comp.
Translation:
I’ve got a story about Billy Goats Gruff. Once upon a time there were three goats,
there was a mother goat and her two children. They lived on top of a mountain,
and there was plenty of sunshine and the sun dried the grass. Now, one time they
wanted to go looking for food. They wanted to look for grass. In this area there
was a bridge, and underneath this bridge there was a troll who stayed under it.
The troll did not like other animals. Other people had to walk over this bridge.
Now the little goat, the last born goat came and the troll got up. He heard him
and he said, ‘who are you?’ He said this, and the little goat said, ‘I am the small
goat’. Now the troll said, ‘go away’. Then the little goat raced over to the other
side. He went ‘klop klop’ as he went. So he went to the other side and was eating
grass and then came the second goat. This thin goat came and went onto the
bridge, and the troll said, ‘who are you?’ And he said, ‘I am the thin goat’. Now
the thin goat said this, and the troll came out and chased him over to the other
side. He went to the other side. Now the last goat came, the third goat, the
mother goat. She walked carefully onto the bridge and the troll said, ‘who are
you?’ ‘I am the fat goat.’ The troll came on top of the bridge and he wanted to
212 Tok Pisin Texts
fight with her, and she said, ‘OK, come on, try’. The troll came on top and the
two were about to start a fight, but the fat goat rammed him and he fell into the
water, and she went to the other side and was eating grass. After that the troll
didn’t stay under the bridge anymore. He went away for good.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] The traditional term is meme, which may be onomatopoeic (cf. also Tolai
me (me), which may also be onomatopoeic).
[2] This is an expression taken from motoring (to go 60 miles an hour). It may
be used either with or without go or givim, e.g., em givim siksti long hapvait,
em go siksti long hapvait.
[3] The usual form is pait.
VIII. New written genres
After the Second World War the government sponsored a number of local
newspapers in Tok Pisin; these were widely read and were extremely popular.
However, following unfavourable comments from visiting United Nations
experts, dissemination of printed materials in Tok Pisin was abandoned in the
mid-1950s. The following items were found in the Rabaul News of 20th January
1951:
Local and General:
Darius To Mamua i lusim Rabaul last [1] Tuesday, 16th January igo Talasea
Darius To Mamua pr leave Rabaul last Tuesday, 16th January pr go Talasea
baimbai [2] ikam bek gen Rabaul na baimbai igo teach long Keravat
fut pr come back again Rabaul and fut pr go teach at Kerevat
Education Centre.
Education Centre.
Last Tuesday, 16th January, tu(2)pela teachers ia tupela i lusim Rabaul long
Last Tuesday, 16th January, two teachers emph two pr leave Rabaul in
balus ‘Catalina’ baimbai tupela igo teach long Buin Education Centre em —
plane ‘Catalina’ fut two pr go teach at Buin Education Centre it (is)
of [4] Matupit.
of Matupit.
Akuila Tubal of Raluana i gerap igo Mioko last Wednesday, 17th January
Akuila Tubal of Raluana pr start pr go Mioko last Wednesday, 17th January
long sel bot. Baimbai em igo teach long Mioko Village Higher School.
in sailing boat. fut he pr go teach at Mioko Village Higher School.
Translation:
Darius To Mamua left Rabaul last Tuesday the 16th of January and went to
Talasea on the ‘Stradbrook’. He will collect his family and return to Rabaul where
he will be teaching at the Kerevat Education Centre.
Last Tuesday, the 16th January, two teachers left Rabaul on the airliner ‘Catalina’.
They will teach at the Buin Education Centre. They are William To Kanamet of
Tavui and Peter To Urami of Matupit.
Akuila Tubal from Raluana went to Mioko Island in a sailing boat last
Wednesday, 17th of January. He will be teaching at the Mioko Village Higher
School.
Village News:
Raluana:
Next wik long Friday, 26th January, 1951 baimbai oli opim niupela School
Next week on Friday, 26th January, 1951 fut they open new School
House long Raluana Village Higher School. Long despela dei baimbai igat ol
House at Raluana Village Higher School. On this day fut pr exist pl
Village Choirs [5] na ol School Choirs oli sing long morning, na long
Village Choirs and pl School Choirs they sing in morning, and in
avinun baimbai i gat bigpela singsing namel long ologeta people long
afternoon fut pr exist big dance among of all people of
VIII. New written genres 215
i singaut long sampela school baimbai oli kam kamap tu wantem ol choirs
pr invite prep some school fut they come arrive too with pl choirs
Toma …
Toma …
Translation
‘A new schoolhouse will be opened at Raluana Village Higher School’
Next week, on Friday 26th January 1951, a new schoolhouse will be opened at
Raluana Village Higher School. On this day the village choirs and school choirs
will sing in the morning and in the afternoon there will be a big celebration for all
the villagers and the boys and girls of Raluana School.
The Nanga Nanga village council have invited a number of schools to come with
their choirs and join the celebrations on this day. Here are the names of the
schools that have been invited: Toma …
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] This text is characterised by numerous English spellings and items bor-
rowed from English. At the time it was thought that by doing this Tok Pisin
could be brought closer to English and eventually merged with it. This
deliberate policy of the Rabaul News and similar publications promoted the
development of anglicized urban varieties of Tok Pisin and the gap between
urban and rural speakers of the language.
[2] Note that the full form baimbai is chosen as the future marker rather than
a reduced version such as bambai or bai, which were also around in spoken
Tok Pisin at the time.
[3] An early attempt to get rid of the undesirable connotations of meri ‘indige-
nous woman’.
[4] The introduction of the English preposition here leads to greater variability
of Tok Pisin rather than a new form which is consistently closer to English.
Note that bilong ‘of ’ continues to be used elsewhere in this text.
216 Tok Pisin Texts
[5] Note the introduction of the plural ending -s in loan words such as ‘choir’
and ‘boy’. The preservation of the original plural marker ol before the noun
phrase leads to greater redundancy.
Whereas most early newspapers did not publish readers’ letters, and apparently
did not get much feedback from their readers, Wantok Niuspepa, published
fortnightly from the late 1960s, made a much greater impact. A couple of pages
of readers’ letters are found in most issues and many more unpublished letters
were received by the editors of Wantok. Here follows an example of an unpub-
lished letter written in June 1971, which illustrates the considerable linguistic
and stylistic sophistication of its writer, as well as the writer’s awareness of social
and political issues.
4th June 1971
Dear Edita,
Dear Editor,
Mi laik toktok liklik long wanpela samting ino stret long eye bilong mi.
I want talk little bit about one item pr not correct in eyes of me.
