Dance and Instrumental Differ

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DANCE AND INSTRUMENTAL J’DIFERENCIAS" IN SPAIN
DURING THE 17th AND EARLY'18th CENTURIES
■ <6
by
Maurice I . Esses
A Thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements

fo r the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the
J ' University of Toronto
©Maurice I . Esses
1986
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RT/ISSD AUGUST 1973
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
'L
’
SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES
">
PROGRAM OF THE FINAL ORAL EXAMINATION
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

N
OF
Maurice Esses
1:00 p.m. ,'y October 10, 1986
Room 205,_ Victoria College
Dance and Instrumental "Diferencias" in
Spain during the’17th and 18th Centuries
Committee:
Professor P.J. Perron, Chairman

Professor M. Danesi
.Professor K. Falck,- Supervisor .... '•
Professor A. Howell, External Examiner
Professor G. Jones .
Professor M.jR. Maniates
Professor CV Morey, Internal Appraiser
DISSERTATION ABSTRACT
DANCE AND INSTRUMENTAL "DIFERENCIAS" IN SPAIN DURING THE 17TH AND EARLY
18TH CENTURIES' • .
Essesi Maurice I . University of Toronto, 1986. x i, 1290, *619 pp.
Adviser: Robert A. Falck.
Dance and Instrumental variations ("diferencias") are intim ately
related a c tiv itie s which were prominent in Spain during the 17th and
early 18th centuries. This study (divided into 6 parts) investigates
these complementary phenomena by drawing upon a wide range, of primary
material. . .
Part I (chapters 1-4) places the project in i ..wide historical
and musical context. I t explores the complex ties^between Spain and the
rest of Western Europe, the musical environment in Spain, and the
constraints which, impeded music publishing. ' * ' v,
C* Part I I (chapters 5-8) examines each oft the ‘$4.' instrumental

‘ J r • ■
sources which contain dance pieces and "diferencias". This section is
organized'by instrument: guitar ("rasgueado" and ""punteado"),"harp,
keyboard, and other-instruments ("vihue!a", "bandurria", vio lin , and
unspecified). Most of. the extant settings are fo r solo guitar, harp, or
keyboard. This section also investigates the use of each instrument i.n
Spain, th e ir tuning and temperament, and th e ir notational systems
* (predominantly tablatures).
Part I I I (chapters 9-13) is devoted fo dancing. I t investigates
the'extensive use of dancing at a ll levels of Spanish society, the
choreographic sources and styles, the dancing masters of the period, the
^diverse contemporaneous attitudes, the dance-names, the musical models
(especially the harmonic-metric scheme), and the techniques of musical
variation. ~ ~ y -
i ' ' • J- ' ' /v..'. '
'B a iS S s s i
tmmz
, Part IV documents the uses and possible meanings of each of the '
- afpproximately 75 dance-types fo r which Instrumental "diferencias"

’ i..’, .-
surylve. •- This section is organized alphabetically by dance-name;
Part V provides the bibliography. The sources are divided Into

; .o' •
two groups: before 1800 and. a fte r 1800.
Part V I presents an Inventory and transcription of a ll the
extant instrumental dance pieces and Variation sets (495 pieces plus 228
"pasacalles"). The l is t 1s organized'in a hierarchical order: f ir s t ,
alphabetically by given dance-title; second, by instrumentation; and
th ird , by chronology. (The "pasacalles" are treated separately and are
represented by incipits only.) Much of this music is transcribed here
fo r the f i r s t time. In numerous settings the original notation is
incomplete, incorrect, or unclear in meaning. The problematic pieces
have been reconstructed by assuming that most settings of a particular
dance-type employ the same or sim ilar harmonic-metric scheme.
1. \
MAURICE I . E$SES - BIOGRAPHY
.1 '
EDUCATION
> Ph.D. candidate, musicology, University of Toronto
' - Pl
M.A., musicology, University of Toronto, 1976* ■
B.A., mathematics, York University, 1970.
ACADEMIC AWARDS
Canada Council, Doctoral Fellowships, 1976-1980
University o f Toronto, Open Fellowship, 1976.
PUBLICATIONS AND PAPERS n =r~-

"The Impact of French dancing on Spanish society duHng the
18th century", Paper delivered to the American
MuslcologlcaT Society, Fall chapter meeting, Toronto,
16 October 1983.
"The classification -of music:Jfrsurve.y study "vffSo-author:,
Robert Falck), CANADIAN UNIVERSITY MUSIC REVIEW 1
(1980), pp. 106-129.
"New information concerning some music research lib ra rie s in
Spain", FONTES ARTIS MUSICAE 26 (1979), pp. 189-191.
"The performance^ of contemporary Canadian music in Toronto:
• . 1951-1976", ARRAY NEWSLETTER vol. 2, no. 2-3 (1978),
• *. pp. 1-19.
11
*■ • A
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF CHARTS . ................................... ......................... . v

LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES .................... v1i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . ........................ .................................... v1 i 1
ABBREVIATIONS, REFERENCES, AND TRANSLATIONS ................... . x
PART I . THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT
1. DANCE AND VARIATION ......... 1
2. SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE ............. . .C ~ 7 7 . . . . . . . . ------- 10

History and Culture . . . . . . . . . ; . v . 10
The Iberian Peninsula .......... 13
The Spanish Netherlands ................ 16
Ita ly ........... 19
Austria ......... 34
France ...................... 36
3. THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENTINSPAIN ................ 61

The Lack of Aristocratic Patronage .............................. 61
Sacred Vocal Mujs1c ........... 68
Instrumental Muîp-^ . - . . . ................ 80
4. PUBLISHING AND MUSlC PRINTING IN SPAIN ........ 113

Forms of Censorship .................... 113
Financial Obstacles ........... 118
Individual Publishers and Printing Technology ............... 120
Delays and Failures ............... 131
PART IT. THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES
INTRODUCTION ............ ................. . . . v. . . . . . . . ; . . . . . . . . . . . 154
5. FIVE-COURSE GUITAR ...................................................................158

The Guitar 1n Spain . . . . . . . . . ........... 158
Sources of Dances and "Diferencias" .................... 159
Other Sources .......... 178
Temperament, and Tuning .............. 183
"Rasgueado" Notation ........... 190
"Punteado" Notation .....................................................................219
6. HARP .............. 270

The Harp in Spain ...................... 270
Sources of Dances and, "Diferencias" ............. 282
Lost Sources ...................... .............. v . . . . . . ' ..................................... .289
The Structure of the Instrument .......... . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . 290
Temperament and Tuning ............... 298
Tablature. Notation ^. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .301
7. KEYBOARD . . . . . . . J . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
The Keyboard 1n Spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
' Sources of Dances and "Diferencias" ........ 352
Temperament and Tuning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . r r r ; . . . . ............... . 378
Tablature Notation ............................................. .......... 384
S taff Notation ............ ................. 398
-• Ornaments .............. 408
8. OTHER INSTRUMENTS ............... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 450

Introduction ........... ....................................... . 450
Vlhuela (de mano) ........................................................................... 450
Bandurrla ........................................................ 462
V io lin ' ............. .............................................................. . 466
Unspecified. Instruments .............. 475-
PART I I I . THE DANCE
9. THE USES OF DANCE IN SPAIN ............ 502

"Danza" and "Baile" ................ 502
Dancing by the Aristocracy .............. 508
Dancing during Sacred.and Secular "Fiestas",
Especially by the Lower Classes .................... 516
Dancing by Professionals in TheatricalWorks ............... 532
Dancing Inside and around Churches,
Especially by/Choirboys 562
10.' CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES ..........:. 624

Problems of Reconstruction ............... . . . .......... 624
Dancing.by the Aristocracy during the Late 16th
and early 17th Centuries ............ 626
Dancing by the Aristocracy \during the 18th Century ............. 639
Dancing by the Lower Classes ............. 664
11/ DANCING MASTERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ______ 735

Royal Dancing Masters ......... 735
Dancing Masters for the Upper Classes ......... 751
Dancing Masters for Corpus Christi Performances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 758
Dancing Masters for Choirboys . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 762
12. ATTITUDES TOWARDS DANCE AND DANCE MUSIC ...................... 784

Dances of the Aristocracy ................ 784
Dances5 of the Lower Classes ........... 792
Dance Mu$1c 1n the Writings of Theorists ......... 803
13, DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS ........... 830

Nomenclature ........... 830
Dance-Song ................................. . 838
The Old Procedure: "Cantus Firmus" ......... 844
The New Procedure: Harmonic-Metric jScheme ............... . .854
Variation. Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . { . . ......... 874
PART/-IV. THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES .......... 908
A lb a rillo . Alemana. Alonch. Amor. [A ria]. Babau. Baylete.

Borja. Canario. Canzidn. Cerdana. Chacona. Chamberga.
Chinfonfa. Conde Claros. Dama. Dexaldos mi madre. Desmayo.
Encaramado. Entradas. Espanoleta. Edndango. Fanfarrona.
Fantasmas. Faborita. Folfas. Gaita/. Galerfa de amor.
Gallarda. Gascona. G itanilla. Grari Duque de Florencia.
Gudrdame las vacas. . Guineo. Hach^/ Impossibles.. Tono
Indefinible.. Jdcara. JScara de la costa. JScara francesa.
Jota. Mariona. Marizdpalos. Marsella. Matachfn. Monsieur
de la bOleta. Morisqua. Oyes Belisa. Paracumbd. Paradetas. '
Pasacalle. Paseo. Pavana. PaVanilla. Pie jibado y A lem ana.~
Prado de San Gerdnimo. Rastreado.. Reina de Polonia. Ruede la
bola. Rugero. Saltarelo. Saltardn. Sambomba. San Juan de
Lima. Sarao. Sardana. Seguidillas. Sinfonfa. Sombras.
Tamborilero. Tarantela. Torneo. Turdidn. Vacas. Vi llano..
Villano cavallero. Zangarilleja. Zarabanda. Zarabanda francesa.
Zarambeque.
PART V. BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. SOURCES BEFORE 1800 (p,lus la te r facsimile publications and

modern editions of single authors or sources) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1153
- B. SOURCES AFTER 1800 (including facsimile publications and
modern editions not listed in Section A). .................. 1181
PART VI. THE MUSIC
1. EDITORIAL POLICIES ............ 1217

2. THE REPERTOIRE ................... 1231
3. TRANSCRIPTIONS OF DANCES AND "DIFERENCIAS" ............. *1
4. INCIPITS OF "PASACALLES" ............ *515
5. CRITICAL NOTES ............ *560
LIST OF CHARTS
1. Guitar sources of dances and "diferencias" ............... 160

2. Sources of the material 1n Mlnguet y Yrol
(ca. 1754) B . . . . . . . . . . . . ........* ................. 179-180
' 3. Guitar tunings 1n. the Spanish sources . . . . . . . . 1 ........ 189
4. The Catalan chord-symbols 1n the Spanish . „
guitar sources ................ 192
5. The Castilian chord-symbols 1n the Spanish
guitar sources ........... 193
6. The Ita lia n or "ilfabeto" chord-symbals 1n the i
Spanish guitar sources ......... 196-197
7. Spanish names for the guitar chords as.given .
1n two sources ................ 203-204
8. Ornament symbols In the "rasgueado" guitar sources . . . . . . . 218
9. Mensuration signs 1n Murcia (1714) 224
10. Ornament symbols 1n the "punteado" guitar sources . . . . . . . . 227-230
11. Some harpists 1n the royal fchapel during the '
17th and early 18th centuries ............. 272-275
12. Some other chapels with fu ll-tim e harpists ...................... 276-277
13. Some acting companies containing harpists, 1661-1680 . . . . . .2/9-281
14. Harp sources of dances and "diferencias" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . __ 283
15. Ornament symbols in the harp sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319-320
16. Keyboard sources of dances and "diferencias" ................ 353
17. Some arrangements of pieces by Lully in E Mn M.1357 . . . . . . 360
18. Spanish concordances for E Mn M.1360 ................ 365-366
19. Some settings and arrangements of French pieces
1n.E Mn M.1360 ............. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ; . v . . . . . . . . . ........... 368-369
20. Mensuration signs symbolizing tempo In Correa de
Arauxo ( 1 6 2 6 ) ........................ 391
21. The standard mensurations according to Lorente (1672) . . . . 401
22. Mensuration signs for "proporcidn menor" and
"proporcidn mayor" in some keyboard sources . . . . . . . . . . . . 402
23. Ornament symbols in the keyboard sources ........... 409 .
24. Other Instrumental sources of dances and "diferencias" . . . . 451
25. Mensuration signs symbolizing, tempo in the vihuela
sources ......... 462
26. Spanish transcriptions and arrangements of pieces by
Corelli ............ 470-472
27. Spanish settings of the "Amable" ............. . . . . . . ^ 482
28. Dancing and musical forces of some acting companies ^
during the f ir s t half of. the 17th century ......... 542-545
29. Payments made for the composition of music for the
"autos sacramentales" performed 1n Madrid, 1661-1681 . . . . 559-560
30. Derivation of the sections in Ferrlol y Boxeraus (1745)
from the treatises by P. Rameau (1725 and ca. 1725) . . . . 647
31. Corresponding sections 1n Mlnguet y Yrol (1758-1764)
pt. I and the treatises by P. Rameau (1725 and ca. 1725)
and Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 651
32. Equivalent engravings 1n Mlnguet y Yrol (1758-1764)
pt. I and P. Rameau (1725) which are not contained
In Ferrlol y Boxeraus (1745) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 652
v1 - - ^
.■ •r-
33. Equivalent sections in Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I l l

and Ferrlol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I I I chap. 4 . . . . 654
34. Royal dancing masters, 1589-1700 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 737-743
35. Solo Instrumental settings of "canclones" without
variations ............ 918-921
36. "Folfa" vocal settings .............. 948
37. Dramatic works Incorporating performances of tte
"-ZaVambeque", ca. 1655-1721 .................. .4 ......... 1057-1069
38. The notation of-ornaments 1n the transcriptions . . . . . . . . 1224-1225
39. Instrumental sources of dances, variation sets, and .
"pasacalles" ............. 1234-1236
40. Inventory of Spanishdances and "diferencias" ................ 1237-1273
41. Inventory of Spanish "pasacalles" .................... ; ........... 1274-1290
} ' ■
v11
LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES
The editorial policies for a ll transcriptions are explained at the

beginning of pt. VI.
1. Controversial dissonance in the "M1ssa scala aretlna"

by Vails (ca. 1702) .............. 75
2. A cadentlal cross-relation In Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) . . . . . 83
3. A simultaneous crpss-relatlon 1n Correa de Arauxo (1626) . . 84
4-8. Melodic motives leading to augmented triads 1n some
keyboard "tlentos" o f the
\ second half of the 17th century . ................ 86-87
9. Guitar tunings ........ 185
10. Chord-charts 1n the Spanish guitar sources .......... 208-212
11. Ciphers In the harp sources ; . . . . ........ 303-305
-12. Voicings of root-posltion triads on the harp . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310
13. Harp ornaments defined InFernindez de Huete (1702) . . . . . . 321-322
14. Ciphers 1n two Iberian keyboard sources of the
earTy 18th c e n t u r y ................ 388-389
15. Vlhuela and four-caursevguttar tunings . ........ 459
16. Bandurrla tuning 1n Mlfigydt y Yrol (ca. 1754) . . . . . . . . . . . . 465
17. "Amable", E Mn M.815, f . 75v .............. 483
18. "El caballero" .......... 834
19. "Ay, ay, ay, tres veces", E Mn M.1262, f . lO v -llr ....... 845-848
20. A "baja" tenor derived from Valderribano (1547) .........-rrv 849
21. The "alta" tenor ............. 852-853
22. D ifferent settings of a particular harmonic . /
: progression ................................... .v859
23. Harmpn1c-metr1c schemes 1n'Ortiz (1553) 863-864
24. The harmonic-metric scheme of the "e arlier fo lia"
fh Ita lia n sources, as derived by Hudson (1973) 867
25. "Cont[radanz]a de la E, Mlnguet y Yrol (1758-1764)
p t.* I I I , p l. l . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 868
26. "Triste de Xorxe", Fernandez de Huete (1702),
p i. 4-5 ......... 914
27. Some ballad melodies 1n Salinas (1577) ............. 932
28. "Dexaldos mf madre" melody 1n Salinas (1577) 93fr
29. "Foil1as" melodies 1n Salinas (1577) . . . . . . . i . i . . . . . . . . . . . 946
30. "Vacas" and "romanesca" melodies 1n Salinas (1577) 966
31'. "Passacalles" 1n Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) 991
32; "Passacallet" in Vails (ca. 1742) ........ ; ................................992
33. A Spanish "tarantela" melody in C1d (1787) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1026
■ v11i
' ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The early stages of this project were generously funded by the
Canada Council. As a result I was able to travel to Spain and examine
many primary sources during the fa ll of 1978. My work there was greatly
fa c ilita te d by Rita Benton's Directory of music research libraries.,
RISM series C, part I I I (Iowa City, 1972). -ram..also grateful to John
Baron and Robert Snow for apprising me beforehand of the research ’
procedures prevailing in Spain.
This study would not have beer, possible without the co-operation
of many depositories. I would like t o ’thank |:he librarians and s ta ff of
the following institutions for th eir kind assistance: 'the Biblioteca de
Catalunya, the Ih |titu to Espafiol de Musicologfa, and the Instituto
“'Municipal de Historia in Barcelona; the Biblioteca del Real Monasterio
de San Lorenzo in Escorial; the Biblioteca General de la Universidad in
Granada; the-Archivo del Palacio Real and the Biblioteca Nacional in
Madrid; the Archivo Capitular de la Catedral in Segovia; the Archivo de
la Catedral Metropolitana in Seville; the Bibliothfeque Nationale in
Paris; the British Library in London; the Bodleian Library in Oxford;
the Civico Museo Bib!iografico Musicale in Bologna; the Biblioteca
Nazionale Universitaria in Turin; the Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde and
the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek in Vienna; the Library of ,
Congress in Washington; the^Library of the Lute Society of America; and
the Edward Johnson Music Library and the-Robarts Library at the
University of Toronto. ' . .
t___
The Barbieri papers, housed at the Biblioteca Nacional in
Madrid, contain a wealth of archival information Relevant to this study.
Francisco Asenjo Barbieri (1823-1894) painstakingly copied numerous
documents Of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries pertaining to music and
theatre. He alsp kept some original documents which are now scattered
throughout)his file s . A complete lis tin g of the collection has never
been published. I am therefore grateful to Manuel Stfnchez Mariana, the
director of the Sala de Investigadores of the Biblioteca Nacional, fo r~
allowing me to use his card catalogue of the Barbieri papers while .1 was
in Madrid. - .
I would lik e to take this opportunity to thank my teachers at
the University of Toronto; particularly,Harvey Olnick, who fostered my
in it ia l interest in the Bardque period. Robert Falck merits my deepest
gratitude for supervising this project from beginning to end. His '
patient guidance ahd helpful criticisms were invaluable. Any errors of
fact or judgment which remain are entirely of my own making.
For converting my manuscript into typescript with professional
expertise, I would lik e to thank Jackie Cale.
To my parents, who provided so much encouragement, I gratefully
dedicate this work. . .
ABBREVIATIONS, REFERENCES, A.ND TRANSLATIONS
Library Siqla *
A Wn VIENNA, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek

B Be BRUSSELS, Bib!iothfeque du Conservatoire Royal de Musique
E Bap ^ BARCELONA, Archivo Histdrico de Protocolos
^ E Be BARCELONA,; Biblioteca-de Catalunya ( i . e . , Biblioteca Central)
E Bih BARCELONA, Instituto MuntfcipaT de Historia
EE ESCORIAL, Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial
' E Mah MADRID, Archivo Histdrico Nacional
. E Mav MADRID, Archivo de la V illa
E Mn MADRID, Biblioteca Nacional . ,
E Mp MADRID, Archivo del Palaeio Real
E Mrah MADRID, Real Academia de la Historia
■. E Sap SEGOVIA, Archivo Histdrico Provincial.
F Pn PARIS, Bibliothfeque Nationale
GB-Lbm LONDON, British Library (formerly, British Museum)
GB Ob , OXFORD, Bodleian Library '• •
PB BRAGA, Biblioteca Pdblica
P Pm OPORTO, Biblioteca Pdblica Municipal
US Wc WASHINGTON (D.C.)» Library of Congress
> ’ ‘ ' ■ ’ ■■
Other Abbreviations
BAE BIBLIOTECA DE AUTORES ESPANOLES .
Bk. book(s)
B.PSM BARCELONA, BIBLIOTECA DE CATALUNYA ( .i.e ., BIBLIOTECA CENTRAL),
PUBLICACTONES DE LA SECCION DE MUSICA
ca. circa ■
chap. chapter(s) - f
d if. "diferencia(s)"
f. folio(s)
m. measure(s)
MME MONUMENTOS DE LA MUSICA ESPANOLA
Ms manuscript . • ^
P(P). page(s)
pi. plate(s)
pt. part(s)
RISM REPERTOIRE INTERNATIONAL DES'SOURCES MUSICALES
Avol. volume(s) . a
~ D-niiinbers and-P-numbers refeV to the pieces listed below in
pt. VI in Charts 40 and 41 respectively. Triads are symbolized by Roman
numerals. Upper-case numerals (I^represent major triads, while lower
case numerals ( i ) represent minor triads.
In each chapter (1-13) and in pt. IV, once a work has been cited
in complete form, i t is abbreviated in subsequent citations. For a
published source the shortened form usually consists of the author's
surname followed by the date of publication in parentheses. For a
manuscript source the shortened form usually consists of the depository
and shelf number. In pt. V I, even the f i r s t reference to a work is
abbreviated in this manner.
-. \ N
In quotations fifom the primary sources i have retained the
original spelling and punctuation. In the interests of in t e llig ib ilit y ,
however, I have altered the capitalization of letters and the use of
accents to accord with modern conventions. Furthermore I have written,
out in fu ll a ll abbreviations. These appear witho11t\editorial square
brackets, except in title s of collections and individual, pieces.
In my translations I have attemptedjto^renderj the"meaning of the

original as. clearly as possible. To thisy^d FTTave-'not. hesitated to
sim plify'the syntax or to replace pronounfs w ith-their antecedents.
Owing to practical considerations I have not provided translations for
a ll the quoted passages. In many instances I have decided that a, brief
paraphrase would suffice for the argument at hand. In other instances I
was unable to produce a satisfactory translation. In a ll such cases,
the relevance of the quotation is explained in the body of th e.text.
I have included a large amount of documentation for several

reasons. F irs t, terminological considerations are of paramount
■importance in this study. Second,N:he quotations come from a wide
variety of sources, many of whieh are*not readily accessible. Finally,
I hope that the presentation’ of this primary material w ill fa c ilita te
future research.
i■■■.»•...; . - .
PART I.
THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT
-1. DANCE AND VARIATION ' " V : - '
Dance and instrumental variation'are intim ately related
■ .phenomena which ‘were prominent features .of Spanish culture during the
;• 17th and early 18th centuries. Dancing pervaded .secular as.well as
sacred fe s tiv itie s . J t was ‘cultivated in the. paTaces by the ’ „
aristocracy, on stage by professionals, in the churches by choirboys, ;
/ and in the streets by-the lower .classes. Instrumental variations'
, - .permeated the ac tiv itie s pf,many professional and amateur musicians.
The relativelysm all number of extant musical settings does not -
' adequately reflect the important role played by variation. -Owing to the
popular nature of the dance repertory and the improvisational nature of
variation techniques, much of the music was never written down. Thus,
in the second half of the 17th century, Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) f e lt
obifgedvto ju s tify his instrumental treatise as follows:
On seeing the principles of this book, the judicious • - .

reader (especially i f he has some knowledge of music theory,
instruments," and tablature) w ill say that'this author was
' - unproductive; inasmuch as he set about Writing things which
are so common that even the children in Madrid and other
places understand and practise, them, and that also there'are
■ ’ "maestros" who teach these things. To this charge, several
" ' responses are given. F irst, the world is large, and what is
present in Madrid is not present everywhere,: This author
knows by experience (because-he has sêri different kingdoms
and remote overseas provinces);that elsewhere they do not
know or practise the said tablature or any other ciphers;
because, although they play instruments and sing, they do so
. only from memory, except for a few persons who know mensural
musical notation.
In the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol (ca. -1754) repeats
the§e remarks almost verbatim fn his own,instrumental publication.^ .
‘ ' The present study examines the instrumejrtal—dapce pieces and^
secular, variation sets. I would mention here that variation procedures
'v::
; ' were also employed in sacred instrumental music. The keyboard sources
preserve a few. "fabordones glosados" and variation settings of hymns
such as "Pange lingua". Furthermore some church instrumentalists
habitually elaborated th e ir parts in performance by adding melodic
diminutions ("glosas"). ■In 1586 Francis-co Guerrero, the chapel-master
- at Seville Cathedral, rebuked his wind players for producing
"absurdities" and "insufferable dissonances" by th e ir incessant unco- •
ordinated glossing. Guerrero attempted to regulate the ensemble by.
prohibiting simultaneous diminutions. He ordered that when one player
chose to gloss his part, a ll the other-players were to leave him an open
fie ld and play their own parts as notated.^
This study rests on the close historical relationship between
- ‘ instrumental variation and dance. The use of instrumental music, to
accompany dancing and singing was an important stimulus for the

*- * ’4 *
development of variation techniques. Instrumentalists faced the
challenge of producing music of sufficien tly long, but variable,
. duration to accommodate the needs and desires of dancers on different
occasions. Literal repetition was one possibility, but i t was tedious
and prosaic. Variation provided a solution which was more interesting
and imaginative.
Th Spain the strong links between variation and dance are
revealed by the existence of terms^common to both fields. For example,
the names of particular dance-types often refer to the instrumental
music and the choreography. "Diferencia" is another word which
possesses a specialized meaning.in each "field. In 1732 the Real
Academia.Espanola defines it-as follows:
DIFERENCIAS. In pieces of instrumental music this is the
— name given to the differen t ways of playing one and the same
piece. Also, in dances of the Spanish school, i t is the name
given to the variety of movements which are applied at
d ifferent times to one and the same piece....
"Diferencia" f ir s t appears with the meaning of variation statement in .
the vihuela book by Narviez (1538).^ Thereafter i t is the word most
frequently useîn the Spanish instrumental sources to .re fe r to
♦ variations. Synonyms appear in only a few instances. Mudarra (1546)

ft
employs the term "manera" instead of "diferencia" in his vihuela book.
Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) does call most of his guitar and harp variations
"diferencias". However, for triple-m eter variations of duple-meter
schemes Ruiz substitutes the terms "baylete" or "buelta"7 These two
words are additional examples of the terminology shared by variation and
dance. ."Baylete" is a diminutive of "bayle", a generic name for dances.
"Buelta" in choreography designates a leaping revolution.® Furthermore
the term "buelta" may be related to "volta" (or "volte"), a courtly
couple dance which was used outside of Spain in western Europe around
1600. The music of the "volta" was in, trip le meter. Its choreography
featured many turns, with the man,hoisting the lady up in the a ir.^
Throughout the 17th and early 18th centuries most of the
"diferencias" in the instrumental sources are based on harmonic-metric
schemes. Spanish theorists of the period do not deal with this type of
variation. Instead they discuss older variation procedures. Thus
Lorente (1672) employs the word "diferencia" to denote a d ifferen t set
of contrapuntal voices added to a given theme, be the subject a phrase
in plainsong ("canto llano") or in mensural rhythm ("canto de
drgano").10 '
4 .’ ‘
I t is not until the 18th century that "diferencia" assumes a ■
specialized meaning in the fie ld of dancing. Both Ferriol y Boxeraus
(1745) and Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) use "diferencia" to refe r to the ■'
choreographic figures performed by groups of dancers, especially 1n the'.

^
"contrkdanza".11 By contrast, the term normally employed for; any •
' * ■ *
19 r '
unified sequence o f dance-steps is "mudanza". I t f i r s t appears with
this meaning in a Spanish choreographic source im the late 16th
century.18 In subsequent dance treatises.through'to the 19th century,
"mudanza" continues to designate "a combination of steps which, shifting
from one to another, form a whole."1^
The term "mudanza" does not appear in Castilian instrumental,
sources. Nevertheless the term "mudansa" is found as a label of .musical
sections in a Catalan collectton of dance melodies from the 18th century
(E Be M. 1452). Sim ilarly in Ita ly the. equivalent term "mutanza". also
migrated to the fie ld of instrumental music. Ita lia n dancing masters
such as Caroso (1581), Lupi da Carravagio (1600), and Negri (1602)
employ "mutanza" for dance-step sequences.15 In Ita lia n instrumental
music of the 17th century the usual terms fo r variation statements are
"partita", "parte", "modo" and, by the last decades of the century,
"variatione". Nevertheless at least three Ita lia n publications use the
term "mutanza" instead. Furthermore a ll three books have some association
with Spain. The f ir s t is a keyboard collection by Valente (1576) which
was published in the Spanish kingdom of Naples.15 The second is a
Spanish guitar collection by M illio n i {1627).^ The th ird is a string
collection by the Neopolitan composer Mazzella (1689).18
The present study is concerned with instrumental variations and
/ dancing. For the former I have investigated the musical sources and
treatises. For the la tte r I have examined the choreographic treatises,
archival contracts, descriptive accounts, prohibitions, fflays, and poems
Given the closd .relationship between instrumental variation and dance,

' : * \
the findings in one area should serve to enhance an understanding of the
other. The study concludes with an inventory and transcription of the
extant instrumental dance pieces and variation sets. There are three
important reasons for presenting copious transcriptions. F irst, despite
the wide speculation and discussion concerning particular dance-types,
most of the Spanish music has never been transcribed. Second, the
original notation in numerous settings is incomplete, incorrect, or
unclear in meaning. In many instances the only way to reconstruct the
troublesome pieces is to u tiliz e other settings of the same dance-type
where the notation is more precise. This approach rests on the
h isto rically probable assumption that-most settings of a particular
dance-type employ the same or sim ilar harmonic-metric scheme drawn from
the popular domain. By postulating that the schemes were well-known and
re la tiv e ly stable, one can understand how musicians could notate dances
and variation sets in a sketchy fashion, and yet be confident that
players of the period would be able to interpret the pieces correctly.
The th ird 1reason fo r the transcriptions is- that Spanish theorists of the
17th and early 18th centuries devote l i t t l e attention -to the prevailing
variation techniques and new procedures in the organization of pitch and
rhythm. I t is the music it s e lf that best illu s tra te s these features.
Notes to Chapter One
1. "D iri el discireto lector al ver los principios de este lib ro (y

mis si tiene noticias de la mtfsica, instrumentos.y cifra s) que
ocioso estava este autor, piies se puso a escrivir. unas cosas tan
ordinarias, que hasta los ninos en Madrid, y otras partes, las
entienden, y practican, y ay tambidn maestros que las ensenen; a
que se dan algunas respuestas. La primera, que el mundo es
grande, y que no en todas partes concurre lo que en Madrid; y
que tjene experiencia el autor (porque ha v.isto diferentes
reynos, prqvincias remotas, y ultramarinas), que no saben, ni
practican dichas cifra s, ni otras ningunas: porque aunque se
tarie, y canta, no es mis que de memoria, exceptuando a algunos,
que saben la mdsica de canto”de.drgano." Lucas Ruiz.de Ribayaz,
Luz, y norte musical, para caminar por las cifras de la quitarra
espanola, y arpa, taner, y cantar i compis por canto de drqano
\ (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1976) "Prdlogo al
curioso lector", p. x i. ■ ~ -
2. , "Discreto lector, los motivos que he tenido* para dar a la luz,

piiblica esta obrita, que aunque corta, harto trabajosa, sdlo han
sido considerar, que no en todas partes concurre lo que en esta'
corte, por lo que tengo experimentado, y vistolen diversos
reynos, y provincias, que en muchos de ellos no saben, ni
practican dichas cifra s , ni otras ningunas, porque aunque se
tarfe, y canta? no es pis que de memoria, exceptuando a algunos,
que saben la miisica." Pablo Minguet y Yroli, Reglas, y
advertencies general es que ensenan el modo de tafier todos los
jnstrumentos mejores, y mis usuales (Madrid, ca. 1754.) B,
’"Prdlogo al lector aficionado", p. v.
3. "Este dicho dfa Hamados para ello mandaron que los m inistriles '
guarden el horden que el maestro Francisco Guerrero ha dado por
escripto, y que los seffores don -Antonio Pimentel chantre y
candnigo Hernando Pirez se lo notifiquen y que qiando excedieren
"el dicho horden el sefior presidente advertido dp^ dicho maestro
o de otro quailquiera los pene a su a rb itrio . El qual horden es
. el que se sigue:
- Primeramente que Rojas y Ldpez tafian siempre los tfples de T&s
chirimfas y que guarden con mucho cuydado horden en el glosar,
, en los lugares y tiemposVde-manera que quando el uno glosare el
otro baya^pon llaneza, aguardindose el uno al otro porque
glosando juntos se hacen disparates para tapar los o^dos.
- Yten que los mismos Rojas y Ldpez quando uviere cosa de
cornetas las tafian ellcs guardando el mesmo horden - cada uno de
moderarse en las glosas esperindose el uno al otro porque .como
ya es dicho glosar juntos es disonancia ynsufrible.
- Que Juan de Medina tana de ordinario el contralto y dd lugar a
10s tiples no turbindolosteon exceder de la glosa que debe a .
contralto y que quando el dicho Juan de Medina tanere solo el
contralto por tip ie con los sacabuche^ se le dexa el campo
*• . . O ' .
'P
7.
abierto para hacer-las galas y glosas que quisiere que en este

ynstrumento las sabe bien hacer." SEVILLE, Archivo de la
Catedral Metropol i tana, Actas Capi till ares vol. 36 (afio 1586)
"Horden que han de tener los m inistriles en el taner" (dated
July 11, 1586), f . 46 v. An English translation, without the
o rig in al, i s given by Robert, Stevenson, Spanish cathedral music
in the Colden Age (Berkele.y and Los Angeles, 1961), .pp. 166-?167.
4. "DIFERENCIAS. En los tanidos de los instrumentos milsicos se

llama assf los diversos modos de tocar un mismotahido: como
tambidn en la danza( de la escuela espanola, la diversidad de ,
movimientos con que varias'veces se llama un mismo tanido...."
Tv Diccionario de la lenqua castellana, . . . por la Real Academia
i j
, Espanola vol. 3 (Madrid, 1732; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1964),
pp. 274-275. The elegant definition of instrumental variations
as different ways of playing the same piece may have been taken
from Brossard:
^"VARIATIO. Terme la tin , ou VARIAZIONE. Terme jtalien,-'
vteulent dire proprement DIFFERENCE, 'changement', 1vari€t^1, &c.
Mais en f a it de musique, on appelle VARIATION. ' Les diffdrentes
mani&res de jouer ou de chanter un a i r 1 [my emphasis), .soit en
1subdivisant les notes en plusieurs de. moindre valeur1, Soit en
y 'ajoutant de's agrdemens1, &c. de mani&re cependant qu'on
puisse toujours reconnoitre le'fond de cet a i r , que Von nomme
le 'simple1, . . . " S^bastien Brossard, Dictionaire de musique
(2nd edition, Paris, 1705; facsimile edition, Hilversum, 19651,
p. 217. In 1736 Torres y Martinez Bravo claimed that he had "
translated Brossard's dictionary into Castilian (see below,
chap. 2, p. 34.
5.. Luis de Narvaez, Los seys libros d&l Delphfn de milsica de. cifras
para tafier v.ihuela (Valladolid, 1538); modern edition by Emilio
Pujol, MME 3 (Barcelona, 1945; reprinted Barcelona, 1971). .In
particular, see D-54 and D-195.
6. Alonso Mudarra, Tres libros de milsica en cifras para vihue!a

(S eville, 1546); modern edition by Emilio Pujol, MME 7
(Barcelona, 1949). In particular, see D-55, D-196, and D-201.
. 7. The term "baylete" occurs in D-155, D-189, D-191, and D-192.

/ The term "buelta" occurs in D-156, D-223, and D-229.
-8 . The "bueltas de pecho", "bueltas de folfas", and "buelta de

descuydo" are‘described by Juan de Esquivel Navarro, Discursos
sobre el arte del dancado (S eville, 1642; facsimile edition,
Madrid, 1947) chap. 2 "De los movimientos del dangado, y
calidades que cada uno ha de tener, y sus nombres", f . 15v-16v.
N See below, p't. IV, pp. 952-953.
9. Choreographic instructions are given in Jehan Tabourot

(pseudonym: Thoinot Arbeau), Orchdsographie. Et traic te en
forme de dialogue, par lequel toutes personnes peuvent
facilement apprendre & practiquer Vhonneste exercise des dances
(Langres, 1589; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1970) "La volte",
f . 63v - 65v; English translation by Wary Stewart Evans, edited by
Julia Sutton (New York, 1967), pp. 119-122.
10. Andres Lorente, El porqud de la milsica (Alcaic de Henares,

1672) Bk. I l l , chap. 54-73, pp. 300-416 and Bk. IV, chap. 68,
pp. 642-649.
11. - Bartolomd Ferriol y Boxeraus, Reqlas Jtiles para los aficionados

a danzar (Capua, 1745); and Pablo Minguet y YrolÂ rte de danzar
a la francesa (Madrid, 1758-1764). See below, chap^ 10, p. 660.
12. "MUDANZA. Se llama tambidn cierto niimero de movimientos, que se

hace en los bailes y danzas, arreglado al tahido de los
i nstrumentos. . . . " - Diccionario de la lenqua caste]1ana, . . . por
la Real Academia Espaflola, vol. 4 (1734), p. 623. —1
♦
13. Reqlas de danzar, E Mrah Biblioteca Valleumbrosiana, Ms
misceltfnea en fo lio tomo 25; as copied by Barbieri in E Mn
Barbieri Mss 14059/2. See the passages on the "alta" and
"pavana italiana" transcribed below, chap. 10, p. 691 note 33
and pt. IV, p. 1121 note 375.
•
14. " . . . una mudanza; es decir* una ligacidn de pasos, que mudando
dp. unos a otros, formen un todo . . . " Antonio Cairdn, Compendio
de las principales reqlas del baile. (Madrid, 1820) "El bolero",
p. 107.
15. Fabritio Caroso, II ballarino (Venice, 1581; facsimile edition,

New York, 1967); Livio Lupi da Carravagio, Mutanze di qaqliarda-
tordiqlione passo e mezzo canari e passeggi (Palermo, 1600);.and
Cesare Negri, Le gratie d^more (Milan, 1602; facsimile edition,
New York, 1969). I have not had the opportunity of examining
the book by Lupi da Carravagio. I t is b rie fly discussed in
Fausto Torrefranca, "Documenti d e fin itiv i sulla p a rtita " ,
BERICHT UBER DEN INTERNATIONALEN MUSIKWISSENSCHAFTLICHEN
K0NGRESS, BAMBERG 1953 (Kassel, 1954), p .-145.
16. Antonio Valente, Intavolatura de cimbalo recercate fantasie et

canzoni francese desminuite con alcuni tenori b a lli et varie
sorte de contraponti. Libro primo (Naples, 1576); modern
edition by Charles Jacobs (Oxford, 1973)..
17. Pietro M illio n !,' Quarta impressione del primo secondo et terzo
1-ibro d'intavolattira . . . di chitarra spaqnola (Rome, 1627); as
described by Richard Hudson, "The development of Ita lia n
keyboard variations on the 'passacaglio' and 'ciaccona' from
guitar music in the seventeenth century" (Ph.D. dissertation,
University of California at Los Angeles, 1967), pp. 71-72 and
78-80.
18. Salvator,e Mazg,e11a (napolitano), Ba1.lt, correnti, gighe, :
sarabande, gavotte, brande, e qaqliarde, con la misura giusta
per ballarb al.-'stile inqlese, con la giunta della fo lia di
Spaqna, passaqaql^fer dui tuoni con molte p a rtite; dui
ciaccone, una spadfrcfla, e 1'altra italian a DI MOLTE MUTANZE [my
emphasis]; aggiuntavi molte partite sopra la tarantella. A
dui violino,Te viola, o cim balo.... Opera prima (Rome, 1689); a-s
listed in Claudio Sartori, Biblioqrafia della musica str’umentale
italian a stampata in Ita lia fino al 1700 vol. 1 (Florence,
1952), pp. 549-550. “ —
> ” a ■ ■ ' : : . ■- ■
s ■ ... ' ■ ■ : '
. :N
: . . ;. 10.
2. SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE

\ ■ ' ' ' ~ ' ■
History and Culture '
V A complex network of p o litical and cultural links characterized
the relationship between the Iberian peninsula and the rest of western
Europe during the 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries. A consideration
of these ties provides the requisite context for evaluating both the
geographical scope of usage and. the nature of foreign influences
associated with the secular dance schemes and variation techniques found
in the. Spanish sources.
At the same time I would emphasize that the po litical and
cultural factors noted in the ensuing synopsis are not sufficient in
themselves to furnish conclusive explanation&ôf/Varijpus aspects of
Spanish music. The.interactions and implications of such factors are
not always self-evident. Furthermore, p o litic al and cultural phenomena -
are rarely related to one.another in a simple one-to-one correspondence.
The precise nature of a particular relationship between or within these
two broad areas is often a complex matter requir+ng a much more detailed
investigation than is feasible here. In addition, the assessment of the
degree and direction of cultural influence does not readily follow from
a mere listing-'df events and a description of works. One must also
contend with the possibility that a s im ila rity of styles is a manifesta
tion of coincident developments which are not directly related.

' ■ 4 , * ■ ,
In general, the different facets of p o litic a l, social-', and
cultural l i f e in a particular region do not necessarily change in a

* \ \
synchronous fashion: ,
■ ^ .. .* ■
%• 1
______________________ A:____
Any periodization of history demands that we select some
aspect of the l i f e of a society, or some aspect of cultural
li f e that we regard as important, as the basis for marking
the beginning, middle,-and end of the period with/which we
are concerned. One cannot assume, however, that what marks
the beginning of a period when seen from a p o litic al point of
view also marks the beginning of a new economic period, nor
that a periodization in terms of some element of cplture,
such as painting or lite ra tu re , w ill be synchronous with a
periodization based on scien tific discoveries or on
\ philosophic innovation.... What is to*be rejected is the al 1-
or-none approach of monistic views of history, in which
periodizations are taken to be equally applicable to a ll
aspects of a society and its culture.
For example, consider the ubiquitous characterization of Spain
being in a "state of decline" during the 17th century. I t is true that

r .
Spain suffered very serious reverses, especially during the f ir s t half
of thecentury. Polltic.al incompetence and corruption were fostered by
the largeadministrative bureaucracy and by the sale of a ll kinds of
public office both at home and a b ro a d . ^ Moreover Felipe I I I began the
practice of entrusting a favourite ("valido") with the responsibility
and power of rule.** Spanish m ilita ry strength deteriorated during the
17th century with respect to the rest of western Europe. The end of
Spanish superiority at sea is associated with the defeat of the Armada
by the English in 1588; the end of her superiority on land is marked by
the defeat of the Spanish army at Rocroi'.by the French in 1643.4 The
Spanish economy was marked by rising in fla tio n , the progressive debase
ment of coinage, and the recurrent fa ilu re of the royal treasury to
jTjiijour its debts.® The population in Spain appears to have dropped from
approXi-mtffely 8-1/2 m illion in 1596 to approximately 7 m illion in 1700.®
Many Spaniards of the period were aware of these problems, and some
writers (known as "arbitristas") proposed a wide variety of. remedies.^

. . *' - J '■
12..
Despite these factors, an unqualified description of Spain as
being in .a j's ta te of decline" can be quite misleading for a number of
reasons.® F irst, there was considerable.political, economic, and
demographic in s ta b ility throughout most of Europe during the 17th
c e n tu r y . ^ Second, the'precise chronology and extent of the problems in

/
Spain are uncertain. I t is d iffic u lt to arrive at accurate
generalizations about. Spain during the 17th century because of the lack
of sufficient analytical and synthetic historical studies, and because
of the bias against the Habsburg monarchs which pervades many historical
works from the 18th century onwards. I t may well be, as Kamen argues,
that economic and demographic recovery in Spain began as early as the
1^60's.l® Third, evdn granting a s.erious decline in certain facets of
Spanish society, i t does not inevitably follow that'Spanish music of the
period was also in a "state of decline". The problem relevant to this
study is not vf, but,rather how the factors discussed above affected
Spanish music. In Western history there are. several outstanding
instances where adverse p o litic al and economic factors coincide with
flourishing cultural ac tiv itie s . Consider, as examples, lite ra tu re and
drama in Spain during the fir s t -h a lf Of the 17th century; painting in
the Spanish Netherlands during the 17th century; and a ll the arts in
Austria during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Therefore the
circumstances outlined above did not necessarily exert an adverse .
influence on the quality of Spanish music or the extent of Spanish
.cultural influence abroad.
The Iberian Peninsula
Throughout the 17th century the unify of the Spanish kingdom on
the Iberian peninsula was undermined by the p o litic al flowers which its
individual regions possessed. Although the p o litic al centre was fixed
in Castile, some of the other provinces retained th eir own constitutions
which guaranteed them certain traditional privileges and rights
regardless of the intended policies of the Spanish'monarchy. The most
vivid illu s tra tio n of the ensuing conflicts between Castile and the
peripheral provinces was the revolt of Catalonia in 1640. During the
second half of the century the autonomy of the provinces, especially
that of Aragon and Catalonia, continued to be an. important feature of
the Spanish p o litic al system, until the early 18th century when the new
Bourbon monarchy confiscated most of the regional powers. Many of the
conflicts between the eastern provinces and the Spanish monarchy have
bben investigated admirably by E llio tt:
The Catalan and Portuguese revolutions [of 1640] flad shown

that Madrid could retain the allegiance of the provinces only
so long as i t le f t th eir governing classes in peaceful
possession, of th eir traditional rights and institutions....
The second half of the seventeenth century was indeed for the
Spanish monarchy the golden age o f' provincial autonomy — an
age of almost superstitious respect for regional rights aod
privileges by a Court too weak and too timid to protest^11
The fragmented political-structure together with the physical
size of.the peninsula combined to accentuate cultural differences
among the various regions. Local variants in popular dance-songswere
presumably as sharply marked in the 17th century as they are today in
the surviving traditional repertory. However, for two principal reasons
i t is not possible to isolate regional variants of the 17th century.
>
F irst, the lite ra te professional musician who notated adaptations of -
popular dance music belonged to a group which could transcend the
lim itations of provincial boundaries. Le'ading musicians often enjoyed
grea^: mobility in th eir capacity as church employees, by holding
successive posts at various "capillas" throughout the peninsula. *

Second, the surviving sources of secular music do not represent the
“ individual Spanish provinces in equal proportion. Most of the extant
sources were compiled in Castile, while a lesser number come from
Catalonia. There are ho known sources from Andalusia in the south or
the provinces in the north which contain settings of dances indigenous
to those regions. Consequently most of the "Spanish" music discussed in
this study actually represents the repertoire used and adapted in
Castile.
*
Throughout its history one can consider the Iberian peninsula to
be quite distinct from the rest of western Europe. The natural
geographical isolation afforded by the Pyrenees, the rich Arabic
tradition absorbed during the Moorish occupation, and the pervasive
- extremist religious attitudes inculcated by its Roman Catholic
ecclesiastics have a ll contributed to d ifferen tiate Spain from its
neighbours. Despite these factors, Spîn enjoyed a high degree of
cultural interaction with the rest of western Europe from the 16th to
the early 18th century. The Flemish and Ita lia n te rrito rie s belonging
to the Spanish Empire, combined with her aggressive foreign policy,
provided numerous channels for cultural exchanges.
The only other country on the Iberian peninsula was Portugal,
which was under direct Spanish rule between 1580 and 1640.^ Even after
v •
— ----------------- :------------ 1 ■ __________ __ ____________■ _____________________________ m ■___________________
the successful Portuguese revolt of 1640 under the leadership of
the Braganzas, the Spanish Habsburgs did not relinquish the hope.of.
reconquest until a series of m ilita ry defeats forced them to formally
recognize Portugal in 1668. From tha.tfiime on, Portugal retained her
p o litic a l independence.13
From the 16th to the 18th century there was a high degree of
cultural homogeneity between Spain and Portugal. The Inquisition, w.hich
was such an in fluential element in Spanish society, was established in

s ' \
Portugal in 1536 under Joao I I I . In lite ra tu re , drama, and philosophy
many Portuguese writers adopted the Castilian language in at least some
of th eir works.1^ In the fie ld of music, the vocal polyphony and
keyboard composition of both countries exhibited many of the same
general tra its . The interaction between Spain and Portugal was not
lim ited to the 60-year period of Spanish sovereignty. Throughout the
16th and 17th centuries many musicians travelled between western Spain
and Portugal. For instance, by examining the extant archival documents

f
at Badajoz Cathedral, Kastner has been able to verify that a large
number of Portuguese musicians worked in the Badajoz "capi11 a", and also
that several musicians from the cathedral visited the Portuguese royal
\
chapel at Vila Vigosa.13 S ty lis tic s im ila ritie s in keyboard music are
demonstrated in the works of Coelho issued in 1620, Which represent the
’ e a rliest Portuguese publication of instrumental music.1® That this
collection was known.and studied by at least some of the leading Spanish
' organists elsewhere in the peninsula is shown by the reference to i t in