Mi lukim planti yangpela meri oli save pulim tang, long taim oli lukim
I see many young women they hab stick out tongue, at time they see
yangpela boys. Dispela ino mi wanpela tasol lukim? Nogat, planti manmeri
young boys. This pr not me alone only see (it)? No way, many people
bilong olgeta ples oli save lukim dispela pasin bilong pulim tang.
from all places they hab see this fashion of sticking out tongue.
gutpela long pulim tang na mekim pani long man i ken lukim na
good to stick out tongue and make fun of man pr can look (at it) and
lap long em. Tasol sampela pulim tang long paulim man tasol [1]. Mi
laugh about it. But some stick out tongue to corrupt man only. I
tok sapos oli pulim tang olsem, bai kandri bilong yumi ino
say: if they stick out (their) tongue like this, then country of us inc pr not
inap kisim self gavaman. Bilong wanem? Dispela kain pasin i save
able get self government. Why? This kind (of) fashion pr hab
Mi laik wan tok ken ridim dispela tok bilong mi. Na yupela ken printim long
I want friends can read this talk of mine. And you pl can print (it) in
Wantok News. Mi tok oli meri traiim na isi liklik long pulim
Wantok News. I say pl women try and easy a bit on sticking out
tang. Em tasol.
tongue. That’s all.
Translation:
Dear Editor,
I would like to comment on something which I do not feel is correct: I see many
young women (constantly) sticking out their tongues everytime they see young
boys. I am not the only one who sees this, no way. Many people from all places
continually see this fashion of sticking out the tongue. But I feel that this is not
correct at all. There are many reasons for sticking the tongue out. It is good to
stick the tongue out and make fun of man, to look (at it) and laugh about it. But
some only stick tongues out to corrupt men. I say: if they stick out their tongues
like this, then our country is not able to govern itself. Why? This kind of habit
breaks the law of the government and the mission. This kind of habit breaks the
218 Tok Pisin Texts
6th commandment. I do not accuse you: everyone breaks the 6th commandment,
I too often break the 6th commandment. I want friends to read what I say. And
you can print this in Wantok News. I think women should try to ‘go easy’ on
sticking out their tongues. That’s all.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] In some areas of Papua New Guinea sticking out one’s tongue is an invita-
tion to intimacies.
[2] Sutim tok, literally ‘to shoot talk at’ means ‘to accuse’.
Risets Komiti na i laik tok save olsem long yia 1986 na 1987 sampela
research committe and pr want advise thus in year 1986 and 1987 some
Dipela i kam bilong ol lain visita em long mekim sampela wok painim aut
This pr come of pl group visitor it for do some work find out
long tok pisin long las ten yia insait long Morobe provins na Papua
about Tok Pisin in last 10 year inside of Morobe Province and Papua
Butibam long ol i mas save olsem dispela wok bai i kamap olsem na
Butibam that they pr must know that this work fut pr come up thus and
Dispela ofis wantaim Huon Distrik Ofis bai tok save moa long taim ol i
This office with Huon District Office fut advise more at time they pr
Mi bilong yupela.
I of you pl.
Translation:
Dear Governor,
I have heard from the Chairman of the Morobe Province Research Committee,
who wants to announce that in the years 1986 and 1987 some researchers with
Professor Suzanne Romaine will come and stay with the people of Butibam
Village. The visitors are coming to do some research to find out about Tok Pisin
in the last ten years inside Morobe Province and Papua New Guinea. I am asking
you to inform the people of Butibam in order that they know that this work will
take place and I would ask that they give some help to these visitors. This office
together with the Huon District Office will give you further information when
they come to Morobe Province. Thank you for the help which you and the people
can give. Yours.
Letter from the Headman of a village in the Kabwum District, Morobe Prov-
ince.
This text contains non-standard spellings: e.g., disal (dispela), olisem
(olsem), turu (tru), as well as variations such as (h)amamas ‘to be happy’ and
anglicisms such as ‘thank you’ (thenkyu).
220 Tok Pisin Texts
long England na bekim pas wantaim poto bilong ples Musep. Mipela bin
in England and send letter with photo of village Musep. We exc past
lukim pinis na hamamas tru long yutupela i stap naispela poto. Yes,
look comp and happy true at you two pr stop nice photo. Yes
tupela mi gat bikpela hamamas long yutupela na raitim pas i kam hariap
two I got big happiness at you two and write letter pr come hurry
yutupela lukim desala pas orait bekim bek [1] pas bilong mi na mi lukim.
you two see this letter alright send back letter of me and I see.
save sot long en. Mi gat bikpela laik i stap long tupela samting.
hab short of it. I got big wish pr cont for two something
No. 1. Radio cassette No. 2. Handwatch. [2] Salim 2pela samting bilong mi i
No. 1. radio cassette No. 2. Handwatch. Send two something of me pr
kam. Mi bai hamamas turu long lukim tupela samting bilong mi. Thank you
come I fut happy true to see two something of me. Thank you
Mi S. S. [3]
I S. S.
Text 75: Letter from the wife of a schoolteacher in the Kabwum District
(SR)
This letter shows fewer instances of non-standard spellings than Text 74.
Among the notable variants are: desala (dispela), traipela (draipela), wantaem
(wantaim).
Dear Suzanne,
Dear Suzanne,
Hello na gutpela de long yutupela wantaem long desala hap ples wea
hello and good day to you two together in this part place where
222 Tok Pisin Texts
yutupela i stap long en. Gutde gen long yutupela. Pastaem bai mi tok
you two pl pr stop in it. Good day again to you two pl. First fut I say
ting long mi. Tu long en tenkiu gen long ol poto yutupela bin
thought of me. Also for it thank you again for pl photo you two past
dai. Bilong wanem! Yutupela bin pren gut tru long mi na save raitim
die. For what! You two past friend good true of me and hab write
pas long mi oltaem. Yes, tupela pren bilong mi. Mi gat laik long poto bilong
letter to me always. Yes two friend of me. I got wish for photo of
tupela man bilong yutupela. Inap long yutupela salim i kam o nogat. Mi
two man of you two. Able to you two send pr come or neg. I
bai hamamas tru long yutupela sapos yutupela harim mi. Long dispela taem
fut happy true with you two if you two hear me. At this time
hia long Indagen, mipela i gat traipela san, na olgeta gras i drai nau inap
here in Indagen, we exc pr got big sun, and all grass pr dry now for
1 1/2 mun. Sampela skul i klos long sotpela taem inap ren i kam, na
1 1/2 month. Some school pr close for short time with rain pr come, and
mipela i skul yet i stap. Ating mipela tu bai lusim skul bihain taem
we exc pr school still pr stop. Perhaps we exc too fut leave school after time
VIII. New written genres 223
inap ren i kam. Ating em tasol, bai mi lusim yutupela inap hia.
able rain pr come. Perhaps that all fut I leave you two until here.
Gutde na gutbai tupela pren bilong mi. Mi bilong yutupela [2]. Elidah.
Good day and goodby two friend of me. I of you two. Elidah.
Translation:
Dear Suzanne,
Hello and good day to you two and to the place where you both are. Good day
again to you both. First I’d like to say many thanks and how happy I am that you
haven’t forgotten me. And thank you for the photos you both sent. I looked at
them and I am very happy with them. Now I want to say something else. I
haven’t met friends like you two before, never. I told my husband this about you
two. These two are number one friends of mine. I won’t forget you two until I
die. Why! You two have been good friends to me and write letters to me all the
time. Yes, my two friends. I’d like a photo of your husbands. Can you send this to
me? I’ll be very happy if you hear me. Here in Indagen now we have a very hot
sun and the grass has been dry for 1 1/2 months. Some schools are closed for a
short while until the rain comes but we are still in session. But I think we’ll stop
school too later, unless rain comes. That’s all for now. I’ll leave you two here.
Good day and goodbye, my two friends. Yours, Mrs Elidah.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] This is the female equivalent of poroman.
[2] This is a common closing formulae for letters.
i oret tasor. Mi na Julie na 2-pela pikinin i stap gut tasor. Nest year Jane
pr alright just. I and Julie and two children pr stop gut just. Next year Jane
bai go bek lon fri school ken. Happy Christmas and a Merry New Year.
fut go back to free school again. Happy Christmas and a Merry New Year.
Readers’ letters to Wantok are edited before they are printed and these are
standardized for the most part. Idiosyncratic spellings, in particular, are edited
out. English terms such as ‘show-off’ are phonologically adapted.
So-op bilong memba i no isi
Show-off of member pr neg easy
Dia Edita,
Dear Editor,
laik kisim vot ol i olsem liklik pikinini i save krai long susu. Em olsem nau
want get vote they pr thus little children pr hab cry for milk. It thus now
bilong mi Mista Pundia Kange em i save mekim gut long mipela na long
of me Mr Pundria Kange he pr hab make good for us exc and for
ples tu. Na em i save baim balus tiket [1] tu taim mipela i save i go
village too. And he pr hab buy plane ticket too when we exc pr hab pr go
na dring bia. Em wanpela gutpela man. Olgeta toktok bilong em i swit moa.
and drink beer. He one good man. All talk of him pr sweet more.
member is a Christian man. He doesn’t chew betelnut, smoke or drink beer. He’s
one good man. All his words are sweet. But now I’ve read Wantok [to find out]
that some of the Highlands members engage in behavior which is not
appropriate. Finish.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] The usual expression is baim balus. The term balus comes from Tolai and
means ‘pigeon’. The usual term for ‘bird’ in Tok Pisin is pisin.
[2] This is a common closing formulae for stories and letters.
After the Second World War, Tok Pisin newspapers began, and these and other
periodicals proliferated in the 1970s, e.g., Bougainville Nius, Nius bilong yumi,
etc., but most ceased after only a few issues and did not survive after indepen-
dence. Nu Gini Toktok, the first of these papers, was published weekly in Rabaul
and ran from 1962–1970. It was originally the Pidgin English News and was
published as a weekly supplement to The Lae New Guinea Times Courier.
Perhaps the most important of these periodicals is the weekly newspaper,
Wantok (a term meaning literally ‘one talk’, but used more generally to refer to
someone speaking the same language, a friend). It was founded in 1967 by the
Catholics, and appears only in Tok Pisin. It has a circulation of over 10,000 with
more than 50,000 readers in Papua New Guinea. It has published since 1970
and its staff is constituted entirely of nationals. Wantok aims at the rural,
colloquial Tok Pisin speaking population. Despite this, many rural people
complain that the language is too anglicized and difficult for them to under-
stand. However, a study by Romaine (1988) indicates that at least in terms of its
syntactic norms Wantok is closer to the spoken language than other written
texts such as Nupela Testamen, Save na Mekim and the Konstitusen. Most of the
occurences of bai are, for instance, preverbal (63%), as they are in the spoken
language, and predicate marking is more in line with the norms of rural
speakers.
Mormads Kwin Bilong Madang
Mormads Queen of Madang
Madang gret netbal gran painal I kamap namel long tupela strongpela
Madang great netball grand final pr come up middle of two strong
VIII. New written genres 227
tim; Mormads na Fly. Mormad i wok long go pas long Madang Netbal
team; Mormad pl and Fly. Mormad pr prog at go ahead of Madang netball
long stat bilong sisen I go inap long gren painal, taim ol i winim tim
at start of season pr go until to grand final, time they pr beat team
bilong Fly. Fly tu i save pilai strongpela gem long olgeta taim na ol i save
of Fly. Fly too pr hab play strong game of all time and they pr hab
stap long seken ples inap ol i kamap namba tu long gren painal. Long
stop in second place until they pr come up number two in grand final. In
dispela gren painal bilong tupela tim ya, Mormads i win taim ol i givim
this grand final of two team foc, Mormads pr win when they pr give
29 gol bilong Fly. Ful taim skoa bilong dispela gem em, Mormads 29, na Fly
29 goal of Fly. Full time score of this game it, Mormads 29, and Fly
15. Em nau, ol meri long Madang husat i save skrap long pilai i mas
15. So, pl woman of Madang who pr hab scrape at play pr must
lukluk long arapela kain pilai olsem, sofbal o soka. Basketbal i pinis nau
look to other kind play thus, softball or soccer. Basketball pr finish now
along with netball, and perhaps the women will play with plates, cups and spoons
while they wait for next year.
This text illustrates a report of national news in Tok Pisin from Wantok
newspaper.
Ripot Bilong Dispela Wik
Report of this week
(i)
Fonde Ogas 19 – Praim Minista, Michael Somare i tok save long planti
Thursday August 19 – Prime Minister, Michael Somare pr inform to plenty
olpela minista long lusim haus bilong ol. Sir Julius Chan tu i mas lusim
former minister to lose house of them, Sir Julius Chan too pr must lose
lusim haus hariap, Gavman yet bai rausim ol. Air Niugini i
lose house quickly, Government emph fut evict them. Air New Guinea pr
1981.
1981.