* 17
the preface :to Correa de Arauxo's: keyboard publication of 1626.
■ ■ ■■’ ■■■ '< ’ .
.•■V
. - ' . - ■ r. '
:■ ■ . . - • ■
The Spanish Netherlands >*•
The Netherlands became part of the Spanish Empire in 1516 on the
accession of Carlos I , who in the previous year had inherited the
te rrito ry from his father, Philippe of Burgundy. Throughout the 16th
and 17th centuries Spain was embroiled in almost constant war in an
e ffo rt to maintain her sovereignty over the L o w l a n d s . I n 1581 the
Northern provinces declared th eir independence under William of Orange.
Reluctantly Spain recognized the autonomy of the United Provinces of
Holland in the Twelve Years' Truce of 1609. During the remainder of the
century Spain retained control over the southern provinces with great
d iffic u lty . Finally in 1713, by the Treaty of Utrecht, Spain
surrendered the remnants of her possessions in the Netherlands to the
Roman Emperor.
The Flemish style of sacred vocal polyphony of the 16th century
Nhad a profound influence on Spanish music, both vocal as well as
instrumental. The primary vehicle for this foreign influence was the
establishment by Carlos I , on his accession to the Spanish throne, of a
Flemish Royal Chapel in Spain ("Capilla flamenca" or "Capilla de
Borgona"), which orig inally consisted of most of the members of his
chapel in Brussels.^ Throughout the 16th century in Spain the Flemish
chapel co-existed with the native Spanish one ("Capilla espaftola"). The
former, however, was by fa r the more prominent one and attained a

V, i
prestigious reputation throughout western Europe for its performance of
polyphony, Most of its singers were Flemish, and both Carlos I and
Felipe I I regularly recruited new members from the Lowlands.^ In
_ ■ . i7 .
contrast to its Flemish counterpart, in the 16th century, the Spanish
chapel consisted of Spanish singers. Apparently i t normally confined
it s e lf to the performance of plainsongj and did not accompany the king
on his tra v e ls .21
In the early 17th century these distinctions, began to disappear,
and the two chapels gradually merged into one. The hispanization of the
Flemish chapel has generally been associated with the appointment in
1598 of Mateo Romero as its "maestro". ,This observation is valid, but
not because of Romero's place of birth. Becquart has established that

V
Romero was Flemish (Matthieu Rosmarin), not Spanish. In 1586, at the
age of 11 or 12, Romero was recruited and brought to Spain to join the
Flemish chapel as a "cantorcillo".22 During his tenure as "maestro"
from 1598 to 1633, Spanish singers began to be selected as members of
the Flemish chapel with increasing frequency.22 The f ir s t Spanish
"maestro" of the Flemish chapel was Carlos Patino who in 1634 was
appointed as Romero's successor. In 1637 the merger of the two chapels
was complete. From th is ’point on there are no administrative
distinctions in the extant documents.2^ • ’
In turn the Netherlands provided an important outlet for the
diffusion of Spanish music in the f ir s t half of the 17th century.
During that time Spanish musicians gccupied most of the leading posts at
the ducal Chapel in Brussels, in contrast to the apparent e a rlie r
predominance of Flemish musicians there.22 In 1611 at the court of the
Archduke Albert and Isabel, the "maestro de capilla" was G€ry de Ghersem
nc * ■ - /
and the "maestro de milsica de ctfmara" was Pedro Ri monte. • Although of
*
Flemish birth , Ghersem had been recruited at a young age from Tournai in
1586, for training in the Madrid chapel. From 1598 to 1604 he served there
as an assistant chapel-master ("teniente de capilla") under Mateo Romero,
before returning to Flanders where he worked until his death in 1630.
Pedro Rimonte was Spanish by birth and served in Brussels under the
Archduke Albert as "maestro de capilla" in 1603, and "maestro de milsica
- de cSmara" from 1605 to 1614.^®
In addition to the ducal court at Brussels, the religious
festive processions known as "Ommegang" may also have incorporated
Spanish music. ~Tn various Flemish towns the "Ommegang" were held
regularly, and included giant figures, parade wagons, and town bands'.^
C •
The inclusion of Spanish music here is a possibility because of the
striking sim ila rities between the "Qinmegang" and the Spanish "Corpus
' Christi" processions, and also because such fe s tiv itie s were used on
occasion to honour the p ffic ia l representatives of the Spanish king.
The most consequential aspect of Spanish musical a c tiv ity in the
Netherlands was the impact i t had on Catholic composers from England,
Ita ly , and Austria who visited or worked in the region during the f ir s t
half of the 17th century. The Netherlands appears to have been the main
channel by which Spanish dance schemes and keyboard techniques were
transmitted to England, its p o litic al enemy. Two of the leading English
virginalists represented in Tregian's "Fitzwilliam Virginal Book" worked
for a considerable time in the Lowlands.' Peter Philips, afte r leaving
England in 1582 and travelling throughout western Europe, entered the
household uf Archduke Albert in Brussels in 1597, and la te r servecPin
the.ducal cfapel until his death in 1628.^® John Bull also worked for
Archduke Albert in Brussels in 1613-1614, and was the organist at

i
■’ : : ■: I. • ’ ' : .
, Antwerp Cathedral from 1617 until his death in 1628.3* Several
*» *. t
outstanding Ita lia n instrumental composers may have become fa m ilia r with
Spanish secular music during th eir sojourn in the Netherlands.

r
Frescobaldi worked in the region, in the service'of the papal nuncio
0 •
Guido Bentivoglio, from 1607 to 1608.32 Foscarini, according to his own
remarks in the preface to one of his guitar publications, spent some
$ time at the court in Brussels where he became personally acquainted with
Archduke Albert.33 Corbetta also worked fo r a short period in Brussels.
The dedication of his fourth guitar book to Archduke Leopold William,
governor of the Spanish Netherlands.from 1647 to 1656, is dated
Brussels, 1648.34 Finally, in the middle of the century, some Austrian
musicians .served in Brussels at the court of Archduke Leopold William.
For example, Johann Kaspar Kerll belonged to the Archduke's chamber in
Brussels at least during the years 1647-1652 and 1655.35
Ita ly
For direct cultural interaction, the most important te rrito rie s
belonging to the Spanish Empire were located in Ita ly . Throughout the
16th and 17th centuries Spain controlled the Duchy of Milan, the Kingdom
of Naples and S icily , and Sardinia. From the Peace of Cateau-Cambr^sis
in 1559 until the end of the 16th century Spain maintained these
te rrito rie s with relative ease, partly because her domination in the
Ita lia n arena was not challenge^ by the French. However, in the 17th
century Spajn was faced with increasing opposition. France constantly
. intruded in northern Ita ly in order to block Spain's attempt to '
establish a strong unbroken chain of te rrito rie s linking Milan with the
• Lowlands. Furthermore, Ita lia n unrest manifested its e lf by the
recurrent rebellions against the Spanish authorities — notably in
Milan, 1646; in S icily , 1647-1648 and 1675; and in Naples, 1647-1648 and
S 1701. Finally, by the Treaty of Utrecht.in 1713 and the Treaty of
_ Rastadt in 1714, Spain was forced to cede a ll of her possessions in
Ita ly , most of them to the Emperor.36
One of the most important features of the cultural lif e in Spain
and Ita ly was the great amount of influence which each exerted on the
other. In the 18th century this cultural interaction was completely
dominated by Ita ly . However, in the 16th and 17th centuries neither
region was supreme. Moreover during this period i t is often d iffic u lt
to assess the extent and even the direction of influence in particular
fields. Nevertheless one can distinguish two simultaneous trends. On
the one hand, many activities*associated with the Ita lia n aristocracy
were cultivated at the Spanish royal court. On the other hand, many
Spanish a c tivities originating in the popular sphere were adopted
throughout Ita ly .
One of the earliest examples of a Spanish court embracing
Ita lia n principles of "courtly" behaviour occurred at Valencia during
the second quarter of the 16th century. There the vihuelist Luis Mil£n
3
wrote a book describing the appropriate use of conversation and music,
which he modelled on the code Of etfquette of the Gonzaga court at
UrbinOj as compiled by Castiglione.37 MilSn's book was a Spanish
adaptation rather than a simple translation of Castigl.iorie's treatise,
which had\ already been undertaken by BoscSn and published in 1534.36
■** In the fie ld of poetry during the 16th century Ita lia n
techniques were imitated by several. Spanish poets. It a lia n meters,
verse forms, and imagery were f ir s t adapted to the Castilian language by
Juan Boscdn (1493-1543) and Garcilaso de la Vega (1503-1536). However,
Spanish musical settings of such poetry did not resemble the Ita lia n
madrigal repertory, because Spanish composers generally refrained from
using "expressive" dissonance to re fle c t the meaning of the text.
In the 16th century many prominent Spanish musicians spent part -
of th e ir careers in Ita ly . Two of the foremost composers of sacred
polyphony studied and worked in Rome. Cristdbal de Morales was a member ’
of the papal choir in Rome from 1535 to 1545. He subsequently returned to
Spain where he was chapel-master f ir s t at Toledo Cathedral (1545-1547),
then in Marchena for the Duque de Arcos, Luis Cristdbal Ponce de Ledn
(1548-1551), and fin a lly at MS]aga Cathedral (1551-1553).40 Tomds Luis
de Victoria studied at the Jesuit Collegium Germanicum in Rome,
enrolling in 1565. He returned to Spain in approximately 1587, and from
then until his death in 1611 he served as chapel-master of the
Monasterio de las“Descalzas in Madrid.41
During the second half of the 16th century Spaniards pccupied
the leading musical posts at the Spanish court in Naples. For example,
in 1558 in the chapel of the Duke of Alba, Fernando .Alvarez de Toledo,
Viceroy of Naples, the "maestro de capilla" was Diego Ortiz and the
"horganista" was Francisco Salinas.42 Ortiz was in Naples as early as
1553 and was s t i l l chapel-master there in 1565.4^ Salinas travelled to
Rome in 1538 and-worked in the Neopolitan chapel at least from 1553.to
1558. He then returned to Spain where he was appointed organist f ir s t .a t
Siguenza.Cathedral (1559) and la te r at Ledn Cathedral (ca. 1563). He
• (T or
became professor of music at Salamanca University in 1567 and ten years
later published his music tre a tis e .^ In the fie ld of instrumental
music Naples was extremely important in providing a channel for the
transmission of Spanish keyboard style to the rest of Ita ly in the early
17th century. Ape! was one of the f ir s t to emphasize the s im ila ritie s
of s ty lis tic features found in Spanish keyboard music of the 16th
century, Neapolitan keyboard works of the early 17th century, and
Frescobaldi's music.^
In the late 16th century Spaniards also held the highest musical
posts at the royal chapel in Palermo, Sicily. For example, Sebastian
Rav%l succeeded Luis Ruiz as "maestro" of the royal chapel in 1595 and
worked there Until his death in 1604.^ Thereafter, however, Italians

■s.
held the position Of chapel-master at Palermo.^
Finally, because of theirîmportance as instrumentalists, two
other Spanish composers merit attention here. Bernardo Clavijo served
as organist at the royal chapel in Palermo during the 1580's arid may
have worked in Naples from 1587 to 1588. He subsequently returned to
Spain where he became organist at Palencia Cathedral (1589] and then at
Salamanca Cathedral (1591). In 1593 he was appointed professbr of music
at Salamanca University. He ended his career by working as organist in
the "real capilla" from 1602 to 1626.4® Vicente Espinel travelled to
Milan in 1581 and remained in Ita ly until approximately 1584 before
returning to Spain. Espinel was important not only as a novelist and .
censor, but also as a musician. From 1599 until his death on February 4,
1624, he worked as chaplain and "maestro de mtfsica" in the chapel of
the Bishop of Plasencia at the church of San Andres in Madrid.^

•" V - ■ ; '
In contrast to-the presence of many Spanish musicians in Ita ly ,
re la tiv e ly few Italian s worked in Spain during the 16th and f ir s t half
of the 17th centuries. Of particular-significance is the career of
Pietro Cerone. After, working as a singer at Oristano Cathedral in
Sardinia, he travelled to Spain ^âpproximately 1592 and resided there
for more than 10 years. In approximately 1604 he moved ,to Naples where
he remained until his death in 1625. His appointments, there included
the post of a singer in the royal chapel in 1610.^9 Although of Ita lian
birth, Cerone wrote his encyclopedic music treatise in Castilian and
dedicated i t to Felipe I I I . ^ 1 Several other^prominent Ita lia n musicians

j ••
travelled to Spairf,during the f ir s t half of the 17tX century, but rarely

.V J
have th eir activrfc+e's been documented.
1A '
For example/ the lutenist and
'
composer Andrea Falconieri (1586-1656) set o ff for Spain in 1621.
However, nothing has-been discovered about his career^from that year
until his reappearance in Parma in 1 6 2 9 . /

•V V *
In.the 17th century Ita lia n attitudes towards Spain,ranged from
admiration to ho stility. On the one hand, Giustiniani could emphasize

'— . i
the widespread use of th e ’Spanish guitar by equating i t with the great
\ - popularity of Spanish dress among the Ita lia n aristocracy:
At the same time the Spanish guitar was introduced through

out 'Ita ly , especially in Naples. I t , together with the
theorbo, appears to have gonspired to banish the**iute
altogether, and i t has almost succeeded; just.as the mode of
dressing "alia spagnola" in Ita ly prevails over a ll other
fashions. ,
On the other hand Espinel could add to the realism of h.is novel by
including the following description:

t.
..., he l e f t me in the lurch, at the f i r s t iijn we came to,

.which was in a small town [in northern Ita ly ], where I could
not provide myself with any beast whatever; nor could I get a
decent answer from any of the people because I was a
Spaniard, and in the dress of a soldier; so that neither my
‘humility, my modest demeanour, nor my patience, availed to
prevent my journeying on foot, without a companion, through''
, an unknown country, i l l disposed towards my countrymen. I
. went trudging over a plain country, and i t was with a bad
grace I could get the people as I went along even to te ll me
whether I was following the right roadV54 *
One outlet for the resentment f e l t by many Italians towards the
Spaniards was found in the "commedia del l ’arte". The stock character or
mask known as "il Capitan" was often portrayed as a swaggering Spaniard
who, despite incessant boasting about hfs innumerable conquests in w

'0
and love, was invariably revealed as a ridiculous coward. This
burlesque figure was frequently used, but the actors had to be careful
not to offend any Spaniards who might be in the audience. That violence
could erupt on such occasions is suggested by the remarks of A. Perrucci:
When they make th eir braggadocio in Spanish they must do i t

with dignity and propriety, since this people [i.e.,'
Spaniards], glorious in every .emprise [i.e ., enterprise],
w ill not allow it s e lf to be derided as others are derided,
jo r example the Neapolitans for being foolish and foul-
mouthed, the Bolognese as gossips, the Venetians as
ridiculous, the French as drunkards, the Sicilians as
squabblers and babblers. These do not show anger even i f
they do.not enjoy i t . The Spaniard, on the- other hand,
laughs when he listens to this braggadocio but he cannot bear
to see cowardice represented in the role of a soldier, even
i f i t be merely simulated. 5 ” A
The-characters and improvisatory techniques of the "commedia
dell'arte" were also known in Spain, partly as a result of performances
there by Ita lia n companies in the late 16th century. For example, the
4troupe directed by Alberto Ganas rto Naseli) performed at public
"corrales" in \jjfrrfpqs Spanish towns at leas? between; 1574 and 1584, and
again in 1603. For the remainder of the 17th century, however, there
are iio known records of professional Ita lia n troupes working in Spain.
During the second half of the century'the influence of the "commedia
d e ll’arte" in Spain may have been reinforced indirectly through France.
Spain was beginning to jm ita te France in/many fields; and the "commedia
d e ll’arte" was extremely popular at the French court, where a resident
Ita lia n company enjoyed royal patronage between 1661 and 1697. The -
company included one of the most famous Ita lia n actors of the century,
Tiberio F io r illi (1602-1694), who was widely known as "Scaramouche".'^
In the fie ld of poetry during the 17th century, works in. Spain
and Ita ly exhibited many sim ila ritie s . Iry Spain' the two main styles
were represented by the "cu]teranismo" of Luis Gdngora y Argot? (1561-
1627) and the "conceptismo" of Francesco Quevedo-y Villegas (1580-
1645).^® In Ita ly tlê principal style, known as "marinismo", was
'associated with the poetry of Giambattista Marino (1569-1625)^ A
consideration of the possible interaction here between Spain and Ita ly
strikirrgly reveals the d iffic u lty of clearly distinguishing'between
direct influence on the one hand, and'coincidental but not directly
related developments on the other handed For example, in his analysis
of Marino's style, Mirollo concludes that Marino imitated some of the
sonnets of Lope de Vega, that Marino and Gdngora wrote independently of
one another, and that Quevedo consciously imitated Marino.^V 1 r.
Dramatic writing in Spain during the early 17th century was.
exemplified, by the "anticlassical" nature of the works of Lope de Vega
(1562-1635).®^ Again i t is not clear to what extent the Spanish style
directly influenced Ita lia n drama of the period.Of particular •

*
importance is the degree of influence which Spanish plays exerted on
Ita lia n operatic lib r e tti of the 17th century. Considering the
relationship in the other direction, i t has been documented that staging
procedures at the Spanish court did incorporate Ita lia n techniques in
the use of perspective, scene transformation, elaborate spectacle, and
in tricate machinery. The adoption of such Ita lia n devices in Spain ts'
associated with the arrival in Madrid, in 1626, of the Florentine
— engineer and designer Cosme Lotti. Until his death in 1643 he worked in
the service of Felipe IV, and lavishly designed many court plays,
including some by Lope de Vega and Calderdn.6^

4 * . 1
In both poetry and drama the problem of assessing the
interactions between Spain and Ita ly has been complicated by the
reaction of la te r-Ita lia n writers and lite ra ry historians. Beginning

(
with the Arcadian Academy (founded in Rome in 1690) and continuing
through to the late 19th century, many Ita lia n c ritic s denounced their
lite ra ry heritage of the 17th century and viewed i t as4a period of
s ty lis tic decadence. Moreover they often attempted to account for this
"decline" by pointing to the adverse effect of Spanish influences in
Ita ly . One of the f ir s t to present this argument, which was
. subsequently repeated by many others, was Tiraboschi in his encyclopedic
"history of Ita lia n lite ra tu re , which was f i f s t published in the late

’ )
18th century:
Marino, one of the f ir s t to write in the decadent style, was

a man of enormous talent. As a result he was held in great
esteem, and. his writings corrupted others.... The power which
the Spaniards had at that time in Ita ly ... also contributed
to the deterioration of good taste. This resourceful nation
... then governed a large part of Ita ly . Their books were
readily'available, and th eir tastes were widely adopted.
Just as i t appears that subjects readily,dress according to
the.fashion and practice of th e ir'fu le rs , so the Italians in
a manger of speaking became Spanish.64 *
<
27.
* During the 17th century the relative ly few Spanish operatic
works were influenced by Ita lia n practice. Although music and dancing
were integral parts of the Spanish theatre, long dramas which were
en tirely set to music were quite rare. Apparently the earliest such
work was La selva sin amor, f ir s t performed before the royal family in
Madrid in 1629. The one-act lib re tto was written by Lope de Vega Carpio
and the lavish sets were designed by the Ita lia n Cosme Lotti.
Unfortunately the’ composer of the music is not known, and no copy of the
score has survived-.®® r

— - .. . . •
In the middle of the century the most important Spanish
lib r e ttis t of musical dramas was the playwright Pedro Calderdn de la
Barca (1600-1681). His works in this fie ld may be divided into two main
types. To the f ir s t category belong those dramas which were sung
throughout. One of his e a rliest works here was his one-act "fiesta"
entitled La ptlrpura de la rosa, which was f ir s t performed at court in
1660.®® The music, however, is not extant. The composer was probably-
Juan Hidalgo, although this is not certain. I t is known that for the
prodjjction in 1680, Hidalgo was paid for composing the music for the new
prologue ("loa").®?’ : ■
The earliest Spanish musical drama whose music as well as text
have survived is Calderdn’s three-act "fiesta" entitled Zelos aun del -
ayre matan with music by Juan Hidalgo, f ir s t performed at Buen Retiro
in 1660.®® There are two extant manuscript-sources of the music, both
consisting, of the vocal lines together with an unfigured bass in score
format. ®^ One source contains the music for the f ir s t act only, and has
been issued in modern edition.^® The other source contains the music
28.
for a ll1three acts, but i t remains to be published.^*, The Ita lia n
influence on this work is revealed by the monodic nature of the music.
SubirS has suggested that a direct, lin k between the efforts of Calderdn
and Hidalgo, and Ita lia n operatic practice may have been provided by
Giulio Rosjjigliosi (la te r Pope Clement IX from 1667 to 1669) who served
as the papal nuncio in Madrid between 1644 and 1653. Both before and
after his sojourn in Madrid, Rospigliosi'wrote lib r e tti for operas which
were performed at the Barberini palace in Rome. Furthermore, in his
later works Rospigliosi transmitted characteristics of the Spanish

.*»■ 4
"comedia" directly to Ita ly . At-least three of his lib r e tti are
adaptations of Spanish p lays:^
(a) Dal male i l bene (music by Antonio .Maria Abbatini and Marco
Marazzoli; f ir s t performed in Rome, 1654). The lib re tto 'is

t
based on Antonio Sigler de Huerta, No hay bien sin ageno dafio
(comedia); published in Flora de las mejores doze comedias de
los mayores inqenios de Espana, sacadas de sus'verdaderos
originales (Madrid, 1652).
(b) Le armi e g li amori (music by Marco Marazzoli; f ir s t performed
in Rome, 1656). The lib re tto is based on Pedro Calderdn de la
Barca, Los empenos de un acaso (comedia); published in El mejor
de los mejores libros que han saildo de comedias nuevas (Alcald,
1651), and also published posthumously in his Sexta parte de
comedias (Madrid, 1683; facsimile edition, Westmead and London,;
1973, vol. 15), pp. 91-136.
(c) La comica del cielo (music by Antonio Maria Abbatini; f ir s t
performed in Rome, 1668). The lib re tto is based on Luis Vdlez
de Guevara, AntonioiCoello, and Francisco de Rojas y Z o rrilla ,
La Baltasara (comedia); published in Primera parte de comedias
*> * escoqfdas de los meiores de Espana (Madrid, 1652).
The second category of Calderdn's musical dramas consists of his
"zarzuelas". Originally the term "zarzuela" was simply the name of the
royal palace near the Pardo where many theatrical works were performed.
Beginning with the efforts of Calderdn, the term gradually became a
designation for a type of sung drama written in two acts which
incorporated spoken dialogue. In the late 17th and 18th centuries the
"zarzuela" was the most important”form of Spanish musical dramaJ3 One
of the earliest works written in two acts which Calderdn called a
"zarzuela" was his El laurel de Apolo, which was f ir s t performed in 1658
as part of the courtly fe s tiv itie s celebrating the birth of Felipe
Prospero.^ Unfortunately the music is not extant, nor is the composer
known75 Although the "zarzuela’1 became a uniquely Spanish genre,
Calderdn orig inally modelled his works on Ita lia n opera, as he himself
* •
states in the "loa" of El laurel de Apolo. ^
In the 18th century Ita lia n influences on Spanish music
increased greatly, especially in the fie ld of opera and to a lesser
extent in instrumental music. The predilection for Ita lia n ac tiv itie s
and ideas at the Spanish court was reinforced by the arrival in 1714 o f
the second wife of Felipe V, the Ita lia n Elisabeth Farnese of Parma.
The Ita lia n faction became so powerful that in 1715 Italians replaced
Frenchmen in most of the chief ministerial posts of the Spanish

government.^
The beginning of the production of Ita lia n opera in Spain is
associated with the arrival in Madrid in 1703, ait the invitation of
Felipe V, of the Ita lia n troupe ("la companfa de farsa italiana")
commonly referred t o a t the time as "los. Trufaldines". From 1703 to
1714 they performed Ita lia n plays, "commedia dell'arte" skits, and
possibly some operas in Madrid, where they even erected th eir own
' *
theatre in 1708 called the Canos del Peral 7® In 1716 another Ita lia n
- troupe was organized in Madrid, and with royal approval resumed the
performances of Ita lia n works at the Canos del Peral theatre.^® One of
the most important promoters of Ita lia n opera in Madrid was the marques
*
Anibal Scotti. He came to the royal court in 1719 as the o ffic ia l
'representative of the Duke of Parma. In that year Felipe V appointed
him director of a ll stage productions by Italians in Madrid. Scotti
energetically discharged his responsibilities by inviting various
Ita lia n operatic companies to Madrid, increasing the spectacular nature
of the performances, and supervising the renovation of the Canos del '
Peral theatre, which reopened in .1738 with a performance of Demetrio
(lib re tto by P. Metastasio and music by J.A. Hasse).®® Between 1747 and
1758 even more lavish Ita lia n productions were staged at the Real Teatro
, del Buen Retiro under the direction of the famous castrato Carlo
. Broschi, who was known throughout Europe by the name F a rin elli. He
worked at the Spanish court from 1737 to 1760 where he received>an
extravagant salary and was treated almost as i f he were royalty.®*
Farin elli was not the f ir s t castrato to work in Spain. For example, in
1698 Mateo,Sassano, known as "el Mateucci", came to the royal court in
Madrid where he became involved in the prevailing court intrigues
through his close association with Queen Mariana of Neiiburg.®^
.The use of castrati during the 17th century in Spanish sacred
choirs has not been carefully investigated. Although castrati are not
mentioned regularly in the extant documents, i t would seem th a t'in the
early part o f the century they were used more frequently than has been
generally acknowledged to date. For instance, between 1620 and 1634
there were 11 castrati — a ll native Spaniards — among the chofrboys
("los seises") of Seville Cathedral.®® Even more revealing is a
recommendation, dated Valladolid, June 9, 1601, that not a ll choirboys
to be accepted in the royal chapel be castrati.® 4
During the 18th century the importance of Ita lia n music in Spain
is further demonstrated by the number of Ita lia n musicians who occupied
important posts at the royal court in Madrid. The Neapolitan v io lin is t
Jacome Guisi to r Chi s i) entered the "capilla real" in 1693 anS worked
there until his death in 1720.®® One of his successors was the Venetian
V io lin is t Jaime Facco whose a c tiv itie s included the composition of the
musical drama Amor es todo ymbenzidn. Jupiter y Amphitrion (melodrama
al es tilo ytalianoj i n ’collaboration with the lib r e ttis t Josd de
Canizarês, which was performed at the Buen Retiro in 1721.®® One of the
most prominent Ita lia n instrumentalists to work in Spain was Domenico
S carlatti. In the service of Marfa Barbara de Braganzar; he resided
f ir s t in Lisbon for at least some of the years between 1719 and 1728,
„ and la te r in Madrid from 1729 up til his death in 1757.®^ Another
important Ita lia n musician at the royal court was Francisco Courcelle
(or C orselli). He came to Madrid in approximately 1734 from Parma,
where he had worked as "maestro" of the royal chapel. In 1735 he was
named music teacher to the royal children. Shortly th ereafter the king
32.
promised to appoint him as the next "maestro" of^the royal chapel.
Courcelle did in fact succeed to this post in 1738 on the deatji of

t
Joseph de Torres. He continued in this capacity at the royal court,
where he also composed several operas, until his death in 1778.®® One
of the most successful Ita lia n composers of musical dramas in Spain was
Francesco Coradini (or Corradini). Sometime between 1726 and 1728 he
came to Valencia from Naples, and in approximately 1730 he moved to
Madrid where many of his stage works were performed.®® A leading
position at the Spanish court was also occupied by the Ita lia n musician
Felipe Falconi. His prestigious status there is revealed by the fact
that in 1737 as "maestro de capilla de la Colegiata de San Ildefonso"
■ Falconi received a higher salary than the "maestra de la real capilla"
Joseph de Torres.®® He died in Madrid on April 9, 1738.®* Finally i t

\. 1, . __
should be noted that distinguished Italian'musicians, especially
, ' ' composers of string music, continued to play an in fluential role in
Spanish musical lif e until the end of the 18th century. Brunetti was
active at the Spanish royal court from 1767 to 1798.®® Boccherini also
worked in Madrid from approximately 1768 u n til’ 1805.®®
In the fie ld of vocal music many Spanish composers began to
adopt Ita lia n forms and styles during the early 18th century. In their
: "cantadas" and musical dramas they incorporated "recitado" sections and
"da capo arias".®^ One of the f ir s t prominent Spanish composers to
integrate I ta li an. features in his music was Sebastian Dur<5n. After
entering the royal chapel as an organist in 1691, he la te r occupied the
post of "maestro" from 1701 until 1706. However, as a result of the
p o litical turmoil in Spain during the War of Succession, Durdn was
imprisoned and exiled to Bayonne, France, in 1706. He worked there in
• '1 " '
the service of Mariana of Neuburg, the widow of Carlos I I , until his
death in 1716.9® *
During the 18th century many Spanish writers objected to the use
of Ita lia n theatrical styles and instrumentation in Spanish religious
music. The philosopher Feijdo was one of the earliest critics who in an
oversimplified manner pointed to Durdn as the Spanish composer
responsible for the introduction of Ita lia n secular techniques into
Spanish music:
4
This is the music of our time that the Italians have given
us as a present throughth eir devotee, Master Sebastian Durdn
who was the f ir s t to introduce the foreign style into the
music of Spain. True enough, i t has degenerated so much .
since that i f Durdn were to come back to l if e , he would not.
recognize i t , but one can always cast the blame on him for
[introducing] a ll of these novelties, since he was the f ir s t
to open the door . ...
Some Spanish stage performers realized that with the popularity
and royal support of Ita lia n musical drama in Madrid, a profitable
course of action would be to attempt to present such works themselves.
Consequently in the f ir s t half of the 18th century several Spanish.
operatic companies were organized to compete with visiting Ita lia n

*
troupes in^the performance of Italian ate works by either Ita lia n or
Spanish composers.9^
Lastly, the prominence of Ita lia n musical styles and ideas in
Spain during the f ir s t part of the 18th-century is reflected in the
treatise on instrumental accompaniment by Joseph de Torres. For the
f ir s t edition, issued in 1702, the most important theoretical source
which Torres uses is the Ita lia n treatise by Lorenzo Penna, f ir s t
published in 1672.®® In several sections Torres merely presents a
simple modification of the discussion and musical examples provided by
Penna.®® In some other sections Torres uses only the format, but not the
content, of Penna's treatise.1®® For the second edition, issued in 1736,
Torres adds a new fin al section,, consisting of 7 chapters,?in which he
presents more detailed and recent information concerning Ita lia n
techniques of accompaniment.1®1 Torres explains that the added
information is.necessary for Spanish performers because of the extensive
use of Ita lia n music in Spain at that time.1®® In the opening part of
this new section Torres provides definitions'for 7 Ita lia n musical terms
("arlea'l "alegre", "andante", "vivo", "grave o despacio", "largo", and

\ i
"recitado").1®® He further emphasizes the need for understanding
foreign musical terminology by referring the reader to his Spanish
translation of Brossard's music dictionary. At that time Torres's
translation was s t i l l in manuscript, and apparently i t was never
published despite his announced intentions.1®— For the new section of
the second edition the most important theoretical source used by Torres
is the treatise by Gasparini, published in 1708.1®5 In fact Torres's
discussion of "acciaccaturas" in the accompaniment of recitative is
closely based on the explanations given by Gasparini.1®®
Austria -
During the 16th and 17th centuries powerful links existed
between Spain and Austria (whose king was also the Holy Roman Emperor),
• , ' ' because o? the fam ilial relationship between the ruling houses of each
empire. In fact, when Carlos I of Spain (the grandson of Maximilian I)
' ■
was elected Roman Emperor as Charles V in 1519, both empires were
temporarily united under ?the same ruler. When Carlos abdicated in 1556
the Habsburg fam ily s p lit into two dynastic branches, with Felipe I I
(son of Carlos I) succeeding as the Spanish monarch, and Ferdinand I
(brother of Carlos I) succeeding as the Roman Emperor. Habsburgs ,
continued to rule both kingdoms until the Bourbon succession in Spain at
the beginning of the 18th century. '
The strongest ties between Madrid and Vienna were p o litical
rather than cultural in nature. At the same time Some cultural ideas
r and a c tiv itie s were exchanged between the royal courts, prim arily as a
result of the 8 intermarriages between the Spanish and Austrian Habsburgs
during the 16th and. 17th centuries. In a ll cases the women moved to the
court of th e ir royal spouses, except for Isabel (step-sister of Felipe, I I I )
who resided with Archduke Albert at the Spanish court in 'Brussels.
That such marriages could provide the opportunity for the
movement .of at least some musicians to the new royal court is
demonstrated by the career of Mateo Flecha, the younger (1530-1604). In
approximately 1564, afte r working in his native Spain, he moved to
Vienna where he was appointed chaplain and singer in the imperial chapel
of Empress Marfa, the wife of Maximilian I I . He worked in eastern
Europe until approximately 1599 when he returned to Spain. While
residing in the East, Flecha succeeded in having two publications of
music issued in Prague in 1581: one was a collection of his sacred
vocal musicj and the other was an anthology of Spanish "ensaladas", most
of them by his uncle Mateo Flecha, the/elder, and some of them by
himself and other composers.*®® V,
\ . ■
; 36.
France
During the 17th century Spain's chief rival in the struggle for
power in western Europe was France. The f ir s t treaty of the century in
which Spain was forced to make major te r r ito r ia l, economic, and dynastic
concessions to France was the Peace of the Pyrenees, signed in 1 6 5 9 .^

^ ‘ '
Thereafter France continued to accumulate m ilita ry and diplomatic
advantages over Spain.
Despite the intense p o litic al antagonism which existed between
the two countries, important cultural exchanges took place throughout
the period under consideration. Geographical proximity was animportant
factor which enabled the French to exert strong p o litic a l, economic, and
cultural influences .on Catalonia. In turn the Catalans were not averse
to seeking French support in th eir struggles against Castile. In fact
between January, 1641, and October, 1652, during her revolt against the
Spanish monarchy, Barcelona accepted French suzerainty.^® Moreover by
the Peace of the Pyrenees, France gained permanent control of the
counties of Rosselld, Conflent, and part of Cerdanya.*^
The exchange of ideas and fashions between Spain and France was
alsp promoted by the five marriages which were arranged between the two
ruling houses to mark particular peace treaties during the l6th and 17th
~ centuries. In each case the women moved to the court of th e ir royal
spouses and introduced some foreign elements there, partly through the
personneV'Df th e ir entourages.^
' In broad terms one can distinguish three periods with respect to
the cultural relationships between Spain and France. F irst, during the
late 16th and f ir s t half of the 17th centuries Spain completely
37.
dominated the cultural exchanges between the two countries:
In the time of Cervantes [1547-1616], France hankered after

the fashions and ideas of her neighbour beyond the Pyrenees,
a country at once mocked, reviled, feared and admired. '
Spain on the contrary broke o ff a ll contact, kept a watcfi
. • over her frontiers, forbade her subjects in the Netherlands
to study in France and recalled hejr medical students from
Montpellier . . . .
... Any man of culture in France was obliged to•Icnow <.
Spanish and did; . . . .* .i
.Alongside such lite ra ry influences came a host of minor
cultural borrowings. The court of Louis X I I I s [1610-1643],
said to be as Spanish as i t was french, set the tone.
Anything Spanish was in fashion.113
.
Spanish influence even extended to French ballet works. For instance on
February 3, 1614, there was a performance at the French court of the
"Ballet;de Don Qufchotte, dans£ par Mrs. Santenir [ s ic ]", which was
1
presumably based on the f ir s t payt of Cervantes's novel.114 Sim ilarly, a
few years la te r a "ihascarade" was published which featured characters
from Don Quixote as well as other knights of fic tio n .11®
Although Spanish musicians did not overwhelm the French court,t
during the f ir s t half of the 17th century, the marriage of Ana Mau-ricia
(Anne d'Austriche) with Louis X III did attract several Spanish musicians
to. Paris. Among those known to have served the new queen was the
Spaniard "Jean" L<5pez de Gargas. French documentation indicates his
presence at the French court as a "musicien de la reine" at least
between the years 1634 and i e ^ 11®
The second broad period of cultural exchange between Spain and
France is the second half of the 17th century. During this tim e'neither
country appears to have exerted.a markedly stronger influence than the V
other. ^ ' *
Some dramatic styles and techniques were exchanged soon after
the marriage of Marfa Teresa, <as a result of the ac tiv itie s in Paris of
two Jpanish theatrical companies. The troupe led by Sebastian Garcfa de
Prado accompanied4 Marfa Teresa to Paris, and performed there from 1660
>
r to 1661, The company headed by Pedro de -la Rosa followed in 1661, and
worked in Paris until 1673.**® I t is possible to assess the consequences
^ - o f such a c tiv itie s from two opposite points of view. One the one hand,
Fournier focuses on the importance of these performances for the
transmission of Spanish influences on drama at the French .court-.**® Qn
. the other hand, Cotarelo argues that, on th eir return to Madrid, the two
-A . . . Spanish companies^lere instrumental in transmitting French influences to
Spain, where they subsequently became increasingly more prom-inent in the
short dramatic forms such-as the "entremds", "baiTe", and
'Smojiganga11. * ^
, - Tn the fie ld of music there is at least one prominentt,exampTe of
diregt contact between Frenx^H-inusiciariS and the Spanish court. On the
arrival in Madrid of Marie-Louise d'Orldans for her marriage with
Carlos I I in 1679, "her entourage included a group of 34 French
. musicians. The company consisted of at least one composer (Michel
FarineTli, the son-in-law of Robert Cambert), one harpsichordist, one
designer of machines for spectacles, and several singers, instrumental-

^ 191 '■ X
ists, and dancing m a s t e r s . T h e head of her music chapel may have
been th$ French musician Noel Jacquart, although the years of his tenure
' 199
are not known.
I t is not absolutely certain whether any stage works by. Jean-.
* Baptiste Lully were ever performed in Spain. In the history of music
edited and completed by J. Bonnet, and published in 1715, fhe claim is
made that during the wedding fe s tiv itie s of Carlos I I an^ Marie-Louise
d'Orldans in 1679 several operas by Lully were staged in Madrid, with
th eir prologues suitably modified.122 This account seems plausible in
lig h t of the fact that French musicians helped to perform the music for
a "fiesta" featuring the premi&re of Calderdn's Hado y divisa (with
music by Juan Hidalgo) which was staged in honour of the royal couple at
the Buen Retiro on March 3, 4, and 5, 1680.12^ This production of
Calderdn's "(fomedia" ended with an abridged Spanish translation of
MoliSre's Le bourgeois qentil-homme.126 Perhaps the French niusicians

v. a ■
accompanied i t with some of the music which Lully wrote for Moli&re's
p lay.126 < *
- Later in the 18th century Arteaga states that during the wedding
fe s tiv itie s of Carlos I I with Mariana of Neuburg in 1690, various works
by Lully, including his Armide,^wtere performed at the Spanish court.12^
Although there is no known documentation to substantiate this claim, it-
is not necessarily a fabrication/12® At any rate both Bonnet and
Arteaga maintain that French mutlcjal dramas were not popular in Spain
and consequently performances of them were discontinued relatively
quickly. Dance pieces from Lully's works do appear in Spanish
instrumental sources of the early 18th century (for example, see below
in chap. 7, Charts 17 and 19). Thus i t would seem that Lully's music.
/ '•
entered Spain prim arily via the ballroom rather than the stage.
I
The third period of cultural exchange between Spain and France
is the f ir s t half of the 18th century. In these years France completely
dominated the exchange of ideas and fashions. This_relationship was
1
40.
fostered by the establishment of .the new Bourbon dynasty in Spain at the
beginning of the 18th century under Felipe V, who was the grandson of
Louis,XIV and Marfa Teresa. In the War of Succession (1701-1715) which
followed the death of the last Spanish Habsburg king, Carlos I I , in
1700, Felipe managed to gain control of the Spanish throne in large
part because1 of the active French support which he received.^ 9 French
commanders reorganized and controlled Felipe's m ilita ry forces, which
were equipped with French weapons and uniforms.
V -Moreover a ll the chief ministers of Felipe-V between 1701 and
1715 were French. One of the most powerful figures at his court was the
French ambassador, especially between 1705 and 1709 when the post was
held by Michel-Jean AmeTot. Indeed, until the death of Louis XIV.in- /
1715, the French.king effectively controlled many facets of the Spanish
government, as Kamen explains:
For several years the young king [P hilip V] was inclined to

defer in everything to his grandfather [Louis XIV]. Louis on
x his side was kept thoroughly informed of everything that went
' on in Spain, and the constant correspondence he had with
Philip guaranteed a direct control over a ll decisions. .More
directly than correspondence, however, control was exercised
through, the afnbassadors who became the instruments of Louis's
policy in Spain - It is no exaggeration to say that Spain
was governed, in the years before 1709, from Versailles and ’
through the French ambassador.1'*1 •
y
Another prominent person at the court was the French princess des
Ursins; who was chosen by Louis XIV to serve as the head.of the Spanish
queen's household ("camarera mayor") from 17^01 to .1704 and again from
1705 £0 1714. While holding this post Ursins exerted considerable
influence over both Queen Marie-Louise of Savoy and Felipe V .1^
During his reign Felipe V_attempted to promote some scholarly
ac tiv itie s by adopting as administrative models the French academies.
The f i r s t such Spanish institution was the Real Academia Espanola,
founded in 1714, which was designed "to foster and to give rulings on
the purity and elegance of the Spanish language, and to expunge a ll
errors which have crept into its lexicon, its pronunciation, or its
modes of syntax, ..." Between 1726 and 1739 i t published in 6 'volumes

the f ir s t O fficia l Castilian dictionary.^3 Sim ilarly for historical
; !. '• A
studies Felipe V established the Real Academia de la Historia in .
1738.^4 French influence may also account for the formation of the
Biblioteca Nacional by Felipe V in 1711 and which was opened to the

&
public in 1714. By a royal order of 1716 a copy of every book printed
in Spain was to be deposited in this lib ra ry . ^5
During the 18th century French ideas became increasingly • .
prominent in Spanish intellectual circles.^® One of the f ir s t Spanish

v. . ■-
writers to apply the c ritic a l attitudes of French "rationalism" to a
wide variety of subjects was B.J., F e ij< 5 o .^ 7 - I t has been demonstrated
\ that an important influence on Feijdo was Bernard Le Bovier, sieur de

X- 4 ' ■
\ -Fontenelle, who from 1697 until his death in 1757 was the "secretaire
' perpetual" of the French Academie Royale des Sciences.
For the arts there was l i t t l e support in^the form of r'pyal
academies.. For example, in order to promote painting, sculpture, and
architecture Felipe V did approve the formation of an ac^dSmy in 1744.
However the Real Academia de las Tres Nobles Arte^T conlel tftu lo de San
Fernando was not established until 1751 by Fernandoyl.^^x Furthermore
Jthere were apparently no royal academies in the 18th <Wjiiry for either
music or dance. \ .
For one very b rief period at the beginning of the century French
. ;.;X K '
musicians occupied prominent positions at" the Spanish court. Felipe V,
Soon arriving in Madrid in February, 1,701, decided J:o form a
FrencfT^'Real c£mara de mfisica". As its "maestro" he engaged thei French
composer Henry Desmarest, who at the time was working in B ru ssels.^
The king also hired twelve other musicians from the court at Versailles,
most of whom arrived in time to help celebrate his wedding at Barcelona
in October, lZOl.1^ -However, just 18 months la te r Felipe V disbanded
this group, owing to the exigencies of war, p o litic al intrigue, and
financial d iffic u ltie s . Most of the French musicians were sent back to
Versailles in May, 1703. ^ Desmarest was retained until the end'of
1706, although none of the music which he wrote for the Spanish court
•• • • 3
/seems to have s u rv iv e d .^
For the remainder of the century almost a.ll the'foreign

• V ■
musicians who were employed at the royal court in Madrid were Ita lia n .
Nevertheless, as we shall see, French dance music and choreography came
** to. dominate aristocratic dancing in Spain.
Notes to Chapter Two
1. Maurice Handelbaum, The anatomy of historical knowledge

•r~-.. (Baltimore, 1977), p. 22. )
2. ' - The number and type of posts offered fo r sale gradually

increased during the 17th century; according to John Horace
Parry, The sale of public o ffic e in the Spanish Indies under
the Hapsburqs (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1953), p .- 59.
3. During the f i r s t h a lf.o f the 17th century the two leading

"validos" were the Duke of Lerma (Francisco Gdmez de Sandoval)
under Felipe I I I , arid the Count-Duke of Olivares (Gaspar de
Guzman Acevedo y Zuniga) under Felipe IV. In the second Half of
the century Carlos I I was mentally and physically u n fit to rule,
and consequently during his reign actual power was held
successively by differen t persons.
4. For Spain's m ilita ry d iffic u ltie s in the Low Countries see

- Geoffrey Parker, The army of Flanders and the Spanish Road
1567-1659. The logistics of victory and defeat in the Low
Countries' wars (Cambridge, 1972). " :
5. See Earl J. Hamilton, American treasure and the pride revolution

in Spain, 1501-1650 ( Cambridge, Massachusetts,. 1934); and Earl
J. Hamilton, War and prices in Spain 1651-1800 (Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1947). ~ ■.
r*
6. According to the figures proposed by Antonio Domfrtguez 0r£iz,
- La sociedad espanola en el siqlo XVII vol. 1 (Madrid*, 1963),
p. 113. Any estimates of the population in Spain during the8
17th century are quite speculative. The problems posed by tfje
primary demographic sources are discussed in Domfnguez Ortiz
Vol. 1 (1963), pp. 53-66; and in Bernard Vincent, "Rdcents
travaux de ddmographie historique en Espagne (XIVe - X V IIIe
si&cles)", ANNALES DE DEMOGRAPHIE HISTORIQUE (1977),* pp. 463-468'
.a n d 483-490.
7. Discussed by J.H. E llio t t , "Self-perception and decline in early

seventeenth-century Spain", PAST AND PRESENT 74 (1977), pp. 41-61
and by Marjorie Grice-Hutchinson, Early economic thouqht in
V Spain 1177 - 1740 (London, 1978), pp. 139-158. •
8. . The so-called decline has been challenged;and re-evaluated by

Henry Kamen, "The decline of Spain: a historical myth?", PAST
AND PRESENT 81 (1978), pp. 24-50. V
9. See, fo r example, Geoffrey Parker and Leslie M. Smith (editors),

The general, crisis of the seventeenth century (London, 1978).
10. Henry*;Kamen, Spain in the, la te r seventeenth century, 1665 - 1700

(London and New York, 1980). ‘ ~ ^
11. J.H. E llio t t, The revolt of the Catalans. A study in the
decline of Spain"(1598 - 1640) (Cambridge, 1963), p. 547. A
similar analysis is made by Henry Kamen, The War of Succession
in Spain 1700-1715 (London, 1969), pp. 34-35.
12. In 1580 the Spanish Habsburgs gained control of Portugal partly

as a result of the e a rlie r marriages between Carlos I and Isabel
of Portugal in 1526, and between prince Felipe (la te r Felipe I I )
and Marfa Manuela o f Portugal in 1543.
13. In the 18th century the Spanish and Portuguese ruling families
were temporarily linked by the childless marriage between prince
Fernando' (la te r Fernando VI) and princess Marfa Barbara de
Braganza in 1729. -
14. As early as the beginning of the 16th century Gil Vicente used
Castilian for some of his plays.
. r
15. Santiago Kastner, "La mtlsica en la Catedral de Badajoz (afios ,
1520-1764)", ANUKRIO MUSICAL 15 (1960), p. 83; and 12 (1957),
p. 129.
16. Manuel Rodrfguez Coelho, Flores de mflsica: pera 0" instrumento

de tecla, & harpa (Lisbon, 1620); modern edition by Macario
Santiago Kastner, PORTUGALIAE MUSICA 1 (Lisbon, 1959; revised
Lisbon, 1976) and 3 (Lisbon, 1961).
17. Francisco Correa de Arauxo, Libro de tientos y discursos de .

milsica prgctica, y thedrica de tfrqano, intitulado Facultad
org^nica (Alcaic de Henares, 1626), f . 4r; modern editionby
Santiago Kastner, MME 6 (1948) preface, pp. 40-41.
V'
18. In 1598 Felipe I I granted control of this te rrito ry to his
daughter Isabel and her future husband Archduke Albert, with the
intention of establishing a separate dynasty there. However the
marriage was childless, and consequently, on the death of Albert
in 1621, sovereignty over the Netherlands reverted to the
Spanish monarch.
19. For a description of the Flemish chapel which accompanied'