(ii)
kopi. Long wanem tupela ovasis kantri, Brasil na Kolombia i resis [1] long
coffee. For what two overseas country, Brazil and Colombia pr race at
VIII. New written genres 229
winim olgeta kantri long kisim bikpela mani long kopi bilong ol. Praim
beat all country to get big money for coffee of them. Prime
de malolo [2] wantaim famili bilong em. Foapela arapela wokman bilong
day rest with family of him. Four other employees of
(iii)
lusim K200 belmani long Maun Hagen Distrik Kot na go ausait. Kot
lose K200 bail money in Mount Hagen District Court and go out. Court
bilong em bai kamap gen long Septemba 22. Komes Minista bilong las
of him fut come up again on September 22. Commerce Minister of last
The play, Traim Paspas, was devised and performed by members of the Papua
New Guinea University of Technology (Unitech) Kas Theatre Group. Presented
below is an extract from Scene 4: ‘Meri tru, o?’ compiled by Geoff Smith
(1986MS). It is based on traditional stories from Western Province and songs
and dances from various parts of Papua New Guinea and the Solomons. The
original ideas were loosely based on ancient folktales collected from the mouth
of the Fly River some 70 years ago by the anthropologist Gunnar Landtmann
(1918). The stories were dramatised and combined with songs and dances
which the members of the group know from their own areas and taught to
other members. This is in the ‘folk opera’ style developed so effectively by the
Goroka-based Raun Raun Theatre, which had a great influence on the group.
Members of the group were students and staff at Unitech, together with
some students from Busu High school and other young people living in Lae.
Rehearsals and performances were held during spare time. Although an
amateur group, it was possible to present performances in a variety of locations,
such as schools and public halls around Lae and also at Ramu Sugar, Madang,
Aiyura, Goroka and Mount Hagen. The object of the activity was mainly to have
fun, but also to play a small part in the preservation of cultural traditions in the
country among students engaged in modern technological studies.
The group was originally started at Unitech by Jeff Siegel, who was then a
lecturer in the Department of Language and Social Science. Much assistance
VIII. New written genres 231
was received from Ms Jill Tuno at Busu High School, with the full support of
the then headmaster Nigel Stanley. Members of the group who played a major
part in improvising and developing dialogues and songs or dance sequences in
Traim Paspas were Maran Nateleo, Isaac Teo, Bernard Jacob, Hilda Roy, Patu
Arataung, Nua Maino, Sewa Somod, Lopia Laima, Peter Kozap, Moses Mewi,
Anita Nata, Albert Tibong, Paul Waabu, Ambi Laulabu, Ambrose Amamene,
Bryan Kambakdu, Dayamo Stephen and Lawrence Parry. Others who took part
or otherwise contributed to the productions included Carlson Akunaii, Eliza-
beth Alaung, Michael Aniyeli, John Bon, Lina Glaso, Jenon Dasus, Puna Forof,
Genga Garoa, Janet Jokin, Margaret Kahata, Norman Kerbon, John Lawrence,
Margaret Manoka, Zau Masani, Giwi Nagong, Bakanu Namus, Efen Ngasing,
Daison Nili, Fufi Omot, Bawana Pakaia, Peter Pokana, Steven Ronald, Renji
Sikiri, Elizabeth Singalong, Thomas Sausemaira, Mala Stephen, Tune Taitas and
Enom Timai.
Smith (1986MS) makes the following observations about staging such a
play:
It is important to realise that this script can be modified, and should not be
regarded as fixed and unchanging. It is probably much more productive to
start with a situation and produce the words and actions from this as they arise
rather than to attempt to learn lines exactly. When performing Kas Theatre did
not follow a script, but improvised dialogues from situations rehearsed. In this
way the dialogue was more fluent and natural than attempts to follow exact
scripts. The script presented here is based on this type of improvisation, and is
only one of many possible interpretations. The dialogue is in Tok Pisin, which
is the language that most people in the group felt at home with for the purpos-
es of improvisation. There is considerable regional variation in Tok Pisin, and
some of the idioms used here may not be familiar in other areas of the country.
It would be a challenging and worthwhile teaching exercise to attempt the play
or some part of it in English. Other songs and dances of an appropriate style
can, of course, be substituted for those included here. Generally, the more of
the story presented in music and dance, the more interesting the result.
(An old man and his son and daugher are seated. The daugher is weaving a
pandanus mat which covers the lower half of her body.)
OLD MAN: Olgeta simok pinis. Mi painim brus [1] nogat ia.
All smoke comp. I look for tobacco neg foc.
Simok i stap o?
Smoke pr stop or?
YOUNG MAN: Nogat ia, long moning tru yu kirap na painim simok.
neg foc, in morning true you get up and look for smoke.
Olgeta i pinis.
All pr comp.
OLD MAN: Yupela kam sindaun. (They come and sit and smoke)
You pl come sit down.
traipela maunten.
big mountain.
GIRL: (Takes it then drops it) Ai, em i hat ia. Yu putim long paia
Ai, it pr hot foc. You put in fire
o wanem?
or what
bilong mipela.
of us exc.
hap.
there.
236 Tok Pisin Texts
(She puts the mat aside. OLD MAN and YOUNG MAN lift her up. She is seen to
have the tail of a fish. NOVARE and BADIBA jump up in fright.)
kam tumoro.
come tomorrow.
OLD MAN: Pikinini bilong mi, yu no ken wari. Ol man bilong dispela hap
Child of me, you not can worry. pl man of this side
(They lift her into the canoe and paddle off to SAVE RAWI RIMANGO. Lights
fade.)
Translation
SCENE 4: Is this a real woman?
(An old man and his son and daugher are seated. The daugher is weaving a
pandanus mat which covers the lower half of her body.)
OLD MAN: Oh, I’d really like a smoke.
YOUNG MAN: Me too, I want a smoke.
OLD MAN: The tobacco’s used up. I’ve been looking for tobacco without
success.
Child, check my basket. Is there any tobacco?
YOUNG MAN: No, it was finished a long time ago.
238 Tok Pisin Texts
OLD MAN: Perhaps you stole a little bit and still have it.
YOUNG MAN: No, you got up early in the morning and looked for it. Now it’s
all gone.
(NOVARE and BADIBA enter)
NOVARE: Papa, two men.
(They stay some distance away, a bit suspicious of one another.)
BADIBA: Good day to you.
YOUNG MAN: Good day.
OLD MAN: Have you got any tobacco?
BADIBA: Tobacco? You ask for tobacco? It’s just the thing for us. Here
take some.
OLD MAN: You come sit down. What are you looking for?
BADIBA: We left the village you see on the other side of the big mountain.
YOUNG MAN: But what are you looking for?
NOVARE: I am looking for a woman.
YOUNG MAN: Sister, do you hear me?
GIRL: (Looking excited) Yes, I’m listening.
NOVARE: (To BADIBA) Papa, she looks like a nice woman. I like her.
NOVARE: (To YOUNG MAN) Is she your sister?
YOUNG MAN: Yes, my sister is sitting strangely.
NOVARE: (To GIRL) When you look at me my heart leaps out to yours.
YOUNG MAN: He’s speaking to you.
GIRL: Perhaps I like him a lot, too.
BADIBA: Child, don’t forget try the arm band.
NOVARE: Woman put this on your arm
GIRL: (Takes it then drops it) Oh, it’s hot. Did you put it in the fire?
NOVARE: (Puzzled) It’s not hot. It’s cold. What are you talking about?
Papa, nevermind. I’ve found a nice woman and I really like her.
Don’t bother about it.
(BADIBA looks worried) Oh, I have been looking for a long
time to find a nice woman like you.
OLD MAN: Hey, wait. I’m responsible for this woman.
Have you got some more tobacco?
VIII. New written genres 239
Ministerial use of public funds for domestic travel, staff recruitment, entertain-
ment, vehicles and office equipment has been banned. The ban, effective
immediately, was announced by Prime Minister, Sir Julius Chan, at the week-
end. The decision was circulated to Cabinet members last week. Sir Julius said,
‘such use of public funds so close to the election could be construed by the
public as being for electioneering purposes. It is my conviction that ministers
and their staff must be and appear to be beyond reproach in all their actions.’
Grass Roots draws on the latest urban slang and is generally written in a
highly anglicized style.
VIII. New written genres 241
Eh sori bikman … kisim tuendi toea hia long helpim yu long baim bus
Oh sorry big man … take twenty toea here for help you for buy bus
The Primary Industry Department has asked the Foreign Affairs and Trade
Department to impose quotas on egg imports into the North Solomons. Quotas
were urgently needed to protect local producers, the Primary Industry Secre-
tary, Mr Brown Bai, said yesterday. However, Mr Bai said a total ban on
242 Tok Pisin Texts
Blary himport quotas! Ol bai expektim yumi long hapim [1] prodaksen nau!
Bloody import quotas! They fut expect us inc to increase production now!
The Queen and Prince Philip visited Mount Hagen yesterday, just in time to
flee from a spectacular end to a seven month drought. Cracks of lightning,
coinciding with their departure from lunch at the Hagen Park Motel, blacked
out lights momentarily. Minutes later, torrential rain and hailstones pelted
thousands of Highlanders assembled at Mount Hagen’s old golf course to greet
the royal party.
Hey you very smat with all that rainstorm bisnis, K. You ever think of giving
Hey you very smart with all that rainstorm business, Q. You ever think of giving
up this kwining job come and see me. We can be making big moni in the
up this queening job come and see me. We can be making big money in the
rainmaker bisnis. Still waiting for your hinvitasian [1] for kaikai, but no
rainmaker business. Still waiting for your invitation for food, but no
244 Tok Pisin Texts
waris [2]. I’ll find my own way on bod. Better be puting some katons in the
worries. I’ll find my own way on board. Better be putting some cartons in the
friza, eh. We not drinking the warm beer all the time like you pomies [3]. You
freezer, eh. We not drinking the warm beer all the time like you pommies. You
Hey bro [1] … Yu ting wanem long impotim ol dispela pok bilong Saina …
Hey brother You think what about import all this pork of China …
VIII. New written genres 245
Yelo, wait, brown, pink o grin [2] … Mi no wari long kala bilong em
Yellow, white, brown, pink or green … I not worry about colour of him
sapos em inap kisim ples bilong mi long kamap kaikai blong man ia…
suppose he enough get place of me to become food of man foc…
Translation:
Hey brother! What do you think about all this pork from China.
Yellow, white, brown, pink or green, I’m not worried about what colour it is just
so it takes my place as food for human consumption.
Sori, bro …
Sorry, brother …
Translation:
I told you, you can’t finish up everything or we’ll go to jail; but you didn’t listen,
greedy, bloody pig!
Yesia mai pren [1] … yumi i mas wok wantaim … olsem Gavman
Yes sir my friend … we inc pr must work together … so Government
VIII. New written genres 247
bilong yupela i ken kolektim ol takis ia, na bikpela Gavman bilong mipela
of you pl pr can collect pl tax foc, and big Government of us
long … adres
at … address
ol wantok bilong yu
pl clan of you
binatang
insect.
REPELLER’
repeller’
The following political broadside was sent out by Grass Roots, Madang 3
January 1987. Their political group claims to speak for the benefit of ordinary
people who cannot organise themselves for lack of experience, money and
education. Their broadside is written in both English and Tok Pisin. The
English is generally of a very poor standard (as can be seen in the translation
which is taken unedited from the broadside), and the Tok Pisin is highly
anglicised. In addition to the many English borrowings, e.g., ander-developmen,
praivet kempani, there are also anglicisms such as those of ov instead of bilong,
e.g., standat ov edukesen.
GRASS ROOTS, 1987, EIGHT POINTS
Dia Madam/Sir,
Dear Madam/Sir,
farao Akhenaton husat [1] i bringim, ‘San Wosip’ insait long Egypt 1250
pharoah Akhenaton who pr bring ‘Sun Worship’ inside of Egypt 1250
B.C. Long toktok long benefit bilong ol Gras Rut tede mipela i makim mipela
B.C. To speak for benefit of pl Grass Root today we exc pr mark us exc
yet — ol gras rut no redi long yumi yet, bilong wanem sot long
emph — pl grass root neg ready for us inc emph, of what sort of
Olsem na hia mipela yet i makim mipela long makim laik na gutpela laki
Thus here we exc emph pr mark us to mark wish and good luck
na gutpela helt insait long 1987, bihain long mipela i lukluk bek long 1986
and good health inside of 1987, after in we exc pr look back to 1986
3. Katim daun sais bilong Nasenal Gavman na budjet long inapim PNG
Cut down size of National Government and budget to suit PNG
andadevelopmen.
under-development.
5. Lukluk klostu long advaisa, praivet kampani na benk win mani, lukim em
Look close to adviser, private company and bank win money, see it
i fit long PNG laik o fitim liklik lain o grup. Olsem toktok nabaut long
pr fit to PNG desire or fit little clan or group. Thus talk about
putim sindaun insait long haus ov Palimen long registerim politikal pati
put sit inside of House of Parliament to register political party
VIII. New written genres 255
memba i ken inap long putim nem long balet tiket. Bosim politikal na
member pr can able to put name on ballot ticket. Govern political and
na katen bia fiv minit bipo long eleksen. Plis pas mi go namel lon
and carton beer five minute before election. Please pass me go among to
In the days before Independence, Tok Pisin came to be used for official docu-
ments in addition to oral procedings. Here follows an extract fom the minutes
of a council meeting held in the Sepik region in early 1973 (names and location
withheld).