Carlos I to Valladolid in 1517 and Zaragoza in 1518, see £dmond
van der Straeten, Les musiciens nderlandais en Espagne vol. 1
(Brussels, 1885), pp. 294-295.
■' * °
20. For detailed information about the Flemish chapel, with
• ; transcriptions of original documents, see Straeten vol. 1 (1885)
pp. 183-186 and 398-403; arud vol. 2 (1888), pp. 5, 178-182, and.
186-188. See also Paul Becquart, Musiciens nderlandais 5 la
. cour de Madrid. Philippe Roqier et son ^cole (1560-1647)
» "(Brussels, 1967). ! •. : ~“
45.
Straeten vol. 1 (1885), p. 386. Lists of wages for the members

of the "capilla espafiola1' from 1622 to 1628 are transcribed from
archival documents in Nicolds SoTar-Quintes, "Panorama musical
desde Felipe I l i a Carlos I I . Nuevos documentos sobre
m inistriles, organistas y 'Reales Capillas flamenca y espafiola
de mdsica' ", ANUARIO MUSICAL 12 (1957), pp. 184-187.
22. For transcriptions of original documents concerning Romero's

Origin see Becquart (1967), pp. 146-156, 228-230, and 266-276.
For the results of Barbieri's research see Paul Becquart, "Au
sujet de Matheo Romero (Rosmarin). Les notes biographiques de
Barbieri de la Bib'Moth&que Nationale I Madrid", ANUAftlO MUSICAL
25 (1970), pp. 97-103.
23. Becquart (1967)* pp. 160 and 163-164. I t is possible that at the
same time Romero also directed the Spanish chapel, since no
other "maestro" is mentioned in the extant lis ts of wages. See
Becquart (1967), p. 165.
24. The designation "Capillaflamenca" is no longer found, and the

lis ts of wages are simply entitled "Gajes de la capilla real";
according to Becquart (1967), p. 183 note 2.
25. . For example, in the years 1572-1573 the Brussels chapel of the
. Governor-General Ferndndez Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba,c was
headed by. the Flemish "maestro" "Pedro de Hotz" and consisted
almost entirely of Flemish musicians, judging by the names on
the extant li s t of wages. The original document which was
preserved in the Archivo de la Casa de Alba is transcribed in
Josd Subird, in La mdsica en la Casa de Alba. Estudios histdricos
y bioqrdficos (Madrid, 1927), pp. 28-34.
26. The archival l is t of musicians for that year is partly

transcribed in Suzanne Clercx, "Le dix-septi&me et le /d ix -
huitifeme sifecle", La musique en Belgique du moyen age 5 nos
jours,1 edited by Ernest Closson and Charles van den Borren
(Brussels, 1950), p. 152. V ■ \
27. For biographical informatipn about Ghersem drawn from original

documents see Guy Bourligueux, "Gdry de Ghersem, sous-maitre de
la chapelle royale d'Espagne. (Documents inddits^", MELANGES DE
LA CASA DE VELAZQUEZ 2 (1966), pp. 163-178; xind also Becquart
(1967), pp. 89-93.
28. See Eleanor Russell, "Pedro Rimonte in Brussels Cc, 1600-1614)";

ANUARIO MUSICAL 28-29 (1973-1974), pp. 181-194.
29. See the description in Richard Leppert, The theme of music in

Flemish paintings of the seventeenth century (Munich, 1977)
vol. 1, pp. 160-171. Such processions w6?i "depicted by several
painters of the period. For example, see the painting by Denis
m s0
sis''
46.
) von Alsioot entitled " 'Ommegang1 at Brussels, May 31, 1615: The
triumph of Archduchess Isabella", reproduced in Leppert (1977)
vol. 2, plate 48 and 49, pp. 266-267.
30. See John Steele, "Calendar of the li f e of Peter Philips", in his

edition of Peter Philips. Select Ita lia n madrigals, MUSICA
% BRITANNICA 29 (London, 1970), pp. xvi-xxi. Steele also states
that Philips travelled to Madrid in 1585-6.
31. See Thurston Dart, "Calendar of the l i f e of John Bull-", in John

Bull. Keyboard music, edited by John Steele and Francis Cameron,
MUSICA BRITANNICA 14 (2nd edition, London, 1967), pp. xxv-xxvi.
32. See Alberto Cametti"Girolamo Frescobaldi in Roma. 1604-1643",

RIVISTA MUSICALE ITALIANA 15 (1908), pp. 704-707; and Frederick
' Hammond, Girolamo-Frescobaldi (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1983),
‘pp.-. 26-31.
33. t Giovanni Paolo Foscarini, II primo secondo e terzo libro della

chitarra spagnola (n .p ., n .d .). The relevant excerpt from th e >
preface is quoted and translated in Richard A. Hudson, "The
development of Ita lian keyboard variations on the 'passacaglio' .
and 'ciaccona' from guitar music in the seventeenth century"
(Ph^D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles,
1967), pp. 153 and 413.
34. . Francesco, Corbetta, Varii scherzi di sonate per la chitarra

spagnola . . . Libro quarto (n .p ., n .d .). The date of the
dedication is given in Richard T. fin n e ll, "The role of Francesco
Corbetta (1615-1681) in'the history of music for the Baroque
guitar, including a transcription of his complete works" (Ph.D.
dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1976)
vol. 1, p. 130. For Corbetta’ s direct contact with Spain see
below, chap. 5, pp. 178-181.
&
35. See the archival lis ts partly transcribed in Clercx (1950),
pp.- 152-153. .
36. • This did not mark the end of Spanish p o litic al control in Ita ly .
Carlos, the son of Felipe V and Elisabeth Farnese of Parma, was
the Duke of Parma from 1731 to 1735, and the King of Naples and
S icily from 1735 to 1759., On his accession to the Spanish throne
as Carlos I I I (1759-1788), he crowned his son Fernando King of ’
Naples and S icily (reigned 1Z59-1808), thereby establishing
"another ruling branch of the Bourbon house.
37. Lui§ MiIcin^Libro intitulado ) e1 Cortesano (Valencia, 1561);

modern -edftion in COLEStlON DE LIBR0S ESPAtoJ.ES RAR0S 0
S' CURI0S0S vol. 7 (Madrid, 1874). Baldesar castiglione,
I I lib ro del Corteqiano (Venice, 1528); modern-edition by GiuliO
Preti (Turin, I960). Note that,Castiglione spent the last part
of his l i f e in Spain and died in Toledo in 1529.
47.
38. Juan' Boscctn, Los quatro 1i bros: del Cortesano’: compuestos

en italiano por el conde Balthasar Castelldn y agora nuevamente
traduzidos en lenqua castellana por Boscdn (Barcelona, 1534);
modern edition by Marcelino Mendndez y Pelayo (Madrid,. 1942).
For a summary and discussion of MilSn's book see John B. Trend,
Luis Mildn and the vihuelistas (Oxford’^1925), pp. 61-95
39. Randel has examined the Spanish polyphonic settings of Ita lian
verse forms in the Cancionero musical de la Casa de Medinaceli ■
[MADRID, Biblioteca Medinaceli Ms 13230 (compiled ca. 1570);
modern edition of pieces with Spanish texts by Miguel Querol,
MME 8-9 (Barcelona, 1949-1950)]. From his investigation he
concludes that Spanish composers reflected the new types of
verse fprms and imagery primarily through changes of rhythm and
texturei rather than through the,use of dissonance. See Don M.
•Randel, "Sixteenth-century Spanish polyphony and the poetry of
Garcilasco", MUSICAL QUARTERLY 60 (1974), pp. 61-79.
40. For a detailed biography see Robert Stevenson, Spanish cathedral

music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961),
pp. 7-45. Stevenson.also discusses the prominence of Spanish as
well as French singers in the papal choir during the f i r s t h a lf
of the 16th century. «
41. See Stevenson (1961), pp. 345-372.

*
42. Original document transcribed in Subird (1927), pp. 26-28.
r
The dedication of his f ir s t publication is dated Naples,

December 10, 1553. See Diego O rtiz, Trattado de glosas sobre
cldusulas y otros qdneros de puntos en la musica de viol ones
(Rome, 1553), (an Ita lian translation was issued in the same
year); modern edition by Max Schneider (3rd edition, Kassel,
1961). On the title-page of his second publication he describes
himself as the chapel-master-in Naples: Diego Orti'z, Didaci
Ortiz toletani reqlae capellae neopolitanae. Moderatoris et
maqistri. Musices lib er primus hymnos, maqnificas, salves,
motecta, psalmos (Venice, 1565). I have cited the t i t l e as i t
is given in Stevenson (1961), p. 320.
' 44. Biographical details are given in Josd Alvarez Pdrez, "El
(organista Francisco de Salinas. Nuevos datos a su biografia",
• ANUARIO MUSICAL 18 (1963), pp. 21-44. . ‘
45. W illi Apel, "Neopolitan links between Cabezdn and Frescobaldi",

MUSICAL*QUARTERLY 24 (1938), pp. 419-437. -
^ 46. For Raval's career in Ita ly see Ottavio Tiby, "SebastiSn Raval -
a 16th century Spanish musician in Ita ly " , MUSICA DISCIPLINA 2
P P f f lF
(1948), pp. 217-223v
. 48.
> .
47. The appointments of Vincenzo Gallo (1605), Cornelio Drago

(1625), and Vincenzo d'Elia (1636) are noted in Ottavio Tiby,
"La musica nella Real Capilla Palatina di Palermo", ANUARIO
MUSICAL 7 (1952), pp. 189-190.
48. Biographical documentation is presented in Camielo Erdozain,

"Bernardo Clavijo del C astillo. Estudio biogrSfico de este
cdl ebre miisico", ANUARIO MUSICAL 21 (1966), pp. 189-210.
Erdozain also suggests that Clavijo may have composed music for
some secular stage productions at the Spanish court in the early
17th century.
49. For a detailed biographical study see George Haley, 'Vicente

Espinel and Marcos de Obregdn. A li f e and its lite ra ry
representation (Providence, Rhode Island, 1959), pp. 3-61.
50. A biographical summary is given in Higinio Angles, "Cerone,

Domenico Pietfo"i' translated by Christel Blume, Die Musik in
Geschichte und Geqenwart vol. 2 (Kassel, 1952),. pp. 969-973. I
have been unable to consult the f ir s t part o f a study by ftamdn ,
Baselga Esteve, "Pedro Cerone de Bdrgamo. Estudio bio-
bibliogrdfico", TE^JRO SACRO MUSICAL 54^1971).
51. Pedro Cerone, El melopeo y maestro. Tractado de mtisica

thedrica y prdctica, 2 vol .* ( Naples, 1613; facsimile edition,
Bologna, 1969). ” _
#
52. See Adelmo Damerini, "Falconieri, Andrea", translated by Anna
Amalie Abert, Die Musik in Geschichte und Geqenwart vol. 3
(Kassel, 1954), pp. 1740-1743. Note that Falconieri worked as
"maestro di capilla" at the court in Naples from 1639 to 1656.
53^ " . . . rtell'istesso tempo s'introdusse la chitarra alia sfifegnola

per tutta It a lia , massime in Napoli, che unita con la tiorba,
, pare che abbiano copgiurato di sbandire affatto i l liu to ; et
qu^5i riuscito a punto, come i l modo di vestire alia
spagnola in Ita lia prevale a tu tte le a ltre foggie."
*10 Vincenzo Giustiniani, Discorso sopra la musica, LUCCA,
Archivo del Stato Ms 049 (written ca. 1628); modern edition in
. Angelo S o le rti, Le oriqini del melodramma. Testimonialize dei
contemporanei (Turin, 1903; reprinted Hildesheim, 1969),
p. 126. English translation taken from Carol MacCTintock in
MUSIC0L0GICAL STUDIES AND DOCUMENTS vol. 9 (n .p ., 1962), p. 79.
54. " . . . en la primera posada me dej<5 plantado sin hablar palabra, “

que era un pueblecillo pequeflo, donde no halId cabalgadura ni
aun persona que me respondiese palabra buena, por ser espanol y
' , por i r en traje de soldado; de m^nera que ni la humildad ni el
tdrmino-apacible, ni la paciencia me aprovecharon para dejqr de
i r a pie y sin companfa por tie rra no conocida y madastra de
espafioles. Iba caminando por unos llanos y aun de mala gana me
decian si erraba el camino." •
$ ^ 'r -
Vidente Espinel, Relaciones de la vida del escudero Marco

de Obreqdn (Madrid, 1618) vol. 2, Bk. I l l , chap. 5 ;,modern
edition by M. Soledad Carrasco Urgoiti .(Madrid, 1972) vol. 2,
p. 148. The English excerpt is taken from the translation by
Algernon Lanqton, The history of the l i f e of the squire Marcos
de Obreqdn (London, 1816) vol. 2, pp. 237-238. ;
» &
55. ’ Quando si f l [la parte d i Capitan] in spagnuolo bisogna farlo
con decoro, perchfe questa nazione per ogni verso gloriosa, non -
patisce esser derisa, come.lo soffrono 1’a ltre ; facendosi
deridere i napolitani per sciocchi, e linguacciuti; i bolognesi
per c ia rlo n i, i veneziani per rid ic o li; i francesi per ubriachi;
i s ic ilia n i per g arru li, e contenziosi senza a lte ra rs i, anzi ne
, godono. Ma lo spagnuolo riderS nell'.ascoltare le bravure, ma
non vuol vedere nella parte, benchS fin ta , d'un soldato
codardie, . . . " Andrea Perucci, D ell'arte rappresentatlva
premeditata ed all'improviso (Maples, 1699) pt. I I , "regola" 7;
modern edition by Anton Giulio Bragaglia (Florence, 1961),
p. 210.: The excerpt in English translation is taken ,from ,
Giacomo Oreglia, The commedia d e ll'a rte , translated by Lovett F.
Edwards (London, 1968), pp. 101-102.
56. ’ According to N.D. Shergold, "Ganassa and the 'commedia d e ll'a rte
in sixteenth-century Spain", MODERN LANGUAGE REVIEW 51 (1956),
pp. 359-368. _
57. The a c tiv itie s of Ita lia n "commedia" troupes in France are -
discussed by I.A . Schwartz, The commedia d e ll'a rte and its
influence on French comedy in the seventeenth century (New York,
1933), pp. 41-56; and by Donald Jay Grout, "The music of the
# Ita lia n theatreVat Paris, 1682-1697", PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN
MUSICGLOGICAL SOCIETY (1941), pp. 158-170. , .
58. A b rie f s ty lis tic summary is given in Gerald Brenalji, The

lite ra tu re of the Spanish people from Roman times to the
" , , present day (2nd edition, Cambridge, 1953), pp. 222r270..
59. Discussed by Jamds V_ Mi ro llo , The poet of the marvellous.

Giambattista Marino (New York, 1963); and Maria R^ka Maniates,
Mannerism in Italian-music and culture, 1530-163y (Chapel H ill,
North Carolina, 1979), pp. 61<and 75-7J. ~
60. In addition to making s ty lis tic comparisons, one must assess

biographical data as w ell. For instance, here i t is relevant to
note that Quevedo spent some time in Ita ly , and that Marino
remained in Naples from 1569 until 1600.
61. Mirollo (1963), pp. 175-176 and 265.
62. In a published address, Lope discussed some of his techniques
and aesthetic attitudes. See .Lope ,F61ix de Vega Carpio, Arte
nuevo de hazer comedias en esta tiempo. Diriqido a la Academia
de Madrid (Madrid, 1609; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1971). - —
63. N.D. Sherqold, A history of the Spanish stage from medieval

times until the end of. the seventeenth century (Oxford, 1967),
pp. 275-297.
64. " II Marini, uno de' primi autori del gusto corrotto, era uom
d!ingegno grande, e per esso avuto in grande stima; e quindi i l
suo esempio infettb g li a lt r i . . . A cib [decadimento del buon
gusto] concorse ancora, . . . i l dominio che g li spagnuoli avevano -
allora in It a lia , Questa ingegnosa nazione . . . signoreggiavane
allora una gran parte: i loro lib r i si spargevano facilmente,
i l loro gusto si comunicava; e come sembra che i sudditi
facilmente si vestano delle inclinazioni e de' costumi de' loro
signori, gV ita lia n i divennero, per cosl dire, spagnuoli."
Girolamo Tiraboschi, Storia della letteratura italian a
vol. 2 (revised edition, Florence, 1805; orig inally 8 v o l.,
1771-1782), pp. 26-27.
65. Lope FSlix de Vega Carpio,. La selva sin amor (ggloga pastoral);
f ir s t performed for the king in 1629; published in his Laurel
de Apolo, con otras rimas (Madrid, 1630);. modernêdition in BAE
188 (Madrid, 1965), pp. 185-198; discussed in Emilio Cot^relo y
Mori, Orfqenes y estableciniiento de la <5pera en Espafia hasta
1800 (Madrid, 1917), pp. 12-14. In the dedication to the
. Almirante-de C astilla, Lope de Vega mentions the novelty of this
type of work in Spain, and he also refers to the affective
quality of the music:
" . . . esta €gloga, que se representd cantada a sus majestades .
y altezas, cosa nueva en Espafia, . . . Los instrumentos ocupaban la
primera parte del teatro, sin ser vistos, a cuya armonfa
cantaban las figuras 1os versos, haciendo en la misma
composicidn de la mdsica las admiraciones, las quejas, los
amores, las iras y los demds afectos." BAE 188 (1965), p. 187.
66. Pedro Calderdn de la Barca, La pdrpura de la rosa; (fiesta que se

hizo a sus magestades en el s itio de la Zarguela, toda de
miisica);' published in his Tercera parte de comedias (Madrid,
1664;, facsimile edition, Westmead and London, 1973, vol. 8),^
f . 207r-218r; discussed in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Historia '
de la zarzuela o Sea el drama Ifric o en Espafia, desde su on'gen
a fines del siglo XIX (Madrid, 1934), pp. 51-54, and in Sherqold
(1967), pp. 324-325.
' 67. Pointed out in Ruth Landes P itts , "Don Juan Hidalgo,
seventeenth-century Spanish composer" (Ph.D. dissertation,
George Peabody College for'teachers, 1968), p.; 33; based on E Mp
legajo. 666 "Especttfculos pdbRjôs y privados".
68. Pedro Calderdn de la Barca, Zelos aun del ayre matan (fiesta
cantada que se hizo a sus magestades en ejl CoTiseo de Buen
Retiro); text published in Par,te diez y nueve de comedias nuevas
y escoqidas de los mejores'inqenios de Espafia (Madrid, 1663);
also published posthumously in his S^ptima-parte de .comedias
(Madrid, 1683; facsimile edition,: Westmead and Londoh, 1973,"
. vol. 16), pp. 259-292.
69. Jos£ Subiri, "Cafderdn de la Barca, lib re tis ta b le dpera.

Cqpsideraciones literariq-musicales", ANUARIO MUSICAL 20 (1965),
p. 60.
70. MADRID, Biblioteca del Palacio de Liria,„Caja 174-21; modern

edition by Josd Subifi, BPSM 11 (Barcelona, 1933).
71. EVORA, Biblioteca Munipal, unspecified shelf number. A careful

; ' discussion of the jnusic; which includes many b rief transcriptions
“ from a ll three acts, is given in, Pitts (1968), pp. 99-181.
72. Identified and discussed by Margaret Murata, Operas for the

papal court 1631-1668 (Ann Arbor, 1981), pp. 50-64.
73. An account of. the "zarzuela" during this period is given by

; Cotarelo y Mori (1934), pp. 43-150; and*William M. Bussey, ,
' French and Ita lia n influence on the zarzuela 1700-1770 (Ann
Arbor, 1982). “ " ~
74. Pedro Calderdn de la Barca, El laurel de Apolo (fiesta de la

Zarguela, transferida al real palacio de Buen Retiro), published
in his Tercera.parte de comedias (Madrid, 1664; facsimile
/.• edition, Westmead and London, 1973, vol. 8 ), f . 189r-*203v. ’ f
“ 75.-.-'Because of the "Tack of extant scores i t is not possible to

- ' determine, on musical, rather than terminological, grounds when .
Calderdn .fir s t began to write "zarzuelas". One of his earliest
works in two acts which was set to music was El jardfn de
Falerina (fiesta que se representd a sus magestades); f ir s t
performed in 1648; published in his Quinta parte de comedias
(Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition, Westmead and London, vol. 13),
f . 163v-178r; discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1934), pp. 39-41.
76. In the words of the character called "la Zarguela" on f. 191v of

the original publication:
"No es comedia, sino sdlo
una fibula pequena, -
? : .. en que, a imitacidn de It a lia ,
se canta, y se representa."
v:. - -77. See Kamed (1969),- pp. 106-107.
78. Cotarelo y Mori (1917), pp. 27-46; and Bussey (1982), pp. 53-56.
52.
79. Discussed In Cotarelo y Mori (1917), pp. 49-50.
80. Scotî continued to work in Madrid until his death in 1752. For
an account of his ac tivities there see Cotarelo y Mori (1917),
pp. 55-60 and 79-88.
81. For details concerning F a rin e lli's residence in Madrid see

■s Cotarelo y Mori (1917), pp. 101-190; NicolSs Solar Quintes,
"Rtfevas.aportaciones a la biograffa de Carlos Broschi
(F a rin e lli)" , ANUARIO MUSICAL 3 (1948), pp. 187-204; and
Consolacidn Morales Borrero, Fiestas reales en el reinado de
Fernando.yi. Manuscrito de Carlos Broschi Farin elli (Madrid,
1972). _ " ~ ; ”
82. Cotarelo y Mori (1917), p. 24; and Nicolds Solar-Quintes,

"Mdsicos de Mariana de Neoburgo y de la Real Capilla de NSpoles.
Facetas Ifricopalaciegas del illtimo Austria y del primer
Borbdn", ANUARIO MUSICAL 11 (1956), pp. 166 and 173.
83. According to Simdn de. la Rosa y L<5pez, Los seises de la
Catedral de Sevilla. Ensayo de investiqacidn histdrica
(S eville, 1904), p. 137. Furthermore, at least three castrati
were employed/at Huesca Cathedral; according to archival
documents dating from 1634, 1637, and 1645 Cited in Antonio Durdn
Gudiol, "La capilla de mdsica de la Catedral de Huesca", ANUARIO
-MUSICAL 19 (1964), pp. 38-39. At the same time,- however, there
is only one castrato listed (in 1610) as a member, of the
"capilla" of Badajoz Cathedral in a ll the documents transcribed
in Kastner (1957) arid (1960);
84. "Destos cantorcicos que se van recibiendo [en la real c a p illa ],

entiendo que an de.salir muy buenos cantores de todas voces, y
asf es bien que no sean todos castrados, . . . " Copy by Barbieri
of a document in E Mp; as printed in Straeten vol. 2 (1888),
pp. 189-190.
85. According to Josd Subirci, "Jaime Facco y su obra musical en

Madrid", ANUARIOMUSICAL 3 (1948), p. 114.
-n . 86. For a^tudy of his lif e and work in Madrid see Subira (1948),
pp.-109-132. •
87. For a detailed biography see Ralph Kirkpatrick, Domenico

‘Scarlatti (Princeton; 1953), pp. 67-136.
*
88 . For an account of his a c tiv itie s in Madrid see Nicolas Solar-
Quintes, "El compositor Francisco Courcelle. Nueva
s' documentacidn para su biograffa", ANUARIO MUSICAL 6 (1951),
.pp.' 179-204. -
Yl 89. Cotarelo y Mori (1934), pp. 91-110.

/
53.
90. See the archival document transcribed in Solar-Quintes (1951),

p. 181. Falconi's ac tiv itie s in Spain remain to be investigated
thoroughly. Without providing any substantiating references,
Levasseur,states that Falconi came to Madrid in approximately
1717, and that when the court of Felipe V moved to Seville
during the years 1729 to 1732 a ll the musical a c tiv itie s there
were directed by Fdlconi and not by Joseph de Torres./ See
Yvonne Levasseurvde Rebollo, "Life and works of Joseph de-Torres,
y Martfnez Bravo" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pittsburgh,
1975), p. 23.
91. ' According to MADRID, Parroquia de San Martfn, Libros de

Defunciones; as quoted in Josd SubirS, "Necrologfas musicales
madrilenas (anos 1611-1808)", ANUARIO MUSICAL 13 (1958),
pp. 211-212. In these parish records Falconi is described as ,
"maestro de la real capilla de su magestad y natural de la ,
ciudad de Roma . . . "
See Alice Bunzl Bel gray, "Gaetano Brunetti: an exploratory bio-

bibliographical study" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Michigan, 1970), pp. 45-107.
See Bel gray (1970), pp. 97-105; and Germaine-cfe Rothschild,

Luigi Boccherini. His li f e and work, translated by. Andreas
Mayor (Lond4ijT^1965), pp. 33-86. “
94.s For a modern edition of some Spanish cantatas for solo voice and
instrumental accompaniment from the f ir s t half of the 18th
century see Miguel. Querol, Mdsica barroca espahola, vol. 5,
Cantatas y canciones para voz solista e instrumentos (1640-1760),
MME 35 (Barcelona,. 1973). ~ “
95. For biographical details see NicolSs Solar-Quintes, "Nuevos

documentos para la biograffa del compositor SebastiSn Durdn",
ANUARIO MUSICAL 10 (1955), pp. ^37-162; Lothar, Siemens
Herndndez, "Nuevos documentos sobre el mdsico Sebastidn Durdn:
once anos de vida profesional anteriores a su llegada a la corte
del rey Carlos II" , ANUARIO MUSICAL 16 (1961), pp. 177-199; ~
„ • Lothar Siemens -Herndndez, "Nuevasfaportaciones para la biograffa
de SebastiSn Durdn", ANUARIO MUSICAL 18 (1963), pp. 137-159; and
Antonio Martfn Moreno, "El milsico Sebasticfn Dur<5n: su testamento
y muerte. Hacia una posible biograffa", ANUARIO MUSICAL 27
. (1972), pp. 163-188. Most of Durdn's works have not been
published in modern edition. For a lis t of his extant
compositions, see Martfn Moreno (1972), pp. 184-187. For a
discussion of his zarzuela entitled Veneno es de amor la envidia
(lib re tto by Antonio de Zamora) see Cotarelo y Mori (1934),
pp. 65-69.
96. "Esta es la mdsica de estos tiempos, con que nos han.regalado

los italianos, por mano de su aficionado el maestro Durdn, que
fue el que introdujo eh la mdsica de Espafia las modas
extranjeras. Es verdad que despugs ac& se han apurado tanto
6st‘as, que si Durdn resucitara^ ya no las conociera; pero
siempre se le podrd echar a dl la culpa de todas estas
novedades, por haber sido el primero que les abrid la puerta, . . .
Benito Jerdnimo Feijdo y Montenegro, "Mdsica de los tempios",
published in his Teatro crftico universal, o discursos varios,
en todo qdnero de materias, para desengafto de errores comunes
vol. 1 (Madrid, 1726) discurso 14; modern edition in BAE 56
(1883), p. 41; excerpt translated into English by Bussey (1982),
p. 18. The Ita lia n musical features of Durdn's "zarzuelas" are
discussed by Bussey (1982), pp. 19-26.
97. See Cotarelo y Mori (1917), pp. 61-78. Even the minor dramatic
_ _ Spanish forms, such as the "ba ile l l and"mojjganga"t began t o _
include on occasion some Ita lia n characters, dialogue, and
musical arias in the early 18th century. For specific examples
see Entilio Cotarelo y Mori, Coleccidn de entremeses, loas,^
bailes, jdcaras y mojiqangas desde fines del siqlo XVI a
mediados del XVIII (Madrid, 1911) pt. I , vol. 1, pp. ccxxv-
ccxxvi, ccxcix, and ccciii-ccciv.
98. Joseph de Torres y Martfnez Bravo, Reg!as generales de

acompahar, en drgano, clavicordio, y harpa, con sdlo saber
cantar la p a rte,•o un baxo en canto figurado. Distribufdas en
tres partes (Madrid, 1702). Lorenzo Penna, Li primi albori
musicali per l i principianti della musica fiqurata; d is tin ti^ n
t r e ‘ lib r i (Bologna, 1672). Note that the specific reference'
to Penna's treatise given below are based on the foi^rtlueditôn
(Bologna, 1684; facsimile edition, Bologna, 1969).
99. For example, the discussion of intervals ("especies") in Torres

(Bk. I , chap. 15-20, pp. 17-28) is based on the treatm ent of
th is topic in Penna (Bk. I I , chap. 1-2, pp. 53-63). However,
Torres adds a distinction between the major semitone ("semitono
cantable" = 5 commas) and the minor semitone ("semitono
incantabW = 4 commas) which is not mentioned by Penna.
Sim ilarly the explanation in Torres (Bk. I l l , chap. 14-17,
ppi 115-127) of the types of cadences ("clSusulas") and the
harmonic^circle ("cfrculo" or "rueda") generated by each is taken
from PennaTBlcîll, chap. 10-13ypp. 173-183). Torres,
however, presents only 3 of theJ l types of cadences given by .
Penna, and omits the "cadenze-del secondo ordine" (Penna:
Bk. I l l , chap. 11, pp. 176-178).
100. For exa’mple, Torres (9k. I l l , chap. 23, pp. 140-143) concludes
his treatise with a l i s t of recommendations ("advertencias")
addressed to the accompanist, as does Penna (Bk. I l l , chap. 20,
pp. 197-198, "Alcuni avertimenti"). However, the contents of
each l i s t are d ifferen t.
55.
101. Joseph de Torres y Martfnez B ravo ,Reg!as qenerales de

acompafiar, . . . Afladido aora un nueVo tratado, donde se explica
el modo de acompafiar las obras de mfisica, seqfin el e s tilo " ’
ita lian o (Madrid, 1736). ” " “ '
102 . " . . . aviendo sacado a luz el ano (cte!702, este lib ro de Reglas
generales de acompanar, segtfn el e s tilo riguroso de Espafia; y
viendo lo muy intrOducidas que est£n en estos reynos, las obras
de imlsica al es tilo ita lia n o , de que resulta a los acompanantes’
la precisa obligacidn de saber acompanar!as; me ha parecido . . .
aumentar este tratado, en que cifrard el modo de acompanar al
e s tilo ita lia n o , y moderno, para que los acompanantes puedan
acompanar tantas, y tan especiales obras, como vienen de It a li a ,
salen de Espafia, y en todas quantas partes tributan estimacidn a
la musica; . . . " Torres (1736) Bk. IV, "Introduccidn", pp. 97-98.
103. Torres (1736) "Explfcanse las voces, o serial es, que por lo
regular preceden a las obras", Bk. IV, p. 98.
104. " . . . en fin , quien quisiere saber mds por estenso, assf estos,
como otrOs tdrminos de que usan los i t a li anos1, podrd ver a
monsieur Brossard, en su Dicionario de la mdsica, que he
traducido del idioma francds al Castellano, yespero en breve
sacar a luz." Torres (1736) Bk. IV, "Introduccidn", p. 98.
There is no surviving manuscript of the translation. The
reference is to Sebastien du Brossard, Dictionaire de musique
(Paris, 1703; 2nd edition, Paris, 1705; facsimile of th e -2nd
edition, Hilversum, Netherlands, 1965).
105. Francesco Gasparini, L'armonico practico al cimbalo (Venice,

1708; facsimile edition, New York, 1967).
,
■ , 'i
106. See Torres (1736) Bk.„ IV, chap. 7 "De aquellas posturas, o
golpes que llaman los italian o s, acciaccaturas", pp. 120-124;
and Gasparini (1708) chap. 9 "Delle false de i r e c ita tiv i, e
del modo di fa r acciaccature", pp. 91-97
107. In chronological order the marriages between the two ruling

houses were as follows: Marfa (daughter of Carlos I ) with
Maximilian, King o f Hungary and Bohemia (la te r Maximilian I I ) in^
1548; Felipe I I with Anna of Austria (daughter of Maximilian I I )
in 1570; Felipe I I I with Margaret of Austria (cousin of
Rudolf I I , and sister of Ferdinand, la te r Ferdinand I I ) in 1599;
Isabel (step-sister of Felipe I I I ) with Archduke Albert (brother
of Rudolf I I ) in 1599; Marfa (s iste r of Felipe IV )’ with
Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia (la te r Ferdinand I I I ) in
1631; Felipe IV with Mariana (daughter of Ferdinand I I I ) in 1649;
Margarita Teresa (s iste r of Carlos I I ) with Leopold I in 1666;
and Carlos I I with Mariana o f Neuburg (siste r-in -la w of
Leopold I) in 1690.
56.
108. Mateo Flecha, the younger, Divinairum completarum psalnii, lectio

brevis et salve reqina; cum aliquibus motetis (Prague, 1581).
Mateo Flecha, the younger (e d ito r), Las ensaladas de Flecha,
maestro de capilla que fue de las serenfssinias infantas de
C astilla, recopiladas por f[ray ] Matheo Flecha su sobrino, abad.
de Tyhan, y capell&i de las magestades caesSreas, con algunas
suyas y de otros authores, por el mesmo correqidas y echas
estampar (Prague, 1581). The biographical information given
above is taken from Higinio Anglds (editor), Mateo Flecha
(1533). Las ensaladas (Praga, 1581),~BPSM~16~lBaTce1on^T~1954)'
commentary, pp. 37-41; reprinted as “Mateo Flecha el joven",
STUDIA MUSICOLOGICA 3 (£962), pp.r 45-51.
109. A modern edition of the French text of the treaty is given in

Henri Vast, Les. grands traitSs du r&qhg de Louis XIV. vol. 1
(Paris, 1893), pp. 79-187. “
110. E llio tt (1963), pp. 500-541.,
111 . For details of the negotiations see Juan Reglcf Campistbl, "El
tratado de los Pirineos de 1659. Negociaciones subsiguientes
acerca de la delimitacidn fronteriza", HISPANIA 11 (1951),
pp. 101-166.
112 . In 1560, to seal the Treaty of Cateau-Cambr€sis of the previous

year, Felipe I I married Isabel (Elisabeth) de Valois, the
daughter of Henri I I . In 1615 a double marriage was held tO'
mark the rapprochement between Spain and France, made*possible
by the death of Henri IV in 1610. Felipe (la te r Felipe.IV7
married Isabel (Elisabeth) de Bourbon, the sister of Louis .X III;
and Ana Mauricia, the daughter^.of Felipe I I I , married
Louis X III. These marriage agreements were signed in secret in
1611 and made public in the following year. In 166Q, as a
consequence of the Peace of the Pyrenees (1659), Marfa Teresa, .
the daughter of Felipe IV, was married to Louis XIV. This
represented a major Spanish concession because at that time
there was not yet a male heir to the Spanish throne. Finally,
in 1679, following the Peace of Nimeguen (1678) by which Spain
surrendered Franche-Comtfi to France, Carlos I I married Marie-
Louise d'Orldans, the niece of Louis XIV.
Fernand Braudiel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean world

in the age of Philip I I , translated b.y SiSn Reynolds from the-
2nd French edition of 1966, (London, 1972-1973) vol. 2, pp. 833-^
834. Fof'a' study of the use of the Spanish language at the French
court see Alfred Morel-Fatio, Ambrosio de Salazar et T 6tude de
T'espagnol en France sous Louis X III (Paris, 1900). For a
discussion of the importance of Spanish stage works in France
during the reigns of both Louis X III and Louis XIV see "Edouard
Fournier, "L'Espagne et ses comSdiens en France au XVIIe
si&cle", REVUE HISPANIQUE 25 (1911), pp. 19-46; o rig inally
published in REVUE DES PROVINCES 4 (1864), pp. 483-502;
114. Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El inqenioso hidalgo Don Quixote
de la Mancha pt. 1 (Madrid, 1605). Cervantes did not publish
the second part of the novel until 1615. The mujsic for the
^ b alle t cited above is not extant, but was apparently part of the
collection assembled in approximately 1620 by Michel Henry, an
instrumentalist at the French court. An inventory of this
collection, la te r compiled by the Duke of La Valli& fe, has been
preserved (F Pn Ms f r . 24357) and issued in modern edition by
F. Lesure. The t \ t l e and date of the ballet given above are taken
from Frangois Lesure, "Le-recueil de ballets de Michel Henry
(vers 1620)", in Les fetes de la Renaissance, edited by Jean
Jacquot,-vol. 1 (Paris, 1956), p. 215. ,
115. L1entree en France de don Quichot de la Manche (mascarade-)----------

(n .p ., ri.d .); modern edttion by Paul Lacroix, Ballets et
mascarades de cour de Henri I I I aLouis XIV (1581-1652) (Geneva,
1868-1870; reprinted Geneva, 1968) vol. 3, pp. 59-79.
116. According to the information presented in Yolande de Brossard,

Musiciens de Paris 1535-1792.. Actes d'dtat c iv il d'aprfes le
fic h ie r Laborde de la Bibliothfeque Nationale (Paris, 1965),
p. 200. Note that aT( the other musicians in the service of
Queen Anne, who are mentioned in this publication, have French
names. Frangois Lesure, in "Trois instrumentistes frangais du
XVIIe si&cle", REVUE DE MUSIC0L0GIE 37 (1955), p. 186, claims
that Ldpez de Gargas served the queen from 1632 to 1650, and
that another Spanish musician, Jean Lobdeval, worked for the
queen in 1634. Brossard (1965), p. 199, however, points out
that this is one and the same person because "Lobdeval" is found
as a variant of "Ldpez de Gargas" in the archival'documents.
117. For this period Braudel's otherwise useful generalization is not

•-a p p ro p ria te :
"One of the problems of the Pyrenees was that they never
allowed two-way t r a f f ic . Either France was the predominant
cultural influence and everything travelled from north to
south . . . ; or else Spain suddenly rcê to eminence and reversed
the flow from south to north, as happened in the sixteenth and,
seventeenth centurigsT^The traditional dialogue between France
and Spain abruptly took a new turn and i t was to change again in
the eighteenth century." Braude*! (1972-1973) vol. 2, p. 833.
118. Shergold (1967), p. 533. Additional references are given in

. J.E. Varey and N.D.- Shergold, Teatros y comed.ias en Madrid:
1651-1665. Estudio y-documentos (London, 1973), pp. 29-30.
119., Fournier (1911).
120. Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I , vol. 1, p. ccxxiv.
permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

121. Excerpts from some of the relevant archival sources are »
transcribed in Marcelle Bdnoit, "Les’ musiciens frangaisde
Marie-Louise d1.Orleans, reine d'Espagne", REVUE MUSICALE rium£ro
special 226 (1955), pp. 48-60. The lengths of the contracts,
although not specified in the surviving documentation, were
presumably of considerable duration. Note that Queen Marie-
Louise* died in 1689. *
122. In a French archival document of 1699 Jacquart is described as
deceased and a former "maftrede musique de la chapelle de la
reine d'Espagne". Nothing further is known about his career
except that in the year 1675, at the age of 29, he was married in-
Paris. See Yolande de Brossard (19o5), p. 152.
123..__ "Au mariage de Charles I I , avec Mademoiselle d'Orleans, des

musiciens frangois reprbsenterent quelques Operas de Lully I
Madrid, dont 1'on changea les prologues, pour en substituer
d'autres qui conviennent aux cours dtrangbres oD on^les
joue, . . . mais cel a ne dura pas long terns, la nation [d'Espagne]
ayant plus de goDt pour la musique italien ne." [Jacques
Bonnet], Histoire de la musique, et de ses effe ts , depuis son
origine jusqu‘5 present (Paris, 1715; facsimile edition, Geneva,
1969) chap. 11, p. 379. . =.
124. - Pedro Calderdn de la Barca, Hado, y divisa de Leonido, y de

Marfisa (comedia; fiesta que se representd a sus magestades en
el coliseo del Buert R etiro), published posthumously in his
Verdadera. quinta parte de comedias (Madrid, 1682; facsimile
• edition, Westmead and-London, 1973, vol. 14),' pp. 1-66.—T h e -------
musical settingHjy Hidalgo does not survive. Payments for this
"fiesta" include the following: "A los franceses de la Opera
[my emphasis]fpor aver tocado en los ensayos y en la fie s ta ,
100 reales de a ocho, 1,200 reales velldn." E Mp legajo 666; as
quoted in Shergold (1967), p. 346 note 6. '
•%
125. El labrador qentil hombre (fin de fie s ta ), E Mn Mss 9373. Its

performance during this "fiesta" is pointed out by Shergold
(1967), p. 346; and Bussey (1982), pp. 15-16.
126. Jean-Baptiste Lully, Le bourgeois qentilhomme (comddie-ballet;

f ir s t performed Chambord; October 14, 1670) LWV 43.
** '
127. " . . . nb ho ritrovato notizia alcuna del dramma musicale [a lia
corte di Spagna] avanti ai tempi di Carlo Secondo, nelle nozze
del quale con Marianna di Neoburg si rappresentarono alcuni
drammi. colla musica del L u lli, i l primo dei quali fu in tito la to
'l'A njiid a'. Indi a non mol to , non piacendo a lia nazione la
musica francese, si feeero venire musici e cantori da Milano, e
da Napoli a rappresentare i l melodramma ita lia n o ." Esteban
Arteaga, Le rivoluzioni del teatro musicale ita lia n o d a lla
sua origine fino al presente, opera di Stephano Arteaga .
madridense (2nd edition, Venice, 1785) voK 1 chap. 7. p. 311.'
Il&r-'
P'
59.
■ ■ . /
128. Cotarelo y Mori (1917), p. 20 note 1, unreasonably rejects the
claims made by Bonnet and Arteaga. *
129. His rival claimant was Archduke Charles, the solhi of Emperor
Leopold I , who was supported by the Grand Alliance of Austria,
Holland, England, and la te r Portugal. Charles, however, le f t
Spain in 1711 to be crowned Emperor Charles VI on the death of
his brother Emperor Joseph I . Felipe was formally recognized as
the king of Spain by England and Holland in the Treaty of
Utrecht (1713), and by Austria in theTreaty of"Rastaat (1714).
130. Kamen (1969), p. 61.
131. Kamen (-1969), pp. 42-43.
132. For more information concerning French p o litic al influence-at

the Spanish court", with references to the a c tiv itie s of Amelot
and Ursfps, see Kamen (1969), pp. 42-56 and 118-139.
133. This academy was established by a royal decree, issued by

Felipe V on-October 3, 1714, and i t began its a c tiv itie s in
January, 1715. See Novfsima recopilacidn de las leyes de Espana
(Madrid, 1805-1807) Bk. V I I I , section xx, law 1; vol. 4,
pp. 166-168. The quotation describing its objectives is given
in W.N. Hargreaves-Mawdsley, Spain under the Bourbons,
1700-1833. A collection of ^documents (London, 1973), p. 59,
which is an English translation of an excerpt from Nicolds de
-Jesds Belando, Historia c iv il de Espana y; succesos de la guerra
y tratados de la paz; desde el ano de mil setecientos hasta
el de mil setecientos trein ta y tres (Madrid, 1740) pt. IV,
pp. 58-59. .
' i '- “
134. For the royal decree, issued on April 18, 1738, see Novfsima
recopilacidn (1805-1807) Bk. V I I I , section xx, law 2; vol. 4,
pp. 168-169. '
135. Charles Kany, Life and manners in Madrid 1750-1800 (Berkeley,

1932), p. 347, and pp. 456-457 note 53.
136. For a generaT discussion of this subject which concentrates on

the second half of the century, see Paul Mdrimde, L1influence
francaise en Espagne au XVIIIe si&cle (Paris, 1936X
137. Benito Jerdnimo Feijdo y Montenegro, Teatro c rftico universal

9 vol. (Madrid, 1726-1741); modern edition in BAE 56 (1883),
BAE 141 (1961), BAE 142 (1961), and-BAE 143 (1961).
138. Charles N. Staubach, "Fontenelle in the writings of Feijdo",

HISPANIC REVIEW 8 (1940), pp. 46-56. »
139. Discussed by Yves Bottineau, L 'a rt de cour dans VEspagne de‘
Philippe V 1700-1746 (Bordeaux, 1962), pp. 599-601. The royal
confirmation issued on May 30, 1757, is printed in Novfsima
recopilacidn (1805-1807) Bk. V I I I , section x x ii, law T; vol. 4,
1 pp. 173-175. -
140. A well documented study of his career is given by Michel

Antoine, Henry Desmarest (1661-1741). Biographie critique
(Paris, 1965). Desmarest received his f ir s t payment from the
Spanish king on June 6, 1701; the autographed receipt is
preserved in E Mp 291/1, and is reproduced in Antoinf-(1965),
p. 95.
141. Antoine (1965), pp. 100-101, quotes the relevant excerpts from
E Mp Reinados Felipe V legajo 179; and from PARIS, Archives des
Affaires Etranglres, Espagne, vol. 93.
142. . Antoine (1965), p. 113.
143. Antoine (1965), p. 117
\
urn
61.
3 THERMOSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN
The Lack of Aristocratic Patronage -
In any. geographical region at a given time, the type of .

a
patronage afforded to professional musicians is one of the decisive —
determinants of the kinds of music which they w ill cultivate. In Spain
during the 17th century the employers of lite ra te musicians were almost
J'"5- exclusively the Church and the Crown. There was a distin ct absence of
'patronage by other members of the aristocracy. This yielded a s*tate of
a ffa irs quite unlike that in some other European regions, notably Ita ly
and Germany, which were p o litic a lly fragmented. The state of a ffa irs in
Spain during the 17th century also differed from that of other
historical periods. In both the 16th and 18th centuries the Spanish
fio b ility did include prominent promoters of music. For example, during
the second quarter of the 16th century a flourishing cultural centre was
lo c a te iT a ^ h e viceregal court in Valencia, which between. 1526 and 1536
was ruled by Fernando de Aragdn, duque de Calabria (son of Federico V
of Naples) and his f i r s t wife Germana de Foix (a niece of Louis X II and
widow of Fernando el Catdlico), and la te r between 1540 and 1550 by the
duque de Calabria and his second wife Mencfa de Mendoza, marquesa de

' .. . ‘ . . - ■ '.
Cenete.1 Another important secular court for musical a c tiv ity during
the f i r s t h a lf,o f the 16th century was the.palace at Guadalajara (in ■
Castile) of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, the 3rd duque del Infantado
(1461-1531) and later_gf his son and. successor Inigo Ldpez de Mendoza
(1493-1566).^ Outstanding examples o f^ ris to c ra tic patrons during the
middle of the 18th century in Madrid were Fernando de Silva y Alvarez de
Toledo, the 12th duque de Alba (1714-1776) and his son Francisco de
62.
PaufePSilva
iilva (^733-17
(1733-1770).3 V
In the 17th century a number of historical factors, aside from

i-
the negative evidence of th ^ archival records, point to the absence of
secular musical patronage by the aristocracy on the Spanish peninsula.
^ First, the biographical data concerning composers of the period, demonstrate
demonstrate that most of them held posts at the Royal Court or at various
cathedrals and monasteries. Throughout the country there were numerous
religious foundations.^ Moreover the amount of ecclesiastical
training in Spain rose to enormous proportions in the late 16th and 17th
' '" ■ . - ■■'■■■ /
centuries. Some o ffic ia ls , such as the conde de Gohdomar, did raise
objections against the plethora of theological seminaries and
• monasteries, but apparently to no avail.5 Many musicians were trained
ecclesiastics'and some of them also engaged in non-musical religious

V . * ,
duties. For example, the prominent 17th-century theorist Andrds
Lorerite, in addition to working as organist and prebendary ("racionero")
at the. Tglesia magistral de San Justo y Pastor in Alcaia de Henares,"
arjd teaching on the faculty of the University of Alcal5, also served as .
a commissary of the Inquisition ("comissario del Santo Oficio de la
Inquisicidn de Toledo") from 1664 until at least 1686.5 V
Second, most music publications of the period contain either
royal or religious dedications. The Spanish king is the dedicatee of
the instrumental books by Coelho (T620), Guerau (1694), Sanz (the
7th and 8th editions, issued in 1697), and Ferndndez de Huete (vol. 1,
issued in 1702); and of the treatises by Cerone (1613) and Tosca
(1709).7 Sim ilarly the dance treatise by Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745)
contains a royal dedication by the publisher Joseph Testore to Carlos,
of Naples and S icily (the future Carlos I I I of Spain).® In the
same category belong the guitar publications of Arartes (1624) and Sanz
ie early editions o f '1674 and ca. 1675), inasmuch as they are each
inscribed to a representative of the Spanish throne* Arands dedicates
his book to the Spanish ambassador in Rome, Ruigdmiez de. Silva, duque de
Pastrana and prfncipe de Melito, for whom he worked as chaplain and
chapel-master (according to his signature in the dedication).® Sanz.,
dedicates the f ir s t six editions of his guitar- book to Juan.de Austria
(1629-1679), the ille g itim a te son of Felipe IV and the actress Marfa
Calderdn, who took up residence in Zaragoza on June 4, 1669, as the
vicar general of Aragon.*® Religious dedications, either to the Virgin

e*
Mary or to high ranking ecclesiastics, account for the majority of the
remaining music publications. Such works include thje^fnstrumental books
by. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) and FernSndez de Huete (vol. 2, issued in
17dî; as well as the treatises by Salinas (1577), Lorente (1672), Torres
y Martfnez Bravo (1702 and 1736), Cruz Brocarte (1707), and Nassarre
(1723-1724).** Furthermore, although there i§ no o ffic ia l dedication in
the keyboard-publication of Correa de Arauxo (1626), the composer does
conclude his theoretical remarks with conventional words of religious
homage. *2 „ .
1 < Dedications to noblemen are rarely found in Spanish music
publications. Two examples from the 17th century are the guitar
treatise by Poizi de Velasco (1640) and the dance treatise by Esquivel
Navarro (1642).*® Doizi de Velasco dedicates his guitar book to
Margafita de Austria, Branchiforti y Colona, a prpnjinen^ S icilian
aristocrat who was a descendant of Emperor Carlos V through his