Finance na Executive Committee Miting Kamap long Caunsel Semba
Finance and Executive Committee meeting held at Council Chambers
long 4–7–73
on 4–7–73
Resolusen: Olsem Minits bilong las miting i orait tasol. Pas i kam
Resolution: that minutes of previous meeting pr OK only. Letter pr come
258 Tok Pisin Texts
Wewak-But Council
Wewak-But Council
long ol.
of them.
Akauns
Accounts
Tours, Tobi Motors, B.I.C. Insurans long Lae, P. Johnston, B.P. long Madang.
Tours, Tobi Motors, B.I.C. Insurance of Lae, P. Johnston, B.P. of Madang.
Ol komiti membas i tok orait bai kaunsel mas baim ol akauns bilong em.
pl committee members pr approve fut council must pay pl accounts of it.
Translation:
Finance and Executive Committee meeting held at Council Chamber on 4–7–73
The Chairman opened the meeting at 9 a.m.
Present: President Mikpas, Councellors Tom, John and Peter.
Absentees: Councellors Wai and Atto.
Minutes of the last meeting: C. A. O. F. Selby read the minutes of the previous
committee meeting and the committee heard and approved the minutes of the
previous meeting.
Moved: Cr. Peter
Second: Cr. Tom
Resolution: That the minutes of the previous meeting be approved.
Incoming Letters
Advisor and C. A. O. read the incoming letters and the committee heard the
letters and approved the incoming letters.
Incoming letters from:
M. C. H. Sister from Wewak
Simbia Dumo D. A. S. F. Ambunti
Director of Lands: Port Moresby
Head Teacher Matupit School
B&B Motors Aitepe
Wewak-But Council
District Local Government Officer Aitepe
Government Liaison Officer Aitepe
Sago L. G. Council
Land Title Commission Port Moresby
The people of Aitepe
Regional Local Government Officer Madang
Local Government Gazette
The committee members hear the incoming letters and approve them.
Moved: Cr. John
Second: Cr. Peter
Resolution: That the incoming letters be approved.
Accounts:
C. A. O. F. Selby reads the accounts to members and incoming accounts from:
B. P., C. M. Marienberg, Remington Rand., Aerial Tours, Tobi Motors, B. I. C.
Insurance of Lae, P. Johnston, B. P. of Madang.
The committee members approve that the council will pay its accounts.
Moved: Cr. King
Second: Cr. John
Resolution: That the council’s accounts must be paid quickly.
VIII. New written genres 261
(music)
Komison long Papua Niu Gini klostu bai ol i stat putim kamap long
Commission in Papua New Guinea soon fut they pr start put arrive on
dispela stesin sampela nupela progrem bilong ol pipol long ol ples bilong
this station some new programme for pl people in pl place of
samting bilong kamapim mani o wok didiman, wok bisnis long pis, na
etcetera for produce money or work agriculture, work business in fish, and
o bekim wari o tok askim long wanem kain samting yupela i laik save
or answer concern or question about what kind thing you pr want know
olsem, sapos yu gat dispela kain wari na yu laik save long dispela kain
thus, if you have this kind concern and you want know about this kind
samting salim tasol wanpela pas I kam long mipela wantaim long ol
thing send only a letter pr come to us with about pl
262 Tok Pisin Texts
mipela i kisim dispela pas bilong yu i go long wanpela man long Pot
we pr get this letter of you pr go to a man in Port
Bihain bai mipela i kisim dispela pas bilong yu gen wantaim tok klia o
Later fut we pr get this letter of you again with explanation or
long dispela stesin. Bai mipela i traim long kisim ol tok klia o ol ansas
on this station. fut we pr try to get pl explanation or pl answers
long askim long bisnis long ol liklik wok didiman long ol ples bilong
to question about business in pl small work agriculture in pl village of
yupela, bisnis long ol samting olsem bulmakau, wok bisnis long forestri,
you pl, business in pl thing like cattle, venture business in forestry,
bisnis long pis, o ol narapela kain samting olsem. Orait, sapos yu laik
business in fish, or pl other kind thing like that. Okay if you want
Kolim gen:
Tell again:
(Music)
Translation:
The officers of the agriculture department of the National Broadcasting
Commission of Papua New Guinea will soon be inaugrating, on this station,
some new programmes for villagers and those in commercial forestry and the
like, or commercial ventures in agriculture involving fish, and things like cattle,
pigs and poultry. One of these new programmes that we want to begin will
provide information or answers to questions or concerns you have about
whatever you want to know more about in your agricultural pursuits in
individual villages. So, if you have concerns of this kind and you want to know
about this kind of thing, simply send a letter to us containing the points you want
to know more about. Then we will take this letter of yours to someone in Port
Moresby who is an expert in whatever it is you want to know more about. Later
on we will get your letter and the expert’s explanation or answers and broadcast
them on this new programme, which will be called Askim i go long Didiman
(Questions for the Argriculture Officer). This new programme will be broadcast
once a week on this station. We will try to get answers or explanations to your
questions about business ventures in village agriculture, commercial ventures in
things like cattle, forestry, fish, and other kinds of similar things. So, if you would
like to write to us here is our address:
Askim i go long Didiman,
National Broadcasting Commission,
PO Box 1359,
Boroko.
Once again,
Askim i go long Didiman,
National Broadcasting Commission,
PO Box 1359,
Boroko.
264 Tok Pisin Texts
Diar Editor,
Dear Editor,
mi bin halim planti man na meri ol i save kolim taksi long trakta, tasol
I past hear plenty man and woman they pr hab call taxi by tractor, but
mi ting olispela pasin i no stret long ting ting bilong mi. Taksi i no save
I think this fashion pr not correct in thought of me. Taxi pr not hab
givim mani long yumi, yumi save lusim mani long taxi sapos yumi laik go
give money to us inc, we inc hab spend money on taxi if we inc like go
long nalopalo hap. Na trakta i save givim mani long yumi, taim em i
to another place. And tractor pr hab give money to us inc, when it pr
brukim giroun na palanim pinat [2] or sampela samting long en. Sapos
break ground and plant peanut or some something in it. If
pinat i mau yumi purim na salim long sosoiti na kisim mani long em.
peanut pr ready we inc pull and sell to society and get money for it.
Sapos husat man o meri i laik bekim pas belong me olrait em i ken
If whoever man or woman pr like reply letter of me, all right he pr can
bekim na mi halim.
reply and I listen.
Translation:
Dear Editor,
I have heard people refer to ‘taxis’ as ‘tractors’, but in my view this is not correct
because taxis do not produce income for us. We spend money on taxi fares when
VIII. New written genres 265
we want to go from one place to another. But a tractor produces income for us
when it is used for ploughing and planting such crops as peanuts. When the
peanuts are ripe one can pull them out and sell them to a co-op for money. If
anyone would like to reply to my letter, let them reply and I shall listen.
IX. Creolized varieties of Tok Pisin
The narrator is an 8 year old girl from Lae, who is a first language speaker of
Tok Pisin. The text is notable for its considerable phonological reduction
characteristic of the younger urban generation: e.g., save to sa, bilong to blem,
pela to pla, laik to la, etc. Also noteworthy is the considerable use of English
lexis, e.g., forest (cf. Tok Pisin bus), bata (cf. Tok Pisin gus), bag (cf. Tok Pisin
bilum), wulf, bear, kek, noknok (cf. Tok Pisin paitim doa ). Sometimes the
English words alternate with their Tok Pisin equivalents, e.g., gel/meri, jump/
kalap. Some of the English terms are adapted morphologically and phonologi-
cally, e.g., flaua (cf. the more usual Tok Pisin plaua), finish (cf. Tok Pisin pinis),
while others vary, e.g., change/changim. The mixing of English and Tok Pisin
leads to compromise forms which are intermediate between the two varieties,
as for example when the wolf says, ‘Kam in dota.’ The term dota (‘daughter’) is
not used in Tok Pisin, and kam in is not typically Tok Pisin. One would expect
insait instead. This may be a use of quotational code switching.
Mi stori ia pastaim. Wanpela taim [1] nau wanpela taim ia wanpela mangki
I story foc first. One time now one time foc one boy
Wanpela taim nau liklik gel ia nem blem little red riding hood em la go
One time now little girl foc name of her little red riding hood she want go
kisim bata [3] em putim go insait long bag nau em karim em karim wokabaut i
get butter she put go inside in bag now she carry she carry walk pr
ia. Em kam sanap na em tok olsem, ‘hallo, morning little red riding hood
foc. He come stand up and he say this, ‘hello, morning little red riding hood
ia.’ Nau em tok olsem ia. Nau em go toksem, ‘kam mipla [4] pikim flaua
foc.’ Now she say this foc. Now she go say thus, ‘come we exc pick flower
Nau liklik gel ia em pikim flaua finish [5] putim go insait long bag blem na
Now little girl foc she pick flower comp put go inside in bag of her and
nau, little red riding hood ia pikim flaua pinish nau em kam noknok long
now, little red riding hood foc pick flower comp now she come knock on
changim nek blem i go olsem na em tok, ‘kam in, dot.’ Nau nogat
voice of him pr go thus and he say ‘come in, daughter.’ Now neg
het bloyu ia,’ em toksem, ‘han bloyu lek bloyu em sap ia na draipela
head of you foc,’ she say thus, ‘hand of you leg of you it sharp foc and big
Nau papa blem hait nau i stap ia kisim tamiak i kam ia katim disla
Now father of her hide now pr cont foc get hatchet pr come foc cut this
kamdaun long bel blem na liklik meri kalap kamdaun long bel
come down from stomach of him and little girl jump come down from stomach
[4] This use of the exclusive form is slightly odd. We would expect the inclusive
dual, yumitupela, since the wolf is referring to himself and Little Red Riding
Hood. This inclusive dual is declining in favour of mitupela.
[5] The form finish is not usually used by urban children, even though it is the
same as the English form. Many rural speakers use this too.
[6] There is still considerable variation between /h/ and /ø/ in some rural uses.
Mihalic (1971: 5) notes that /h/ is then inserted at the beginning of words
where it is not found in English. The insertion of hypercorrect /h/ affects
most /h/ dropping varieties of English. Since both the un-standard dialect
of British and Australian English has /h/ dropping, it is not surprising to
find it in Tok Pisin, and in other English-based creoles. Cassidy and Le Page
(1967: xii) note that in Jamaican Creole, initial /h/ is frequently lost in
unemphatic contexts and used as a hypercorrection in emphatic contexts.
Many of the substratum languages of Papua New Guinea also lack /h/.
Text 95: The story of the pig in the pot (1) (SR)
The speaker is an 11 year old boy from Lae, whose first language is Tok Pisin.
The story is told in response to seeing a picture of a boy carrying a pig jumping
out of a pot.
This text can be compared with Text 96 produced by another speaker. Of
interest are the different terms used for the container (e.g., pan, sospen, baket)
and for the lid (e.g., ai).
Wanpela taim wanpela liklik manki haus blem i stap klostu long kunai na
One time one little boy house of him pr stop closeby in grass and
wanpela diwai sanap. Wanpela taim nau em karim putim pik blem go insait
one tree stand. One time now he carry put pig of him go inside
fens [1] bilong pik. Em karim go nau karim go nau long rot stret nogat pik ia
fence of pig. He carry go now carry go now on road just neg pig foc
belhat na em kalap go autsait nau ai bilong pot i pundaun nau pik ia kalap
angry and it jump go outside now eye of pot pr fall now pig foc jump
272 Tok Pisin Texts
go daun na ranawe.
go down and run away.
Translation:
Once upon a time there was a little boy. His house was close to the bush and
there was a tree standing there. Now, he put his pig inside a pot and covered it.
He was carrying it to the pig’s fence. He was carrying it along the road but the pig
got angry and jumped out and the lid of the pot fell off and the pig jumped down
and ran away.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Cf. Tok Pisin banis. Mihalic (1971) traces its origins to English ‘bandage’,
but it could be a rephonologized version of ‘fence’.
Text 96: The story of the pig in the pot (2) (SR)
blo sospen ia pudaun [3]. Man ia belhat nogut tru. Man ia putim pig
of saucepan foc fall. Man foc angry no good true. Man foc put pig
insait go lo gaden blol lo napla ples nau. Pig ia kalap kam autsait na
inside go to garden of them in another place now. Pig foc jump come out and
[3] A variant of pundaun. Many speakers of Tok Pisin use prenasalized stops,
e.g., ngut (gut). In the orthography prenasalization is indicated only when
it is used by both Europeans and Melanesians, e.g., sindaun, pundaun, etc.
The story is told by an 11 year old Lae boy, who is a first language speaker of
Tok Pisin. He is looking at a sequence of pictures which depict a sick child
being taken to the doctor by his parents. The text is notable for the amount of
morphophonological condensation contained in it (see Romaine and Wright
1986 for discussion).
All short forms are given expansions in brackets. There are also anglicized
forms such as fes (cf. Tok Pisin pastaim) and shoot (Tok Pisin sut).