“ recognized ille g itim a te son Juan de Austria.14 Esquivel Navarro
dedicates his dance treatise to Alonso Ortiz de Zuniga Ponce de Le6n y
% Sandoval, the eldest son and heir of the marquds de Valdenzinas.1®

0
In the early 18th century such dedications begin to appear more
frequently, thus reflecting an increased interest in music on the part

' -s . . .
of some of the Spanish aristocracy. The edition of Nassarre's
Fragmentos mtisicos revised and published by Torres y Martfnez Bravo in
1700 is dedicated to Manuel de Silva y Mendoza, brother of the duque de

■' ■ ■
>
Pastrana y del Infantado. According to Torres's remarks,in the
dedication, Silva y Mendoza^was one of his patrons and students.1®
Sim ilarly Murcia (1714) dedicates his guitar publication to Jdcome
Francisco Andriani, who served the Spanish king as a special envoy to
the Catholic cantons of the Netherlands ("embiado extraordinario de los
cantones cathdlicos").1^ Andriani was born in Lucca, Ita ly , and moved
to Spain where he was admitted to the knightly Order of Santiago in
1712.1® Andriani enabled Murcia to publish his guitar treatise by
paying for the engraving of the work on bronze plates.1^ Shortly
thereafter Ulloa (1717) also dedicates his treatise, to a nobleman and
knight of the Order of Santiago; namely, Ignacio Loyola, the eldest son
and heir of the marquds .de la Olmeda.^ ‘
Returning to music publications of the 17th century, a striking
contrast is found in France, a t least with regard to the guitar manual
by the Spaniard Luis de Briceho (1626). For his book Briceno sought and
received support from some members Of the French aristocracy as is shown
• ■ (
by his dedication to "madama de Chales", and by the fa c t that two of the
• * \ „ .
. French government.^*That Briceno moved in Parisian aristocratic
• circles at least 12 years before' the appearartceôf his guitar book is
demonstrated by the dedicatory "soneto" which he cpntributed to the
publication, inscribed to the French king, of Le Sieur de Moulfere.^
The th ird factor which in d irectly suggests a lack o f •
aristocratic patronage o f music in Spain is the re la tiv e ly l i t t l e
attention accorded by composers and theorists to the harps’!chord
("clavicordio"), which was one of the most important chamber Instruments
throughout the rest of western Europe. Indeed-Nassarre's remarks about
the harpsichord, which he includes in his encyclopedic music trea tise ,
appear to re fle c t accurately the 17th-century practice in Spain.
Nassarre does not discuss harpsichord playing in relation to performance-
by'the professional musician, but rather he includes some pedagogical
comments solely fo r teaching the amateur who wants to play fo r his own
■« 5 amusement.^
•• jFor the late ,16th and early 17th centuries a fin a l indication of
/ the absence of'1Spanish aristocratic support is found in the treatise by
/ Cerone wherd,hescontrasts;.the poor quality and quantity'of music

v’ . - ; • -y.: ' •'> ’ >.. ' nm
' - ■
education ini Spain?with., that in Ita ly . H I t is possible to argue that
Cerone does not present an objective description of the musical
environment in Spain, in lig h t of-his e a rlie r departure from the Iberian.,,
peninsula in pursuance of his.'mugical career. However i t would be -
d iffic u lt to reconcile the assumption?th^t he harboured a strong.bias
against Spain with the .lâct that he wrote his treatise in C astilian, that
- he dedicated i t to Felipe III., and that as a musician- in Naples — where

'» T’ . - ' i ' ^ ' .V > ' . r ' ' 1 '
'•t _■' ' 1 • * ■ . j‘ <■ ’1.' ' '
ft';
^he Was- apparently content to work f o r the?;remainjder of his life - — he was-,
. •: v .-'- ^7 ■'
•V - •. , • «o.‘.
^
•. . '<t + . 4
„■
- i. :
« • • «•_, ... . . . •
s t ill an employee of the Spanish government. Consequently i t is much
more lik e ly that the state of musical l if e in Spain seemed particularly
deficient to Cerone because of the contrast i t displayed with the
flourishing a c tiv ity in Naples, with its numerous musical institutions
includ ing four conservatories.^ In his discussion Cerone emphasizes
the.indifferent and often negative attitudes, held by many of the Spanish
aristocracy towards music: <
■’ In contrast [with the large number of Ita lia n aristocrats

who cultivate music], one finds that in Spain there are very
few noblemen who take pleasure in.learning about music.
Instead many detest i t , rejecting and banishing i t from th eir
houses as something contemptible,, disgraceful, and harmful;
' and as something which seems to them to have been invented .
solely for clergymen and monks, Its I have'stated above in
chapter 9. Notwithstanding a ll 'this, I gather that from now
on there w ill be more musicians than in the past, and that
- also there w ill be distinguished gentlemen from illu striou s
families who w ill fondly take up music. I say this because
when King "don" Felipe I I I (may God preserve him for many
prosperous years) was prince, he. showed himself to be very
fond of music and of its teachers; and one frequently finds
in this world that i t is customary for vassals to try to be
whatever their kings and princes are.
Cerone's optimistic prognostication, probably offered to fla tte r the
king, did not materialize. He continues by asserting that most
professional musicians in Spain enter the fie ld not from any interest in
V 1- • ' '
i ■ - the subjectV but simply because of greed:
“ Moreover It declare that i f a person of common rank studies

something about music, rwould imagine that he does not study
% with the same purpose as the Ita lian s, but rather solely in
^ \ the hope of obtaining those posts which pay. 300 or 500
"ducados". In other words i f i t were not for the good
lucrative posts which exist in Spain* there would not be as
\many: Spanish musicians and singers as one finds today. ‘For
every,day one sees that once a singer, organist, or chapel-
mastef has obtaihed a good post, he no longer desires: t ^
1 study any mof’i , or to put i t more.precisely^ he no longer
strives to know more than he already does. ' - •
fv- 'V .• - V ,
“i
For Cerone the disconcerting absence o f’ musical academies in
Spain is one o f the unfortunate consequences of the prevailing attitudes
held by the aristocrat and the professional: -
The f if t h [i.e ., fourth] reason [fo r the Italian, superior

it y in music education] is the large number of opportunities
that exist for'studying i t there. For in many Ita lia n c itie s
there, are^buildings, called academies, which are designed
solely for g^thprings of singers, instrumentalists, and
»et there for two or three hours of a c tiv ity
lly the most famous composers of the c ity
atteritky_After th eir compositions tried out and the
musical performances have ended, i t ivs customary for them to
deliver speeches on some-musical topic. Each one expresses
his opinion i-nya very affable manner, and the arguments.are
concluded to everyone's advantage. -J
In addition to these public academies there are various
'•other private houses*of individual noblemen at which the same
ac tivities take place. Thus from these assemblies of
musicians and from the speeches which are constantly
delivered there, one always rfnds up learning and progressing
in a most pleasurable and speedy manner.... In a ll these
opportunities and fa c ilitie s /For learning more easily and
quickly, Spain is almost ent/irely lacking. One sees this,
for example, at the court, yhere among the numerous knights,
counts, marquesses, dukes,/and princes who reside there,
there is no one (that I krioW of) who enjoys music or who is
interested in organizing such academies. Speaking
tru th fu lly, I declape/that 1 do not find more than one-person
who enjoys h o ld in g jfa h a c tiv itie s at his residence. This
gentleman is "don" Jumae Borja, the chief steward of her
sacred Catholic majesty, the Emjbres's "dona" Marfa de Austria
(who is now in hearven)Vsis'teiTof King "don" Felipe I I . . . .
Consequently i t isr no wonderttfat there are more singers and
more musicians ameng the • ItaT'raqs than among the Spaniards.
Rather, the truly^surprising thirm is that the Spanish ones
.. possess such fine s^dlls, considering the absence of
opportunities for thetrkto tra in jtnd -improve themselves. 8
Cerone's description of the musical l i f e in Spain is nqt
irreconcilable with the fact that musicians occasionally met informally
to perform together, because such gatherings apparently took place

XT
without aristocratic support. Such is the case, for example, concerning
those informal concerts held during the early 17th century in Madrid at
the house of Bernardo Clavijo. They'are described in the partly '
autobiographical novel by Espinel, where he compares them anachronis-
tic a lly with a'private academy held ea rlie r in Milan at the home of one
of its foremost residents:
I returned to Milan. That republic, which is so abundant

in a ll things, also possesses numerous men who are very
learned in lite ra tu re and in the practice of music. "Don"
Antonio de Londofla, president of its magistracy, was
extremely knowledgeable in music. At his residence there .
were ialways gatherings of musicians with excellent voices and
very proficient s k ills . On such occasions one used to hear
references to a ll the prominent men in the fie ld . The viol
["vihuela dearco"], keyboard, harp, and vihuela ["vihuela de
mano"] were played with great mastery by very outstanding men
on a ll these instruments. They also discussed questions
concerning the jise of this science. However they did not
reach the high level which these days [i.e ., early 17th
century] has been attained at the house of "maestro"
. [Bernardo] Clavijo [in Madrid], where there have been
gatherings of the purest and most illu strio u s men of this
divine, though poorly rewarded [my emphasis], discipline.
Among those who assembled in tto* garden of his house was the
licentiate Gaspar de Torres, who tru ly could strike ^he
strings with-elegance and erudition while accompanying his _
vihuela playing with his singing of the most graceful/
ornamental passages ["pasajes de voz y garganta"]. T n this
he attained the highest possible level of perfection. There
were also many other persons very worthy of mention. However
I have succeeded in listening to "maestro" Clav.ijo himself at
the keyboard, together w ith ‘his daughter "dona" Bernardina at
the harp and Lucas de Matos on the vihuela of 7 courses, each
one imitating the others in the performance of extremely
d iffic u lt and unusual passages, and i t is the finest thing
which I have heard in my lif e . Indeed the g irl — who is now
a nun at the convent of Santa Domingo el Real — is an -
extraordinary wonder of nature at the keyboard and on the
Sacred Vocal Music
The lack of aristocratic patronage in Spain is closely related
to the almost e x c l u s i v e consideration given by most theorists, even in '

•>
encyclopedic treatises, to the repertory of sacred vocal music. Up to
the early 18th century the ^fundamental idea whicJb p&i^vades most Spanish
i
treatises is that the chief purpose of music is to serve and glon?y
God. To 'this end. many theorists adopt elements from both the Pythagorean
philosophy that music is based on number, and the neo-Platonic philosophy
that the highest form of music is the celestial harmony of the spheres which
in turn is related to man’s moral behaviour.3® Pythagoreanism, neo
platonism, and religious mysticism are more prominent in many philosophical
writings of western Europe during the 16th and early 17th centuries. Such
concepts even play a leading role in the formulation p f some of the
revolutionary scien tific theories of the 17th century. For example, Johannes
Kepler (1571-1630), despite his empirical methods, attempts to base his model
of the universe f ir s t on the geometry of Pythagorean solids and lâter on the
harmonies of the Pythagorean scale.3* In music theory Pythagorean, neo-
Platonic, and religious ideas are characteristic of many European treatises
during the 16th century. However during the 17th and early 18th centuries
Spanish theorists continue to expound these ideas with much greater
enthusiasm than most of th eir European contemporaries.
That music should be used to praise God and u p lift man s soul is
ar principle which is reiterated variously by Salinas (1577), Cerone

. v
(1613), Lorente (1672),. and Nassarre (1724), and thus accords with the
writings of e a rlie r theorists such as Bermudo (1555).33 On occasion
this principle is advanced in the form of the metaphorical precept that
man should strive to imitate the music of the angels.33
The numerical or "rational” basis of music is generally accepted,
by Spanish theorists, but only Salinas presents a detailed explanation
of Pythagorean number theory.3^ In addition he employs tfie concept of
. .
' 3'4' . * ■
the sounding number ("numerus sonorus") to explain his ..approach to music
theory .35 :
The leading exponents of neo-Platonic ideas among the Spanish
theorists are Cerone, with his long discussion of moral behaviour
("mdsica humana"), and Nassarre, with his frequent references to the
influences of ^stfological forces ("mdsica celestial11) on the physical
and spiritual world.^8 For th eir perpetuation of such concepts both
Cerone and Nassarre were severely'criticized in la te r Spanish writings,-
beginning ^ ith the devastating satirical novel by the Jesuit music.,
theorist Antonio Eximeno.^ The ridiculing tone of this influential
novel is conveyed in the following remarks by Howell:
Nasarre M s come down to us with an unfortunate

reputation. Those who know of him at a ll probably remember
him by the caustic "bon mot" of Eximeno, that he was
"organista de nacimiento y ciego de profesidn" (organist by
birth and a blind man‘ by profession).... fEximeno's novel,
"Don Lazarillo Vizcardi"]'is a kind of musical "Don Quixote",
in which the obsessed knight is replaced by a crazed church
organist, and the ancient books of chivalry by Cerone's "El
melopeo y maestro" and Nasarre's "Escuela mdsica". The
organist becomes "loco" from the too-assiduous reading of
these works, teaches his followers how to set up a horoscope
v based on the eight modes, and catches a fever from going out
onâ-cold night to hear the harmony of. the spheres. 38
Eximeno's aesthetic attitudes were warmly praised by Barbiert and
Pedrell. Consequently, Mendndez y Pelayo, writing under the guidance of
B arb ier!/-dismisses Cerone's treatise as a "veritable hodge-podge ...
overflowing witî pedantic learning and with chapters which are completely
irrelevant to music."^ Mendndez is kinder in his assessment of
Nassarr ^ ^ o rk, but nevertheless harshly condemns him for the inclusion
of neo-Platonic concepts, which he attributes to the. bad influence o f
Cerone's treatise.
. S> A J.
Of the relative ly few Spanish treatises extant from the. 17th and
early 18th centuries, those by Cerone and Nassarre are among the longest
and most detailed. Unfortunately, because of the criticisms later
levelled against them, they have been unjustly neglected as historical
sources. A careful reading of th eir treatises reveals that both
theorists provide abundant information about the contemporaneous
practice of music in Spain. Only recently have some scholars begun to
re-examine th e ir treatises objectively.
In order to understand the musical attitudes towards sacred
vocal music which were prevalent among professional musicians i t is

y . ' ’ - .
. essential to realize the enduring influence effected by the Council of
Trent fn Spain. During its 22nd and 24th sessions, held in 1562 and
,\ 1563, the Council drafted a number of recommendations concerning
v religious music, the most important of^which was that sa^&eij and secular
\ music should be kept quite distinct/from one another. ^ This idea was
■' V f ■
fi^lly supported by Spain at the time.' Collet points out that the large
number of Spanish representatives in attendance at the two sessions
suggests that they played an important role in the formulation and
approval of the Council's recommendations'. Furthermore, Spain under
Felipe $ I o ffic ia lly adopted a ll the guidelines in th e ir e n tir e ty .^
‘ In his study, Collet adopts the over-sim plified, y e t.s t ill
useful, hypothesis that the uniqueness of Spain's development in the
fie ld of sacred music during the second half of the 16th century should
be attributed almost en tirely to her religious attitudes and to the fact
that her p o litic a l stature depended on the success of a counter-
- reformation.^ jlbwever one should be careful not to exaggerate the
severity of the Spanish royal attitude towards sacred music. For
example, i t is known that on the founding of his monastic palatial
retreat, the Monasterio de'San Lorenzo el Real de El Escorial (which was

• *
constructed between 1563 and 1584), Felipe I I orig in ally intended to ban
the performance of polyphony by the resident choir.44 One might
istakenly assume that this prohibition was actually enforced, and that
only visiting choirs, such as that of the "capilla real", performed
polyphony at Escorial during the 16th century. However the error of
this suppostion has been demonstrated by Rubio, who presents archival

/
accounts of polyphonic performances by the Escorial choir even in the
presence of Felipe I I . 4^
A clear distinction between sacred^nd secular styles continued
to be one of the most important characteristic's of Spanisji musical
thought up to at least the f i r s t jparlf of the 18th century. For example,
Nassarre not only reiterates throughout his comprehensive treatise the
need for using an,appropriate style for church music, but he also refers
"• c» /
specifically to the recommendations of the Counci.1 of Trent:
Yet in order that church music should s t ir t h e heart fo r '

the said purpose [of inducing a sense of worship and piety],
i t must he suitable for such" a sacred place. One should not
incorporate jimmoral and profane songs, for those who do so
are not worthy of the name "musician". For when the music is
-'not solemn and morally proper i t not only fa ils to achieve
the purpose of rousing one to worship, but i t even draws
one's heart away from God and sends i t over to the realm of
the mundane. The blessed Council of Trent, in its 22nd
session, warns that in order that the house of God may
) • tru ly be called a house of prayer, in i t one must not
employ any indecent or profane pieces either in singing,
•or on the organ, or on any other instruments, especially
r during the divine office and the sacred sacrifice of the -
* mass.45 - .
The ideas expounded here by Nassarre were shared by many other theorists
. . 'ft •
, •' ■ • . . . ? ■ '
of the time, especially by those who objected to the growing use of
Ita lia n musical styles in'Spain. Even the renowned 18th-century
philospher Feijdo, who c r itic a lly re-evaluated many trad itio n ally
N,
accepted Spanish ideas, assumes a conservative stand with respect to
sacred music: .
The church chants of these times, with respect to th eir

form and manner, sound lik e the songs of a jovial company
sittin g round a table [or theatrical songs]. They are a ll
composed of minuets, recitatives, lig h t airs, and alegros ...
Should not a ll church music be grave? Ought not the whole
composition to be calculated to impress gravity, devotion
and decency? The instrumental music [in the church] is the
p . same ... This music, so replete with jig s , that you can scarce
find.a piece without one, can raise no other eimotions in the
I imagination, than those of fro lic and levity. He who hears
{. on the organ,, the same minuet which he heard at the ba ll,
I what effect w ill i t hcfye on him? No other, than reminding
I him of the lady with whom he danced the preceding night.
I Thus the music which ought to translate the s p irit of him who
listens to i t , from the terrestial to the celestial temple,
! conveys i t from the church to the banquet; . . . 47
j Later Francisco Vails, the retired "maestro de capilla" of Barcelona

i ’ ' • • ■.
|r Cathedral, expresses the same philosophy iri his large manuscript
treatise. In his l is t of mistakes to be avoided by the composer, the
most serious is the following:

*
The f ir s t and greatest fa u lt is not to realize what church*
music should be: blundering with rhythmic patterns ["ayres"]
and ideas*taken from the theatre, and recklessly disregarding
the sacred canonical law and the holy fathers. Most of the
time this occurs because of ignorance.
In order to avoid incurring such a serious censure and
in order to^stay easily clear of scandal, adopt the
following mea’sures in the composition: use a slow tempo
in order that the text can be understood; take great care
to avoW those rhythmic patterns ["ayres"] associated with ,
profane music; and tnake sure you*do not incorporate those
vices whjch are recognizable by the fact that they incite
people to dance ["bailar"] and to tw ist th eir bodies
•seductively [Vmeneos del cuerpo"]. At the present time
these faults are heard very often in"music for the mass
- and for the psalms.48
Such attitudes are not confined to Spain. For example, ,in a..,,
treatise published in Hamburg in 1728 Mattheson makes the following
observation:
Now no one w ill readily approve that a melody ... which

has just been heard by thousands of people at the opera,
should be sung, by y/ay of a parody, to sacred words. 9
Nevertheless the general attitudes towards church music appear
to have been more reactionary.in Spain than in other parts of western
Europe. This had two profound consequences in the fie ld of music.
First, sacred repertory from the,16th century was apparently reused
throughout Spain up until at least the early 18th century.5® This
practice at the beginning of the 17th century is implied by Cerone,. when
he critic izes Spanish musicians for th eir lack of productivity:
The f if t h reason- [for the Ita lia n superiority in music

education] is the constant desire which they [i.e ., the
Ita lia n musicians] possess to learn something more every
day. Consequently Ita lia n musicians are never id le, but
_ rather are always busy composing, so that they may be
able to publish at least some.small new work by the end
of the year. Every day one sees works being published in
Venice and in Rome— not to mention the other cities - -
and in such quantity that i t is almost unbelievable.
However the Spaniards, as soon as they have secured a
fine post with a good income, give themselves up more to
a l if e of ease. Copsequently they do not devote much
time to composing masses, motets, or any other works for
which they might have to strain themselves. Instead they
are content to compose merely half a dozen "villancicos"
during the entire year,, without giving any thought to the
time they are wasting.51
Another indication of the continued use of older Sacred music is the
fact that Spanish theorists of the 17th and early 18th centuries s t ill,
devoted some space .to an explanation of the mensural notational of the

■■ : ■. V
16th century. For example, as late as the 1740‘s, Francisco Vails
includes a b rief discussion of ligatures, coloration, and the dots of

t **
augmentation, perfection, division, and alteration in his manuscript
treatise. For additional details he refers the reader to the treatises

■ 'H 5? ' •» ■
of Zarlino and Cerone.
The second important consequence of the reactionary attitudes
towards church music in Spain was the perpetuation, in the realm of
sacred polyphony, of compositional procedures from the,16th century,
including most importantly the retention of an extremely conservative

' • ' ' r.\- ■
treatment of dissonance. Particularly instructive in this regard is the
controversy which raged in Spain during the early 18th century as the
result of a musical passage in Francisco Valls's "Missa scala aretina"
(scale by Guido of Arezzo; i.e., a hexachord), which was composed by
1702 at the la te s t.53 The dispute revolved around an entry of the
second soprano ("tipie II" ), in the "Miserere nobis" section of the
"Gloria", which forms an unprepared major ninth with the tenor and bass,
- and an unprepared minor second with the alto (see musical example 1).54
MUSICAL EXAMPLE 1 - Controversial dissonance in the "Missa

scala aretina">by Vails (ca. 1702) ‘
3ES±E
The controversy erupted in prin t in 1716. One of the most c ritic a l
* v
attacks against Vails was written by Martfnez de la Roca.*^ In a l l ,
close to 80 opinions were issued in Spain between 1716 and 1720 regarding
' the v a lid ity of this passage. Only about 40 Spanish musicians concluded
their'remarks toith a definite judgement, with the supporters of Vails
s lig h tly outnumbering his detractors.^ The polemic assumed such
magnitude that i t was brought to the attention of Alessandro Scarlatti
in Naples, and he decided to consider i t in a short essay on counterpoint.
Although Scarlatti acknowledges the expressive merit of Valls's dissonant
passage, he favours in general tne retention of traditional conservative
dissonance treatment in sacred polyphony.^
In comparison with techniques found in other styles and in other
countries, the dissonance in Valls's passage is not particularly w ild,
fo r i t is m etrically weak and resolves dofim by step. In fact^nfuch of
the polemic was conducted by both sides within the framework of
V traditional contrapuntal theory. Thus many of the arguments were
^ directed towards the question of whether one could ju s tifia b ly consider
the rest preceding the c ritic a l entry as being equivalent in function to
a consonance - - by theoretically substituting ("suponer") the pitch "g"
or "b^7" for the rest — which would then reduce the offending dissonance '
to a passing status.^® However these arguments obscure the important
underlying issue, which was whether the composer of sacred polyphony had
the creative right to consciously break the accepted rules of
counterpoint on occasion, for-such purposes'as emphasizing the te x t.-
Viewed in this lig h t, the Spanish controversy is remarkably sim ilar to

t l i o T f a l ■» a n rtn /a h v » A l/A i4 - m t is * U ^ — — -1
Artusi, and which led to the formulation and acceptance of the "seconda
pratica".^ That the Spanish dispute occurred more than 100 years
afte r the Ita lia n one serves to demonstrate how deeplyHJie older
contrapuntal procedures were entrenched in Spanish church mVsic.
Nevertheless the time difference is misleading because the Spanish
polemic concerned sacred polyphony, while the Ita lia n one was waged in
the realm of secular music. Moreover in the Spanish treatises therej-*
no e x p lic it discussion of a term resembling the "seconda p ra tic ^ /in

A
meaning. Apart from noting that this provides yet and(fcher--i(ffdication of
the neglect of secular music by most Spanish theorists - - and this is a
logical consequence of the' prevailing philosophy that the true musician
should devote himself to religious'music — it ' is important to realize
that they coulti dispense with such a term because the division between
sacred and secular music was so strongly established in Spanish theory.

' *
I t was not that composers of secular music, especially instrumental
r
works, did not employ new arid daring treatments of dissonance (see
below? pp. 82-85), but rather that theorists could discuss sacred vocal
.• ■ ■ ; '. - ■ ' ■' ; ■
polyphony without having to refer to secular or instrumental practice.
During the early 18th century, with the growing influx of

/ . v .
foreign music, Spanish theorists regarded the treatment of dissonance as
the principal criterion for differentiating Spanish vocal polyphony from
the music of other cîntries. Nassarre, for example, places great
emphasis throughout his la rg # tre a tis e on the need for a s tric t
conservative control of dissonance, and he claims that i t is precisely
this quality which establishes the superiority of Spanish polyphony over
foreign music:
78.
There are only two reasons whidh have compelled me to

.publish this work. The f i r s t is to shed lig h t on music so as;
to enable one to operate in accordance with reason, by means
of rules of,the art. For owing to the lack of w ritings, many
govern themselves solely by the enticing charm of sonorities.
In many*sections of this work I have written about the use of
the dissonant intervals as well as about th e ir character-
. is tic s , and I' have provided rules concerning th e ir proper
employment, in'order that good music might result. However,
I have decided to give consideration to the matter in this
section as w ell, because I have observed that a corrupt
practice — which is,“mote than a l i t t l e destructive.— has
beWi introduced, which consists of making use of dissonant
intVfvals in place of consonant ones. This abuse has been,
introduced into our country by several foreigners. By means
• of the ornamentation which they add in th eir short.songs, and
by the fact that they do not confine themselves to the rules
of good music, they have transmitted this disease to many of
our compatriots. They in turn give no other reason to
ju s tify th e ir actions, save that such music gives pleasure.
I am not aware that dissonant intervals can delight the
listener. I f such were indeed the case, then musicians of
old would not have had to take so much care in arranging
systematically fo r the.proper use of dissonance, leaving us
rules so that we would not have to endure th e ir bad effects.
This corruption is widespread in music for solo voice, where
the accompaniments incorporate dissonant intervals in some of
the sections, contrary to the rules which the art of music
provides for th e ir use.50
r ' ■ -■
Later he concedes that foreign music has some attractive qualities which
could be^tdvantageously adopted, but he argues tfrat its freer use of
dissonance should be scrupulously avoided:
... for with regard to sonority, Spanish music carries a very

great advantage over any other foreign style, because i t
* avoids using dissonant intervals in any way other than those
which I have explained in various sections [o f this tre a tis e ].
. However in Ita ly and in other countries they use dissonances
as though they were consonances. Even i f the dissonances are.
caused by notes of short d u ra tio n — which is the reason they
giVe for th e ir claim that the sound is pleasing — i t would
be-more enjoyable i f they used them in accordance with.the
. • " rules of th e a r t , as is dbne in Spain. And i f such
compositions give pleasure, i t is because of the diminutions -
' ' ' ["glossa"] and the variety of rhythmic patterns ["ayres"],
s rather than the vertical sonorities. For this reason I •have
. . said that i f Spanish musicians were to work with the same
do, then th eir music would be even more delightful, owing to
! the addition of a perfect control of vertical sonorities..
Francisco Vails also discusses musical styles by nationality,
and he claims that Spanish sacred’polyphony is the most pra,i seworthy
because i t embodies the traditional rules of-composition:
We Spaniards d iffe r from musicians of other countries in

the style of composition. For when we work, we adhere more
* * closely than foreigners do tp the rules of the art in
compositions for more than two voices (as I have already
said). This style conforms to the rules practised by the
" Ita lia n , French, Spanish, and German writers of old. However
today, with the influx of ideas from beyond the mountains,
the rules are no longer observed in the pure form in which
they were taught to us by our masters. This f?ult
originates from the desire tha^ the compositions merely
delight the listener; For when one succeeds in this, one
enjoys praise; and this is the only goal such writers have.
In.addition this approach does not require so much work, ..<■
In lig h t of the e a rlier polemics in which he engaged, i t is not
surprising that Vails avoids placing great emphasis here on dissonance
treatment. ^ Instead he chooses to praise Spanish polyphony for its use

-T':/ • .
of the traditional devices of im itation, as well as for the fu ll

t
sonority of its polychoral texture.®^ His praise, however, is tempered
•f by th^ disparaging description he offers of contemporaneous practices in
Spain:
... at the same time I am trying to avoid the two extremes

which prevail *in our Spanish music. Some people are so slack
in its practice that they are only concerned that th eir
compositions w ill fla tte r the listen er, and therefore they
im itate the Italian s in. everything. Others are so austere
and so attached to in fan tile rules, that they do not tolerate
' a slight violation, not even the exception which proves the
rule, which is found in a ll disci pi ines.^ 4
Vails admires the expressive quality and imaginative instrumentation of
Ita lia n opera, but he warns that i t is highly improper to adopt this
style fo r church music.®? With regard to French sacred music, Vails
#notes that some of its s ty lis tic elements are commendable, although he
finds that Its overall effect Is often-tiresome.^--
' Despite the constant efforts of Spanish theorists to establish a
, s tric t division between sacred and secdlar music, in the practice of the
times these two repertories were not mutually exclusive. The pbjectioiis
~ - - raised by several theorists, cited above* indicate that' Beginning in the
— late 17th century some Spanish musicians began to adopt. Ita lia n
i • i
operatic forms and styles for church music. Moreover throughout the
17th century, as we shall see, popular dance-songs often intruded into
the sacred sphere: most notably during the fe s tiv itie s for Corpus
C hristi, when they could be used in the-streets-by-processional figures,
or adapted by actors on stage-carts for inclusion in the dramatic "autos

v- _
sacramentales". 1 ^
in strum ental Music '
\ Another type of musical classification'system, which cuts across
any theoretical boundaries erected between the sacred and the secular,
P
' is the division of music into instrumental style on the one hand, and
vocal style on the other. Each of these two broad categories can
incorporate quite different compositional procedures, and individual
Spanish musicians rarely deal with both types in th e ir trea tise s.6^
/ The intersection of instrumental and sacred'Vepertories extended
beyond the realm of solo organ works, and the realization of continuo
accompaniments by the organ or harp. Where funds were available other
instruments were also added in the performances o f sacred.vocal
polyphony: at f ir s t to reinforce the voices by ornamentally doubling
th eir parts, and la te r, beginning in the‘’I ate 17th century, in a more
complex fashion by presenting indepel^derrriiôdic lines. Consequently
' the large musical "capillas" in Spain played an important-role in the
cultivation of instrumental playing. As early as the year 1601, a
recommendation was issued to the effect that a ll types of wind and
-string instruments be taught to some of the choirboys in the royal
c(iapej, in orderjto* eliminate the expense of hiring outside

L ■ ' CO.
instrumentalists ./for special performances. >
During the late 16th and most of^the^17th centuries, melodic
wind instruments, such as the "corneta" (cornett), "sacabuche"
(sackbut), "chirimfa"- (shawm), and "baj<5n" (a bass double-reed ■
instrument), were particularly.prominent at the royal chapel.®® —
' ■ According toSolar-Quintes the post of "maestro de los m inistriles de la
capilla real" was probably Created in A pril, 1588, when this t i t l e was
given to Juan Bautista de Medina, a cornett player ("cantor alto de
corneta")/® An administrative recommendation from«the middle of thp
- fo il owing-century states that the group of "ministriles" in the royal

/ •
chapel should-consist-of 12 instrumentalists: 8 shawm players
\ ("chirimfas") capable of doubling on "corneta", "bajdn", or ’

Jr- •
"bajoncillo", and 4 sackbut players ("sacabuches")/'1- With the
appointment of Francisco de Valdes (or "Baldes") to the position of

\
"maestro de m inistriles" in 1652, the king ordered that thenceforth the
x "maestro" was to be responsible for conducting instrumental classes,
both for the improvement of the other "ministriles" in the royal employ,
as well as for the instruction of any interested novice
Instrumentalists in the employ of the various "capillas" did not

v «. y' .
</
ignore the secular repertory.- The musical publications of such church
musicians as Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) and FernSndez de Huete (1702)
consist of dance-song variations. In addition* i t is probable that
instrumentalists in some of the Spanish "capillas" regularly assisted at'
secular fe s tiv itie s .7^
Given the lack of aristocratic.patronage, the reactionary
attitudes to sacred .music, and the popular nature of some of the r;
repertory, i t is understandable that so l i t t l e Spanish instrumental
secular music has been preserved. Nevertheless there are two principal
reasons for the iiisto rical importance of this repertory, and of dance-
\' * 1*
variations in particular. ’ F ir^ tf in secular instrumental music *
composers were unhampered by the^*estraints of a conservative style
which were imposed on sacred |ocal polyphony. Thus secular instrumental
music* provides the. context'for the use of new compositional procedures,'
and the formulation of.new theoretical ideas; while, in contrast, sacred
,voca| music perpetuates many older s ty lis tic , theoretical, and •
notational techniques. *
For example, Spanish keyboard musicrof the 17th century employs
dissonances which are not sanctioned by .contemporaneous theory o f
polyphony. Moreover, unlike the passage .in V a lls 's ’’Missa-scala aretina"
(discussed above, pp. 75-76), none of these instrumental dissonances
seems to have provoked a serious controversy. In Spanish keyboard music
of the periodvthere are many cross-relations between a diatonic note and
its chromatic alteration.7^ In a typical cadential formula th^ cross-
relation can arise between the lowered and raised forms of the seventh
pitch-degree. In the early 18th century Nassarre (1723) even
N l ''T %: r
incorporates such a cross-relation without.'comment in ■p n e - ^ o r F ^
illu stratio n s*o f suspensions' (shown 1n musical example' ini-'r
MUSICAL EXAMPLE 2 - A cadential cross-relation in Nassarre vol. 2 . ' .1■.": "■

:JI':P!
l-ir-tlI
Sv-- ^ v /.7 : " " ’■ p
m m
V .'': 4 r ,
- f -------------------------
F f r r 4 i — J V
r 7 . ■
- - \ • " ; i/ • , ;
■ ; i-.' ’■ .
■ ■ a - . j i K - -
' It | ' 1 4 % - i
' . 1' 1
^ | ~ 4 - • ' zz
Some keyboard composers attempt to ju s tify th eir use of unusual
dissonances in terms of traditional theory and practice. Correa de
Arauxo (1626) claims that, although a t -fir s t sight some of the
dissonances in his "ti.entos" might appear to“6reak the laws of good
music, upon careful reflection the reader w ill find them to be v a lid /°
Correa de Arauxo goes on to announce a new kind of,dissonance which he

’■ * 1 ’
calls "falsa de punto intenso contra, remisso"/^ I t consists of a >;
simultaneous cross-relation of a "minor semitone" (i.e ., a diatonic note

*•^ ^ * ■ /1 ■
and its chromatic alteration), a diminished octave, or an 'augmented
octave/® To defend this daring dissonance, Correa cites Supposed
precedents in thq works of Gombert, Josquin, and Montanos/® He points
out to t‘he reader three specific passage? in his own "tientos" where he
uses a simultaneous cross-reiation 80 One such passage is shown in
musical example 3.®*
■ . . '' ' V::
t**!
MUSICAL EXAMPLE 3 - A simultaneous cross-relation
in Correa de Arauxo"
^ 1 ' d
‘ 1 1 ,
- o- 1 ' t — r "
: ^ ; J T
1 ' . r •. , .
: / ■■ ■. ■■ - , • ■, ■ •
M „ 1 1 ' ■ i ■ i ; ■
w-- — ---------- --------------------------- --- E E = = = = =
f . " R " ‘ -fo r rvuUU.. * “* °f A r;l1 V
Throughout the 17th century sustained dissonances play a
prominent role in Spanish keyboard "tientos", especially in those known

•' • . _ ■. d. ° .
as "tientos de falsas" (of'dissonances). .‘ This genre is sim ilar to the«
Ita lia n "toccata di Miurezze e ligature" (of dissonances and suspensions)
in that the dissonances are often treated, in novel way?*82 0‘ne^
important Spanish composer who cultivated this type of "tiento" was Juan
Cabanilles.®® ' -
In the second half of the 17th century the opening themes of
some keyboard "tientos" contain the melodic interval of a diminished
fourth (between the raised seventh degree and the lowered third degree).
* In such "tientos" augmented triads sometimes occur in m etrically strong
positions.®^ The following fiv e works serve as examples: ' ,V
- (i) Bernabd, "Tiento de falsas de 7° tono, de Barnavdi", in ^
E.Bc M.751/21, pp. 333-337; modern'edition by Higinio
Angies, BPSM 21 (1966), pp. 85-87. See musical
example 4. ' ...
(ii) Juan Cabanilles,"Tierito de falsas 1° tono Cabanillas",
1n E Be M.729, f. 33r-34r; modern edition by Higinio
Atiglds, BPSM 4 (1927), pp. 4-5; reprinted in BPSM 20
(1965), pp. 79-80< Spe musical example 5.
/ (iii) Josd Jimdnez, "Obra de 1° tono delleno", in E E Ms 30
(2.187), f. 85v-87r; modern edition by Higinio Anglds,
BPSM 21 (1966), pp. 17-21. See musical example 6.
(iv ) “T3 obra de 2° tono por ge sol re ut", in E- Mn M.1360,
f. 37v-39r; modern edition by Higinio Anglds, BPSM 22
(1967"), pp. 24-26. See musical example 7.
(v) "4a obra de 4 tono de l ) /eno", in E Mn M.1360, f . 60v-69r;
modern edition by Higinio Anglds, BPSM 22 (1967),
pp. 34-48. See musical example 8. '
The second principal reason fo r the historical importance of .
secular instrumental musy: is that many of its sources — especially
those for guitar or harp, where popular dance-variations predominate — .
are addressed to the novice and are designed for self-teaching. As a
result, numerous traditional concepts of music theory are simplified. I
would suggest that th is sim plification and modification of traditional
ideas contributed, although often inadvertently, to the gradual
formulation of more modern ideas of tuning, pitch organization, metric
notation, and rhythmic structure.
The pedagogical aim of many of thevSpanish instrumental sources
T '7 r ..t.
1. J
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r
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w
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_a^ .'Hicma * n
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■*
"■■ ' ■ |! * '
r ,l i-e------- -------- -
r ■■■ — .. j
t
- - - - - -- - -3
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without pei mission.
keyboard*‘ntientos*' of,
^tjffe^secbnd half :of the 17th century
Xl£LCM\«y*u»>*>3u-~ '
jq ^_ o p u ii 4 k im c
" ItiiJ L -* 13o |
Wtt.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission
' from the 17th an$ early 18th centuries is manifested in a variety of
ways.85 For example, Correa de Arauxo (1626) grades each of his organ
pieces according to th eir d iffic u lty into one of five categories
("grados").85 In other collections the self-instructional, purpose is
specified by the author. Apparently ecclesiastics constituted an
important group among the potential users of such works. For example,
in a: le tte r of approbation for'the accompaniment treatise by Torres
(1702), SebastiSn Durdn claims that Ine qf the most praiseworthy aspects
of this publication is that i t can be profitably used by monastic
persibns'whp do not have abbess to a-music teacher. 87

• .«
16 use of tablature instead of s ta ff notationcan also indicate
that a (collection is directed toward the novice. Tablature notation is
appropriate-for pedagogical purposes because i t fa c ilita te s the in it ia l
progress of the student by eliminating the necessity-of learning the
rudiments of music theory.88 Thus, in th eir appeal to as wide an
audience as possible, musicans such as FernSndez de Huete could claim
that the use of tablature in. th eir publications served to fa c ilita te
matters for the reader.88 Correa de Arauxo advances the saijie argument
in the prologue to his organ publication. 88
; Tablature notation does not specify the duration of individual
notes within each voice-part. Instead,-when rhythm is incorporated in
the notation, i t is indicated above the tablature lines by note-symbols
which represent the musical time between successive note attacks.
Therefore, in order to play rhythmically complicated pieces from
tablature, an understanding of the meaning o f the varioqs'note-shapes
is necessary. This is one of the reasons* why Correa de Arauxo,
notwithstanding his prefatory remarks in*praise of tablature, also
emphasizes the importanqe of being able to understand s ta ff notation.
Mastery of this s k ill occupies f ir s t place in his li s t of s
. recommendations fo r organists.;®* The player who lacks this s k ill is at
a severe disadvantage, but i t is minimized, as Nassarre points out in
his discussion,.of harp tablatures, when the'notated pieces belong to the
repertory of popular dance-songs:
Many maintain that tablature is superior to musical s ta ff

. v,/. notation, because .one can play instrumental music from
’ ' tablature very easily and without knowing much. However
there is a great disadvantage, which is the d iffic u lty of
playing the rhythms p e l ayre"] which are required when
there are many voice-parts, and there is the great danger
that the player w ill not keep time properly. Those who
do not understand s ta ff notation ["no saben cantar"] can .
only execute the correct rhythms from tablature when the
works are "passacalles", or short pieces which are
popular at court ["sonecitos de palacio"]* because they
already know the rhythms by heart, and therefore they can
, perform such works without the risk of losing the beat.
However i t is more d iffic u lt for those who do not
understand s ta ff notation to perform accurately more
substantial works and pieces which, they have never heard
before. Consequently T have always maintained that a
more proper procedure is that the person who is to
' ( v perform on any instrument, should f ir s t know how to sing
from s ta ff notation, before he .is allowed to.perform
■ notated music with his hands. 2 ,
Apart from the promotion of pedagogical objectives, there are
three other important reasons for the use of tablature. First, its
prescriptive nature is particularly-suitable for plucked string
instruments where the player does not control the precise duration of .
a ll the notes. Second, in manuscript sources i t occupies less space
~ ' than its equivalent in s ta ff notation. Third, in music printing of the

* • •
time, tablature was a much easier notation to implement than either two-
stave "keyboard" notation or score notation.^ Music printing by
typography in western Europe during the 17th century employed a process
known as “single impression", in which the individual pieces of type
"consisted of a note already placed on a short segment-of s ta ff lines.®4
With this kind of fount i t yuas not possible to,align one note v e rtic a lly
under another on the same staff. Therefore, for music exceeding two
voice-parts, keyboard notatioifwas impractical. Furthermore, tablature
was preferable to score notation because 'it occupied less space, and
because some forms of tablature were not restricted to music with a
fixed number of voice-parts. The other kind of process used fo r music
printing was that of engraving, and here also, tablature was 'the most "
practical notation. Engraving was rarely employed fo r s ta ff notation
before the 18th century, in part because of the technical expertise
required by the engraver.®® I t was only after 1700, with the softening
of the m etallic composition of the plates and the use of punches for
many of the musical symbols, that engraving - - as exemplified in the
publications of John Walsh in London and Estienne Rogier in Amsterdam - -
superseded typography for the publication of music in s ta ff notation.®6
<-A
Notes to Chapter Three
■- ■ ?<>■;’
1. I t is this court which the vihuelist Luis MilSn describes in his
book on the courtier; discussed above, chap. 2, p. 20. Further
information about this court is.given by Josd Romeu Figueras,
"Mateo Fle.cha e l viejo , la conie literariomusical del duque de
Calabria y e l cancionero llamado de Upsala", ANUARIO MUSICAL 13
, H 958), pp. 55-70.
2. Discussed by Emil1o Pujol in his modern edition of Alonso

Mudarra, Tres libros de mtisica en cifras para vihuela (S eville,
1546); MME 7 (Barcelona, 1949) preface, pp. 26-30. ’
1 *
3. Discussed by Josd SubirS, La mtisica en la Casa de Alba. Estudios
histdricos .y bioqrdficos (Madrid, 1927), pp.85-108. The duke
began to Ratronizecomposersiwell before thecompletion in 1773
of his Palacio de L iria in Madrid'. ..
4. “ For example, in. 1650 in and around Seville there were 48

monasteries, 28 convents, 23 "hospitales", and 9 hermitages;
according to an archival document summarized by Mary Elizabeth
Perry, Crime and society in early modern Seville (Hanover, New
Hampshire, 1980), p. 132. ~
•
5. "Bien se conoce que son muchos 1os fra ile s y muchas las monjas
que ay en Spana, contra la mi-sma convinienzia del estado
eclesiSstico y causa pdblica, pues vienen a ser mds cabegas las
de los pastores que las del ganado, con que se vee que es
ympdsible que dl sustente tal targa ni se pueda conservar con
e lla , pero como [e]ste dano es comiln, pdsase por no llegar a tocar..
en deshacer ni ofender a <los particulares, antes por su fuerga
contra convinienzia comtin se anaden cada dfa jnonasterios, . . . "
Diego Sarmiento de Acuna, conde de Gondomar, Clletter to
Felipe I I I , dated March 28, 1619];' modern edition by Antonio
Ballesteros y Beretta in DOCUMENTOR INEDIT0S PARA LA'HIST0RIA DE
ESPANA vol. 2 (Madrid, 1943), p. 140. The ecclesiastical
"hatcheries which turned out the superfluous bureaucrats" are
discussed by H.R. Trevor-Roper, "The general crisis of the
seventeenth century", in his The European witch-craze of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and other essays (1956; New
York, 1969), pp. 76-79. . : ~ -
6. See ;Louis Jambou, "Andrds Lorente (15/4/1624 - 22/12/1703).

\ Datos biogrdficos - semblanza", TES0R0 SACRO MUSICAL 59 (1976),
pp. 67-78. According to Henry Charles Lea, A hi story of the
Inquisition in Spain vol. 2 (New York, 1906-1907; reprinted New
, York, 1966), pp. 268-272, a "cormiissary" was an unsalaried
representative of the Inquisition who received fees from
applicants trying to prove th eir "limpieza de sangre" — i . e . ,
that they were of pure Catholic descent and that none of th eir
92.
ancestors were Jewish, Moorish, or had been indicted by the

Inquisition — which was a necessary qualification for entrance
into most institutions and for almost a ll posts in the kingdom.
7. Manuel Rodriguez Coelho, Flores de mtisfca: pera o instrumento ■

de tec!a, & harpa (Lisbon, 1620); Francisco Guerau, Poema
harmdnico, compuesto de varias cifras. Por el temple de la
quitarra espaflola (Madrid, 1694; facsimile edition, London,
1977); Gaspar Sanz, Instruccidn de mtisica Sobre la quitarra-
espaffola (8 editions, Zaragoza, 1674-1697; facsimile edition,
Zaragoza, 1952); Diego FernSndez de Huete, Compendio numeroso de
zifras armdnicas, con thedrica, y prdctica, para harpa de una
orden, de dos drdenes, y de drqano vol. 1 (Madrid, 1702); Pedro
• Cerone, El melopeo y maestro. Tra^tado de mtisica thedrica y
prdctica 2 vol. (Naples, 1613; facsimile edition, Bologna,
1969); and Thomas Vicente Tosca, Compendio mathemdtico en que
se contierien todas las materias mgs principal es de las cienci'as
que tratan de la cantidad vol. 2 (Valencia, 1709). The eight .
editions of the guitar book by Sanz are discussed in the preface
to the facsimile edition (pp. xxxii-xxxiv) by Luis Garcia-^ ,
’ Abfines. The_ harp book by Ferndndez de Huete (1702) is
inscribed to the king through Kis lord chamberlain ("sumiller.de
K corps"), the conde de Benavente. Cerone (1613) includes a
religious dedication in-addition to the royal one.
8. Bartolomd Ferriol y Boxeraus,Reqlas dtiles para los

aficionados a danzar (Capua, 1745).
,9. Juan Arafids, Libro segundo de tonos y villancicos a una dos

tres y quatro voces. Con la z ifra de la quitarra espannola a
la usanza romana (Rome, 1624). . - .. "
10. The p o litic al career of Juan Josd de Austria is discussed in

Henry Kamen, Spain in the la te r seventeenth century, 1665-1700
(London and New York, 1980), pp. 328-345. " 'r ,
11. Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz, y norte musical, para caminar por
las cifras de la quitarra espanola, y arpa (Madrid, 1677;
facsimile edition, Geneva, 1976); Ferndndez de Huete vol. 2
(1704); Francisco Salinas, De musica Tibrl septem (Salamanca,
1577; facsimile edition, Kassel,'1958); Andrds Lorente,
* El porqud de la mdsica (Alcald de Henares, 1672); Joseph de
Torres y Martfnez Bravo, Reqlas qenerales de acompanar en
drqano, clavicordil, y ha~rpa, con sdlo saber cantar la parte,
.o .un baxo en canto fiqurado (Madrid, 1702; and the reviised
edition, Madrid, 1736); Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte, Medula de
la mdsica* thedrica (Salamanca, 1707); and Pablo Nassarre,
Escuela mCisica, seqdn la prdctica moderna 2 vol. (Zaragoza,
1723-1724). The harp publication of Ferndndez de Huete (1704)
h^s a religious dedication to "nuestra senora del sagrario"
through the Archbishop of Toledo, cardinal Luis Manuel Ferndndez
Portocarrero. Salinas (1577) dedicates h.1'.? treatise to both
Rodrigo de Castro, the Bishop of Zamora, and to the king
Roderico de Castro, Episcopo Zamorensi, ac regi catholico a
c o n fllijs .-.." ). This clergyman may be the same Rodrigo de
’ Castro (1523-1600) who rose to great prominence as the
Archbishop of Seville. Both editions of the treatise on
accompaniment by Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702 and 1736) are
inscribed to the grand almoner, i . e . , the ecclesiastic who
headed the royal chapel ("Timosnero y capellSn mayor de su
magestad") — in 1702 to Pedro Portocarrero y Guzman,
Archbishop of Tiro, and in 1736 to Alvaro Eugenio de Mendoza
Casamaflo y SOtomayor, Archbishop of Farsalia. r Nassarre (1723-
1724) dedicates his treatise to the Archbishop’ of Zaragoza,
Manuel Pdrez de Araciel y Rada.
12. "Todo lo qua! sea para honra y gloria de Dios, aumenta de su

divino culto y aprovechamientoespiritual nuestro, Amen." '
Francisco Correa de Arauxo, Libro de tientos y discursos de
mtisica prdctica, y thedrica de drqano, intitulado Facultad
orgdnica (Alcald de Henares, 1626), f . 26r; as reprinted in the
modern edition by Santiago Kastner, MME 6 (Barcelona, 1948)
preface, p. 67.
13. Nicolds Doizi de Velasco, Nuevo modode cl fra para taner la

quitarra convariedad, y perfeccidn (Naples, 1640); and Juan de
“Esquivel Navarro, Discursos sobre el arte del danqado (S eville,
1642; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1947). !
14. Margarita de Austria was the only heir of Francesco Branciforte

and Juana de Austria (a daughter of Juan de Austria), and she
married Federigo Colonna. This biographical information is
drawn from the following 18th-century account: "[Fabrizio
Branciforte] fu i l genitore finalmente di Francesco Branciforte,
•/ e Barrese principe di Pietraperzia, p marchese di M ilite llo .
Questi si uni in matrimonio di ordine del re Filippo I I I con
' Giovanna [ i . e . , Juana] d’Austria del sangre reale austriaco
fig lia di Giovanni [ i . e . , Juan], nato da Carlo Quinto
Imperadore. Approdando la detta principessa a1 14. lug!io 1603
colle galee di Napoli a l l 1 Acqua de‘ Corsari, 4. miglia in
distanza da Palermo, . . . Quindi dal detto matrimonio nacque sola
una femina 'Margherita1, la quale se chiamo di Austria, e
Branciforte posponendo col secondo.nome la magnatizia alia
materna. sovrana casa, e succedette dopo la morte dell'avolo,
* ch'era sopravivuto at fig lio . Onde e lla presa la investitura a
5. gennajo 1625 si congiunse con Federigo Colonna, e Tomacelli
principe di Palliano, duque di Tagliacozza, e gran contestabile
del Regno di Napoli, . . . " Francesco Maria Emanuele e Gaetani,
De lla S ic ilia n o b ile vol. 2 (Palermo, 1754; facsimile edition,
Bologna, 1968) Bk. I , p. 16. The f ir s t page of Doizi de
Velasco's dedication, which gives a long l i s t of Margarita's
t it le s , is reprinted in Josd Subird, Hlstoria de la mdsica
espaflola e hispanoamericana (Barcelona, .1953), p.. 319.
r,pHS
94.
15. Not surprisingly Esquivel Navarro (1642), f . 46r, includes him in

his 11st of "grandes sefiores, diestros en dangar".
16. "Consagrar a vuestra excelenda esta obra, no es accidn de mi

libertad, sino deuda de mi gratitud: pues por principe, y por
clen tffico , le debe mi respecto constituir Meqenas deste corte
tra b a jo ....
. . . y assf vivo temeroso, pues estando con la justa vanidad
de ser vuestra excelenda mi discfpulo." Joseph de Torres y
Martinez Bravo ip his edition of Pablo Nassarre, Fraqmentos
mtisicos (Madrid, 1700), pp. i-v .
17. Santiago de Murcia, Resumen de acompafiar la parte con la
quitarra (n .p ., 1714), title-p ag e. ’ T “ ^
18. According to Julio de Atienza, Nobiliario espanol. Diccionario

herdldico de apellidos espanoles y de titu lo s nobiliarios
(3rd edition, Madrid, 1959), p. 142, who gives his fu ll nqme as
Francisco JScome Andriani y Rubin.
19. " . . . salgan mis fatigas de la obscuridad de mis borradores, a

las harimadas luzes de la prensa: para que queden en ldminas de
bronce, esculpida a la liberalidad de vuestra .senoria
illustrisim a . . . " Murcia (1714) "Dedicatoria al yll[ustrisi]m o
senor don Jdfcome Fran[cis]co Andriani caballero del horden de .
Santiago y embiado extraordinario de los cantones cathdlicos"
(dated Madrid, August 20, 1714), p. 3.
20. Pedro de Ulloa, Milsica universal, o principios uni versa! es de

la milsica (Madrid, 1717). ’ — T"
* 21 .’ His treatise contains a "Quartillas por monsieur Du Prd,

gonsejer del rey en su gran consejo [ i . e . , conseilleur du roi en
son grand conseil]", as well as a "Quartillas hechas por el
senor Franquetot al autor". Luis de Briceno, Mdtodo mui
.facilissimO para aprender a tafier la quitarra a lo espanol
(Paris, 1626; facsimile edition Geneva, 1972), f . 3v and 4r.
Daniel Devoto, "Sur le sdjour de Briceno 5 Paris", REVUE DE
MUSICOLQGIE 51 (1965), p. 147, suggests that the dedicatee
"madama de Chales" was probably "Denise Nature!, femme du Noble
P hilibert de Challes, Ecuyer, Seigneur de Challes au pays du•
Dombes", and the granddaughter of Jean Godon, a "conseilleur du
roi en son grand conseil". Devoto also identifies. "Du Prd" as •
Barth^lemy Dupr6, and states that "Franquetot" was most lik e ly
4
< .
"monsieur maftre Robert de Franquetot, Sieur de Loigny,
conseilleur du roi".
22 : Le Sieur de Moulfcre, Vida y muerte de los cortesanos (Paris,

1614); according to Devoto (1965), pp. 145-146. ”
23. " . . . dir6 el orden que se ha de guardar en la ensefianga’ de

algunos sugetos que aprenden a pubar [ i . e . , probar] el
ciav1.cor.d1o, tan solamente por su diversion [my emphasis]."
Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 19, pp. 485-486.
24. Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I , chap. 53 "La causa porque ay mds
professores de milslea en It a lia , que en Espana", pp. 148-153.
He adduces five principal reasons for the Ita lia n superiority in
music education:
. "Hasta agora no acabo de entender, porqud causa seâllan mds
professores de milsica en Ita lia que en Espana: con todo esso
d1go me parece que es por cinco principales causas. La primera,
por la mayor diligencia de los maestros; la segunda, por el
/ sufrimiento y paciencia del dicfpulo; la tercera, por una
i particular afficid n , que la nacidn italian a tiene a la milsica;
^ la quarta por la [s ] muchas comodidades que tienen para
„ deprehenderla; la quinta y dltima por un desseo natural que los
italianos tienen de saber cada dfa mds de lo que saben; no
contentdndosie de parar ay, si no yr adelante mds que pueden;
presupuesto que e l no yr adelante en el camino de las virtudes
es bolver a tras." Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I , chap. 53,
« pp. 148-149. The contents of this chapter have been summarized
by Ruth HannaST“"Cerone, philosopher and teacher", MUSICAL
QUARTERLY 21 (1935), pp. 410-412.
25. This point is also made by Ramdn Baselga Esteve, "Pedro Cerone
de Bdrgamo: estudio biq-bibliogrdfico", TESORO SACRO MUSICAL 55
(1972) , p. 3. The^four conservatories'in Naples were a ll
founded in the 16th century: tbeConservatorio di Santa Maria di
.Loreto in 1537, the Conservatorio di Santo Onofrio a Capuana in
, ca. 1578, the Conservatorio della pietd dei turchini in 1583,
and the Conservatoriode' poveri di Gesb Christo in 1589. For
historical information about these institutions see Francesco
Florimo, La scuola musicale di Napoli e i suoi conservatorii,
con uno squardo sulla storia della musica in Ita lia (Naples,
1881-1883; reprinted Bologna, 1969) vol. 2 and 3; and Salvatore
di Giacomo, I quattro antichi conservatorii musicali di Napdli
1543-1800 2 vol. (Naples, 1924-1928)* “ ^
26. "Al revds, vemos. que en Espafia muy pocos son los cavalleros que
gustan saber mtlsica, antes muchos la aborecen, y desechan, y
destierran de sus casas, como cosa v i l , vituperosa, y danosa; y
parece ser inventada sdlo para los ecclesidsticos y religiosos,
como queda dicho en el capftulo 9. Aunque entiendo que de.aquf
adelante aurd mSs nfimero de miisicos que a havido, y que aurd
i:ambidn sefiores de importancia y de casas illiis tre s los quales
afficionarsedn a la milsica. Esto digo porque el rey don
. Phelippe I I I (que Dios guarde muchos y felices anos) quando
prfneipe mostrdse muy afficionado a e lla y a los professores
della: y es costumbre muy entroduzida en el mundo, que tales
procuran ser los vasallos, quales,son sus reyes y prfneipes."
Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I , chap. 53, p. 150.
27. "Mis digo, que s1 la gente ordinaffio) deprende algo de milsica,
imaginando voy que no deprenda con ^ l mesmb fin que los
i t a l1anosmas sdlo por alcangar aquella piaga de 300 y aquella
otra de 500 ducados. Quiero dezir que si no huviera en Espana
las buenas plagas y las grandes provisiones que ay, que tampoco
entre esta gente se hallarin tantos mtfsicos, y tanto nilmero
de cantores como se hall an; pues vemos cada dfa que alcangado
que tiene el cantor, el brganlsta, y el maestro de cap illa una
plaga'que sea buena.no tiene gana para estudiar mis, o por
dezir mejor no quiere procurar saber mis de lo que sabe."
Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I , chap. 53, pp. 150-151.
28. "La quinta causa es, por las. muchas comodidades que ay para
=— deprender; porque en muchas ciudades de Ita lia ay unas casas,
que llaman academias; deputadas sdlo para,juntarse ay los
cantores, taffedores y milsicos a hazer dos o tres horas de
exercicio. De ordinario aquf sue!en acudir los compositores
mis nombrados del lugar, los quales despuds de aver hecho
provar sus composiciones, y despuds dejicabada la mdsica,
acostumbran discurir sobre de alguna materia musical, diziendo
cada uno su parecer con mucha concordia, y concluyendo sus
disputas con provecho de todos.
De mis destas academias pdblicas, ay diversas otras casas
de cavalleros particulares a onde se haze lo memso; y assf de
estos ayuntamientos de milsicos, y de las continuas p liticas
que ay se hazen, por mis gongo que se uno, siempre viene a
deprender y aprovechar mis de p re s to .... De todas estas
occasiones y comodidaaes para mis fieilmente deprender y mis
de presto, la Espana es harto fa lta ; lo qua! vemos por exemplo *
en esta corte, pues entre tantos cavalleros, condes, marqueses,
duques y prfncipes que moran en ell.a, no ay ninguno (que yo
sepa) se deleyte de milsica, niujuierrde comodidad para hazer
estas academias. Y si tengo a dezTr>grdad, digo que no hallo
mis de uno, que guste tener en su casa semejante exercicio; y
este sefTor es don Juan de Borja, mayordomo niayor de la sacra
catdlica ipagestad de la emperatriz doha Marfa de Austria,
(que e s ti en cielo) hermana del rey don Philippe I I . . . . Y
assf no es de maravillarse si entre italianos ay mayor
nilmero de cantores y mis milsicos, aue entre espanol es;
antes e's de mucha admiraciin que cfya tan buenas habilidades
entre ello s, faltSndoles las comodidades para exercitarse y
perfecionarse." Cerorye (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I , chap. 53, p. 151.
29. "Vuelto a Mil in , como aquella repiiyica es tan abundante de

todas las cosas, es lo tambiin de hombres muy doctos en las
buenas letras y en el ejercicio de la milsica, en que era muy
. sabio don Antonio de Londona, presidente de aquel magistrado,
en cuya casa habfa siempre junta de excelentfsimos milsicos, -
como de voces y habilidades, donde se hacfa mencidn de todos
los hombres emirientes en la facultad. Tanfanse vihuelas^re
arco con grande destreza, tec!a, arpa, vihuela de mano>, por
excelentfsimos hombres en todos 1os instrumentos. Movfanse
cuestiones acerca del uso desta ciencla, pero no se ponfa en el
. estremo que estos dfas se ha puesto en casa del maestro-
Clavijo, donde ha habido juntas, de lo mds granado y purificado
deste divino, aunque mal premiado ejercicio. Juntdbanse en el
jardfn de sii casa el licenciado Gaspar de Torres, que en la
verdad de herir la cuerda con aire y s c ie n cia , acompanando la
vihuela con gallardfsimos pasajes de voz y garganta, llegd al .
estremo que se puede llegar; y otros muchos sujetos muy dignos
de hacer mencidn dell os. Pero llegadoa o fr al mismo maestro
Clavijo en la tecla, a su hija dofia Bernard!na en la arpa y a
^ Lucas de Matos en la vihuela de siete"drdenes, imltdndose los
unos a los otros con gravfsimos y no usados movimientos, e s lo
mejor que yo he ofdo en mi vida. Pero la nifia — que ahora es
monja en Santo Domingo el Real — es monstriio de naturaleza en
tecla y arpa." Vicente E s p in e lReiaciones de la vida del
escudero Marcos de Obregdn (Madrid, 1618) vol. 2, B k .- Ill,
v chap. 5; modern edition by M. Soledad Carrasco Urgoiti (Madrid,
1972) vol. 2, pp. 144-145. f ■
,30. In his survey of Spanish treatises from the 15th and 16th
centuries, Mendndez y Pelayo emphasizes the recurrence of these
ideas: " . . . nos lo. muestran losApreliminares de todos lo s ,
libros. tdcnicos espanoles [de nidsica], que comienzan
indefectiblemente por una introduccidn filo sd fica de sabor ’
" marcadamente platdnico, o mds bien pitag<5rico, en que los
’ autores se .remontan a la armonfa universal, a la teorfa de los
ndmeros y al concierto musical de las esferas, que los hombres
no podemos ofr con los sentidos corporales por estar envueltos
y sumergidos en las impurezas de la carne." Marcelino Mendndez
y Pel.ayp, Historia de las ideas estdticas en Espaiia vol. 4
(2nd edition, Madrid, 1901) chaplT12, p. 159. Mendndez
ex p lic itly acknowledges that a ll ^his remarks on music are
written.with the advice and bibliographical resources provided
by Francisco Barbieri. See Mendndez y Pelayo vol. 4 (1901),
p. 156 jiote; and vol. 6 (1904), p. 383 note.
* * . »
31. The mixture of empiricism and mysticism in Kepler's work is •

• dfscussed by Arthur Koestler, The sleepwalkers. A history
of man's changing vision of the universe (London, 1959;
reprinted Harinondsworth, England, 1979), pp. 249-269 and
393-404.
32. (a) "Quanquam ego_nescio, quae maior esse possit u tilita s , quam
ea, quae provenit ex musica: siquidem efficimur ab ipsa
humaniores, religiosiores* & doctores." Salinas (1577)
preface, p. v i. ;
(b) "En esta vida el micochrosmo, interpretado mundo menor (que
es el hombre) tres bienes puede posseer y no mds: uno se
llaman bienes de fortuna, otros corporales, y los terceros
es p iritu a le s ....: Pues con la mdsica alcangamos estas tres
cosas. Y porque creemos .nosotros, que Dios havidndonos
abierto sus immensos thesoros, haya esparzido por el mundq
tantas hermosas y deleytosas ciencias? No a otro fin s1 no /
para que vengamos por esta y por essa otra.vfa a reconocerle
por padre y senor: . . . " Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I I , *
chap. 21, p. 230.
(c) " . . . y no>se han de contentar los maestros, y cantores
diestros cohsdlo exercer el canto, como los demSs, sino a
imitacldn de los milsicos del santo rey David, han de
ensenar a otros,'para que den las divirias alabangas a
nuestro criador: y sfilo esto me ha movido a escrivir este
lib ro , . . . " Lorente (1672) Bk. I , chap. 3, p. 6.
(d) "Aunque mis generalmentq es entendida porjmlsica .
eclesiistica el canto llano, no es porque dexe de serlo, la
’ ' de canto de drgano; pues.tambiSn estd dedicadaaT divino
culto, como aqudlla; pero como ya dixe en el capftulo
primero del segundo 1ibice es el canto llano, el que en todas
las iglesias se practlca, y el no practicarse,tan *
generalmente el canto de tfrgano, es, porque todas las
iglesias no tienen tantat rentas, para sustentar tantos
' f ■ ministros, como son necessarios para este exercicio; pero en
las que ay possibilidad, se exercita, para pagar con mayor
solemnidad las alabanzas divinas, contribuyendo a ellas con -
todas las especies de instrumentos este canto, .-.." Nassarre
<5 vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 1 , pp. 210-211.
■(e) "La potfssima utilidad-que tiene la mdsica es, que nos
• enseffa a servir a Dios.11 Juan Bermudo, Comienca el lib ro \
llamado Declaracidn'de instrumentos musicaTes (Osuna^ ~
1555; facsimile edition, Kassel, 1957) Bkî7>£hap. "8,
33. "irifcesabiemente cantan los dngeles, y los hemos de imitar. con

melodfa, suavidad, gusto y consonancia agradable al Senor y
qua! conbiene.a nuestraJquietud,'con proporcidn, compds,
medida, uniformidad, composicidn, gobierno, prudencia,
sabidurfa, tempianza, prestera, mucha vista, perfectfsimo
o^do, vigilancia y cuidado, doctrina y. perpetua concordia."
Juan Ruiz de Robleda, Laura de mdsica eclesidstica. Nobleza
y antiguedad de esta sciencia y sus profesores, E Mn M.1287,
pp. 189^-190. The original manuscript was preserved at E E and
was written in approximately 1644, the d.ate of one of its
introductory Tetters. The Madrid manuscript is a copy -
* transcribed in 1875 i>y Cosme Josd de Benito fo rF .A . Barbieri.
On the title-page Benito claims that this treatise was
o rig in ally published in Madrid.
k. ■e'
34. Salinas (1577) Bk. I , pp. 1-45. For an excellent account of
this section, with long translated excerpts, see Arthur Michael
Daniels, "The De musica lib r i V II of Francisco de Salinas"
(Ph.D. dissertation, University of Southern C alifornia, 1962),
_ ppt 39-110.
99.
35. "Quare nonNsoluin aurium, sed rationis etiam iudiclum 1n

harmonica necessariurn est, neque unum sine altero potest esse
: perfectum.. . . Ex his quae dicta sunt, fa c ile perspicitur,
muslcae subiectum esse non posse numerum tantum pef se sumptum;
cuius iudicium ad rationem, & non ad sensum spectare videtur:
• neque sonum seorsum consideration, qui sensus, & non intellectus
obiectum est: sed quoddam tertiurn ex utroque conflatum,' quod
numefus sonorus appelatur.“ Salinas (1577) Bk. I , chap. 3r4,
p. 4.
36. In particular see Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I , pp. 1-202,

entitled " . . . en el qua! se contienen unos avisos, documentos y
moralidades: que debaxo del descubrir algunps defectos y vicios,
se dan los avisos de las buenas partes, que ha de tener un
cumplido cantaîte, y un perfecto mdsico."; and Nassarre vol. 1
(1724) Bk, I , pp-. 1-88, whose contents according to the prologue
(p. xxi) are as follows: " . . . se trata de las tres partes, en
que dividen la mdsica los fi!6sofos, que son en mdsica
\ mundana, o c e le s tia l, que es la que hazen los cielos con su
perene movimiento. Humana, que es las^ proporciones armdnicas,
con que fue cri^do el hombre. La tercera es la instrumental, y
■como dsta fue hallada por influxo de la de lo s ’cielos, y
sim ilitud de proporciones del hombre, trata tambidn de la
essencia, que es el sonido, y de los efectos, que haze la
mdsica en el alma, y cuerpo."
37.' Antonio Eximeno y Pugades, Don Lazarillo* Vizcardi : sus

investigaciones mdsTC'as~con Ocasidn del concurso a un
maqisterio de capilla vacante 2 vol. (posthumously, Madrid,
1872-1873). Eximeno, who lived from 1729 to 1808, orig inally
submitted the work fo r publication in 1806. Further information
on his l i f e and works is given in Felipe Pedrell, Pfadre]
Antonio Eximeno. Glosario de la gran remocidn de Taeas que
para mejoramiento de la_tdcnica v estdtica del arte_mdsico
ejercio el insiqne jesufta valemnano (Valencia* 19^0).
38. Almonte C. Howell J r ," P a b lo Nasarre's 'Escuela Mdsica': a-

reappraisal11, in Studies in musicology. Essays in the history,
style and bibliography of music in memory of Glen Haydon, edited
by James W. Pruett (Chapel H111, North Carolina, 1 9 6 9 ),p. 82.
For a more detailed description of this novel see Alice M.
P o llin , "Toward an understanding o f Antonio Eximeno", JOURNAL OF
THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY 10 (1957), pp. 91-96.
References to some o f Eximeno's criticisms of Cerone are given
1n Baselga Esteve (1972), pp. 35-38.
39. " . . . el 'Melopeo' es un verdadero fdrrago que tiene de bueno lo

que el autor tomd de los tratados del siglo anterior, 'en cuya
leccidn habfa consumido la mayor parte de su mocedad', pero
rebosando de erudicidn pedantesca y de capftulos enteramente
extranos a la musica, Mendndez y Pelayo vol.
chap* m12, p. 210. For more criticism s/in 'th e same vein see-
Mendndez
jez y Pelayo vol. 6 (1904) chap.'5, p; 380.
40. "Lo xjue Nasarre tiene propio o derivado de la buena tradlcidn

del/siglo XVI, es racional y sensato y digno de grande alabanza.
Sdto claudica cuando se deja lle v a r a d e g a s por Cerone, para-
hablarnos de ‘ la primera parte de la mdsica, qufe-es la que
hacen los cielos’ , y del in flu jo que dsta ejerce en la milsica
Humana y aun en los humores del cuerpo, o cuando supone que la
razdn de no o fr nosotros la mdsica de las esferas procede de
/ que el pecado original nos lo impide." Mendndez y Pelayo
vol. 6 (1904) chap. 5, pp. 381-382. ^ ,
■ - • Vjr "” ■
41. Thus, for; examplev i t decided that secular musical models should
not be used fo r "cantus-firmus" or parody compositions. The
other chief recommendation was that careful attention should be
given to the In t e llig ib ilit y of the text. For a discussion of
,the Council's decisions? see K.G. F ellerer, "Church music and
the Council of Trent", translated by Moses Hadas, MUSICAL
QUARTERLY 39 (1953), pp. 576-594; and Hermann Beck, "DasKonzil
von Trient und die Problerne der Kirchenmusik", KIRCHENMUSI-
KALISCHES JAHRBUCH 48 (1964) f pp. 108-177. -
42. Henri C ollet, Le mysticisme musical espaqnolau XVIe siecle

(Paris, 1913), pp. 88-94. An alphabetical l i s t of the Spanish
participants, together with' a modern edition of documents
pertaining to Spain's involvement in the Council of Trent, are
given byjiiguel Salvd and Pedro Sainz de Baranda, "Noticia de
los espanoles que asistieron al Concilio de Trento" and
"Documentos relativos al Concilio de Trento", C0LECCI0N DE
D0CUMENT0S INEDIT0S PARA LA HIST0RIA DE ESPANA vol. 9 (Madrid,
1846), pp. 5-80 and 81-106. 1
43. Collet (1913), p. 102.
44. "Y en cuanto a las otras misas, y horas, y oficios divinos . . .

queremos y expresamente ordenamos que se digan e celebren en
canto llano, e no haya en ninguna manera, ni en ningdn dfa, ni
fie s ta , canto de drgano . . . " Felipe I I , "Carta defundacidn"
(clSusula 38); as quoted, without any further id en tificatio n of
the source, in Samuel Rubio, "La cap illa de milsica del
Monasterio de El Escorial", LA CIUDAD DE DIOS 163 (1951), p. 62.
45. Rubio (1951), pp. 61-75, also argues that a musical "capilla"
was organized at Escorial no la te r than 1575.
46. "Pero para que1la mdsica eelesiSstica mueva los corazones a

los efectos dichos, ha de. ser conforme se deve e n ‘lugar tan
sagrado, no mezclando cantos impuros, y profanos, pues los
mdsicos, que ta l hizieren merecerdn indignamehte el nombre de
mdsicos; pues a mds de no conseguir el f in , de excitar a la
devocldn, quando la mdsica no es grave, y decente, ap&rta el
corazdn de Dios, ddndolo a. las cosas terrenas. El santo
Concilio Tridentino, en la sessidn 22 amonesta, que para que la
casa de Dios se pueda llamar verdaderamente casa de oracidn, no
se han de usar en e lla mdsicas indecentes, ni profanas, assf ' ■
en el canto, como en el drgano, y otros instrumentos, y
especialmente en el oficio divino, y en el santo sacrificio de
la missa." Nassarre v o l.'1 (1724) Bk. I , chap. 16, p. 68. He
also refers to the Council of Trent in the preface to vol. -2 '
(1723) "Christianas advertencies* para maestros de capilla,'
compositores, y mdsicos", p. i i . Elsewhere he'explains that'
music which is solemn ("grave") can also be joyful ("alegre")
and even liv e ly in tempo ("ayrosa"). See Nassar.re. vol. 1 (1724)
Bk. I , chap. 16, p. 69; and vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I l l , 'chap. 9, •
p. 314.
47. "Las cantadas que ahora se oyen en las iglesias son, On cuanto a
la forma, las mismas que resuenan en las tablas. Todas se
componen de menuetes, recitados, arietas, alegros, . . . i En el
tempio no debiera ser toda la mdsica grave? 6No .debiera ser
toda la composicidn apropriada para infundir gravedad,
devocidri y modestia? Lo mismo sucede en los instrumentos. Ese
aire . . . extendido en tantas ’gigas1, que apenas hay sonata que
no tenga alguna, iqud hard en los dnimos, sino c ita r en la
imaginacidn pastoriles tripudios? El que oye en el drgano el
mismo menuet que oyd en el sarao, igud ha de h a c e r,rs jjw l
acordarse de la dama con quien danza la noche antecedente?; De
esta suerte la mdsica, que habfa de arrebatar el espfritu del
asistente desde el templo terreno al c e le s tia l, le traslada de
la iglesia al festfn ." Benito Jerdnimo Feijdo y Montenegro,
"Mdsica de los templos", in his Teatro crftico universal, o
discursos varios, en todo qdnero de materias, para desengaho
de errores comunes vol.
" ■ -1 b
(Madrid, —
1726) discurso
■ 14; modern
~
edition in BAE 56 (Madrid, 1883), p. 37; English translation

from Three essays or discourses on the following subjects;
A defence or vindication of ifre women, [2] church music,
[3] a comparison;between antient and modern music. Translated
from the Spanish of Feyjdo by a gentleman (Mr. Mitford] (Londoin,
1778), p. 127. Feijdo s essay on church music is discussed in ;
Neil D. Pennington, The Spanish Baroque guitar with a trans- .
cription of de Murcia^s^‘Passacalles y obras*1 (Ann Arbor, 1981),
pp. 15-23. All of Feijdo's writings about music are discussed
in Antonio Martfn Moreno, El padre Feijdo y las idealoqfas
musicales del XVIII en Espaffa (Orense, 1976)v ^ ^
48. "El primero, y mayor defecto es no hazerse cargo de la que ha de

ser milsica ecclesidstica; tropezando con ayres, e ideas del
teatro, atropellando con los sagrados cdnones, y sanctos padres:
dste las mas yezes es por ignorancia.
Tara nh in currir en tan grave nota, y que con facilidad
podrfa passar a escdndalo; procure, que aquella composicidn
y
‘ sea pausada, para que se fomprehendan las palabras; y tenga
gran cuydado en huir los ayres que sean profanos, ni que tengan
. tales resabios; dstosse conocen, quando incitan a baylar, y a
meneos del cuerpo; en la estacidn presente se oyen muchas
/ ~ vezes, en missas y psalmas." Francisco V ails, Kapa armtinico
prdctico. Breve resumen de las principales reqlas de mdsica
sacado de los m£s cldssicos autores, EMn M.1071 chap, 34,
f . 279v. This manuscript was written In approximately 1742,
which is the date of the introductory le tte r by Gregorio *
Santisso Bermddez ( f . lr -3 v ). ",
, 49. "Nur mogte niemand gerne gutheissen,' dass eine Melodie . . . die
bereits von tausend Leuten in Opern gehoret worden,. m ittelst
einer Parodie, auf geistliche Worte gesungen wurde: . . . " Johann
Mattheson, Per musicalische Patriot (Hamburg, 1728; facsimile
edition, Leipzig, 1975), p. 109; English translation of this
excerpt by Robert Falck, "Parody arid contrafactum: a
terminological c la rific a tio n ", MUSICAL QUARTERLY 65 (1979),
pp. 5-6. ^
50. vSee Josd Ldpez-Calo, "The Spanish Baroque and Francfsco
V ails", MUSICAL TIMES 113 (1972), p. 353.
51. "La quinta causa es, el continuo.desseo que tienen de saber cada
dfa mds; y assf nunca se verdn estar ociosos los milsicos
de Ita lia-, si no siempre occupados en componer, para poder dar
en luz en cabo del ano alguna obrezilla nueva: como cada dfa
se vena imprimir en Venecia y en Roma, sin las otras ciudades;
y en tanto ntimero que es casi de no creer. Mas los espanoles,
como tienen buena renta y buena plages, se dan mds a la vida
regalada; y assf ho atenden mucho a componer missas, motetes ni
otras cosas que sean de fa tig a , si no solamente se satisfazen
! con el componer en todo el ario media dozena de villancicos; sin
hazer caso del tiempo que pierden." Cerone (1613) vol. 1,
Bk. I , chap. 53, p. 152.
52. V ails, E Mn M.1071 chap. 32, f . 267v-268v>nd 270v-271v.
53. The manuscript score preserved at Barcelona Cathedral has the

year 1702 notated on its title-page. This page is reproduced in
L<5pez-Calo (1972), p. 355. Francisco Vails (ca. 1672-1747)
worked as "maestro de capi1la ", succeeding Juan Barter, at
Barcelona Cathedral from 1696 until his retirement in 1726. He
continued to write music for the cathedral until at least 1740.
Fur further biographical information, see Baltasar Saldoni y
Remendo, Diccionario bioqrdfico-bibliogrdfico de efemdnides
, de mdsicos espafloles vol. 2 (Madrid, 1880), pp. 487-490; and
Ldpez-Calo (1972), p. 355.
54. This musical example is based on the excerpt transcribed in
Felipe Pedrell, Cat&lech de. la Biblioteca Musical de la
Diputacid de Barcelona vol. 1 (Barcelona, 1908). p. 63.
55. . Joaqufn Martfnez de la Roca, Etucidacidn de la verdad, con

que dConl Joachfn Martinez, orqanista principal de 1a santa
iqlesia cathedral de Palencia, intenta desvanecer las sombras,
corv que pretende obscurecerlas: el m[aest]ro don Francisco ~
V ails, presvftero,^maestro de capilla de la santa iqlesia
cathedral de Barcelona, en defensa^de la entrada de el segundo
tip le , en el "Miserere nobis", de la mlssa intitulada "Scala
aretina (Valladolid, n .d ,). " ~ "
56. The writings of the period are summarized in Pedrell vol. 1

(1908), pp. 61-78; Josd Ldpez-Calo, "L'intervento di
Alessandro Scarlatti nella controversia sulla Messa 'Scala
Aretina' di Francisco Vails", ANALECTA MUSIC0L0GICA 5 (1968) .
pp." 178-187; and Lothar Siemens Hernandez, "Contribucidn a la
bibliograffa de las fuentes de la cuestidn Vails", ANUARIO
MUSICAL 31-32 (1976), pp. 195-223.
57. There is no known extant copy of S carla tti's original essay. I t

has been preserved, however, in a German translation by
Kirnberger under the heading "Antwort des Cavaliers 'Alexander
S c a rla tti', ersten koniglichen Capellmeisters zu Neopolis, auf
ein aus einem Abend!ande an ihn geschehenes Ansuchen",
o rig in ally published in_Johann Philipp Kirnberger, Die Kunst
des reinen Satzes in der Musik aus sicheren Grundsatzen
hergeleitet und mit deutlichen Beyspielen eriau tert . . . Zweyter
Theil (Berlin, 1776-1779; facsimile edition. Hildeshelm. 1968)
vol. 3, pp. 143-162. At the outset Kirnberger claims that
Scarlatti wrote this work in Naples in the year 1717. The
translated essay is also reprinted in fu ll and discussed in
' Ldpez-Calo (1968), pp. 188-200.
58. This is one of the arguments used by Vails himself, and which he
mentions la te r in his manuscript treatise:
"Puederi entrar las vozes en especie dissonantei 'por executar
algiln primor de passo, fUga o, canon', o por expresar el sentido
de la le tra , como se ve executado por muchas cdlebres
compositores de mds de 70 anos a esta parte; abonado de la
mayor parte de los modernos, y practicado d e l os que mis lo
impugnan; como se puede ver en mi defensa del 'Miserere nobis'
de la Missa Escala Aretina, impressa en Barcelona ano de 17.16
[ i . e . , Respuesta del licenciado Francisco Vails, presbffteroV
maestro de capilla en la santa iqlesia cathedral de Barcelona,
a la censura de don JoachTn Martinez, orqanista de la santa
iqlesia de Palencia, contra la defensa de la entrada de el
tip le segundo en el ^Miserere nobis' della missa 'Scala aretina'
(Barcelona, 1716)3. Mas en qualquiera de los referidos casos,
seri menester gran cuydado, en que la pausa, que ha de suponer
por figura cantable en la explicacidn de aquella, o aquellas

entradas en dissqnante, se pueda suponer en esp.eejeXconsonante,
que dste es el motlvo de perm itirse.. . . Mas no pretendo (como
ya dlxe entonces) establecer esta doctrina por regia general;
antes blen soy d e s e n tir, no se practique, sin alguno' de los
motlvos expressados, . . . " V ails, E Mn M.1071 chap. 14, f . 72v-
73r. The concept of "suposicidn is discussed below, chap. 13,
pp. 882-884.
59. See Giovanni Maria Artusi, L'Artusi overo delle imperfettioni

della- moderna musica 3 vol. (Venice, 1600-1603; facsimile 1
edition, Bologna, 1968); Claudio Monteverdi, I I quifito lib ro
de madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1605) "Studiosi le t t o r i11,
reprinted 1n facsimile in the moderji edition by G. Francesco
Malipiero, T u t t il e opere di Claudio Monteverdi (Vienna,.1926)
vol. 5, p. .111; and Giullo CesareJMonteverdi, "D1chiaratione
della lettera stampaca nel quinto lib ro de suoi madrigali" in
Claudio Monteverdi, Scherzi musicali a tre voci (Venice, 1607),
reprinted in facsimile in Malipiero (1926) vol. 10, pp. 69-72.
An excellent account of this dispute is given by Claude Palisca,
'X "The Artusi-Monteverdi controversy", in The Monteverdi
* companion, edited by Denis Arnold and Nigel Fortune (London,
1968), pp. 133-166.
60. "Dos solos motivos me han estrechado a- dar a la pdblica luz
esta obra; el pfMmero, dar luz en la milsica, para obrar .
conforme a razdn, por reglas dal arte, pues muchos'por carecer
de escritos, obran, rigidndose sdlo por la alaguefia dulzura
del ofdO. En muchas partes de esta obra dexo escrito assf el
uso^ de las especies disonantes, como. de sus qua!1dades, y las
reglas de cdmo se deven practicar, para que sea buena la
mdsica; pero aviendo reparado que se ha introdu'cido un abuso
(no poco pernicioso) que es el valerse de ellas en lugar de
especies consonantes, me ha parecido advertirlo en este lugar.
El qual abuso se ha introducido en nuestra nacidn por algunos
estrangeros, que ya por variar en sus cantinelas, o por no estar
en las reglas de buena mdsica, han pegado esta enfermedad a
muchos de la^nacTBn, los quales no dan otra razdn ^n su abono,
sinoes que con semejante mdsica se da gusto. No sd que las
especies disonantes puedan deleytar al que las oye, y si esto
fuera assf no huvieran tenido tanta cuenta los antiguos, en
disponer el cdmo se devfan usar, dexdndonos reglas para que
no se sintiesse su mal e fe c to _ Esta corruptela se halla por
comdn en mdsica de una voz sola, poniendo losacompanamientos
de e lla en especies disonantes en algunos perfodos, fuera de las
reglas que el arte tiene dispuestas para su uso." Nassarre
vol. 1 (1724) prologue, p. xx. • *
61. " . . . pues lleva muchfssima' ventaja la mdsica espanola en

quanto a la sonoridad a qualquiera otra estrangera, por no usar
de las especies disonantes de otro modo, que como dexo escrito
en vanas partes. Pero en It a lia , y otras naciones usan de las
disonancias, como si fueran consonancias: que aunque sea con
figuras diminufdas, que es lo que dizen, que assf suena bien,
fuera mds deleytable, s1 las usarin segdn a rte , como en
Espana.* Y si deleytan semejantes composiciones, es por la -
'glossa', y por la variedad de los ayres, mis que por lo
sonoro; y es el motivo de aver dicho, que si los espafioles las
trabajan con la variedad de ayres, y 'glossas' que los
. estrangerosi serin mis deleytables, por afiadirse la
perfeccidn de la sonoridad." Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I l l ,
chap. 8, p. 312. Nassarre presents a similar argument in vol. 2
n , (1723) Bk. I l l , chap. 13, p. 334. .
62. "Diferimos los espafioles de-las demis naciones en el estilo de

componer, obrando nosotros mis atadas a los preceptos del arte,
que los estrangeros (como ya dixe) en las composiciones que
passen de dos vozes naturales; lo que es segdn las reglas que
hallamos practicadas en los autores antiguos italianos, franceses,
- esparto)es, y alemanes: adn que hoy con la comunicacidn de los
ultramontanes, no se observan ya con la pureza que nuestros
maestros nos las enseriaron; cuyo defecto nace de querer que las
composfciones solamente, delyten al ofdo; pues como se consiga
esto, se logra el aplauso que es el inico fin de sus autores; y
tambiin porque no cuesta tanto trabajo, . . . " Valis, E Mn M.1071
prologue, f . 5v.,
63. "Pero ni italianos, ni franceses en sus composiciones

eccleslisticas, y'liun en muchas de romance, tienen lo que las
•espanolas, de cientfficas, y sdlidas, esto es tomar un passo o
thema, y muchas vezes solo para una obra larga como una missa;
proseguirle con valentfa, afiadirle una, y muchas diferentes
intenciones, introducirla ahora un canon, fugas, trocados,
jugando los baxos en los coros armdnicos, unas vezes
imitindose unos a otros, otras remedindose acompafiindoles las
demis vozes, dexando quella composicidn perfectfssima, y
llena con 8,' 10 u 12 vozes, y todas ordenadas con grande
a r tific io , y gran limpieza de todo. lo que prohibe el arte aci en
Espana: estas circunstancias no se hall-an en las composiciones
estrangeras, pues raras vezes passan de quatro a cinco vozes, y
istas se duplican- en los que llaman ripienos que sirven comb de
uncoro de c a p illa , que tambiin se hall a practicado por muchos
maestros espanoles porque no cuesta trabajo; pero f i l t a le mis
armonfa. Y por dltimo, lo que han procurado los auctores
espaholes es, que su mdsica sea agradable al ofdo, y deleite
el entendimiento del que es cientffico en e lla ." Vails, E Mn
M.1071 prologue, f . 6v-7r..
64. " . . . procurando al mismo tiempo huir de los dos extremos en que
es ti puesta nuestra mdsica espanola; unos tan relaxados en su
p rictica, que sdlo cuidan, que sus composiciones adulen al
•bfdo imitando en todo a los italianos; otros tan austeros, y
tan atados a las reglas pueriles, que ni una pequena
transgressidn toleran, pero ni la excepcidn permitada en todas
las facultades a lo general de e llas." Vails, E Mn M.1071
106.
prologue, f . 4v. In the -introductory le tte r to Vail s.'s tre a tis e ,

Bermddez states that .ofte of the unfortunate problems of Spanish
musical practice is th at most professional musicians do not even
know the rudiments of-rousi^k notation and theory, and can only
learn musical pieces by rotipr
"Los mismos, y aun njayores absurdos, fundados en la,
inobseryancia de las leyes se ve en el canto figurado.
Experimentamos, que casi todos los cantores-lo son por'uso; pero
tan ignorantes, que ni los nombres de las sol fas saben; y aun
menos la verdadera medida de los tiempos. Cantardn dstos un
a ria , o cop!as al uso: pero en llegando a presentarles un lib ro
de mdsica de a t r i l * enmudes.en todos. Mayor dano. es adn, que
esto’s vicios hayan llegado a los maestros de c a p illa , de los
quales muchos ignoran los tiempos, y, figuras antiguas; . . . "
Gregorio Santissojtermddez, introductory le tte r (dated Oct.” 2,
1742) .in V ails, E Mn M.1071, f . 3r.
65*. "Exceden los*italianos a todas las naciones en el buen gusto, e

idea-de la md,sica te a tra l, visitiendo los afectos que exprime el .
verso, con gran prdpriedad, ya sea tr is t e , alegre, serio,
• jocoso, airado, &c. y tambidn en el enlaze de los instrumentos,
con jque adornan aquella’ composicidn; pero esto que para el
teatro es admirable, en fel tempio, como se oye 1,0 mismo y se
. . dixo arriba muchas vezes, serfa improprio." , Vdlls, E Mn M.1071
prologue, f . 6v. ’
66. - "No negard, que los franceses en "composiciones ecclesidsticas

. de tres o quatvo vozes, tienen unos pensamientos delicados para
la exprecidn de la letra'aun que son muy prolixos en la
repeticidn de e lla ; unos passos estranos, y bien proseguidos
segdn lo pide el assumto, y que en lo pathdtico estdn muy
capazes, siendo dsta una de las principales, y essenci.ales
partes de la buena composicidn: jen mdsica ecclesidstica de
pocas vozes, tiene nuestra espanola aTguna semejanza con la
. francesa." V ails, EMn M.1071 prologue, f . 6v. His
. description of French sacred music is based at least on an \
examination of some of the .published works by Nicolas Bernier
.("Vernier") and Andrd Campra ("Campra") — see V ails, E Mn
. M.1071 chap. 27, f . 246v. r » ^
67. One exception is Nassarre (1723-1724). *

68. " . . . los [cantorcicos en la capilla real] que no quedaren con
voz, o pareciere que se puedan applicar a instrumentos, despuds
^que s.epan muy bien cantar, los podrdn aprender, co'mo son
drgano, .bjgdn, corneta, sacabbche, chirimfa, viguelas de
arco, Vigiielones, harpa y otros instrumentos, y vendrdn a ser
grandes mdsicos, cayendo esto sobre ser- diestros cantores, y
haprendiendo de tan buenos maestros como tendrdn.• Encaminando
esto asf, se sustentard la capilla con menos costa que hasta
aquf, y con los cantorcicos no se hard ninguna, sin que sirvan
. J
^ > . . i“
\ 107.
y sean 'de provecho,- y tendrd vuestra majestad de todo gdnero

de mtfsica grandes piegas, sin buscarlas de fuera." E Mp,
document dated Valladolid, June 9, 1601; as printed /in Edmond
van der Straeten, Les musiciens nderlandais en Espagne vol. 2
(Brussels, 1888), p. 190, froril a copy -by Barbieri.
69. A clear description of the "chirimfa" is given in the •

Diccionairo de Ta lengua castellana, ...-p o r la Real Academia
Espanola vol. 2 (Madrid, 1729; facsimile edition, Madrid,
. 1964), pp. 321-322:
"CHIRIMIA.... Musical instrument of-wood, cylindrical as is a
trumpet, straight without any deviation, with a length of three
'cuartas1 [ i . e . , approximately 25 inches], with ten holes for
the use of the fihgers, with which the sound.is produced
according to where the a ir is released. At the end, where the
a ir is introduced by the mouth, i t has a small tongue of cane
known as the reed, andat the other end a very widemouth lik e a
trumpet, where the a ir is e x p e lle d ...."
("CHIRIMIA.... Instrumento mtisico de madera encanonado a modo
de trompeta, derecho, sin vuelta alguna, largo de tres quartas,
con'diez agujeros para el uso de los dedos, con losquales se
forma la harmonfa del sonido, segun sale el ,aire. En el
extremo por donde se le introduce el aire con la boca, tiene una
lengueta de cana llamada pipa, para formar el sonido, y en la
parte opuesta una boca mui ancha como de trompeta, por donde se
despide el a ir e ...-." ). The English translation is taken, from
Martin McLeish, "An inventory of musical in siriW n ts at the
, royal palace, Madrid, in 1602", GALPIN SOCIETY JOURNAL-21 (1968),
p. 124. An e a rlie r description is given in Sebastian de
Covarrubias y Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana, o espanola
(Madrid, 1611), f . 294r-294v; modern edition by Martfnde
Riquer (Barcelona, 1943), p. 436:
"CHIRIMIA. Instrumento de boca, a modo de trompeta derecha
sin buelta, de ciertas maderas fuertes, pero que se labran siri
que tengan repelps porque en los agujeros que tienen se ocupar
casi todos los dedos de ambas las manos.... En la copla de los
chirimfas ay tip les contraltos y tenores, y los tip les no tienen
Have para los puntos baxos; acomddanse con el sacabuche que
tane los contrabaxos.. . . "
- The precise meanings of the term "bajdn", and its diminutive
form "bajoncillo", are less clear. Before assuming its modern
meaning o f bassoon, "bajdn" appears to have been used a? a
designation for^various types of wind instruments in the bass
register. McLeish (1968), p. 123, suggests that in the early
17th century i t could refer to a bass recorder as well as a bass
shawm. There is no entry for the term irr Covarrubias (1611;
revised 1674). The Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia vol. 1
(Madrid, 1726), p. 581, provides the following defin ition : ,
"BAXON.... Musical wind instrument, circular and concave,
.about one 'vara' in length [ i . e . , approximately 33 inches] and
'one 'brazo' [sic] in total [ i . e . , approximately 66 inches?],
with minor variants. There are various holeis in i t through
■4
^ which the a ir is emitted, and with one's fihgers one produces
the different sounds of musical composition and its pieces. I t
is played at the upper part by means of a piece of metal which
has been bent upwards in a curved shape similar to th at.o f an e a i
trumpet. In its end something knownras a reed is inserted.
This is placed between the lip s , and\thereby the a ir , that is
one's breath, is introduced. In the lower part i t is equipped
with what might be-described as a metal cap. Inside this there
is a kind of tongue which moves, and which is used for various
musical not -
("BAXON.... Instrumento miisico de boca, redondo y concavo,'
largo como de una vara, y gruesso como un brazo [ i . e . , una
braza?], con poqa diferencia, en el qual hai. diferentes.agujeros
por donde respira el a ire , y con los dedos se forman las
diferencias de la composicidn mdsica, y sus tanidos. Tdcase por
la parte superior por una como cerbatana de metal torcida en
arco hacia arriba, en cuya extremidad se encaxa una que llaman
carfa, la qual se mete entre los labios, y por e ll a se infunde el
a ire , o aliento. En la parte in ferior tiene una como tapa de
metal, que la guarnece, y en e lla una como lengiieta que se
mueve, y sirve para diversos puntos de la mdsica.")
The same dictionary describes the "baxoncillo" as a much
smaller version of the "baxdn" which plays in the tenor
register., \
70. Excerpts from E Mah Libros de Iglesia vol. 2 (years 1578-1591),

which document his appointment, .are transcribed in Nicolds
Alvarez Solar-Quintes, "Nuevas notitias de mdsicos de .
Felipe I I , de su dpoca, y sobre impresidn demdsica", ANUARIO
MUSICAL 15 (1960), pp. 200-201. a
7 1 .^ "Para perfecidn del juego de menistriles, es necessario que aya

doce: quatro tiples de chirimfa y corneta, a trecientos ducados
cada uno, [que hacen] mil y ducentos cada aho.
Dos tenores de chirimfa, que tambidn toquen vajdn, a
ducentos ducados cada uno, que hacen quatrocientos ducados cada
arfo.
Dos contra altos de chirimfa, que tambidn toquen vajoneitOj
a ducentos ducados cada uno, montan quatrocientos ducados.
QuatrO sacabuches de a trecientos ducadoscada uno, que hacen
m ill y ducientos .ducados cada aho." Transcribed in Straeten
vol. 1 (1885), p. 437, from a document in E Mp dated Madrid,
February 15, 1655.
72. "El maestro de menistriles, Francisco de Valdes, y los queV le

subcedieren, han de ser obligados a tener escuela, en que no
-'^(STbv exerciten y ab iliten a los m inistriles que su magestad
(Dios^Teûarde) tubiere, sino a todos los que quisieren
aprender esta facultad, para que aya y se crfen sujetos que
sirvien a su magestad, quando se necessitan dellos sin traer
defuera." -Transcribed in Straeten vol. 1 (1885), p. 436, from an
unspecified document in E Mp. Valdes appears to )iave belonged