Fes tru, disla [<dispela] man na meri blem [<bilong en], ol sa [<save]
First true this man and woman of him, they hab
lukautim pikinini blol [<bilong ol] gutpla [<gutpela]. Pikinini blem [<bilong en]
take care of child of them good, Child of them
sik nau. Ol kisim go lo [<long] dokta nau. Dokta lukim em nau, em sik
sick now. They get go to doctor now. Doctor look him now, he sick
nogut tru nau. Ol karim em long disla [<dispela] rum nau. Na dokta
no good true now. They carry him to this room now. And doctor
givim shoot finish nau. Em kambek laus [<long haus] nau. Orait nau holim
give injection comp now. He come back to house now. Alright now hold
bal na em plei stap na ol lain blem [<bilong en] wok lo [<long] wok.
ball and he play cont and pl family of him prog at work.
Translation:
In the first one, this man and his wife, they are taking good care of their child.
Their child is sick now. They take him to the doctor. The doctor looks at him.
He’s very sick. They carry him to this room. The doctor gave him an injection.
He comes back home now. He’s alright now. He holds a ball and is playing and
all his family are working.
274 Tok Pisin Texts
The speakers here are two fifth grade girls at Madang, both of whom are 12
years old. Speaker 1 is from Enga in the Highlands and the other is a local.
The transcription conventions here are broad phonetic to give an idea of
the variability of this urban speech variety. Words like mamapapa have several
different realizations. There is variation between /p/–/f/ and /h/–/o/ (e.g. hokei/
okei) and many short forms, e.g., bienim (bihainim).
S1: Halo frog.
Hello frog.
S1: Hokei. Sos yu laik, tumoro yu kam, vai mituplae go lo ’aus blol
Okay. If you like, tomorrow you come, fut we two exc go to house of
mamafufa blomi.
them parents of me.
S1: Okei.
Okay.
S1: Okei. Bai yumi go lo moningtaim, nogud soen kam antap, bai yumi
Okay. fut we inc go in morning, no good sun come up, fut we inc
no nap lo ol go.
neg able to they go.
IX. Creolized varieties of Tok Pisin 275
S1: Gudpla. Ating bai yumtupla go lo stua pastem, bai yumi go lo ’aus
Good. Perhaps fut we two inc go to store first, fut we inc go to house
S1: Yumi go baim sampla kaikai blo yu-yumi lo kuk lo ’aus blo mamapupa
We inc go buy some food for us inc to cook at house of parents
blo mi.
of me.
S1: Ok, if you want to, tomorrow you come and we’ll go to my parents’ house.
S2: Oh good, we’ll go …
S1: We’ll go in the early morning. It will be no good if the sun comes up and we
can’t go [because it’s too hot].
S2: Ok, I’ll come first thing in the morning.
S1: Good, perhaps we’ll go to the store first, then we’ll go to my parents’ house.
S2: Ok, let’s go. How much money have you got?
S1: I’ve got three Kina.
S2: Ah shit, what a lot of money.
S1: Yes, that’s so.
S2: Ok, let’s hurry.
S1: Ok, let’s go now.
Interesting linguistic features include:
[1] Since independence the currency consists of Kina and Toea, with 100 Toea
to one Kina. These terms are names of shells which were traditionally used
in trading.
[2] This is widely used as a general expression of surprise or amazement and
has been bleached of its English meaning.
The speaker is an eleven year old boy from Madang, who was born there and
has Tok Pisin as his first language. The story is of a traditional type called a
tumbuna ‘ancestor’ story. There are, however, some lexical innovations such as
wich meri (cf. Tok Pisin devilmeri/mesalaimeri) and krokodail (cf. Tok Pisin
pukpuk).
Mi bai stori blo tumuna stori. Ol mangi sa tokim mi. Foes turu wanpal lapun
I fut story of ancestor story. pl boys hab tell me. First true one old
oshem: ‘mi lg ompla hwalabi l’ap. Yumi si bai go kilim.’ Nae nogat,
say thus: ‘I see one wallaby over there. We inc fut go kill.’ And neg,
keikei joe lilik gyoel na won …, pova bulem wok lo karai nou go inchei lo
eat emph little girl and one …, father of him prog at carry now go inside of
bush ne eng go luk wompla wich meri stavnau. Wich meri kilim powa
bush and he go see one witch woman stop now. Witch woman kill father
I want to tell a tumbuna story. The boys told it to me. A long time ago an old
woman and her children went into the bush. One of her children said, ‘I see a
wallaby over there. We’ll go kill it.’ But they didn’t. His father said, ‘leave it. We’ll
go look for birds.’ The two of them went and looked. A crocodile was sleeping in
the grass and he ate this little girl and her father was trying to carry her off into
the bush. He saw a witch and the witch killed his father. That’s all.
Text 100: Two girls talking about the languages they know (SR)
Betty and Alice, are 8 and 9 and live in Lae. They hardly know Tok Ples, and are
first language speakers of Tok Pisin. Their experience is typical of many urban
children in Papua New Guinea who grow up speaking primarily Tok Pisin.
Most of these children call the language ‘pidgin’.
SR:
Alice:
Mi save wanwan tasol. Sapos mama blomi toktok long tok ples, olsem salt o
I know a few only. If mother of me talk in talk village, like salt or
Betty:
Nau mi, mi bin born long Rabaul na mi no save long tok ples bilong
Now me, I past born at Rabaul and I no know long talk village of
harim liklik bai mi go kisim bai mi harim em bai mi tok bekim long pidgin na
hear little fut I go get fut I hear them fut I answer in pidgin and
SR:
Alice:
Inglish. Sampela taim pidgin, na sampela taim olgeta wanwan taim em bai
English. Some times pidgin, and some times quite a few time he fut
speak pidgin.
speak pidgin.
SR:
Sapos wanpela manki o meri i tok long pidgin, ticha ia mekim wanem?
If a boy or girl pr talks in pidgin teacher foc does what?
IX. Creolized varieties of Tok Pisin 279
Betty:
punisim em.
punish them.
SR:
Belong wanem?
Why?
Alice:
pidgin olsem ol speak pidgin bai headmaster bai belhat na olsem paitim ol
pidgin so they speak pidgin fut headmaster fut angry and so hits them
Betty: Hits them. He’ll hit them. He’ll abuse him verbally for speaking pidgin
and writes their names down first and without delay punishes them.
SR: Why?
Alice: Because they don’t like it when the school children speak pidgin, but
they speak pidgin and the headmaster gets angry and hits them and
writes their name on a list.
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284 Tok Pisin Texts