109.
to the royal chapel as a "baxoncillo" at least as early as 1633, •

and the confirmation of his promotion to "maestro" is dated .
I . Madrid, August 7, 1652. See the archival documents transcribed
in Straeten vol. 2 (1888), p ..424;, and vol. 1 (1885), p. 436.
73. 'S traeten vol. 1 (1885), p. 437, draws this conclusion regarding
those in the royal chapel, on the basis of an archival document
(dated March 4, 1628) which states that the "menestriles" should
participate in a performance of a "mdscara".
74. In various writings Apel emphasizes that this is characteristic

of European keyboard music of the 16th and early 17th centuries.
See, for instance, W illi Apel in his modern edition of Marco
Facoli, I I secondo lib ro d'intavolatiira di b a lli d'arpicordo
(Venice, 1588); modern .edition, CORPUS OF EARLY KEYBOARD MUSIC
vol. 2 (1963) preface, p. iv.
75. , Jl 'Ligadura' de apariencia en la 'sdptima', es quando otra voz

carga en la 'sexta' al tiempo de el lig a r. Semejante a lo que
se verS figurado." Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV', chap. 6,
p. 401. He does not specify the performing medium.
76. "Verds tambidn algunas falsas y licencias que te parescerdn

(de improviso miradas) que no caben en ley de buena mdsica,
mfralas, y pidnsalas bien, y procura ver todas las que pudieres
aver* que an hecho los varones de nombre que an escrito, y
entender la thedrica de e lla s , y razones que pudidron tener
para cometerlas, y no dudards en cosa alguna de dstas."
Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Advertencias", f . l v f modern edition by
Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 37.
77. Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Advertencias", f . lv; modern edition by

Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 37. According to Bermudo a "punto
intenso" refers to the se,cond of two notes to which an
accidental is added (t) or4h) so that an ascending melodic -
semitone is changed into an ascending tone! A "punto remisso"
refers to the second o f two notes to which an accidental is
added (*1 o r b ) so that an ascending melodic tone is changed into
an ascending semitone. These definitions are given in Juan
Bermudo, Comienca el Arte tripharia (Osuna, 1550; facsimile
edition, Kassel, 1970) chap. 38, f . 34r-34v; English
translation in Charles Jacobs, "The performance practice of
Spanish Renaissance keyboard music" (Ph.D. dissertation, New
York University, 1962), pp. 177-178.
78. "De solo este artfculo comence a escrevir, para satisfazer a

algunos maestros en la facultad, a los'quales se les hizo muy nuevo
quando vieron en obras mfas punto intenso contra remisso en
semitono menor y cromStico, en semidiapasdn, y en plus diapasdn,
o octava mayor: y fue tanto lo que se me ofrecid en sucdeiênsa,
que hize un tratado que puede dl solo impdlmirse, . . . " Xdrrea
de Arauxo (1626) "Punto diez y 's ie te ", f . »llv-:12r; modern edition
by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 49. A "minor semitone" consists of
4 commas 1n contrast to a "major semitone" which consists of 5
commas. These semitones kre discussed by many theorists, including
Francisco de Montanos, Arte de mdsica thedrica y prdtica
(Valladolid, 1598) "Tratado de proporcidn*', f . 15v-16v.
t ■ ' ‘
79. Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Punto diez y siete", f. I2r-12v; modern
edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 50.
80. Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Advertencias", f. lv; modern edition by-

Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 37.
81. Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Tiento de octavo tono", f. 24v, m.153;

modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 52. All three
passages are shown in the discussion of Correa's "falsa de punto
intenso contra remisso" by W illi Apel, The history of keyboard
music to 1700, translated and revised by Hans Tischler
(Bloomington, Indiana, 1972), pp. 528 and 533-534; and by
Charles Jacobs, Francisco Correa de Arauxo (The Hague, 1973),
pp. 19-20, and p. 47 examples 2-4.
82. Apel (1972), pp. 514-515. ;
83. His "tientos de falsas" are discussed in Mary J. Corry, "The

keyboard music of Juan Cabanilles: a s ty lis tic analysis of the
published works" (Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University,
1965), pp. 120-130; and in Arsenio Garcfa-Ferraras, Juan
Bautista Cabanilles. Sein Leben und Werk (Die Tientos fur Orgel)
(Regensburg, 1973), pp. 88-115. ~ ’
84. Their frequency depends in part on hov^ one decides to apply

"musica fic ta " . f ••
"85. The same holds true fo r the 16th century. I t has been pointed
out that "all of the [7] printed vihuela tablatures are s e lf
instructors." John Ward, "The vihuela de mano and its music
(1536-76)" (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1953),
p. 65.' . -
86 . This pedagogical device f ir s t appears in a Spanish publication

in the vihuela collection by Enrfquez de Valderrdbano,
Libro de mdsica de vihuela intitulado Silva de sirenas
(Valladolid, 1547), who uses a system of three "grados".
87. "La segunda [razdn que me parece ser muy del servicio de Dios
el que se imprima], que aviendo tanta religiosa, y religioso,
que en el re tiro de su cel da, no pueden lograr el beneficio de
maestros, que les enseflen para dar todo lustre al culto, en este
Tibro lo hallan, pyes sin maestro, observando sus reglas, que
son bien claras, lo pueden executar." Sebastian Duron,
"Aprobacidn . . . " , in Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702), p. v ii.
*s
pv 88. Ward (1953), p. 65, expresses this idea as follows: " It is the
x r( special grace of tablature that the yttep amateur can perform
the most in tricate music,-without, in any technical sense,'
understanding i t ; the a b ility to read tablature is a substitute
for theoretical knowledge." .
89. “Si huviere de explicar los motivos, que he tenido para escrivir
esta obra en c ifra , y no en mdsica, y, las razones para lo que
contiene To cifrado,,eran estrechos tdrminos los de todo e l
compendio; pero en satisfaccidn de la curiosidad: advierto lo
primero, que los que aprehenden sol fa'son pocos, y muchos los
que se dedican a saber tocar; y siendo para dstos fS c il, y
breve el camino de la c ifra , pues por e ll a pueden aprovecharse,
en ocho dfas, llegand(f a la prdctica con el exercicio; a los
otros les ministrarfa corto fruto el espacio de ocho meses,
bien es berdad, que a los que no saben sol fa , se les da algo en
la misma c ifra , aunque a los que la entienden, se les conceda un
todo; . . . " FernSndez de Huete vol. 2 (1704), pp. 14-15.
90. " . . . [los maestros] acordaron divinamente de inventar un nuevo

modo de senales [ i . e . , la c ifr a ], que causando los mismos
?■ efectos (en tantji'perfeccidn y primor como los de canto de
drgano, y sinjque la mdsica gerdiesse un punto de sus quilates)
reduxesse aquella dificultad y desabrimiento, a grande facilidad
y dulgura, haziendo camino llano y fS c il, el que antes era en
extremo dificultoso y agro." Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Prdlogo
en alabanga de la c ifra " , p. v ii; modern edition by Kastner,
— . MME 6 (1948) preface, p. 35. -
91. "Primeramente que sea diestro cantante de canto de drganoK^le lo

qual nace el saber dar el legftimo ayre y valor a todas las
glosas binarias, ternarias, quinarias, senarias, septanarias,
etc. puntillos, aspiraciones, sincopados, etc." Correa de Arauxo
(1626) chap. 10, f . 24v; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6
(1948) preface, p. 65.
>92. "Muchos tienen por mejor el escrivir la 'mdsica' en c ifra , que

en 'canto' figurado; porque a poco saber ponen la 'mdsica'
cifrada en el instrumento, y con facilidad; pero ay un grande
inconveniente, y es la dificultad que ay, para dar el ayre,que
se requiere en muchas partes, y el riesgo grande queay para no
tacarla a comp5s, y de los que no saben cantar, sdlo pueden
poner por execucidn aquella c ifra al _ayre, que se debe para
'passacalles', u 'sonecitos de palacio', que como tienen el ayre
en la memoria los tales, los eXecutardn sin riesgo de perder el
'compos'; pero en obras mayores, y nunca ofdas es m5is
dificultoso, no sabiendo cantar, el tener acierto en e lla s ,ry
avsf siempre tengo por m£s acertado, que el que se huviere de
exercitar en qualquier instrumento, sepa cantar el 'canto de
drgano' antes que pueda poner la 'mdsica' escrita enla
execucidn de las manos." Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l ,
chap. 19, .p.. . 351. •
v' ,
93. This is one of the reasons adduced by Ferndndez de Huete vol. 2
(1704), p. 15, to ju s tify his use of tablature: " . . . para sadar
obras en mtfsica, concurre la precisa confiisidn de pautasy
Ifneas; y aunqeje en otros reynos han conseguido aligerar el
trabajo, toe parece. que no podfan ser menos que quatro [ i . e . , 4
staves], y poner en e ll as quatro vozes bien ordenadas, ycon
toda claridad."
94. For further information on single impression typography, see

Darnel Heartz, -Pierre Attainqnant. Royal printer of music.
A historical study and bibliographical catalogue (Berkeley and
Los Angeles,. 1969;, pp. 43-60; and D.W. Krummel, English music
printing 1553-1700 (London, 1975), pp. 5-9.
95. ^ One of the earliest examples oêngraying used for two-stave

keyboard notation is the elegant publication issued in Rome by
Nicolo Borbone of Girolamo Frescobaldi, Toccate e partite
d'intavolatura de cimbalo . . . Libro primo (Rome, 1615-1616; 4th
edition, Rome, 1637); facsimile editiqn, ARCHIVUM MUSICUM vol. 3
(Florence, 1978). Christoper Blancus, the name of the engraver,
is given at the bottom of p. i . - *
96. For a b rie f historical synopsis of the use of engraving for

music printing, see A. Hyatt King, Four hundred years of music
• printing (London, 1964),_pp. 17-23.
4. PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN
A •
Forms of Censorship
During the 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries few music
publications of any kind were issued in Spain. The small number of
music publications does not appear to refle ct accurately the amount of
musical a c tiv ity which existed; for in Spain there were numerous
constraints of a bureaucratic, theological, economic, and technical
nature which impeded publishing in general and music printing in
particular.^ .
-if
Government censorship of a ll published material was introduced
in Spain as early as the year 1502, and i t persisted until*the early
19th century. I t was enforced Isy making government licences mandatory
for a ll books published in Spain or imported from other countries.
Unauthorized books were to be confiscated and burned publicly.
Offending publishers or booksellers had to fo rfe it any money received
and pay a fine equal to the value of the books.^ From 1554 onwards, the
power of issuing licences was confined to the Royal Council. To prevent
any textual alterations during the interim between the approval and the
publication of a work, the Council could retain a copy of the original
manuscript for comparison with the printed version.^ Thus for some
large publications a l is t of corrections ("Fe de erratas") was compiled .
by an o ffic ia l "corrector general por su magestad", and i t was included
among the prefatory material of the printed edition.^ The penalties
for violating the governmental regulations were increased in 1558 by
Felipe I I to include larger fines, imprisonment, and, in the case of
heretical intent, the death sentence.^ Throughout the 17th and 18th -
centuries this law was re-enacted witH various amendments: for example,
by Felipe I I I in 1610; Felipe IV - June 3, 1627; Carlos I I - May 8,
1682; Felipe V - June 30j 1705, and Octpber 24*, 1728; Fernando VI -
November 22, 1752; and Carlos I I I - July 1, 1784.6

*
The decree passed by Felipe IV ^ p a r tic u la r ly important because
i t indicates that the government wished to reduce the number of
publications of a recreational or popular nature:
"Don" Felipe IV in Madrid, on June 13, 1627. "Oblervance

of the preceding laws; and the unconditional prohibition of
publishing any papers without the licences which must be
arranged beforehand." , ■
W&. order that the regulations set forth in the f ir s t ,
second, th ird , and following laws of this section [i.e ., Bk.
V III, section xvi] be otjs^rved and maintained. We strongly
charge that particular'care and attention be exercised in
eliminating the publication of books which are neither
indispensable nor useful; as well as materials which should
or could be avoided, or whose content is not important. For
at present there is an over-abundance of these works; and i t
would be well to keep away from them, and to see to i t that
superfluous works - - from which neither general benefit nor
u t ilit y can be expected — are not issued in print and that
they do not gain any attention.7
This law accords with the government policy of the 16th, 17th, and early
18th centuries.which, in the face of growing economic d iffic u ltie s ,
attempted to curb private expenditure on luxuries,, particularly by the
aristocracy. During this period various‘'regulations Were passed to
discourage extravagent dress, and to lim it the number and type of

Q fc
servants employed by each family. Given this attitude on the part of
the government i t is not surprising that musicians and theorists took
every opportunity to proclaim the high value of th eir subject; and to
argue that, fa r from being a superficial pursuit, music provided a
useful way to g lo rify God. *
Reproduced witn permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
V • ■ 115.
's. 4» ' • ' ■ ; ' ■ ■ ■ '
The government also hindered the development of printing and
bookselling in Spain by controlling the .amount of profits. Beginning in
1598, and continuing until the sl(pond half of the 18th century, the
Royal Council determined the re ta il price, ("tassa") of every book
offered for sale in the country.® The plight of book dealers worsened
after- 1639 when Felipe IV included books— which previously had enjoyed
exemption from a ll sales taxes— under his new tax laws known as the
"seis mi 11ones".
Even when the prospective publications were clearly of a
u tilita ria n and non-controversial nature, the most enthusiastic authors
and. w illing publishers must have been, discouraged in the face of the
bureaucratic procedures with which they had to comply. To recapitulate
the government regulations discussed so fa r: -
Death and confiscation were decreed for any one who should
give out for printing a book without f ir s t submitting i t to
the Royal Council for examination when, i f found
unobjectionable, a licence would be issued. To prevent
alterations, every page of the manuscript must be signed by a
secretary of the royal chamber, who must rubricate every
correction and state at the end the number of pages and
corrections. After printing, the manuscript must be returned
*w ith one or two printed copies for comparison. Every book
must have in front the licence, the "tassa" or price at which
. i t was sold, the privilege, i f there was one, and the names
of author, printer and place of publication. New editions
were subject to the same regulations, . . .
In addition to these laws, one also had to contend with the

i
censorship imposed by the Inquisition, which was rigorously enforced.
The Spanish Inquisition controlled the disseminatjon of ideas by dealing
with nati.ve'and foreign books already in p rin t, as well as with Spanish
works submitted for publication. Spanish Indices of condemned books
were compiled by the inquisitor-general and issued between 1559 and
\ V ' . (
1790*12 Each Index listed some books whSch were to be banned outright,
as well as others in which objectionable passages Were to be expurgated.
Inquisitorial censorship was entrenched in law by the govern
ment, beginning in 1558 with the severe edict passed by Felipe- I I . * 2
Thereafter a ll imports were scrutinized, especially at the shipping
ports, to prevent the entrance of condemned books printed in other
countries.1^ Moreover, bookstores, public lib ra rie s, and private
collections were examined constantly by inspectors— . called "revisores
de librois"'— who were appointed in vast numbers by the Inquisition.*2
The o ffic ia l readers of the Inquisition, known as "calificadores del
Santo Oficio", were also employed to scrutinize the religious and moral
j .
content of Spanish works which were submitted for publication. Thus,
even music publications often include among th eir prefatory material
letters of approval ("aprobaciones") written by respected musicians, and
sometimes also by ecclesiastical o ffic ia ls , to te s tify that the book is
a useful one, and that i t does not contain anything "contra nuestra
santa fe". In some books the sanctioning declaration granted by the
inquisitor or his delegate is printed as well.
The combined censorship imposed by the government and the
Inquisition made the publication of any work an arduous task.
Furthermore, as Lea points out, i t exerted a most adverse influence on

v
the intellectual and cultural l if e in Spain:
Authorship was discouraged by the uncertainty whether works,

on which perhaps years of Tabor had been spent, would secure
a licence to print; the business of publication was rendered •
extra-hazardous by the fact that a book, printed with due
licence from the state, might at any moment be prohibited by.
, ’ the Inquisition and the whole edition be seized and
'destroyed, while purchasers who had bought such a licensed
Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
book were lia b le *to be de'prived of i t without compensation.
Thus between the state and the Inquisition* whether working
• in unison or at cross-purposes, the intellectual development
which, in the sixteenth century, promised to render Spanish .
lite ra tu re and learning the most illu s trio u s in Europe, was
stunted and starved.into atrophy, the arts and sciences were
neglected, commercial and industrial progress was rendered
impossible, and the character which Spain acquired among the
nations was tersely expressed in the current saying that
Africa began at the Pyrenees.16 ,
In the fie ld of music, another factor which contributed to the
small number of published works is the secretive atmosphere which

* •
appears to have prevailed among many professional musicians. In the
early 17th century Cerone c ritic iz e s the high degree of envy which he
> "
finds among Spanish musicians, and which he attributes in lahge part to
the keen competitions which were held to f i l l the existing prestigious
posts.U The atmosphere remained unchanged la te r in the century,
according to the concerns expressed^by Lorente:
At present our Spain possesses and enjoys many very ,

remarkable individuals with illu strio u s talents, who are
learned both in' musical composition as well as on a ll kinds
of musical instruments. More is the pity that there exists
so much greedi-anxiety, avarice, and envy among some men,
that i t grieves them i f another person knows something
s k illfu l (in any of the arts), and even more i f that person
communicates his knowledge to others. For such men are not
only determined to pass on to the other l i f e — with that
which God, our Lord, in his divine compassion and mercy was
pleased to grant them— without any intention of disclosing
th e ir knowledge in this one; they also wish that everyone else
would take th eir knowledge with^bhem to the grave, without
imparting i t to others. Whence i t follows that, evert though
there are such s k illfu l, talented, people with such sensitive
powers of discernment, and such illu strio u s understanding las
I have said), the arts may be on the verge of extinction.
In the realm of sacred polyphony, yet another reason for the
paucity of music publications in Spain during the 17th and early 18th
centuries has been proposed by L<5pez-Calo. He argues th at, given the
nature of the repertory generally performed in the Spanish churches,
published Wbrks would rarely be of service:
[The church music which was performed] also rendered music

printing in Spain almost useless, as the music to be sung,
1f in vernacular, had to be newly composed for each feast;
1f 1n Latin i t was also, as a rule, by the same composer
or his predecessors in the o ffice , or was already 1n the
archives.... Finally, each church or cathedral,' because
of the church's litu rg ic a l rules and the peculiar national
or local usages had particular practices or ceremonies
requiring compositions which could find no place elsewhere:
for instance, the "Salves en romance" (Salves in vernacular)
in Burgos, the "siestas" (sacred concerts in the e a r l/
afternoon) and the "villancicos" in honour of the patron
saint of each church.19
Financial Obstacles
' Without question, the high cost of music printing in Spain was a
major obstacle which prevented many composers and theorists from
publishing th e ir works, especially when financial support from a patron
was lacking. The large expense involved' is illu strated by the contract
*
for the posthumous publication of the keyboard works of Antonio de
Cabezdn, which was drawn up between his son Hernando de Cabezdn and
the Madrid printer Francisco Sdnchez on May 29, 1576.^0 For a printing
of 1,225 copies, Hernando de Cabezdn agreed to pay more than 173,740

\
"maravedfs" (i.e ., 5,110 "reales") plus the cost of the paper to be
imported from Genoa. This sum included the cost of a ll the punches,
matrices, and type which had to be cut, struck, and cast to produce the
editiohv In the contract Francisco Sdnchez agreed to surrender these
materials to Hernando upon completion of the edition, thereby ensuring
'thaiT'no unauthorized reprint would be subsequently issued.^1 Hernando
de Cabezdn occupied.a prestigious musical position at the royal court
as "musico de tecla de la capilla y cdmara de su magestad".
Nevertheless the cost of having -this collection of his father's works
published exceeded his annual salary of 150,000 "maravedfs" specified
in 1574, even though he had received a substantial raise in that year.22
A quarter of a century la te r, music printing costs were even
higher, according to the information contained in two contracts arranged
between individual composers and the Typographia Regia.2** In 1598
Victoria signed a contract with Julio Junti de Modesti in which he
agreed to pay 85,000 "maravedfs" (i.e., 2,500 "reales") for a printing
of only 200 copies of a collection of his sacred polyphony.2^ In 1602
Lobo de Borja arranged to have Julio Junti (legally represented by Juan
Flamenco) print 130 copies of a collection of his sacred vocal music.
In the following year Lobo de Borja (represented by Luis de Victoria)
paid the enormous sum of 201,847 "maravedfs" (i.e., 5,936 "reales" and
23 "maravedfs") for the publication.2® The larger expense incurred by
each of these two composers in comparison with Hernando de Cabezdn, was
most lik e ly caused by the decline of the Spanish currency, the smaller
size of the printing runs, and the use of sta ff notation rather than
tablature.
There are other indications that the^normal procedure in such
undertakings was that the composer, theoristl or editor, rather than the
printer, was required to assume the costs of publication. The most
persuasive argument to support this view — and one whicb has been
formulated by Ward with respect to the 16th century — is that this
practice can be inferred from the observation that in Spain the
copyright privileges were generally accorded to the composer, not the
printer.2® As explained above, a royal licence was required for every
publication'issued in Spain. AthoughJ:he original was retained by the
government, some music publications include a summary — under th e .title
"Suma de la licencia" or "Suma del privilegio" — which occasionally

j ■ . ' «•
specifies the holder and terms Of the copyright. ’In such instances the
author is almost invariably named as the exefDAive holder of the
printing rights for a period of ten years.^

\
Individual Publishers and Printing Technology
The d iffic u ltie s facing composers and theorists were compounded
by the fact that there were very few Spanish firms which specialized ih
' /
music printing. During the T6th century, six of the nine vihpeja and
keyboard publications were e a d ffissued

eiten i by a different company. The
publishers, arranged by c ity , were as follows:
(a) in AlcalS de-Henar?s: Joan de Brocar for Venegas de
Henestrosa-(1557) v
(b) in Madrid: Francisco Sdnchez for Cabezdn (1578)
v (c) in Salamanca: Guillermo Mi 11 is and ‘the composer for
Diego Pisador, Libro de mdsica de vihuela (Salamanca,
\ 15J52; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1973)
(d) in Seville: . Juan de Ledn for Alonso Mudarra, Tres »
/libros de mdsica en Cifras para vihuela (S eville, 1546)j
5 and Martfn de Montesdoca for Fuenllana (1554)2®
(e) in Valencia: Francisco Dfaz Romano for Hildn (1536)
From the names which are given, i t appears that the remaining three
instrumental books were published by the same^firn^ in Va)lladdid<
. 121.
•*
(a) Diego Herndndez Cdrdova for Luis de tyarvdez, Los seys
libros del Delphfn de imisica de cifras para taner
vihuela (Valladolid, 1538)
(b) Francisco Ferndndez de Cdrdova for Enrfqiiez de ^
ValderrSbano, Llbro de mdsica de vihuela, intitulado
Silva de sirenas (Valladolid, 1547)2®
(c) Diego FernSndez de Cdrdova for Esteban Daza, Libro
de mdsica en cifras para vi-hu'ela, intitulado El Parnasso
(Valladolid, 1576)30 ^ 0 ^
In the 17th century there was even less specialization, especially
with regard to instrumental collections and treatises. No two publications
from the 17th century which I have used in this study — aside from later
editions and reprintings - - were issued by the same company. Moreover none
o f the family names occurs in the preceding lis ts for the sources of the
16th century. The^publishers, arranged by c ity , were as follows:
(a) in Alcald de Henares: Antonio Arnao for Correa de
•Arauxo (1626); and Nicolds de Xamares for Lorente (1672)
(b) in Ldrida: the widow Anglada and Andrds Lorengo for

i • Amat (1£26) ^
(c) in Lisbon: Pedro [ i . e . , Pieter van] Craesbeeck for Coelho
(1620)31
(d) in Madrid: Melchor Alvarez for Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677);
* and ManuelfRuiz de Murga forGuerau (1694)

■| ■■ v . . t . . . ■
(e) in Seville: Juan Gdmez de Bias for Esquivel Navarro (1642)

■; *
(■f) '.In Zaragoza: the heirs ("herederos") of Diego Dormer
for Sariz (1674 and ca. 1675);'and Tomls Gaspar Martfnez
for Pablo Narssarre, Fraqmentos milsicos (Zaragoza, 1683)
In the early part of the ,17th century, Tiowever, there was one
publishing, house in Macfrid which did more music printing. The most
estigious firm in the country, which was called the Typographia Regia,
otherwise known as the Imprenta Real, issued at least five collections
of sacred polyphony between 1598 and 1628.3^ The Typographia Regia was
a private company which was orig inally directed by three printers of
foreign origin. I t issued a wide variety of publications throughout the
17th century.33 I t was founded by the3Ita lia n printer Julio Junti de
Modest^, who had moved to Spain and worked in Salamanca before being
invited by the king in 1592 to establish his press in M a d r i d . ^ Untile

* •*
his death in 1619, Julio Junti maintained close relations with other
members of-his fam ily-in Venice.and Florence, and at least in the year -
1611 he was liv in g .in Florence himself.3®"~ln 1594 Felipe I I offered the
■ ■ . ■ \
t i t l e of "impresor del rey" to Julio Junti or to his nominee. Julio
chose to transfer the t i t l e to his nephew Tomas Junti, and i t was so
ra tifie d by royal decree on August 24, 1594.36 Âs with some other
government privileges, the holder of this office apparently had the
right to pas?'it on to his heirs or to sell i t . Tomcis Junti held the
t i t l e of the "king's printer" and directed the Imprenta Real until his
death in 1624.3^ Thereafter the t i t l e and the ac tiv itie s of the company
were controlled in turn by his widow Teresa Junti (1624-1656), his son
Bernardo (1656-1658), and then by Mateo Fernandez.3® ‘
The third prominent foreign printer and o ffic ia l of'the
Typographia Regia during its early years was known simply as Juan
I J
Flamenco (or Joannes F'^drusji Evidently of Flemish origin, he is
specified as the printer — either on the title-page or more often in
the colophon - - of many books issued by the firm between 1596 and his
death in .1612.39 Juan Flamenco was responsible fpr much of the
company's publishing ac tivities in the fie ld of sacred polyphony. In
the sources themselves he is-named as the printer for the collections by
Rogier (1598), Victoria (1600), Lobo de Borja (1602), and Victoria
(1605).40
+ Further-research is needed to determine the precise nature of
the royal privileges enjoyed by the Typographia Regia. ' According to
PSrez Pastor, the royal decree of 1594 naming Tomtfs Junti as the
"impresor del rey" also granted him exclusive exemption from the fees
charged to printing firms for the publication of government ordinances
and documents.4* I t would seem, however, that another major concession
made to this company concerned the printing of litu rg ic a l books. After
the Council of Trent special permission was required from the Crown to
publish editions of the revised breviary, missal, and other prayer books
for use in Spain. The fact that the Typographia Regia published 7
litu rg ica l books — a ll printed by Juan Flamenco — between 1596 and
1600, suggests that the firm had indeed obtained at that time some sort
of limited monopoly.4^ 7
Although during the late 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries the
Spanish government imported many litu rg ic a l books, especially from the
Plantin firm -in the Netherlands (discussed below), the-government
occasionally granted special printing privileges in this area to Spanish
publishing houses.4^ tn 1596 and 1598 respectively, Pasqual Pdrez of
Zaragoza obtained royal licences for the exclusive publication In Aragon
for a period of ten years of a ll "libros de canto para celebrar los
divlnos officios" and a ll "libros de canto de que se usa en las
process! ones".^ In 1617 Pedro Craesbeeck in Lisbon wag granted an
exclusive privilege, for a period of ten years, to publish a Ritual
Romano.^5 In 1684 Pedro Vi1e ll a of Barcelona obtained a royal licence
of 20 years' duration to publish a ll "libros de choro de letra
grande".^®
* •
The a•». c tiv itie s of Julio Junti de Modesti and Juan FlamencorT
■• .. o _ . •
illu s tra te the importance Of foreign printers for lite ra ry and musical
publications in Spain during the late 16th and early 17th centuries.^
One of the most prominent centres for Spanish music printing was .J
Antwerp. Apart from a few publications of vocal’ polyphony by Spanish
composers*working in the Netherlands, Antwerp was important fo r its
editions of Spanish litu rg ic a l books. Ant wer p' s leading printer,
Christopher Plantin, maintained close relations with Felipe I I . The
Spanish king actively encouraged^the publication of Plantin's Polygot

' ft * * ' *
Bible.^0 In 1570 Felipe I I appointed Plantin as the exclusive
publisher for Spain of the Tridentine breviary and the revised missal.
Plantin fulTy exploited this monopoly between 1570 and 1576, for during
that time he apparently sent more “than 52,000 litu rg ica l books to
Spain.50 In the same years Plantin served, the king of Spain as the
prin ter-in -ch ief ("prototypographe") fo r the Low Countires. Felipe I I
created this post in an attempt to strengthen the enforcement of his
censorship laws in the Spanish Netherlands.5*
Antwerp was also important in an indirect fashion for the
publication q,f Spanish music. At the end of the 16th century at least
two accomplished, printers decided to leave that c ity and move to the'
Iberian peninsula. * Both printers subsequently rose to prestigious
positions and issued a considerable number of music books. Artus
Taberniel ("Antverpiani") moved his press to Spain and worked as the
o ffic ia l printer for Salamanca University between approximately 1602 and
1610.^2 His music publications include three collections of sacred
polyphony by SebastiSn de Vivanco, and two by Juan Esquivel Barahona.®^
An even more successful career was enjoyed by Pedro [ i.e ., Pieter van]
Craesbeeck. Flemish by birth , he served as an apprentice and then as an
em ploye^f the Plantin firm in Antwerp between 1583 and 1592, before
moving to the Iberian peninsula. By 1597 he establishgd a publishing
company in Lisbon, and in 1620 he was named the o ffic ia l printer there
to the Spanish king.54 His re la tiv e ly large number of publications in

f
the fie ld of music has already been pointed out (see below, pp. 142-143
note 31). After his death the firm continued to flourish under the
direction of his heirs, but apparently i t no longer engaged in, music ”
printing.
I t was not until the beginning of the 18th century that a
publishing house devoted exclusively to music printing was established
in Spain. The distinction fo r this notewdrthy achievement belongs to
Joseph de Torres y Martfnez Bravo who founded in Madrid a music
publishing company which he called La Imprenta de Mdsica. At its-
inceptior Torres obtained a royal licence for the exclusive publication
of "everything pertaining to music" for a period of ten years. Evidence
of this privilege is found in the summary of the copyright, dated
£ 126.
Madrid, January 21, 17(56, for the f ir s t publication issued by his
company, which was a revised edition of Nassarre's f i r s t treatise.®® In
1710 his royal monopoly for the publication of music and music treatises
was extended for anothe/ ten years.®® Although Torres apparently
founded his press entirely at his own expense, according to one 18th-
century scholar he eventually succeeded in obtaining some tax exemptions
from the Crown in 1716, in recognition of his pioneering work.®^
Between 1700 and 1720 Torres was the dominant figure in Spain
for music publications. However, notwithstanding his royal privileges,
several sources demonstrate that in actual practice he did not possess
complete control over music printing. First, the two harp books by
Ferndndez de Huete were published "en la Imprenta de Musica", according
to the title-p ag e, but the ten-year copyright was vested in the
composer, not the publisher, presumably because i t was granted before
1700.®® Second, sometime between 1706 and 1708 when Torres was
dismissed from his post at court and even b riefly imprisoned, the
a c tiv itie s of his press were temporarily suspended.®® During this
period Eugenio Antonio Garcfa published in Salamanca a music treatise
by Cruz Brocarte.®® Third, in 1709 the second volume of a treatise by
Tosca was published in Valencia by Antonio Bordazar. This book fe ll

v f'
outside of Torres's control probably because i t was a treatise on
mathematics in which music was only one of several topics.®* Fourth, in
1714 the widow of Juan Garcia Infangdn published in Madrid a plainsong
treatise by Martin y Coll.®® Only later in 1719 did Bernardo Peralta
\p rin t a revised edition of this work in the Imprenta de Mdsica.'®®
Fifth , in 1714 the guitar book by Murcia was issued in Spain. However,
i t was actually engraved in Antwerp (see below, chap. 5, p. 172).
Sixth, although Pablo Nassarre's encyclopedic treatise was not published
until after 1720, he did obtain a royal printing licence and a ten-year
copyright for i t in 1718.®^ Finally, sometime in the second decade of
the 18th century an instrumentalist in the royal chapel named Francisco
Dfaz de Guitidn brought a lawsuit against Torres in order to challenge
his monopoly on music publishing. Apparently Dfaz won the case and
•acquired the right to publish music notated in a new tablature system of
his own invention. However there is no evidence that he ever exercised
this privilege.®*’
Apart from these exceptions, Torres was responsible for a ll the
music publications in Spain during the early 18th century, and his work
did much to promote the dissemination of musical repertory and theoretical
concepts. Between 1700 and 1736 his Imprenta de Mdsica issued at least
17 different music collections and treatises (counting different
editions of the same work separately).®® Torres published both
traditional as well as modern works. For example, in the fie ld of music

■V
theory he revised and expanded a plainsong treatise by Montanos — which
was orig inally published in 1594 in Valladolid by Andrds de Merchan —
and he issued three different editions.®^ On the other hand, he
published the f ir s t and only orchestral score for a dramatic work to be
issued in Spain before the i9th century.®® Some of these editions do
not specify Torres by name, but instead simply give the name of his
publishing firm . Moreover, at least two publications were issued "en la
Imprenta de Mdsica por Bernardo Peralta".®®
The typographical quality of the works' printed by Torres is not
very high. Nevertheless he did implement two innovations. F irst, in
r ■
his treatise of 1702 he introduced into Spain the use of figured bass
notation in typographically printed works.^ Second, in the revised
edition of this treatise issued in 1736 Torres introduced two-stave
keyboard notation. In his examples of figured bass he notates the
realizations by means of three-note chords placed on a single staf f .

v ■ » .
The result is not very elegant, however, because of the problem of
vertical alignment which is inherent in the kind of fount used at that
time for single impression typography.^* For the outer notes of chords
on one s ta ff Torres solves the problem by using shortened stems pointing
in opposite directions. However there is insufficient room for the
stems of the inner notes, and consequently they are either distorted or
omitted. C larity is further diminished by the fact that Torres does not
consistently maintain the same direction of stems for single notes whicja
do not belong to chords. Thus such awkward notation as the following

sometimes re s u lts :^
1
-— — I-. 1-------- £ — 4 1 <y ■ .
Z- — - r : -t s ■
h 1 1 .
This treatise was his last publication. After his death in 1738
there was no successor to carry on the a c tiv itie s of his Imprenta de
Mdsica, and the company ceased to operate.73
At the beginning of the 18th century in other parts of western
Europe the process of engraving was improved to become more practical
than typography for music printing (see above, chap. 3, pp. 89-90).
In the middle of the century one Of the most versatile engravers in
Madrid was Pablo Minguet y% rol. In order to appeal to a large audience
he issued small engraved booklets ("libritos") dealing in am elementary
manner with a wide variety of subjects, including religion, music,
dance, war, card games, and sleight-of-hand.^ His treatise on musical
instruments — which was published by Joaqufn Ibarra in Madrid —
actually consists o f ’an unbound set of shorter treatises, each of which
Minguet y Yrol was w illin g to sell separately.^ His treatise on
dancing, which he published himself, is also a composite work, although

*
each of its four sections-is relative ly l o p g . ^ -
In the second half of the 18th century the most important
publisher of books dealing with music was Joaqufn Ibarra. Heiwas one
of the leading publishers of his time, and during his career wi Madrid,
from 1753 until his death in 1785, he became the "impresor de cSmar
de su magestad" as well as thf o ffic ia l printer for several other
government organizations.^ in addition to litu rg ic a l books he also
issued at least 10 music treatises and one dance*manual
I t was not until the reign of Carlos I I I (1759-1788) that the
Spanish government took active steps to promote na£ive^^rinting and
publishing throughout £he country. Carlos I I I revoked some of the
censorship Taws and provided publishers with some^new privileges and
exemptions. For example, in 1764 he granted some exclusive printing
rights for litu rg ica l books to the society of publishers and booksellers
in Madrid called the Real Compatifa de Impresores y Libreros del
Reino.^ The government also organized its own printing firm in Madrid
known as the Imprenta Real. The company began in 1761 by publishing
130.
various newspapers and journals which the government had bought. It *
gradually expanded its a c tiv ity , especially after 1780, to include the
printing of other works.®® Between 1779 and 1800 the Imprenta Real,
issued at least seven books on music and one on dance.®1
^ During the 16th, 17th, and earl^18th centuries music publi
cations in Spain were printed either by single impression typography or
by engraving. To the eye, these processes are readily distinguishable

C
from one another, because in single impression typography the lines o f
the s ta ff or tablature between successive pieces^pf type are not always
joined smoothly or aligned precisely. Typography, on the one hand, was
^ used for every publication of solo instrumental music which was printed
in Spain up until 1626.®® During the remainder of the 17th century i t
was used only rarely for instrumental and theoretical works.®® Later
Torres temporarily revived the use of typography in some of his
publications.®^ Engraving, on the other hand, predominated in the
printing of tablature fo r solo instrumental works beginning, in the
second half of the 17th century.®® In such collections the-engraving
was done on only one side of each fo lio . Outside of Spain the engraving
process was applied to both sides of the fo lio , as seen in the guitar
book by Murcia (1714) which was prepared in Antwerp. In Spain during

*
the 18th century engraving was further used for the musical- examples in
some treatises.®®
The technical s k ill and equipment necessary for the printing of
music was generally lacking among Spanish publishers. For instance,
Ruiz de Ribayaz encountered great d iffic u ltie s in locating a publisher .
who was w illin g and able to print his collection of guitar and harp
ii
pieces. In the end he was forced to devise a system of le tte r signs to
replace the customary note-symbols for the indication of rhythm. Even
with this modification, the resulting print — including the l is t of

A
corrections— is riddled with errors and omissions. In the preface to
the reader, Ruiz de Ribayaz explains the problems which he experienced:
I can state with assurance that, with regard to that which I

have succeeded in carrying out, I trie d to have i t notated in
the usual fashion, incorporating a ll the essential elements
which have been, and continue to be, employed by those who
" teach by means of tablature. However I was not able to
arrange this at the printing shops — even though I
approached the majority of themat this court — because this
kind of printing enjoys l i t t l ? use here. Instead they
rendered the matter so impossible, that i t was necessary, to
a lte r the harp tablature. For in order to print the
tablature in the other [i.e ., usual] format, i t would have
v been necessary to cast new. characters with different
matrices; and this was impossible to arrange because there
was no one w illing to undertake i t . Yet even with regard to
this edition, some printers caused so many d iffic u ltie s that
I was obliged to seek arbitration in order to have i t
produced. Because of its novelty i t is possible to excuse
the imperfections of this edition, as well as those of the
person who handled the. printing, and even those of its
author. For i t is not easy to do i t accurately the f ir s t
time, and there is no doubiLthat this book represents, a new
kind of printing in Spain. 7
Other composers and theorists faced sim ilar d iffic u ltie s . In
the f ir s t decade of the i8th century while the a c tiv itie s of Torres's
music press were temporarily suspended, the theorist Cruz Brocarte found
i t impossible to have his treatise printed in its original form. As he
explains in the preface Of the edition, the only way he managed to have
his work issued was by greatly abridging i t and omitting a ll the musical
-examples.®® .
Delays .and Failures
Both Ruiz de Ribayaz and Cruz Brocarte were resourceful enough
to circumvent the technical problems of music printing by dispensing with
symbols from s ta ff notation altogether. In general, however,
prospective authors must have been completely disheartened by the
financial and technical obstacles to be surmounted. Regarding the
prohibitive nature of these obstacles, additional evidence can be
in f e r r e d from the delay in printing for some works, and from the number
of musical publications planned but never executed.
To the former category belongs the guitar book by Guerau. In
the preface he states that he had wanted to publish his musioseveral
years e a rlie r, but various unforeseen circumstances — which he does not
specify ~ had prevented him from doing so.®® In addition considerable
delays could occur even afte r the necessary government licence was
obtained, as is demonstrated by at least two publications from the early1
18th century.®® Fernindez de Huete received a ten-year copyright fp r
his harp works on February 25, 1698, but i t was not until .1702 and 1704'
that they were issued in prin t (in two volumes).®1 Sim ilarly Pablo
Nassarre obtained a ten-year copyright for his encyclopedic treatise oh^
July 17, 1718, well before the actual publication.®^ Apparently he Was
unable to find a company which was w illin g to publish this massive4work
in its entirety. Eventually he arranged to have each of the two volumes
printed by a different firm in Zaragoza. The f ir s t volume was issued in
1724 by "los herederos de Diego de Larumbe", and the second volume in
1723 by "los herederos de Manuel Romin". Moreover i t is quite lik e ly
that Nassarre had completed a substantial portion, i f not a ll , of this
treatise very much earlier. Throughout the revised edition of his
Fraqmentos musicos published by Torres in 1700, Nassarre refers the
133.
reader, Interested in additional detail about certain topics, to
specific books of his Escuela milslea, thus implying that the la tte r was
already written and merely awaiting, publication.93
One can compile an impressive lis t of instrumental collections
and treatises by Spanish musicians which, despite the declared
intentions of th eir authors, were apparently never issued in print. In
some cases i t is .certain that the works were completed and ready for
publication; in other cases 1t is more lik e ly that fo r a variety of
'S reasons th eir authors never finished writing them. Because no further
supporting evidence can-be adduced, i t is improbable that any of the
works to be discussed were actually published and only subsequently
lo s t.9* ' • '

1 & •
In the 16th century Venegas de Henestrosa prepared seven
anthologies of keyboard music in tablature notation, but only the f ir s t
one was ever printed. All that is known today of the remaining six
books }is- based

. . on
. the editor's own brief
. description
_ ) of th eir contents.
Each book apparently contained different musical forms.99 Sim ilarly
Hernando de Cabezdn — the only other editor of published keyboard
music in Spain during the 16th century — prepared two additonal
collections in tablature notation of his father's and his own
compositions. In his w ill of 1598 Hernando implored the king to arrange
for the'publication of these two keyboard books after his death. His
request apparently went unheede'd and the collections were subsequently
lost 96
In 1626 Correa de Arauxo announced his intention of publishing a
collection of organ "versos", as well as a mu§ic tre a tis e — under the

\ ■
unusual t i t l e "Casos morales de miisica" — in which he would further
elucidate some of his new theoretical ideas.®^ i t is uncertain whetlipr
he even wrote either work.®®
In the second half of the 17th century one of the most important
t f> . * . <
Spanish instrumental publications was the guitar collection by Gaspar
Sanz. At the end of the second theoretical section - - which consists o¥
12 rules for realizing an accompaniment from a givefr bass part - - Sanz
promised the reader that he would issue another large book to deal with
^ . *
£he same topic more extensively by means of additional rules and musical
examples.* He subsequently altered his plans, for the only book added to
la te r editions of his collection consists only of music fo r 12.
"passacalles".®® In a moreôdest fashionjFrahcisco Guerau later
êxpressed the hope of completing and publishing a second volume of

* ■
guitar music i f his f jr s t one was well received. Apparently his*
' ■ t ■ ■. ,
ambition was never realized.*®® Later Ferjndndez de Huete compiled
three volumes of harp music, but only two of them were published (see
.. •" . ...
below, chap. 6, pp. 285-286).
Juan del Vado wrote a treatise on instrumental accompaniment
which was known to other Spanish musicians during the late 17th and
early 18th centuries. The work circulated in manuscript and_dod's not
survive (jsee below, chap. 6, pp. 289-290). A sim ilar fate befell the
Spanish translation of Brossard's music dictionary by T§rres-irmartfnez '
Bravo (see above, chap.. 2, p. 34).
Having considered some of the prevailing attitudes, as well as
the problems attendant upon publishing and mus,ic p ric in g , one finds
that by it s e lf the small number of music publications yijglds a
*N
misleading picture of the amount of musical a c tiv ity in Spain from the »
• ^
16th to the early 18th century. Although a consistently strong market
fo r music publications seems to have-been lacking in Spain, i t is
d iffic u lt to assess to what.extent this functioned as cause rather than
effect. Every'music publication issued in Spain represents a triumph of
perseverance, patience, and good fortune on the part of the author,
regardless of the quality or importance of his work. Each musician'who
was anxious to impart his theoretical knowledge or musical compositions
in printed form was obliged to obtain a printing.licence from the
q government,^secure the sanction of o ffic ia ls from the Inquisition,
s o lic it approbations from respected colleagues, raise the necessary
capital to finance the printing, and locate' a publisher who.possessed
both the technical competence and desire to venture into the fie ld of
music printing. „ ‘ •
[*
136.
Notes to Chapter Four
1. An incomplete l i s t of extant music publications from the^l6th

and 17th centuries is given by Higinio Angles, "Die
Musiknotendruck des 15.-sl7. Jahrhunderts in Spanien", in Musik
■ ; und Verlaq. Karl Vfltterle zum 65. Geburstag, edited by Richard
Baum and Wolfgang Rehm.(Kassel, 1968). pp. 145-148. I t consists
of 19 publications of vocal polyphony (issued between 1555 and
1637); 9 collections fo r solo vihuela, keyboard, or harp (1536-
1626); 2 treatises whiqh deal with keyboard music (1555 and 1565);
and 4 guitar publications (1586-1694). Anglds neglects to
include the vihuela collection by Niguel de Fuenllana, Libro de
musica para vihuela, intitulado Orphlnica lyra (S eville, 1554);
the keyboard publication of Manuel Rodriguez Coelho, Flores de
mdsica; pera o instrumento de tecla, & harpa (Lisbon, 1620); as
well as most music treatises of the period. In addition he cites
the wrong date of publication for both the vihuela collection by
Luis MilSn, Libro de mtisica de vihuela de\mano. Intitulado E l-
Maestro (Valencia, 1536), and the guitar publication of Francisco
Guerau, Poema harmdnico, compuesto de varias^cifras. Por el
temple de la quitarra espanoia (Madrid, 1694). '
2. "Don Fernando y doffa Isabel en Toledo por pragmdtica de 8 de

ju lio de 1502. 'Diligencias que deben preceder a la imprenta y
venta de libros del reyrio, y para el curso de los extrangeros.'
Mandamos y defendemos, que ningdn librero ni impresor de
moldes, ni mercaderes, ni factor de los suso dichos, no sea
osado de hacer imprimir de molde de aquf adelante por vfa
directa ni indirecta ningdn lib ro de ninguna facultad o lectura
oobra, que sea pequena o grande, e n la t f n n i en romance, sin
que primeramente tenga.para ello nuestra licencia y especial
manda.dojiô de las personas siguientes: en Valladolid o Granada
los presrtfenclas que residen, o residieren en cada una de las
nuestras audiencias que a l l f residen; y e n la ciudad de Toledo
el Arzobispo de Toledo; y enbl^ ciudad de Sevilla el Arzobispo
de Sevilla; y en la ciudad de Granada el Arzobispo de Granada;
y en Burgos el Obispo de Burgos; y en Salamanca y Zamora el
Obispp de Salamanca: ni sean asimismo osados de vender en los
dichos nuestros reynos ningunos libros de molde que truxeren
fuera dellos, de ninguna facultad ni materia que sea, ni otra
obra pequena ni grande, en latfn ni eri romance, sin que
'primeramente sean vistos y examinados por las dichas persoruB, o
ior aquellos a quien ellos lo cometieren, y hayan licencia
iellos para ello; so pena que por el mismo hecho hayari, Tos que
los imprimieren sin licencia, o vendieren los que truxeren de
Ruera del reyno sin licencia, perdido y pierdan todos los dichos
libros, y sean quemados todos pdblicamente en la plaza de la
ciudad, v illa o lugar donde los hubieron hecho, o donde los
vendieren; y mds pierdan el precio que hubieren rescibido, y se **
les diere, y paguen en pena otros tantos maravedfs como valieren
los dichos libros que asf fueren quemados: la q&al dicha pena
1
f
137.
mandamos, que sea repart^da en tres partes; la una parte a la

persona que Iq denunciare, y la otra para el juez que lo
sentenclare, y la otra para la nuestra cSmara y fisco; . . . "
Novfsima recopilacidn de las 1eyes de. Espafia (Madrid, 1805-
1807) Bk. V I I I , section xvi, law 1; vol. 4 , ?p; 122.
3., "Don Carlos I y el prfncipe don Felipe en las ordenaciones del

consejo hec'has en la coruna afio 1554 capftulo 14. 'Reglas que
se han de observar en el consejo sobre licendas para imprimir
libros nuevos.1
' Mandamos, que de aquf adelpnte las licendas que se dieren
para imprimir de* nuevo algunos libros, de qualquier condicidn
que sean, se den por el presidente y los deT nuestro consejo, y
no en otras partes: . . . Y bien asf mandamos, queen las obras
de importancia, quando se diere la dicha licencia, el original
se ponga en el dicho'consejo porque ninguna cosa se pueda anadir
o alterar en la impresidn." Novfsima recopilacidn (1805- >
1807) Bk- V I I I , section xvi, law 2; vol. 4, p.. 123. { ■
4. For example, in the music treatise by Pablo Nassarre, Escuela
mtisica, seqtin la prdctica moderna vol. 1 (Zaragoza, 1724),
p. x x ii.
5. "Don Felipe, y en su nombre la princesa dona Juana en Valladolid

por pragmtitica de 7 de septiembre de 1558. ‘Nueva orden que se
ha de observar en la impresidn de libros; y diligencias que
deben practicar los libreros y ju s tic ia s .'
. . . y quien imprimiere o diere a imprimir, o fuere en que se
* imprima lib ro o obra en otra manera, no habiendo precedido el
dicho examen y aprobacidn, y la dicha nuestra licencia en la
dicha forma, incurra en pena de muerte y perdimiento de todos
sus bienes; y los tales libros y obras sean ptiblicamente
quemadas," Novfsima recopilacidn (1805-1807) Bk. V I I I ,
section xvi, Taw 3; vol. 4, p. 123. “
6. Novfsima recopilacidn (1805-1807) Bk. V II I, section 16, laws

7, 9, 10, 11, 14, 22, and 31.
7. "Don Felipe IV en Madrid a 13.de junio de 1627. 'Observancia de

las leyes precedentes; y absoluta prohibicidn de ijnprimir
papeles algunos sin las licencias que seprevienen.1
Mandamos, que se observe y guarde lo dispuesto jjor las leyes
primera, segunda, tercera y siguientes de este tftu lo , -
encargando, como encargamos mucho, que haya y se ponga
particular cuidado y atencidn en no dexar que se impriman
libros no'necesarios o convenientes., ni de materias'que deban o
puedan excusarse, o no importe su lectura; pues ya hay demasiada
v\bundancia de ello s, y es bien que se detenga la mano, y que no
saiga niocupe lo superfluo, y de que no se espere fruto y
provecho comtin." Novfsima recopilacidn (1805-1807)
Bk. V I I I , section xvi, law 9; vol. 4, p. 127.
8. For some of the laws which were enacted between 1534 and 1723
copcerning dress and the employment of servants, see respec
tiv e ly N o v ^ s j h n a j ^ c o j ^ 1807) Bk. V I, section x i i ,
law 1, vol. 3, pp. 182-185;and Bk. V I, section xv i, laws 2, 3,
4, 5, 6 and 7 , vol. 3, pp. 212-215. Descriptions of some of
these measures are scattered throughout the study by Martin
Hume, The court of Philip IV. Spain in decadence (London, 1907)
9.j, “Don Felipe I I en Madrid por pragmStica de 1598. 'Tasa que

debe preceder a la venta de libros impresos introducidos en el
reyno.'
Qualesquiera personas, asf naturales de estos nuestros
reynos o extrangeros de el los', que truxeren o metieren en ellos
qualesquier libros impresos, no los puedan vender ni vendan, sin
. que primero sean tasados por los^del nuestro consejo, y para
ello envfen a 61 uno de los dichos libros; so pena de diez mil
maravedfs, y de haber perdido los libros que metieren y
vendieren sin preceder la dicha tasa, aplicados a nuestro
cSmara, juez y denunciador por iguales partes." Novfsima,
recopilacidp (1805-1807) Bk. V I I I , section xvi, law 5; vol. 4,
p. 126. Price control persisted until November 14, 17.62, when
i t was fin a lly abolished fo r most books by Carlos I I I . See
Novfsima recopilacidn (1805-1807) Bk. V I I I , section 16,
law 23; vol. 4, p. 135.
10. Pointed out by Pedro Bohigas, El lib ro espanol. (Ensayo

1 histfirico) (Barcelona, 1962), p. 214.
11. Henry Charles Lea, A history of the Inquisition of Spain (New

York, 1906-1907; reprinted New York, 1966) vol. 3, p. 489.
12. For particulars see Lea (1906-1907) vol. 3, pp. 484-497.
13. "Don Felipe I I , y en su ausencia la princesa dofia Juana en

Valladolid a 7 de septiembre de 1558. 'Prohibicidn de
introducir, vender ni tener lib ro algunode los prohibidos por
el Santo Oficio de la Inquisicidn.1 r
. . . mandamos, que ningtin librero ni mercader de libros, ni
otra persona alguna, de qualqiiier estado ni condicidn que sea,
traiga ni meta, ni tenga ni venda ningdn lib ro , ni\obra impresa
o pot, imprimir, de las que son vedades y prohibidasr por el Santo
Oficio de la" Inquisicidn en qualquier lengua, de qualquier
calidad y materia que el ta l lib ro y obra sea; so pena de muerte
y perdimiento de todos sus bienes, y que los tales libros sean
quemados pdblicamente. Y para que mejor se entienda los libros
y obras que por el Santo Oficio son prohibidas, mandamos-, que el
catdlogo y memorial de los que por el Santo Oficio son
prohibidos, y se ha hecho, se imprima; y que los libreros y '
mercaderes de libros le tengan y ponganen parte pdblica, donde
• se pueda leer y entender." Novfsima recopilacidn (1805-1807)
Bk. V I I I , section x v ii, law .1; vol. 4, pp. 152-153.
15. According to Lea (1906-1907) vol. 3, p. 498.
16. Lea (1906-1907) Vol. 3, p. 549.

' j** ' * '
17. Pedro Cerone, El melopeo y maestro (Naples, 1613; facsimile
edition, Bologna, 1969) vol. 1, Bk. I , chap. 31 "De los
embidiosos y de mala entrafias; particularmente de los que no
quieren enseflar fielmente; y de los effectos de la embidia",
pp. 111-114. -
18. "Nuestra Espafia tiene, y goza al presente de muchos, y muy

p a rtic u la rs sugetos, esclarecidos ingenios, y doctos, assf en
las composiciones de mdsica, conjo en todo gdnero de instrumentos.
MSs ay dolor! que es tanta la codicia, sed, avaricia, y embidia
de algunos hombres, que les pesa si el otro sabe algdn primor
(en qualquiera de los artes) y mucho mds si ve que lo comunica a
otros, queriendo los tales no sdlo irse a la otra vida con lo
que Dios nuestro senor, por su divina misericordia, y clemencia
fue servido de darles, sin quererlo comunicar en dsta, sino
tambidn que los demds se vayan con la ciencâ, sin que la
'Comuniquen a otros: de a donde procede, que aviendo (como he
dicho) tan sutiles‘ ingenios, tan delicados juyzios, y tan
esclarecidos entendimientos, estdn las artes casi muertas." ’
v.Andrds
n i i u i c o lLorente,
u i c i i w c } Eli porqud
u M v / i que de
uc •la
i a musica (Alcald de Henares,
H672) "Epfstola recomendatoria » P* v n .

19. Josd Ldpez-Calo, "The Spanish Baroque and Francisco Vails",
MUSICAL TIMES 113 (1972), p. 353.
20 . The resulting music publication was: Antonio de Cabezdn, .....

Obras de mtisica para tecla arpa y vihuela, . . . Recopiladas
* * y puestas en cifra por Hernando de Cabecdn su hi.io (Madrid,
1578). Each copy consists of a title-p ag e, 12 prefatory fo lio s ,
and 201 folios of tablature.
a
21. "1. Que el dicho Francesco Stinchez, ha de imprimir mil y
doscientos libros in folro de"mtisica de tecla y vihuela conforme
al original que yo Hernanab de Cabezdn le d a rd , sin quitar ni
afiadir en los puntos, reglas, espacios y compases ni contrapunto
del dicho libro cosa alggna de como consta en el original. .
8. Que ha dehacer la impresidn enpapel de Gdnova de la

marca de B.F., que sea muy bianco y 1iso conforme al pliego que
ha dado par muestra etc.
9a. Que el dicho Francisco Sdnchez ha de buscar y comprar el
pi pel . . . y entregarlo al dicho Hernando de Cabezdn para que se
lo vaya dando ansf como se fuera gastando ....'
11. Que para la impresidn del dicho lib ro el dicho Fraff

SSnchef ha de hacer de nuevo los punzones de los ntimefos,
140.
reglas, espacios, puntos y compasses de la mdsica y fundir por

e llo W m a tric e s y letras sin ocupar en la dicha impresidn las
con que se imprimld el dicho lib ro de Henestrosa [ i . e . , Luis Venegas
de Henestrosa; Libro de c ifra nueva para tecla, harpa, y vihuela
(Alcald de Henares, 1557)] ni otra alguna aunque sea buena.
13. Que los ndmeros que ha de llevar la dicha impresidn en

las reglas los ha de hacer fundir . . . mSs corpulentos que los
que estdn en el dicho lib ro de Henestrosa.
14. Que toda la impresidn de los dichos mil y doscientos
libros ha de ser a costa del dicho Francisco Sdnchez de papel y
los demds aparejos e materiales necesarios por los quales el
dicho Hernando de Cabezdn le ha de dar cinco m ill reales que
valen ciento y setenta mil maravedfs en reales de contado,
pagados los seiscie'ntos reales luego de presente para los
punzones, matrizes y letra s, y la resta sobre el coste del papel
entregdndole los libros impresos.
16. Que demSs de los dichos mil y doscientos libros el dicho

Francisco Sdnchez ha de imprimir graciosos al dicho Hernando de
Cabezdn otros veinte y cinco de los dichos libros en papel
marquilla, dSndole dl el papel para ellos a su costa.
19. Que acabada la dicha impresidn, el dichoTJfancisco

Sdnchez ha de entregar al dicho Hernando de Cabezdn los
punzonesi matrices y letras de los ndmeros, puntos y reglas,
estampas de vihuela y arpa con que se hubiere hecho, para que
sean suyos, y que demds de los dichos cinco mil reales, el
dicho Hernando de Cabezdn le haya- de dar por razdn 0el trabajo
que hubiera tornado en los hacer y fundir, ciento y diez peales,
que_valen tres mil setecientos y cuarenta maravedTs, luego que ^
se los entregare." E Mah Protocolo de Franciso Martfnez, 1576, ' B
f . 447; as transcribed together with most o f the original text .
in Felipe Pedrell, "Addendae a las biograffas de Antonio de
Cabezdn y Hernando, su h ijo ", in his Hispaniae schola mdsica
sacra vol. 8 (Barcelona, 1898; reprinted New. York and London,
1971), pp. x v i-x v iii. I have not had the opportunity of consulting
the complete transcription of this contract in Cristdbal Pdrez
Pastor, "Escrituras de concierto.para imprimir libros", REVISTA
DE ARCHIVOS, BIBLIOTECAS Y MUSEOS. 3 (1897) , pp. 363-371.
22 . "Y agora el dicho Fernando de Cabezdn, nos ha suplicado atento

los servicios del dicho su padre y suyos le mandasemos lib ra r
V todo lo que el dicho su padre tenfa y gozaba, o como la nuestra
Y
merced fuere, y nos por las dichas causas le habemos habido por
bien en esta manera: que por la presente.demds de cien mil
maravedfs. que hasta aquf ha tenido se le libren otros
cinquenta mil maravedfs que por todos sean ciento y cinquenta
mil cada afio, y que despuds del fallescimiento de la dicha su
madre de los ochenta mil maravedfs que por e ll a vacarengocey
se le libren de aquellos otros trein ta mil maravedfs mds a
cumplimiento de los ciento ochenta mil maravedfs por afio que el
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproaucnon prohibited without permission.
dicho su padre tenfa y gozaba . . . " Transcribed from an
original document, dated Ardnjuez, May 13, 1574, by Pedrell
. vol. 8 (1898), pp. v iii- x .
23. Both contracts are described in Robert Stevenson, Spanish

cathedral music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles,
1961), pp. 262-263.
24. The resulting publication was: Tomds Luis de V ictoria,

Missae,'magnificat, motecta, psalmi, & alia quam plurima
(Madrid, 1600). The printing contract is dated Madrid,
October 1, 1598, and is transcribed in Cristdbal Pdrez
Pastor,;J lib l. . io q r a f f a madrilena o descripcitfn de las
obras impresas en Madrid vol. 3 (Madrid, 1907), pp. 518-
519; from the original document in E Mah Protocolo de
Pedro de Prato, 1598.
• 25. Alfonso Lobo de Borja, Liber primus missarum (Madrid,

1602). Both the contract (dated Madrid, August 30, 1602)
and the receipt for the payment (dated Madrid, March 4,
1603) are summarized in Pdrez Pastor vol. 2 (1906),
pp. 39-40; from the original documents in E Mah Protocolo
de Diego RomSn (1602), f . 624 and (1603), f . 108.
26. John Ward, "The vihuela de mano and its music (1536-76)", •
(Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1953), p. 131,
who also points out that in Ita ly the copyright was
generally vested in the printer.
27. 5ee, fOr example, the following music publications:

Francisco Salinas, De musica lib r i septem (Salamanca,
157/1; facsimile edition, Kassel, 1958); Lorente (1672);
Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz-, Luz, y norte musical, para caminar
pOk las cifras de la quitarra espahola, y arpa (Madrid, 1677;
facsimile edition, Geneva, 1976); DiegO Fernandez de Huete,
Compendio numeroso de zifras armdnicas, con thedrica, y
prdctica, para harpa deunaorden, de dos drdenes, y~de
orqano vol. I (Madrid, 1702); Nassarre vol. 1 (1724); and Pablo
Minquet y Yrol, Reglas, y advertencias generales queêrisehan
el modo de taner~todos los instrumentos mejores, y m^s usuales
(Madrid, ca. 1754). The licence is granted to the author, but
without any mention of copyright privileges, in Guerau (1694)
and in Joseph de Torres y Martfnez Bravo, Reglas generales de
acompafiar en drgano, clavicordio, y harpa (Madrid, 1702; and
theArevised edition, Madrid, 1736). As editor and publisher of
the~revised edition of the treatise by Pablo Nassarre,Fraqmentos
mdsicos (Madrid, -17.0.0)V Torres y Martfnez Bravo was
. named-as the copyright holder for ten years because of a
.printing monopoly which he obtained in that year (discussed
la te r in this chapter). The following works do not provide
information concerning printing rights: Juan Carlos Amat,
Guitarra espahola, y vandola, en dos maneras de quitarra,

142.
castellana, y cathalana de cinco drdenes (1st edition, not

extant, probably Barcelona, ca. 1596; earliest extant edition,
Lgrida, 1626; revised edition, Gerona, ca. 1761-1766: facsimile
ed itio n, Monaco, 1980); Coelho (1620); Francisco Correa de
Arauxo, Libro de tientos y discursos de mtisica prdctica,
y thedrica de drgano, intitulado Facultad orgdnica (Alcaic,
rV . 1626); Juan de Esquivel Navarro, Discursos sobre el arte del '
dancado (S eville, 1642; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1947); Gaspar
Sanz, Instruccidn de mdsica sobre la quitarra espahola
(Zaragoza, 1674 and ca. 1675; facsimile edition, Zaragoza,
1952); Cahciones francesas, de todos ayres para todos los
instrumentos (Madrid, ca. 1701); Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte,
Medula de la mdsica thedrica (Salamanca, 1707); Santiago de
Murcia, Resumen de acompafiar la parte con la quitarra (n .p .,
1714); Pedro de Ul)oa, Mdsica universal, ^ principios'-
universa!es de la mdsica (Madrid, 1717); and Pablo Minguet y
Yrol, Arte de danzar a la francesa (Madrid, 1758-1764).
28. In the middle of the 16th century, Seville and nearby Osuna were
important centres for mudtc publishing in Spain. Juan de Ledn,
,$■ who acted as the o ffic ia l printer for the University of Osuna,
also issued a collection of vocal works by Juan VSsquez,
Villancicos i canciones . . . a tres y a quatro (Osuna, 1551); as
^ ^ well as the treatises by Juan Bermudo, Comienca el libro
primero de la Declaracidn de instrumentos (Osuna, 1549);
Comienca el Arte tripharia (Osuna, 1550); and Comienca el -
libro 11amado Declaracidn de instrumentos musicales (Osuna,
1555)J In the same decade Mart.fn de Montesdoca also published:
Francisco Guerrero, Sacrae cantiones, vulgo moteta nuncupata,
.^ quatuor et quinque vocum (S e v ille , 1555); and Juan Vdsquez, ‘
Agenda defunctorum (S eville, 1556). In passing, note that the
treatise by Salinas (1577) was issued at another university
town — in Salamanca by Mathias Gastius. ,
* ;
29. Francisco Ferndndez also published the treatise by Tomeis de
Santa Marfa, Libro 11 amado Arte de tafier fantasia (V allado lid,/
1565; facsimile edition, n .p ., 1972). 7
30. Diego FerndndeZ styles himself "impressor de su magestad" on

the title-page; reprinted, in Howard Mayer Brown, \Instrumental!
- music printed before 1600. A bibliography (Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1965), p. 281. Diego Fernandez also published a
treatise by Martfn de Tapia, Verge! de mdsica s p iritu a l'
speculatlva y activa (Burgos de Osma, 1570). Later in thg
century a Diego Fernandez de Cdrdova y Obiedo published a
treatise by Francisco de Montanos, Arte de mdsica thedrica y
prdtica (Valladolid, 1592). ■ 7 ' "
31. Pedro Craesbeeck also published the treatise by Antonio.

Fernandez, Arte de mtisica de canto dorqam e canto cham, et
proporcdes de mdsica divididas harmdnicamente (Lisbon, 1626); as
/ _ well as two collections of sacred polyphony by Manuel Cardoso,
iduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Cantica beatae Mariae virqinis, quaternis e tq u in is vocibus
(Lisbon, 1613), and Missae quaternis, quinis, eWsex vocibus.
Liber primus (Libson, 1625). Three other publications by
Craesbeeck which a/e noted by Edmond van der Straeten, Les
" musiciens nderlancfais eh Espaqnfe vol. 2 (Brussels, 1888)7"
pp. 228-229,xbut (Which are not listed in RISM series A, are the
following ,cpllections: Francisco Garcfa, Missas de varios
tonos (Lishon, 1609); and Emmanuel de Pina, Villancicos y~~
rofffancesVla navidad del nino Jesti, nuestra senora y varios
sanctos vol. 1 (Lisbon, 1615) and vol. 2 (Lisbon, 1618).
Pedro's son, Paulo Craesbeeck, published the partial catalogue.
of the Portuguese royal lib rary, entitled Primeira parte do
index da liv ra ria de mdsica do muyto alto e poderoso rey dom
J Joao o IV (n .p ., 1649; facsimile edition,.Lisbon. 1967).
32. * In chronological order these publications, which are also
mentioned by Angles (1968),. p. 147, are: Philippe Rogier, /
Missae sdx (Madrid, 1598); tomds Luis de Victoria, Missae,/
magnificat, motecta, psalmi, & a lia quam plurima (Madrid,7 1600);
Alfonso Lobo de Borja, Liber primus missarum (Madrid, 1602);
• Tom4s Luis de Victoria, Officium defunctorum, sex vocibus
(Madrid, 1605); and Sebastian Ldpez de Velasco, Libro de~
missas, motetos, salmos, magnfficas y otras cosas tocantes
al culto divino (Madrid, 1628). The same company later issued a
revised version of the treatise by Francisco de Montanos, Arte
de canto llano con entonaciones comunes de coro y a lta r, y
otras cosas diversas; . . . Nuevamente correqido y enmendado
por Sebastian Ldpez de Velasco (Madrid, 1635; reprinted
Madrid, 1648). According to the lis tin g in RISM series B,
vol. 6 (Munich, 1971) pt. 2, p. 592, th is source uses the
SpanislfTiame of the company ("Imprenta Real") rather than the
Latin name specified in the other music publications. The book
by Juan Bautista Xamarro, Conocimiento de las diez aves menores
de jaula, su canto, enfermTdad, curia, y crTa (Madrid, 1604),
which was printed by Juan Flamenco "en la Imprenta Real", does
not belong in a li s t of that film 's music publications; because,
despite its t i t l e , i t does not contain any transcriptions of
bird songs, according to Franclscq Josd Ledn Tello, La teorfa
espahola de la mdsica en los siqlos XVII y XVIir(M adrid,
1974), p. 442. ' ■ , .'
33. A l is t of some of its books, published between 1613 and 1718, is

given in Cristdbal Pdrez Pastor, Noticias y documentos
relativos a la historia y lite ra tu ra espafiolas vol. 4 (Madrid,
1926),. pp. 442-443. This company is npi_to be confused with a
different firm called the Imprenta detfltelno which was active
during the 17th century, and which apparently also enjoyed some
sort of royal privileges. A l i s t of spme of its publications,
Jssued between 1628 and 1690, i%given in Pdrez Pastor vol. 4
(1926), pp. 440-442. ^
According to an archival document dated Madrid, September 28,
1624, whose contents are summarized by Pdrez Pastor vol. 4
(1926), pp. 409-410.
According to the'summaries of archival documents given in Pdrez

Pastor vol. 4 (1926), pp. 267, 282, 339-340,/and 376. Other
information concerning his a c tivities is scattered throughout
this same volume. ■ ■■'
36. . Summaries of two relevant documents are given in Pdrez Pastor

vol. 4 (1926), p. 270;
37. According to Pdrez Pastor vol. 4 (1926), p. 393. A l i s t of

some of his publications, issued between 1612 and 1624, is given
V in Pdrez Pastor vol. 4 (1926), p. 444.
38. Accordlnjpfco a document dated October 28, 1658, which is

suramartfednn Pdrez Pastor vol. 4 (1926), p. 409.
39. /fo r the earliest and latest known publications bearing his name,
$ee Pdrez Pastor,, Biblioqraffa vol. 1 (1891), p. 397 and
vol. 2 (1906), pp. 239-240 respectively. In the la tte r
reference Pdrez Pastor cites a printing contract dated Madrid,
Apri/1 6, 1611, in which Juan Flamenco is described as an
^!ijnpresor y o flcia l mayor de la Imprenta Real de Julio Junti de
Modesti". The year of his death is given in Pdrez Pastor;
Noticias vol. 4 (1926), p. 431. There was also a p rin te r by the
name of Diego Flamenco who may have been related to him.
According to the information provided by Pdrez Pastor vol. 4
(1926), pp. 429-431, Diego did not work for the Imprenta Real,
but rather issued his own publications in Madrid and Segovia
between .1619 and his death in 1631.
.40. According to the descriptions in Straeten vol. *2 (1888), pp. 216-

217; Pdrez Pastor, Biblioqraffa vol. 1 (1891), p. 387;
Stevenson (1961), pp. 262-263; and Anglds (1968), p. 147,
> respectively. v
41. Pdrez Pastor, Noticias vol. 4 (1926), p. 409.
42. The books are described in Pdrez Pastor, Biblioqraffa vol. 1

(1891), pp. 280, 310-311, 327, 337, 375, 379, and 398.
43. Therefore, contrary to the suggestion by Nicolds AlvarezSolar-

Quintes,("Nuevas noticias de mdsicos de Felipe I I , de su
dpoca, y^ sobre impresidn de mdsica", ANUARI0 MUSICAL 15
(1960), p. 208, the Plantin firm in the Netherlands did not
exercise an exclusive continuous monopoly in this fie ld up
through to the 18th century.
145.
44. The origfnVl documents in BARCELONA, Archivo de la Corona de

Aragdn registro 4321, f . 226 (dated January 10, 1596), and
registro 4323, f. 100 (dated June 14, 1598), are transcribed in
Josd Marfa Madurell, “La imprenta musical en Espaha.
Documentos para su estudio", ANUARIO MUSICAL 8 (1953), pp. 233-
234 and 235-236.
45. The royal licence, dated November 4, 1617, is printed in

Venancio Deslandes, Documentos para afhistoria da typographic
portuqueza nos seculos XVI e XVII (Lisbon, 1888), pp. 124-125.
46t According to the document in BARCELONA, Archivo de la Corona de

* Aragdn registro 5931, f. 221v (dated February 20, 1684) which
is transcribed in Madurell (1953), pp. 232-233.
47. The large number of Flemish and German printers working in Spain
during the 16th century is emphasized by Straeten vol. 2 (1888),
pp. 219-227. • .
48. In the realm of vocal polyphony Pierre Phalfcse issued three . {

collections by one of the foremost Spanish musicians in the
service of the Archduke Albert in Brussels, namely: Pedro
Rimonte, Cantipnes sacrae IV. V. VI. et V II. vocum e>t Hierem'iae
prophetae Lamentationes sex vfceum (Antwerp, 1607 ) r Missae sex
IV. V. et VI. vocum (Antwerp, 1614); Parnaso espahol de
madriqales, y viflancicos a quattro, jin c o , et seys (Antwerp,
1614). ~
Biblia sacra hebraice, chaldaice* graece e t la tin e , Philippi11^

req. cathol'. pietate at studio ad sacroSanctae ecclesia usum *.
8 vol. (Antwerp* 1569-1573). For a detailed account of this
enormous project see Colin C lair, Christopher Plantin (London,
1960), pp. 57-86.
According to C lair (1960), p. 95.
See ClairJ(1960), pp. 110-112. The patent le tte rs , dated

BrusselSj^JunÎO, 1570, naming Plantin' to this position are
printed in Ldon Degeorge, La maison P la n tin g Anvers.
Monoqraphie complete de ‘cette, imprimerie cdldbre (3rd edition,
Paris, 1886), pp. 38-40. ~ "
./' .52. According to Stevenson (1961), p. 278 and p. 339 note 133.
' 53. Sebastidn de Vivanco, Liber rnagnificarum (Salaqianca, 1607),

Liber missarum (Salamanca, 1608), and [Liber motectorum]
(Salamanca, 1610). Juan Esquivel Barahona, Missarum~7.. lib e r
primus (Salamanca, 1608), and [ Motecta festorum et domincarumT
(Salamanca, 1608). The contents of Vivancq's collections are
discussed in Stevenson (1961), pp. 277-287. The other two
sources are described by Robert J.'Snow, The 1613 print of
Juan Esquivel Barahona (D etro it, 1978), pp. 93-95.
54. According to De<Iandes (1888), pp. 122-125, who includes a
transcription of/the document, dated May 28, 1620, naming
Craesbeeck to the post of royal printer.
55. "Tiene privHegio don Joseph de Torres, organista principal de

la capilla real de su magestad. para imprimir el lib ro
intitulado: 'Fragmentos mdsicos', y para todo lo perteneciente
a mdsica por tiempo de diez afios [my emphasisj, con
prohibicion, que nadie le pueda imprimir, y vender sin su
licencia, so las penas contenidas en el dicho p riyileg io , como
mds largamente consta de su o rig in al, . . . " Pablo Nassarre,
Fragmentos milsicos, repartidos en quatro tratados, . . . Y aora
nuevamente anadido el illtimo tratado por el mismo autor; y
juntamente exemplificados con los caracteres mdsicos de que
carecfa (Madrid, 1700) "Suma del p rivileq io 11, p. x i.
56. According to the summary given by Pdrez Pastor, Noticias vol. 2

(1914), pp. 252-253, of original documents pertaining to a
lawsuit of the second decade of the 18th century, preserved in
EMrah 8-11-2 tomo 205, pleitos 7.
57. "El senor P^lipe V promovid la imprenta mds de lo que parece,

pues dejanoo aparte lo que le representd don Josd Torres,
organista mayor de su real cap illa, de que a sus expensas habfa
puesto y erigido una imprenta de mdsica, que antes no habfa en
esta corte, y de que tornados los informes correspondientes por
consulta de la real junta, de 1° <de abril de 1716, le cOncedid
su magestad ciertas franquicias." Francisco Mendez, Yipograffa
espahola (2nd edition, Madrid, 1866); as quoted in Nicolds
Solar-Quintes, "La imprenta musical en Madrid en el siglo
X V III", ANUARIO MUSICAL 18 (1963), p. 162,, -
Ferhdndez de Huete vol. 1: (1702) "Suma del p rivileg io ",

p. v i, which is dated Madrid, February 25, 1608.
i ' f ' •- \
Two documents, dated 1708, concerning his dismissal are
preserved at E Mp caja 154/39 and 1038/46, and are transcribe
in Yvonne Levasseur de Rebollo, "Life and works of Joseph de
Torres y Martfnez Bravo" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Pittsburg*-1975), pp. 29-30 notes 18 and 19.
Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte,~Medula de la mdsica thedrica

(Salamanca, 1707). _ *•
Thomds Vicente Tosca, Compendio mathemdtico en que se

contienen todas la's materias_mds principales de las ciencias
que tratan de.la cantidad vol. 2 (Valencia, 1709) “Tratado VI~.
De la mdsica eSpeculativa, y prdctica", pp., 331-482.
62. Antonio Martin y Coll, Arte’ de canto llano, y breve resumen

de sus principales reglas, para cantores de choro (Madrid, 1714).
V
63. v Antonio Martfn y C oll, Arte de canto llano . . . y •afiadido en
esta sequnda impressidn con alqunas advertencias, y el arte de
canto de drgano (Madrid, 1719). - . : ■
64. Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) "Suma del privilegio", p. x x ii, Which is

dated San Lorengo el Realj July 17, 1718.
65. The case is b rie fly summarized by Pdrez Pastor, Noticias vol. 2
(1914)', PP- 252-253, which is based on the documents preserved
at E.Mrah 8-11-2 tomo.205, pleitos 7.
66. A l i s t of only 14 publications is given in Levasseur de Rebollo

(1975), pp. 24-25. However she omits the following works:
- Ferndndez de Huete 2 vol. (1702 and 1704); SebastiSn Durdn,
Minud humano. Hermosa fuente pura (Madrid, n .d .), according to
RISM series A, vol. 1, pt. 2 (Kassel, 1972), p. 469; and
Sebastidn Durdn, Tonada humana. Rues me pierdo (Madrid,
n .d .), a copy of which I have found at SEGOVIA, Archivo
Capitular de la Catedral Ms 41/28, although i t is not mentioned
in RISM series A. . Moreover siie lis ts the two printings o f
Francisco de Montanos, Arte de canto llano . . . nuevamente
corrFegido] y aora novfssimamente de tiempo . . . por Joseph de
Torres (Madrid, 1728; and Madrid, 1734) as two different -
editions;, but according to RISM series B, voi. 6 (1971) pt. 2,
p. 593, they are printings of the same edition.
67. Francisco de Montanos, Arte de canto llano-Tvi-EI arte prdctlco

de canto de drgano con motetes, o lecciones diversas . . . por
don Joseph de Torres (Madrid, 1705; revised 1712; revised 1728
and reprinted 1734). The other treatises which he published*
are: Nassarre (revised edition, 1700); Torres y Martfnez Bravo
(1702; revised 1736); Jorge de GuzmSn, Curiosidades del canto
llano, sacadas de las obras del reverendo don Pedro Cerone de
Bdrqamo, y de otros autores, dadas a luzâ costa de Jorge de
Guzmdn (Madrid, 1709); Pedro de Ulloa, Mdsica universal, o
principios universa!es de la mdsica (Madrid, 1717); and Martfn
y Coll (revised edition, 1719).
68. Joaqufn Martfnez de la .Roca, Mtisica en la.comedia de los

desaqravios de Troya, . . . escriviti la comedia don Juan '
Francisco Escuder (Madrid, 1712). Its contents are described in
Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Historia de la zarzuela o sea el drama
lfric o en Espafla desde sU oriqen a fines del siglo XIX (Madrid,
1934), pp. 79-B1; and in Higinio Angltis and Jose Subirti,
Cattiloqo musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid vol . 3
(Barcelona, 1951), pp. 62-64. The other musical works published
by Torres include: Canciones francesas, de todos ayres, para
todos los instrumentos (Madrid, ca. 1701); Sebastian Durdn,
y Minuti humano. Hermosa fuente pura (Madrid, n .d .); Sebastjtin ,
Durdn, Tonada humana. Pues me pierdo (Madrid, n .d .);
Sebastian Durdn, Tonada humana. Qua, es esto alevoso (Madrid,
n .d .); Ferntindiez de Huete 2 vol. (170^ cyid 1704); and Joseph de
■ ■■ ■ ....................
Torres y Martfnez Bravo, Missarum' lib e r continentur octo
missae (Madrid, -T-i
1703).
69. Ulloa (1717) and Martfn y Coll (revised edition, 1719). For
Ulloa's treatise Torres wrote one of the printed approbations.
70. Torres y Martfnez Bravo (1702), where the realizations above thd
. figured basses are notated in-score. Levasseur de Rebollo -V
(1975), p. 19, incorreijtly states that-Torres f ir s t used figured
bass notation in his Canciones franceses. (ca. 1701). In fa c t,
this work,*which uses two-stave melodic notation, contains no
printed figures. In.the exemplar preserved at PARIS,
f BibliothSque du Conservatoire, there are fiv e figures, but they
! have been added by. hand to ✓the bass voice .of the last system of
the f i r s t piece, en titled "La v ie ille contre-danse". (p. 3 ).
Furthermore, in Spanish engraved works, figured bass notation
appears as early as the collection by Sanz (1674), f . 33r-35r,
where the realizations are notated in guitar tablature.
• 71. Torres refers to the novelty and d iffic u lty of producing two-
stave keyboard notation as follows: "Y aviendo de reimprimirs^
•' me parecid precisa obligacidn (para mSs compTemento~^ esta
obra) anadir este quarto tratado, en que se explique,
* demuestre el e s tilo moderno, de acompanar las*obras italian as.
Pero con la novedad de s a lir impresso en el modo que llaman de
'entablature', tan dificultoso para la prensa, como fS cil para
- • la estampa, o b u ril, que a costa de mi desvelo he Togrado se
execute en Espana, aunque no con la mayor hermosura, si con
• bastante claridad para la inteligencia." Torres y Martfnez
Bravo (revised edition, 1736) "Al lector", ppi v -v i.
72. ~ Taken, from Torres y Martfnez Bravo (revised edition, 1736),

p. 117, m. 3, upper stave. •
73. • Torres died on Dune 3, 1738, accordingto a document in EMp
- legajo. 3236, which is transcribed in Josd SubirS, "La mtisica
en la Real Capilla madrilerfa y en el Colegio de Ninos
- Cantorcicos. Apuntes histdricos", ANUARIO MUSICAL 14 (1959),
p. 227.
74. At the end of the f i r s t section of his treatise on instrumental

splaying he presents a l i s t of his works which are fo r sale.
Besides engravings consisting of only a single sheet, he
mentions .several booklets, including the following: Diario
sagrado y Kalendario general; Meditaciones para el santo
. ^ s a c rific io de la missa; . Arte general de la guerra, sus
. tdrminos, y Pefiniciones; y assimismo la baraja de la
fo rtific a c id n moderna, con sus fiquras, y explicacidn de
- e lla s ; y con dSta se puede jugar al juego de'la oca perinola,
y otros jueqos; Jueqo de manos . . . y . . . jueqos de naypes
curiosos, y se hacen con una haraja regular. See Pablo Minguet
y Y r o l , Reglas, y advertencias generales que ensenan el modo
149.
de tafier todos los instrumentos mejores, y m£s usuales (Madrid,-

ca. 1754) Part A, “Advertencias", pp. 23-24.
75. "Tambidn se vende separado el tratado decada instrumento

explicado y demostrado con sus ISminas finas". Minguet y Yrol
(ca. 1754), frontpiece. This work is discussed below in
chap. 5 and 8.
76. Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Arte de danzar a la francesa (Madrid,

1758-1764); discussed below in chap. 10.
77. Biographical information together with a chronological lis tin g

of a ll his publications is given in Inocencio Ruiz Lasala,
Joaqufn Ibarra y Marfn (1725-1785) (Zaragoza, 1968).
78. The music treatises, including that by Minguet y Yrol (ca.

1754), are listed in RISM series B, vol. 6 (1971) - - see the
index in pt. 2, p. 1052. Not included in th is lis tin g is the
dance book which he published entitled: Doce contradanzas
nuevas abiertas, hechas para el prfneipe n[uestrol sehor, las
que se baylarSn en.este presente aflo de 1775, con su milsica
de primero y sequndo v io lin , y la explicacidn de figuras
(Madrid, 1755). According to Ruiz Lasala (1968), p. 153, the
author of this work was Joseph Marset. A b rief description of
the copy preserved at E Mn is given in Angles and Subird
vol. 3 (1951), p. 273. In several of his lit u r g ic a l
publications Ibarra incorporated piainsong, and sometimes,
mensural, notation. For those preserved at E Mn see Angles and
Subirtf vol. 2 (1949) index, p. 284.
79. Discussed by Diana M. Thomas, The royal company of printers

and booksellers of Spain: 1763-1794 (New York, 1984), “
pp. 38-53.
80. For further information concerning government reforms and the

royal press see Charles E. Kany, Life and manners in Madrid
1750-1800 (Berkeley, 1932), pp. 79-81; and Solar-Quintes (1963),
pp. 161-195, which reprints various archival documents.
81. These works are listed in RISM series B, vol. 6 (1971) — see
> the index in pt. 2, p. 1052. The' ea rliest such1publication was
v ^ written by Tomis de Y riarte, La mdsica, poema (Madrid, 1779).
The dance book was by Felipe Roxo de Flores, Tratado de
recreacidn instructiva sobre la danza: su invencidn y
diferencias (Madrid, 1793). - 1
*
82.- M ilin (1536); Narvdez (1538); Mudarra (1546); ValderrSbano

(1547); Pisador (1552); Fuenllana (1554); Venegas de Henestrosa
' (1557); Daza (1576) — a facsimile of one page is printed in
JOsd Subird,'Historia de la mdsica espahola e
hispanoamericana (Barcelona, 1953), p. 213; Cabezdn (1578);
- i Coe1ho (1620); and Correa de Arauxo (1626).
■ . ‘ ■ ' ' /
83^ For example, in Lorente (1672) and Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677).
84. For example, in Nassarre (revised edition, 1700)', Canciones

-francesas (ca. 1701), and Torres y Martfnez Bravo (1702 and
1736). .
85. For example, in Sanz (1674vand ca. 1675), Guerau (1694), and/
Ferndndez de Huete (1702 and 1704). „
86. For example, in Nassarre (1723-1724) and Minguet y Yrol (ca.

1754).
87. .."Lo que-asseguro es, que he procurado en lo que se llega a

executar, fuesse como se escrive comdnmente, y con todos los
requisitos que usan, y hah usado los que ensenan por las cifras;
esto no se ha podido ajustar en las imprentas, avidndolo
procurado en las mSs/de esta corte, por el poco uso que ha
tenido este gdnero de impressidn: antes impossibilitavan tanto
la materia, que fue preciso traducir la c ifra del arpa, pues
para imprimir de la otra suerte, era necessario hazer caracteres
nuevos con diferentes matrizes, lo qua! no se ha podido ajustar,
porque no ha avido quien lo hagary aun para esta imnressidn
pusieron tantas dificultades algunos impressores, qua ha sido
forgoso buscar a rb itrio para hazerla, cqya novedad^Juede
discutoar los defectos de e lla , de quien la ha manejado, y aun
de su autor^pues no es fd cil acertarla^de la primera, la qual,
y del gdnero no ay duda que es en Espafta la de este lib ro ."
Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) "Prdlogo al curioso lector", p. x ii.
Later in this book Rufz de Ribayaz (1677), p. 15, explains that
partly because of the printinig d iffic u ltie s he decided not to
include more than a few guitar pieces in "rasgueado" notation.
This book is discussed below in chap. 5 and 6.
88. " . . . he trabajado con aquello poco que alcanza mi rudeza, a

explicar aquf'las quatro partes de la mtisica, canto llano, canto
de drgano, contrapunto, y composicidn. Y esto, no difusamente,
sino aquellas cosas mds principales: que aunque ha tiempo, que
escrivf un compendio de mtisica, el qua! constava de bastante
extensidn, expressando en dl muchos exemptlos, puestos en
prdctica, assf en canto llano, como en canto de drgano, en
contrapunto, y en composicidn. Aviendo intentado con toda
solicitud el sacarlo a luz, no tuvo efecto, por averse suspendido
la Imprenta de Mdsica, en la qual se hallavan moldes, para la
impressidn de las figuras de cantollano, y canto de drgano. No
obstante esto (por la fina voluntad que tengo de servir a todos
los professores de la mdsica) determind escrivir estos quatro
discursos con la brevedad, y claridad possible; . . . " Cruz Brocarte
(1707) "Prdlogo al discreto lector", pp. x iii- x iv .
v
/
I '
89. . . . algunos.anos ha, que he deseado dar a tu aficidn empleo

con esta in u til muestra de mi corta habilidad; mas por varios
accidentes, no ha podido mi deseo tener el logro con la
promptitud que yo quisiera." Guerau (1694) "Prdlogo al
aficionado", f . *3v.
I would not include here the revised edition of the

accompaniment treatise by Torres. Although the date of the
printing licence given in Torres y Martfnez Bravo (1736)
"Suma del privilegio", p. v, is March 2, 1730, this may well
be a misprint for "1736".
91. A summary of his printing rights, together with the date on

which they were granted, is given in Ferndndez de Huete vol. ‘
(1702) "Suma del privilegio", p. v i.
92. Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) "Suma del privilegio", p. x x ii.

* —■
For example, during his discussion of intervals he states that:
" . . . (el que quisiere saber con. trids extensidn esta materia,
leerd la primera parte de Escuela Mdsica, que siendo Dios
servido, saldrd con brevedad a lu z )." Nassarre (1700) Bk. I ,
chap. 5, p. 12. Other references to his later treatise are made
in Nassarre (1700), pp. xiv, 27, 37, 49, and 138. I have not had
the opportunity of consulting the f ir s t edition of his
Fragmentos mucos (Zaragoza, 1683). to see i f these same
references appearthere as wel1,
94. ^However there are two other instrumental collections whose

" 4ginal publication is much more probable, even though they are
no longer extant: Francisco Corbera, Guitarra espahola, y
sus diferencias de sones; and Andrds Lorente, Melodfasj
mfisicas, prdctica del drgano y del -arpa. These collections
are discussed below, chap. 5, pp. 178-181 and chap. 6, p. 289,
respectively.
* J
95. "El repartimiento que lleva agora, es siete'lib ro s en dos
cuerpos. Lo que se contiene en el primero^que es el que sale
agora a luz)'en su-tabla se verS. Los otros seys, son de obras
muy escogidas y excelentes, que aurtque estdn hechos, no
salardn, hasta ver el provecha_gue haze el primero. Van los
que quedan en este orden. El segundo lleva entradas de versos,
y htmnos, y tientos. El tercero contiene hymnos de maytines, y
enisaladas, y villancicos, y chansonetas. El quarto missas. El
quinto es de obras a siete y a ocho y a diez, y a doze, y a
catorze de Criquilldn y Phinot, y de otros graves componedores.
El sesto es de canciones, a quatro, y a cinco, y a seis. El
£<5ptimo, es* de differentes obrais glosadas y cosas para
discantar." Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) “Prdlogo y argumento
deste lib ro ", f . 3.v; as reprinted in the modern edition by
Higinio Ahglds, MME 2 (Barcelona, 1944), p. 152.
152.
96. "I por quanto de los travaxos del dfcho mi padre e infos tengo
echos dos libros de mdsica puestos en c ifra los quales son de
grandfsinia utilldad para la repdblica y estdn para se poder
ymprlmlr suplico a su magestad sea servido de maridar que se
ympriman pues es cosa tan fitil para toda la cristiandad."
Hernando de Cabezdn, in his w ill dated Madrid, October 30,
1598; as transcribed in its entirety in Pedrell vol. 8 (1898),
p. x x ii. ^
97. ". . . e querido, aftedir y inventar otro nuevo modo de thedrica
de casos morales de mtisica, que son los casos usuales que se
acostumbra hazer (y que le suceden a cualquier compositor) en la
compostura, en la concurrencia y sucesso de las vozes: . . . Y
porque tengo intentp^(Mos queriendo) de escriviru n lib ro de
los dichos casos^morales 'de^mdsica (que son estos que digo) por
esso e hecho los dichos apurrtamientos ..._ [y 3 s e rd coSa de
mucho provechq/si Dios es servTdo_jjue-salga a luz, lo qual aurd
de ser despuds de s a lir el de versos." Correa de Arauxo (1626)
"Primero punto", f . 2r; as reprinted in the modern-edition by
Santiago Kastner, MME 6 (Barcelona, 1948) preface, p. 38.
98. Francois-Joseph Fdtis, Biographie universelle des musiciens

et biblioqraphie gdndrale de la musique (2nd edition, Paris,
1883) vol. 1, p. 126, claims that a copy of hi s .Casos morales
de la mtlgica had belonged to the royal Portuguese music
1ibrary.. However i t is not listed in the extant partial
catalogue of this collection en title d , Primeira parte do index
da liv ra ria de mdsica do muyto alto e poderoso rey dom Jo5o o IV
(n.p. 1649). :■ ; ' ” ’
99. He closes»\the second theoretical section, entitled "Documentos y

advertencras generales para acompafiar sobre la parte con la
guitarra, arpa, drgano, o qualquier otro instrumento.
Resumidas a doze reglas, y exemplos de contrapunto y
composicidn, los mds essenciales para este efecto", as
follows: "Estas son las doze reglas mejores, queventre
in fin itas que ay en el contrapun-to y composicidn, he podido
escoger; lo que fa lta re , lo suplird la mi sins prdctica,. pues
por no ser p ro lijo , y no s a lir de los Ifmites de compendio,.
podrd bastar lo referido; con los dltimos passajes que
compongo- del baxo, sobre primer tono [ i . e . , on f . 35r]; con los
ndmeros de las consonancias, para los organistas; y las cifras
que le corresponded, para la guitarra: y prometo despuds este
mismo assunto proseguirlo en otro mayor lib ro , dilatdndome en
mds exemplos, y reglas que pudiere discurrir de nuevo; pues por
el deiseo de que todos se aprovechen esta obra, resumiendo solas
essas.doze reglas, con los ’doze exemplos que se coritiene'n en las
.dos primeras pdginas de las solfas, y cifras [ i . e . , on f , 33r-
34r]." Sanz (1674), f . 32r.
ms
•r- ->*;; /"’*^^:V-';/rT^^£-1\v»t?V:v. «
m m w ::
153
100. " . . . s i aceptas gustoso esta primera parte, dard segunda a la

estampa, con otras tantas diferencias de passacalles, y otras
. obras de fantasia, y proprio capricho, si Dios me diere salud,
y vida para cumpltrio." Guerau (1694) '-'Prdlogo al
aficionado", f . *3v. *
PART I I
THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES
INTRODUCTION
Four c rite ria determine the scope of the musical repertoire ”
to be investigated and transcribed in this study. F irs t, I have confined
' myself prim arily to Spanish sources which were composed or compiled on
the Iberian peninsula. Thus various Ita lia n sources for strummed guitar
r ^ ron) ^ ear^y cent ury have been omitted, despite the prominence of
th§ Spanish repertory in them.^ S im ilarly, Spanish sources from the New
World have been excluded, although some of them do contain Spanish dance-
songs.^ I have included a harp manuscript now housed in the Library of
Congress (US Wc Mk.290) because its contents suggest that i t was probably
written in Spain. For comprehensiveness I have made several other,
additions. I have considered a ll the Portuguese keyboard sources which
have been studied ip the secondary lite ra tu re .- I have also added three
guitar sources from outside the Iberian peninsula. The f i r s t is the
Spanisii collection by Briceno which was published in Paris in 1626. The
second is the guitar trea tise written in Spanish by Doizi de Velasco
which was issued in Naples in 1640. The third is the anthology section
of the manuscript collection compiled at Ghent by Jean Baptiste Louis de
Castillion in 1730 (B Be Ms 5615). Although this manuscript is written
in French, i t contains the only surviving music by the Spaniard Miguel
"Pdrez de Zavala.
The second criterion for determining the scope o f the repertoire
is to consider a ll sources up to the middle of the 18th century. O riginally
I had intended to confine myself to sources of the 17th century. On the
one hand, however, there are a large-number of instrumental sources from
the f ir s t two decades of the 18th century, and older dance-types continue
" " •' ' . ■ . '■ . . ^
to appear even further into the same century. Therefore I have extended
the terminal date forward In time to include the composite instrumental

■■
* treatise by Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754). On the other hand, the surviving
16th-century repertoire is re la tiv e ly small, and.thus I have extended
the chronological lim it' back to include i t . Nevertheless I haveimposed
a special restriction on pieces from the 16th century: to qualify they
must be compositionally based on a harmonic-metric scheme rather than on
a "cantus firmus". Consequently, settings of such dances as the
"caballero16, "baja", and "alta" are omitted from the transcriptions,
although they are discussed below in chapter 13 (pp. 832-835 and 844-854)
The third criterion for determining the scope of the repertoire

■' V ■$>
is to confine i t to instrumental settings and to exclude a ll vocal works.
This distinction is partly borne out by the music it s e lf , for the extan
vocal worksârely employ the fixed harmonic-metric schemes- found in the
instrumental pieces. On the other hand, th is \iis tin c tio n is an
a r tif ic ia l one because, as w ill be discussed la te r, dance and song are
intim ately related.^ As a source of instrumental music the guitar book
by Briceno (1626) represents a borderline case,’for i t contains both

’ 1 . * ■
texted Snd untexted dance-songs. Since Briceno supplies music only for
the guitar accompaniments, I have included some of his texted^pieces.
The fourth and fin al criterio n ;fo r lim itin g the repertoire
relates to the individual pieces. With the exception of some 16th-
century works (noted above), I have included a ll the secular variation
sets found in the Spanish sources, regardless of the national origin of
th eir schemes/ To these I have added a ll other settings with the same
dancO-titles, each of which consists of but a single statement o f d
fK '-
■£>
156.
4*1K
musical model. Lastly, I have added a ll single settings of dance-types
which seem to be Spanish in origin? This lim ita tio n eliminates two large
groups of pieces whicl^ would otherwise qualify. F irs t, i t excludes instru
mental settings of Spanish songs which never appear as variation sets and
-^which are not e x p lic itly treated as dances in other sources of the period.^
Second, i t excludes numerous settings of foreign dance-types which occur
.pnly as single statements in binary form. Such dances as the "amable" , ^
"contradanza", "minud", and "paspid" are thereby eliminated, despite
th e ir enormous popularity in Spain during the 18th century.®
The resulting repertoire consists of 723 pieces drawn from 44
sources. Although only 12 of the sources date from between 1600 and
1700, most of tjlie dance-types represented in the transcriptions were
used during th<j 17th century. In to ta l, 638 of the 723 pieces are solo
settings for guitar, keyboard, or harp. These sources, however,, do not
fu lly reflect/Spanish practices of the period. Many ether instruments were
also used t q accompany dancing, although music fo r them does not survive.
Records of large chapels, including the "capilla real", indicate the
a v a ila b ility of bowed strings ("vihuela de arco" and "violdn") and wind
instruments (such as the "bajdn", "chirimfa", and "sacabuche").6 Other
archival documents and contemporaneous descriptions reveal that during-
.'"fiestas" various string and wind-instruments actually did accompany the
dances. These non-musical sources further demonstrate that the perfor
mances were often realized by some sort of ensemble which almost
invariably included one or more percussion instruments (such as the
"castanetas", '^pandero", "sonajas", or ^"tamboril"). Many excerpts from
such documents w ill be cited in la te r chapters. '
\
"V1^1
) 157.
Notes to Introducti on
1. For exajjpfle, guitar settings of untexted Spanish dances (as well

as guitar accompaniments fo r some Spanish songs) are included in
FLORENCE, Biblioteca Riccardiana Ms 2774, 2793, 2804, 2951, and
2973; as discussed by John H. Baron, "Secular Spanish solo song
in non-Spanish sources* 1599-1640", JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN .
MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY 30 (1977), pp. 20-42.
2. For example, guitar settings of Spanish dances are found in the

following three sources: ~
(a) MEXICO CITY, Private collection of Gabriel Saldfvar
Silva, Mdtodo de cftara (compiled ca. 1650 by SebastiSn de
Aguirre); as described by Robert M. Stevenson, Music in Aztec
and Inca te rrito ry (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968), pp. 234-
235. t
. (b) MEXICO CITY, Private collection of Gabriel Saldfvar
Silva, [An 18th-century guitar tab!atiire from Guanajuato]; as
described by Stevenson (1968), pp. 235-236.
■■(c) MEXICO CITY, Biblioteca Nacional Ms 15-4-152, Tablatura
de Vihuela de mano (compiled ca. 1740); as described by Robert
M. Stevenson, Music in Mexico. A historical survey (New York,
1952), pp. 162-163.
3. See below, chap. 13, pp. 838-844 and 870-873, and throughout
pt. IV.
For example, see "Canzidn" below, pt. IV, p. 917.
The "ffinable" is discussed below, chap. 8, pp. 480-483.
For example, see above chap. 3, p. 81.
5. FIVE-COURSE GUITAR
^ ' A
Guitar in Spain
During the 17th and early-48th centuries the five-coursd guitar
was cultivated throughout western Europe/ I t flourished especially in
Ita ly , as Giustiniani observed in approximately 1628 (see above,
chap. 2, p. 23). In fact the Ita lia n sources account fo“r most of
f the guitar music which survives from the f ir s t half of the 17th
century/ At the same time the guitar was most closely associated with
jmu'sical a c tiv ity in Spain. Even the Italians referred to i t as the
jSpanish guitar ("la chitarra a lia spagnola"). Theînstrument, its uses
in Spain, and the Spanish musical sources have been investigated by
^Pennington/ In the remainder of the present chapter I w ill deal with
the same sources, though in a somewhat different fashion.
The five-course guitar emerged in Spain during the late *16th
century. I t was extremely popular among the lower classes and was
frequently associated with barbers/ The guitar was often employed to
accompany the dances which were given during various "fiestas". For
example, in 1612 Gabriel de la Torre'and Luis de Monzdn agreed to
furnish the c ity of Madrid, with a dance for Corpus Christi which would
be performed by seven persons with tambourines, guitars, and drums/
The guitar also became a standard accompanying instrument in theatrical a
productions. An early instance of its use occurs in the late 16th
century when Alberto Naseli

I . (alias Ganassa) and Vincencio Botanelli
(alias Curtio) formed an acting troupe in Spain. On March.31, 1581,
they hired two Spaniards who agreed to serve the company for one year by
playing th eir guitars and singing "tonadas" in the Castilian manner.®
The'guitar was also enthusiasticjffly adopted by some o f the aristocracy.
One of the f ir s t musicians to introduce i t into the drawing-room
("sala") wits Vicente Espinel (1550-1624)7 This may explain why some
writers amTglaitarists of the 17th century (such as Lope de Vega and
Doizi de Velasco) credited Espinel with the "invention" of the^five-

Q
course guitar. The instrument even became prominent at the- royal,
court. For example, in 1639 Felipe IV granted the gu itarist Vicente
Sudrez a post in the royal chapel.9*

S
Relatively few musical sources for the guitar have survived from
Spain, as Pennington's survey demonstrates.19 At f ir s t the guitar was
played in a strumming manner ("rasgado" or "rasgueado"). As early as
1580 SSnchez de Lima refers to the widespread practice in Spain of

11 fr
accompanying lyrical poetry "a lo rasgado". 1 In the middle of the 17th
century the guitar began to be played in a plucking mother ("punte'ado").
This style soon predominated in a rtis tic circles, although the
"ras<p*gado" style persisted among the lower classes.
Sources of Dances and "Diferencias"
Dance music and "diferencias" are preserved in a total of 14
guitar sources. They are listed chronologically (approximating where
necessary) in £hart 1. The following descriptions include a ll the
biographicallinformation which is known about the composers and
compilers of each source.
&
160.
CHART 1 - Guitar sources of dances and "diferencias"
Total no. of No. of pieces'incl.

Source guitar pieces3 below in pt. VID
Amat (ca. 1596) ® 3 gr 2 gr -
Briceno (1626) 52 gr 43 gr
Doizi de Velasco (1640) 2 gr 2 gr
Sanz (1674) 26 gr and 55 gp 25 gr and 34 gp
Sanz (ca. 1675; reprinted 1697) 12 gp 12 gp

Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) 28 gr and 37 gp 28 gr and 29 gp
Guerau (1694) 40 gp 40 gp
T)
E Mn M.2209 28 gp 24 gp
E Mn M.811 18 gr and 87 gp 18 gr and 50 gp
Murcia (1714) • ■ 115 gp 13 gp
E Be M.691/2 (4) 14 gp 3 gp
B Be Ms 5615 (pp. 82-121) \ 65 gp i gp

GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 131 gp 39 gp
Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B 9 gr and 8 gp 8 gr and 2 gp
Totals 138 gr and 592 gp 126 gr and 247 gp
gr = "rasgueado" guitar
gp = "punteado" guitar
r
Concordant settings of a particular piece are counted only once,
under the earliest source. Throughout t h ii study, pieces consisting
of a single statement of the same popular scheme are not considered
to be concordant with each other. ^
!b
I t 1s not certain when Amat's guitar treatise was f ir s t
published.12 I t may have appeared f i r s t in 1586, 1596, or 1626, but the
year 1596 seems the most lik e ly . The e a rliest survivirftf exemplar was .
, issued in L€rida in 1626.^ This edition is the only one listed bythe
17th-century bibliographer Nicolis Antonio.1^ However the prefatory
material in the surviving exemplar suggests that the book was f i r s t ’
printed-in 1596. According to Hall the ecclesiastical licence (granted
by the bishop of Barcelona) is dated July 5, 1596, and the dedication
(to one Juan de Agua Viva y Tamarit) is dated Monistrol, August 10,
1596.1® The only evidence to support an even e a rlie r printing appears
in a le tte r written by Leonardo de San Martin to Amat dated Zaragoza,
April 30i 1639. This .le tte r is found in many editions, of Amat’s ^
* treatise, beginning with the one issued in Barcelona in 1639.1®
Leonardo gives Amatls age as 67 and states that his guitaK treatise was
„ f ir s t published in Barcelona in 1586.^ Modern scholars have suggested
that.this.,is a misprint fo r 1596, since i t is unlikely that Amat was
, /only 14 years old when he wrote his treatise.. Nevertheless the argument
is not conclusive,• for Leonardo mentions that at the age o'f 7 Amat was
already a skilled player and singer.10
From 1626 througli to th? early 19th century numerous printings

; :: of Amat's treatise were issued in eastern Spain in Barcelona, Gerona,--
L6rida, and Valencia.1^ Many of them contain a supplement of five
; copters, written in Catalan or Valenciart, entitled Tractat breu, y
explicacid dels punts de la quitarra. Its author and date of
>composition are not known. According,to Hall this supplement survives '
■'■s
’-c . . . .'
162.
e
only in those editions of Amat's treatise which were issued after
« 1700.20 , ' '

Notwithstanding^the success of his guitar treatise, music was
not Amat's primary fie ld of endeavour. On the title-page of the 1626
edition Juan Carlos Amat (in Catalan: Joan Carles Amat) describes
himself as a medical doctor by profession.2* According to archival
information summarized by Pujol, Amat was a prominent citizen of
Monistrol (a town just north-west of Barcelona) where he resided from
.1618 until his death in 1642.22 The 17th-century bibliographer Antonio
claims that Amat was borri in Monistrol, studied at the University of
Valencia, worked as a doctor at^Montserrat, and wrote a medical book
entitled Fructus'medicinae ex variis Galeni locf5\decerpti which was
published in Lyons in 1623.22 The same medical book is mentioned by
Leonardo de San Martfn in his prefatory le tte r of 1639. Leonardo also
praises Amat for his many other publications, including a small treatise
on plague (issued in Barcelona) and a collection of 400 Catalan
aphorisms.2^ The la tte r work was so successful that i t was reprinted
many times. The modern bibliographer Aguild y Fuster lis ts 16 editions
of i t , beginning with one issued in Barcelona in 1636 entitled
Quatrecents aforismes cathalans, del doctor Joan Carles Amat.25
(b) Briceno (1626) , .■
The qnly surviving exemplar* of Briceno's book is preserved at

; % .. ....
F Pn (Rdserve Vm.8 u.l). Unfortunately folios 20 and 21 are missing
■ ' '• ■ : ■' " ■ ■ '
from i t . L i t t l e is known about Briceno's lif e . He was probably born
.° -~v \ .’If
■
y- and raised in Spain. In 1626, rusing imagery based on the rpyal shields,
Du Prd praises ^riceno for; having i^ ft the raging lion in favour of the
-..„V
S?3;-&; j
" ;fc .
--
\:$ k y ' S 't K 1v ^ ; ■■■y' '■r w : J : " > ‘ .i5 ? 3 §
163.
gentle fle u r-d e -lis .2^ I have been unable to ascertain the date of his
a rriv a l in Paris. Presumably he was there by 1614, for in that year he
contributed a prefatory "soneto" to a^Parisian book written by Le Sieur
de Moulfere. For his own publication of 1626 Bricefto managed to obtain
the support of at least two French noblemen who held prominent posts at
the court of Louis X I I I (see above, chap. 3, pp. 64-65). Briceno and
( 1 f . ■ '
his wife Anne Gaultigr had two sons"who were baptized in the Parisian
parish of Saint-Sj^pice rn^Febrijdry of 1627.2®
(c) Doizi de Velasco (1640)
The only known exemplar o^ Doizi's treatise is preserved at E Mn
(R.4042). I t lacks an imprint*29. According to Anglds and SubirS the
coat-of-arms on the title-page is the Spanish roy/H shield of Naples.29
A handwritten note on the inside front cover statefc that the book was
published by Egidio Longo in Naples in 1640 ("En/l5poleB, por Egidio
Longo con licencia de los superiores 1640"). I/have assumed that this
is correct. The same information is given/6y tjle 18th-century
bibliographer Barbosa Machado.2* century Antonio also lis ts
the place and date of publication as Naj 164Q^jlthough he cites the

t i t l e inTPortuguese.22
Some modern scholars mention a\second e d itio n p f 1645.22
However i t is doubtful that i t ever existetiN—References'to i t can be
traced back to a puzzling remark made by Mitjana in the early 20th
century. He claimed that there was no trace of ^he 1640 edition at
E Mn, and that the only exemplar preserved there was issued by Longo in
'O’
Naples in 1645.2^ Mitjana was probably mistaken, for the only exemplar
which survives today is E Mn R.4042. Moreover, since this exemplar
belongs to the Barbieri collection, the lib rary would have acquired i t
' i '
upon Barbieri's death in 1894.
Doizi's contemporaries indicate that he was born in Portugal.
For example, in one of the prefatory poems of the guitar treatise a
Spanish nobleman praises him as the Portuguese Apollo.^® Doizi was
proi>ab]xjin Madrid sometime before February of 1624, for he claims to
have met Vicente Espinel there.^® On the title-page of his treatise
4?i describes himself as chamber musician to the king and to the
cardina4înfante. In the la tte r capacity he may have worked in Milan
and Brussels. The cardinal-infant? was Fernando (1609-1641), brother of
Felipe IV. Fernando served in Barcelona as the viceroy of Catalonia
from 1632 to 1633", in Milan as the governor of Lombardy from 1633 to
1634, and in Brussels as the governor-general of tte'Netherlands from
1634 until his death on November 9, 1641. The title-p ag e.o f the guitar
treatise further reveals that at the time of publication Doizi was
working in Naples under the viceroy and lord chamberlain to the king,
the duke of Medina de las Torres. I t is not known how long Doizi stayed
there. Ramiro.Felipe Ntinez de JSuzmdn (died 1668), the second duke;of.;
Medina de las Torres, served as the viceroy of Naples from November of
1637 to May of 1644.^ ‘ Doizi dedicated his treatise to Margarita de
Austria, Branchiforti y Colona, a prominent S icilian aristocrat of
royal Spanish descent. Doizi states that i t was ît her home that he had
the opportunity of putting into practice many of his musical ideas. 38
For the remainder of his l i f e Doizi continued to serve Felipe IV

• • s
and his representatives, even^though Portugal rebelled from Spain in
rtZ¥*TO r
1640 and regained her independence. On August 22, 1648, the king
himself authorized the following payment:
I have decided that Nicolfis Doicl, my chamber musician for

the [Spanish] crown of Portugal, be paid the wages of the
said post from the beginning of the year 1641 onwards, in the
same portion •'and in the same form as those which were issued
and paid to Gaspar de Silva Vasconcelos, a Chaplain and
musician who belonged to my royal chapel apd who went over to
Portugal. Execute i t thus, by issuing,the o ffic ia l documents
which are necessary for i t . [RubriQôf Felipe IV .]39
In Madrid on July 7, 1652, Doizi acknowledged receipt of 81,006
"maravedfs". He was paid from funds which were set aside for the
Portuguese chaplains belonging to the Royal Household of Castile.4®
Doizi died sometime between 1652 and 1659. On July 31, 1659, his widow
Catalina de Osma submitted a petition to the king concerning a royal
pension.4* Four years la te r his son Luis made another request'regarding

the pension.4^
(d) and (e) Sanz (1674 and ca. 1675)
The guitar treatise by Gaspar Sanz consists of three "books".43
In th is s ti^ y I re fe r to Books I and I I as Sanz (1674), and to
Book I I I as Sqnz (ca. 1675; reprinted 1697). Book I I I contains only
"passacalles" and thus differs from the e a rlie r Sections.44 From an

■ *■ ’ .;'c ‘ ■.
examination of the surviving exemplars, Garcfa-Abrines suggests that
there may have been eight printings or editions of the treatise, a ll issued
in Zaragoza between 1674 and 1697.45 According to his numbering, Book

c, •
I I f ir s t appeared in the third edition (with Book I) , and Book I I I f ir s t
appeared in the fourth edition (with Books I and I I ) . The title-pages of
the third and fourth editions have the imprint "Zaragoza, 167£". However,
*
as Garcfa-Abrines points out, they were not issued until the following
■' ' '■ ’ ... : ' . 'f ■ * ' ‘• \
year, s1nee the date 1675 appears, on three of the -engraved fo lip s.4b
Sanz e x p lic itly bases much of his treatise on Ita lia n practices
which he absorbed during his sojourn in Rome and Naples.^ According to
his own account, in Rome he met a ll the leading guitarists and learned
the most from Leiio Colista (1629-1680).^ Re also claims to have
studied in Naples under the organist of the royal chapel', Christdval
Carisani (i.e., probably Christoforo Caresana, ca. 1640-1709).^ Sanz
reveals that he was fa m ilia r with many Ita lia n music publications. In
the preface of his treatise he alludes to the guitar books of Foscarini
( i.e ., Giovanni Paolo Foscarini), Caspergier (i.e., Johannes ,
Kapsberger), Pelegrfn (i.e ., Domenico P e lle g r in i), Granada (i.e .,
Giovanni Battista Granata), Lorengo Fardino (?), and fin a lly , "the best
of a ll" , Francisco Corbera ( i^ ., Francesco Corbetta).50 Moreover in
his section on accompaniment Sanz states that he has incorporated rules
from such "maestros" as Horacio Veneboli,* chapel-master at St. Peter's
in Rome (i.e., Orazto Benevoli), Pedro Ciano, orgcmiTt\in. Venice
( i . e . , Pietro Andrea Ziani), Leiio Colista, and Christdval Carisani,
his teacher and royal organist in N a p l e s . ^ •

* ... . . . .
a. ; : i ;0n the t!tle-page of his treatise Gaspar Sanz.describes h im s e lf- .
as a native of Calanda (a town in south-east dragon) and a graduate in
theology from the University of Salamanca. For the publication of his
guitar treatise in Zaragozav Sanz sought the patronage of Juan de Austria
(1629-1679) by dedicatiing the f i r s t six editions to him. Juan de Austria,
the ille g itim a te son of Felipe IV, had taken up residence in Zaragoza
as the vicar cîer^l of Aragon in June of 1669 (as mentioned above,
chap. 3, p. 63). In the dedication Sanz claims that before travelling to
_ e-rr—
■ ■■r: : ' •
» § fe p
■MBS N ......... ..
167.
-
Ita ly he had already shown Juan de Austria some of his work.52 This
suggests that Sanz made his Ita lia n tr ip sometime between.-1669 and 1674.
In the early 19th -century the bibliographe^Latassa offered
additional'information about the birth and output of, Sanz, but he did not
'p ro vid e any Substantiating evidence.53 Garcfa-Abrines accepts only some
of i t , but even he does not establish conclusively that i t concerns the
same Sanz as the composer. He does show that a Francisco Bartolomd Sanz
y Celma was baptized in Calanda on April 4, 1640.54. He also points out
that a Gaspar Sanz wrote two religious books which were published in Madrid
during the la te 17th century. The f ir s t book, issued in 1678, is a Spanish
translation of a work by the Jesuit Daniello.Bartoli.55 The original
Ita lia n edition had f ir s t appeared in Rome in 1645.55 The second book
11 ' , c7
by Sanz, issued in 1681, is a panegyric for Pope Innocent XI.a/
■7 . .* ■ ^ ■ V '
( f ) Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) '
Despite many technical obstacles, Ruiz de Ribayaz managed
have his treatise published in 1677.53 The book opens with a

r*
theoretical section of 16 chapters in which Ruiz discusses the guitar
(chap. 1-4 , pp. 1-20), the harp (chap. 5-9, pp. 21-37), and "canto de
' drgario"; or the rudiments of mensural music (chap. 10-16, pp. 38-64).
The remainder of the book consists of solo instrumental dance-settings
for guitar (pp. 66-102) and for harp (pp. 105-144). The theoretical and
musical material for the harp w ill.b e discussed la te r in this study.
The material fo r the guitar has been investigated by S trizich.5® In the

r '
guitar sections Ruiz draws extensively on the f ir s t two books of the
treatise by Gaspar Sanz (1674). In the preface Ruiz explains that,
because he is addressing beginners, he has simplified some of the topics
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm.ssion.
li
discussed'by Sanz.®® Furthermore, in the musical section Ruiz includes
fe
11 "punteado" pieces from the collection by Sanz.61
As Strizich,shows 1n his biographical summary* almost a ll the
information which is known about Ruiz comes from the treatise its e lf.6^
On the title-page Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz states that he fs "a priest and’
prebendary of the collegiate church of Villafranca del Bierzo [a town
‘ôrth-w'est of Astorga], and a native of Santa Marfa de Ribarredonda in
thi^Vf-s^rict of Burfeba and the mountains of Burgos."In the preface he
begs the reader's indulgence by describing himself as an enthusiastwho
has not practised music professionally.6^ In the dedicatioa to the patron
saint of his church Ruiz provides the following autobiographical sketch:
... I graduated from the minor orders into the holy

priesthood, in which status I learned some principles ofmusic
which I acquired serving the counts of Lemos y Andrade, from
whence (through th eir intercession and upon presentation by
.th e ir most excellent patron don Fadrique de Toledo,’ marquis
of Villafranca) I came to enjoy a prebend and a fte r having
obtained this stipend, being your most submissive servant and
chaplain, I practised in the'spare moments that my schedule
allowed me, so as not to have those moments to ta lly idle ...
ontablature, instruments and music, with the result that I
have composed this book, v . '
In addition Stevenson has discovered that Riyz probably travelled to
Peru in 1667 in the service- of :the new viceroy, P.edro FerriSndez de
Castro (the 10th conde de Lemos and 6th conde de Andrade).66 An
archival l i s t of the viperoy's retinue for the New World, file d one
month before he sd£ sail from Cadiz, includes the priest.Lucas Ruiz de
Ribayaz as one of the “gentilhombres de la cSmara".66 Ruiz later
claimed to have seen overseas provinces (see above, chap. 1, p. 1),
which suggests that he did indeed travel to Peru. He must have
returned to Spain some time before the publication of his treatise.
Perhaps he le f t the New WorlcHtyst afte r the death of the viceroy
Ferntfndez de Castro on December 6, 1672. " ;
(g) Guerau (1694) " , y- '

Guerau's guitar book differs from the e a rlie r Spanish
publications in that a ll of its music i-s*designed for the advanced
player.67 At the same time Guerau does include a b rief explanatory
introduction for the beginner.66 In the prefatory material Francisco
Guerau makes three references to his own career. His remarks are partly
supported by archival documents at E Mp which have been uncovered by
Pennington. First, on the title-page of the guitar book Guerau
describes himself as chaplain and musician in the royal chapel and
chamber. A palace document indicates that on February 25, 1693, Guerau
was indeed appointed to the "real cSmara" with a raise in salary.66
Second, in his dedication to Carlos I I , Guerau claims that he has served
the crown for 35 years (i.e., since ca. 1659).76 Sim ilarly a petition
regarding his pension, submitted to the palace on July 10, 1717, states
that Guerau had worked as a musician in the college for the choirboys of
the royal chapel, known as the Real Colegio de los Cantorcicos, from
1656 to 17DO.7 * Third, in the prologue of the guitar book Guerau
mentions that he had received musical training as a child.7^ According
to Pennington, a Francisco Garau [sic] is listed as a "cantorcico" of
the Real Colegio in a document dated February 1, 1660.76
Four other works of the period may well be by the same person
who composed the guitar book under consideration. A Francisco Guerau

^ 7A
wrote a religious study which was published in Valencia in 1698./H A
musical manuscript compiled during the early 18th century, consisting of
secular vocal works by various composer^ includes two pieces by Garau
[sic]7® Another manuscript anthology from the same period preserves
only the soprano part ("tipie") of a three-voice secular song by
Guerau. ‘
' " \
(h) E Mn M.2209
Antonio de Santa Cruz composed and produced this manuscript for
one Juan de Miranda.^ He wrote i t in black and red ink, using a large
ornate script. The musical pieces are notated fo r the five-course
guitar, which the title-page designates simply as "biguela hordinaria"-.
This generic use of the term "vihuela" occurs in other sources as well.
For example; in the early 18th century Nassarre employs the name
"vihuela" to refer to gut-stringed instruments of fiv e , six, or seven
courses. Nassarre adds that the five-course instrument (known as the
"guitarra espafiola") d iffers from the others only in size and tuning.^
Santa Cruz opens his collection with a short introduction, but i t is not
very i-nformative. He merely emphasizes, the importance of careful
playing and warns the player not to strike the unmarked courses in
certain chords: ■. ..V. .
I declare that one of the things which one should try to

attain on this instrument with study and care, is to play as
v cleanly as possible whatever one plays on i t . And in order
that one may be able to acquire this to some degree, I w ill
not omit to relate what time and experience have taught me.
For this purpose I am setting down the advice which follows.
One should certainly note that, both in composed works
["conposturas"] and 1n0"fantazfas", i t sometimes happens
, that there are chords of four voices in which one of the
r - w strings is le f t empty. Lfnless the said chord is played by
the right hand with some care or neatness, that string which
was blank w ill produce dissonance by grating with the others
which are pressed down at th eir notes or ciphers. This is
not only slovenly playing; itâlso causes great harshness to
& 0 .
v-*
,.;r:
•’:...
the ear. I t seems to me that i t would be tedious to want to
deal with a ll the chords' in which one should observe the
p advice just given. For the person who would lik e to
understand 1t thoroughly, le t what I have ju s t said suffice
to enable him to consider what I have neglected to say on
th4e tftn4r
this topic. *9
Santa Cruz do^jnot mention the.place or date of composition..
The chord chart, the ornament symbols, and the inclusion of "Marizdpalos"
settings (D-282 and D-283) a ll indicate that the manuscript was almost
certainly written after 1650. (The popular song called "MarizSpalos" is
discussed be!owîn pt. IV.) On the other hand, the absence of French
dances indicates that i t was probably written before I70p,^ especially i f
i t was prepared at the royal court. Pennington suggests the narrower
(but leste certain) range Of ca. 1675-1700, on the basis o f three
notational elements. He points to the inconsistent manner of
representing the 11th fre.t, the use of two types of slurs ("suave" and
"brebe"), and the application of vibrato to two notes simultaneously.®®
For the purposes of chronology in this study, I have placed the Santa
Cruz manuscript at the very end of the 17th century. ■■■■'*’

Unfortunately no biographical information has been uncovered
about Antonio de Santa Cruz. In 1633 one of the members of the royal
chapel was named Gerdnimo de Santa Crliz y Jajxardo, but i t is not known
whether Antonio Was related to him.®* Sim ilarly I have been unable to
establish anything about Juan de Miranda, the man for whom the manuscript
was prepared. Perhaps he was the court painter Juan Carreno de Miranda
(1614-1685) or a member of his family. Carreno de Miranda was appointed

<■ i f .
"pintor del rey" on September 27, 1669, and "pintor de cdmara" on April
11, 1671.®2 The ornate and colourful script of the manuscript would
certainly be appropriate i f the intended recipient was a painter.
172.
( i ) E Mn M.811 .
s ^ This anthology of guitar pieces “selected from the best
composers" was Compiled anonymously in 1705.83 The f ir s t 93 pages
contain "punteado" settings only. An examination of the durational
symbols reveals that a different hand wrote the remainder of the

>
manuscript (pp. 95-153), which consists of both “rasgueado" and
"punteado" pieces. Almost a ll the works are dance-song settings. One
of the works, entitled "Ay enganoso amor".(pp. 91-93), even has its
lyrics written out below'the tiblature. The anthology identifies the
composer for only one of its pieces, namely, the "Alemanda del Corbeta"
(pp. 42-43)._ As Pinnell points out, i t isâ variant of an "Almanda" by
Francesco Corbetta which was published in 1643.84 Pinnell cla-(m sîat a
"sarabanda" in E Mn M.^ll also comes from one of Corbetta's books.

■ ' p e . * ■
However he is mistaken. No such concordance exists. 3 E Mn M.811 does
contain five pieces from the treatise by Gaspar Sanz.88 In addition i t

' « '
provides some indication of the new French tastes which prevailed at the
■ ■'
Spanish court a fter the arrival of Felipe'V. The manuscript contains
.several settings of French dances, including one "contradanza.de
'-alemana’U one "paspid", and eight "minuetes".
( j ) Murcia (1714)
The title-page of Murcia's guitar book gives-the date of
publication but not.the place.87 Antonio Literes, the principal
"bioldn" in the royal chapel, wrote an approbation recommending that
the book be issued in Spain. In the course of his remarks he reveals
that Murcia's treatise was actually engraved in Antwerp.88 The book is
S ' ; - : - .... .. , ----------- U -i - r - . i V
‘
h isto rically significant fo r two inain reasons. F irs t i t contains a long
v; section of theoretical explanations (pp. 5-56). Second, i t is the
earliest guitar source which clearly reflects the overwhelming influence
oA French dancing a t the Spanish court during'the 18th century. In
aUdition to arrangements from the stage mi/sic of Jean-Baptiste Lully
(D-347) and Andrd Campra (see Chart 27 below in chap. 8), Murcia
includes 8 "burees", 10 "paspiedes", 29 "menuetes", and many other
French dances. According to Russell, at least 18 pieces (and probably
an additional 34 pieces) are arrangements of dance melodies in the
choreographic publications of Feuillet which w.ere issued in'
1700 to 1713.89 Murcia closes his book with three sets of piece!
arranged in the manner of French and Ita lia n suites.
On the title-page Santiago de Murcia describes himself as guitar
■ master to Queen Marie-Louise then deceased. (Marie-Louise of Savoy, the
f ir s t wife of Felipe V,'died on February 14, 1714.) Perhaps Murcia
obtained this post as early as 1704. In September of that year the due
• / , J *
de Gramont informed Louis XIV that Marie-Louise was learning to^play the
guitar.98 In 1705 the queen herself wrote that she was keeping busy by
piayingv^he:harpsichord, studying music, ..and learning the guitar.91
Unfortunately no archival documents have been uncovered concerning Murcia's
royal service. Pennington suggests that he may_have been related to one- or

.■■- ... ^■
more guitar makers who are listed in the palace records.92 In 1714
I'""-.- following the queen's death, Murcia dedicated his book to J^come Francisco
Andriani, a special envoy of 1*1 ipe V to the Catholic cantons of the
Netherlands (see above, chap. 3, p. 6 ^ . Andriani actually financed
the book, which helps to account for its being engraved in Antwerp.
*■55*;i
(k) E Be H.691/2 (4) ^
This source 1s an anonymous double fo lio which lacks an overall
t i t l e and date.®3 I t consists of 14 pieces for "punteado" guitar;
namely, one "preludio", one "correnta", nine "minuets", "and three
"sarabandas" (D-459 to D-461).®^ . The repertory suggests that this
manuscript was probably written sometime during the f ir s t half of the
18th century. The simple nature of the music precludes a more precise
dating. For the purposes of chronology in this study I have placed the
manuscript at about tfu^yîr 1720.
(1) B Be Ms 5615 (pp. 82-121)
This manuscript was compiled at Ghent during the year 1730 by
Jean Baptiste Louis de C astillion, provost Of the ecclesiastical college
of Sainte Pharailde.®3 The introduction, which discusses the guitar and
its notation, reflects French practices of the period.®® The main body
of the manuscript is divided into two sections. The f ir s t (pp. 1-81) is
a collection of guitar works composed by Frangois Le Cocq, a musician of
many years' service at the royal chapel in Brussel-s.®^ In the preface
CastiIIion states that he copied these pieces from autograph scores

V go
given to him by Le Cocq. The second section of the manuscript
(pp. 82-121) is the one which is relevant to this study. I t is an
anthology of 65 guitar pieces by "the best masters of the 17th
century".®® At the end of a ll but two of the pieces C astillion supplies
the name of the composer. He attributes 31 works-to Nicolas Derosier,
14 to F. Corbet (i.e ^ fra n c e s c o Corbetta), 6 to L elio ( i.e ., Lelio
Colista), 6 to Robert de Visde, 4 to Michel Perez de Zavala
r( i . e . , Miguel Pdrez de Zavala), and 2 to J.B. Granata (i.e ., Giovanni
Battista Granata). Although in the preface he also names Gaspar Sanz,
Castillion does not attribute any pieces to him in the body of the
manuscript.
All that is known about the Spanish g u itarist Miguel Pdrez de

ibk k
Zavala comes from this source. In the preface Castillion refers to him
b riefly as follows: '

' >
I am adding in this collection, after the "airs" by
"monsieur" Le Cocq, some pieces by other masters who excelled
in the last .century. One finds in those by "monsieur1
Frangois Corbet [i.e ., Francesco Corbetta] a great deal of
. profundity. "Monsieur" Lelio [i.e ., Lelio Colista] has«added
with his pieces a pleasant sweetness. I t seems to me that
(^~^Miche)l Perez de Zavala [i.e ., Miguel Pdrez de Zavala], a
V. Spanfard'and teacher of my honoured father in Madrid in ’-r
approximately 1690, has imitated these two .excellent
composers not badly. The pieces by "monsieur" Gaspar.Sanchez
[i.e ., :Gaspar Sanz], also a Spaniard, and by "monsieur" Jean
Baptiste Granata [i.e ., Giovanni Battista Granata], an
Ita lia n , have th eir worth. The "chaconnes" and
"passacailles" of the la tte r are .considered to be good,100
The four pieces attributed to Pdrez de Zavala in the anthology section
are his only surviving works.101
(m) GB Lbm Ms Add.31640
This collection of guitar pieces by Santiago, de Murcia was
prepared in the year 1732 for one Joseph Alvarez de Saavedra.10^ To
some extent this manuscript and Murcia's book of 1714 are complementary.
The 1732 manuscript lacks a theoretical section. Presumably the

-■ *. • *
material which opens the 1714 book is supposed to suffice. In turn, the
, ' . f .
1732 manuscript begins with 28 "passacalles" (P-118 to P-145), a genre

.. V * *
which is absent in the 1714 book. The remainder of the 1732 manuscript
consists of 103 piecesT grouped by mode or key, which resemble the
stylized dance-settings of French and Ita lia n suites. Two of the
"allemandas" actually come from Robert‘de~VisSe's guitar book of
1682.103 Pinnell suggests that as many as ten pieces may come from the
guitar works of Francesco Corbetta. Some of the corresponding pieces v
.are closely concordant,‘while others are sim ilar only in a general
w ay.l^ According to Russell, twenty-four of Murcia's pieces are
arrangements of guitar works by Frangois Campion published in Paris in
1705.1®3 Russell further states that fifteen of Murcia's pieces are
' based on guitar works by Frangois Le Cocq, which are preserved in the ‘
f ir s t part of B Be Ms 5615 (the source discussed in the preceding
section).*®® The importance of foreign music is also revealed by the
fact that Murcia includes guitar arrangements of five violin pieces from
\-
Arcangelo C o re lli’ s opus 5 (see Chart 26 below in chap. 8).
(n) Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B ,
Various exemplars survive of the instrumental treatise by
Minguet y.Yrol. Unless otherwise specified, a ll my references are to.
the one preserved at GB Lbm (K. 8 . al4).*®7 The treatise is actually a,
composite work. vI t consists of seven parts wty’ch I have labelled A
through G. Each has its own title-page and d e a ls ^ ith a different topic
The overall design of the book may be summarized as follows:; general
introduction (A), guitar (B), accompaniment (C), psaltery (D), bandurria
(E), violin (F), and flu te and recorder (G). The title-pages of parts D
and G give the year of publication"as 1754. The remaining title-pages
• are undated. Part B is the only section to include the approbations,
licences, l i s t of errors, and pricing.

The dates of these documents
4
range from September 10, 1752, to May 25, 1753.*®3 Perhaps part B was
177.
■ ■ ■■• .
f i r s t issued alone in 1753.10®

V ‘ Y
On thefrontpiece of thecomposite work
Minguet states that each part^d ffiT ^treatise coTTId be bought separately
(as pointed out above, chapJ 4, p. 129);
> In the middle of the 18th •century Pablo Minguet y Yrol was one of
the most p ro lific engravers in Madrid.He issued numerous booklets on
various subjects, as well as alarge composite treatise on dancing (see

• *
above, chap. 4," p. 129). Minguet addressed a ll his works to the layman.
% ■ * . •
At the beginning of the instrumental treatise he emphasizes the s e lf-
instructional purpose of the book:
And thus, cuHous reader, i f you want to learn by yourself

alone, without a teacher and practically withput an
instrument,,how to play any of these instruments, take note
of’ how I learned them;-....
When I was a boy, I-warrted to to learn how to play the
guitar. I bought a booklet [i.e ., almost certainly an
edition ofrAmat's treatise] which taught how to play i t in *
the strumming manner. I went to a carpenter's apprentice (as
•a maker of children's things) and from a wooden board I had
him saw out it s fig u re .in the shape o f a " tip le " [ i. e ., a
* type*of small g u ita r], attach its bridge and nut, and put on
five tuning pegs. Afterwards I put on the necessary four
frets , proportionally reduced. Then I put on single strings
for the f ir s t , second, th ird , fourth, and f if t h courses. I
opened my booklet, examined the method of tuning the guitar,
and tuned i t neither well nor poorly. Then I proceeded to
the chords and played them as best I could. After I had
already learned how to play them a l i t t l e , I studied the
"passacalle^'.'. I f I did not understand something or I had
some doubt, I availed myself of someone who was knowledgeable
and I had him explain i t to me. After I had learned some
l i t t l e tunes ["tonadillas"] I bought a small guitar. I took
, notice of another book, composed by the renowned guitar
- composer Gaspar Sanz. (The most reverend father Feijdo and
various musicians refer to him thus.)1,10 From i t I learned
some small "rasgueado" and "punteado" pieces, and the rules
of accompaniment. Afterwards I bought another book which was
composed by "don" Santiago de Murcia, the "maestro", who
served La Saboyana [i.e ., Queen Marie-Louise of Savoy], the •
mother of our Catholic king "don" Fernando VI (may God
preserve him). From thils .composer also I learned various
fine "tocatas". For the rest of the instruments I had to
avail myself o f some knowledgeable persons, inasmuch as no
one has written about them.111
— Part B (the guitar section) consists of a title-p ag e, 6
unnumbered preliminary pages, 24 unnumbered pages-of text, and 10
unnumbered plates of charts and music.*** the text presents a set of
rules fo r "rasgueado"* playing (pp. 1-15) and a set for "punteado"
playing (pp. 16-23). Minguet takes most of this material verbatim from
e a rlie r Spanish books. As'shown in Chart 2, his main sources are the *
• # ■ • .
treatises by Amat and Sanz. Minguet la te r issued at least two revised
editions of part B. An exemplar of one of them -is preserved at the ^

University of Toronto.*** Minguet does not give its date of
publication. Instead he reuses the title-page from the e a rlie r version
of ca. 17-54', except th a t^ fte r the words "por milsica, y cifra" he
inserts the phrase "al estilo castellano, italian o , cataldn, y
francos". This revised edition is valuable because Minguet adds tWo
new pages of text (pp. 25-26) in which he further explains his
"rasgueado" notation.**^ He also adds "castellano" and "italiano"
symbols (discussed below) to the chord-chart on plate 1. Minguet
published this edition sometime before 1774, for in that year.he issued
i • i
a further revision of part B. I t not only incorporates the same
additions, but i t also employs a new title-p ag e which specifies 1774 as
the date of publication.**®

■■/ ’
' * *
*'
Other Sources
The lost sources of the 17tH century include a guitar book by
F. Corbera en title d Guitarra espaflola, y sus diferencias de sones. As ‘
both Mitjana*and Pinnell point out, the-Earliest reference to i t occurs
in the bibliography compiled byilicolSs Antonio, who died in 1684.**®
CHART 2 - Sources of the material in Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B
l ' !ii
Minguet (ca. 1754) B- Source . Topic
Regia 1, p. 1 Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) parts of the guitar

* chap. 1, p. 1 '. / [
Regia 2, pp. 1-2* ‘ Sanz (1674)-Regia 1, stringing ' ' ''
f.8 r-8v
Regia 3, p. 2 Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 1, tuning ; i

pp. 2-3 and Sanz
(1674) Regia 2, f . 8v
i
Regia 4, p. 3 Sanz (1674) Regia 3, f„9r frets
V 11
Regia 5, p. 3 Amat' (qa.v 1596) chap. 2, chords
pp.. 3-4
Regia 6V pp. 3-6 Amat (c a .•1596) chap. 3, major chords

pp. .5-9,
Hegla 7, pp. 6-8 Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 4,' minor chords*
. . . • \ V pp. 9-14 '
Regia 8, pp. 8^11 -Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 7» transpositions

• pp. 23-28a*
Regia 9-10, pp. 11-13 Sanz (1674). Regia 5^6, shifted chords
f.S v-lO r1
-Regia 11, pp. 14-15 [apparently new] accompanying the

violin
*•
Regia 12, p. 15 [apparently new]; five-course "tiple"
Regia 1, p. 16 Sanz (1674) Regia 1, "punteado1^ tab! aturje

f.llr
Regia 2, p. 16 SanZ (1674) Regia 2, right-hand technique

f.llr -llv
Regia 3, pp. 16-17 S^nz (1674) Regia 3, left-hand technique

f.llv
Regia 4, p. 17 Sanz (1674) Regia- 4, t r i l l ("trino") -

f.llv
180.
h . v
CHART 2 (Cont'd)
4
Minguet (ca. 1754) B 1 Source topic
Regia 5, pp. 17-18 [apparently new] tablature;
Regia 6, p. 18 [apparently new] fingering
Regia 7 pp. 19-20 [apparently new] chord insertion
Regia 8, p. 20 • [apparently îew] irive-tcourse "tiple"
Regia 9, pp. 20-21 Amat (ca. 1596) Tractat y six-course "vandola"

breu chap. 4i
pp. 55-56c
Explicacidn de la Murcia (1714), scales

lamina sexta, pp. 28-34°
pp. 21-23
a Minguet substitutes a transposition chart of "Folfas espanoles"

(D—113) for Amat's chart of "[Gu3rdame las] vacas" (D-202).
° Minguet notates the-chords by numbers instead of le tte rs .
c Minguet translates this Catalan chapter into C astilian. •
Minguet summarizes Murcia's treatment of scales.
Antonio does not give the jiJace or date of publication,'but he does
claim that the book was dedicated to Felipe IV .* ^ Pinnell suggests
that this collection may represent the missing third book of Francesco
Corbetta, which would place i t sometime between 1643 and >1648. That
Corbetta at least travelled to Spain is supported by his own remarks in
. the Ita lia n preface to his La quitarre royal!e (Paris, 1671) and by the
biographical description in his obituary which was published in the
Mercure gal ant (A p ril, 1681).118
The treatises by Amat (ca. 1596), Sanz (1674), and Murcia (1714)
» 'x • 1 ——
emphasize the importance of^the guitar as an accompanying instrument.
Each book aims to fa c ilita te such tasks as chord selection, bass
realization, and transposition. The reappearance of material from these
treatises in la te r Spanish sources reveals that during the 18th century
accompaniment continued to be one of the primary functions of the
guitar. For example, Amat's elementary explanations fo r the novice
became known throughout the peninsula. In eastern Spain his treatise

*
was reprinted many times during the 18th century (as mentioned above in
this chapter, p. 161). Minguet y Yrol incorporated several sections
from Amat in his own instrumental treatise issued in Madrid in ca. 1754
(as shown, above in Chart 2). Later in Madrid Andrds de Sotos >slightly
modified Amat's entire treatise (including material from the Catalan
supplement) to produce a guitar book wîch he issued under his own name
in 1764. The only section which does not come from Amat is the fin al
chapter, in which Sotos discusses the five-course " tip ie " .^ 8
Similarly., in Lisbon Pita de Roche issued an unacknowledged Portuguese
translation of Amat's treatise in 1752.*20
; * v- The more sophisticated explanations of Sanz (1674)-and.Murcia.
(1714) were also valued during the 18th century. * A manuscript written
in 1726 reproduces the complete didactic section of Murcia's book
(pp. 5-56).121 In the middle of the century extracts from both7 ' ■
treatises appear verbatim in the composite instrumental book of Minguet
y Yrol (ca. 1754). The borrowings in part ,B (the guitar section) have
been noted above in Chart 2. The borrowings in part C (the
accompaniment section) are also extensive and accoun^mir most of the
work, as Minguet himself.acknowledges.122 From Sanz he repeats the
rules of accompaniment.12® From Murcia he reproduces most of the
discussion of meter.124s Another source which preserves material from

•' '* ' •1
Sanz and Murcia is an undated work compiled by Manuel Valero, a native
of Muniesa (a town justreast of Daroca itf'^/tragon).12® Valero probably
wrote i t shortlyaafter the death of the Jesuit Francisco de Gerdnimo on

*■
May 11, 1716. The twelve preliminary folios present an engraved
po rtra it of the then deceased Gerdninjo followed by a collection of
religious poems.12® The main body of the work, consisting of 41 pages
of text and 40 folios of examples, concerns the guitar. I t is nothing
but a compilation qf sections taken verbatim, but without
acknowledgement, from Sanz (the rules for "rasgueado" playing,

v ‘ .. \
"punteado" playing, and accompaniment) and from Murcia (the complete
didactic section).127 The only exception is the fin a l fo lio , where
Valero describes a customary method of tuning the guitar with octaves in
the fourth and f if t h courses.12® Valero's work in turn was copied . .-
without acknowledgement by Joseph Trapero in 1763.129 As i t stands
Trapero's manuscript includes êrything but the title-p ag e, most of the
preliminary fcflios, and the fin al fo lio on tuning. These folios may
have been copied as well and la te r lost, ..The precise correlation of
Trapero's manuscript with the treatises of Sanz and Mur.cia (but without
the intermediate Valero) is given by Pennington.*30
Temperament and Tuning - ^ ——•
From the outset the iiorma^tuning and frettin g of the fiv e -
course guitar probably approximated equal temperament. During the late
17th and early 18th centuries many Spanish theorists, such as Zaragoza
(1675), Tosca (1709), Ulloa (1717), Nassarre (1724), and Vails
(ca. 1742), assert that the guitar employs equal semitones.^
Furthermore one can infer equal temperament from the apparent enharmonic
equivalence of accidentals in the theoretical section of Murcia's guitar
book of 1714j For example, for the pitches produced by the five courses
stopped at the eleventh fr e t, Murcia gives the following diagram in

tablature:^2
Nevertheless, in his failu re to discuss temperament e x p lic itly , Murcia
resembles a ll but one of the e a rlje r Spanish guitarists. Only Doizi de
Velasco provides a detailed technical treatment of the' subject. In a
theoretical discussion in which he refers to the Neopolitan treatise.by
Cerreto, Doizi describes three differen t tuning systems or divisions of
the octave. He states that the guitar and other fretted' string /'
. instruments employ th&itbird division, which'Conpfsts Of equal.
semitones.1?3 He prafises the guitar -for its equal temperament because
i t enabfes the player to acpbmmodate singers by/transposing music to any
' pitch-level. Doizi dismisses its minor discrepancies with the
/ * theoretical- genera (diatonic, chromatic; and enharmonic) as being
negligib!e .in prqctice.. He concludes that fa c i1ity rin tranSposition.
m erits much more study than refinement in tuning of a comma or less.13^
Although the pther guitar sources do not discuss temperament,
most of them do describe the. normal tuning of the instrument.135 All
the explanations give the same basic intervals between successive
courses, namely (beginning with the f if t h course), perfect fourth,
perfect fourth,-major th ird , and perfect fourth. Moreover, whenever
they mention or imply note-names, they a ll agree that the f if t h course

ii-u 136 At the same time ambiguities and differences
produces the pitch "a1
arise concerning the number of strings per course, as well as the octave
register of the strings within the fourth,and f if t h courses. Assuming
one string for the f ir s t course and two for the others, one can
distinguish three different tunings (see musical example 9).
The earliest and most common tuning employs two bourdons, one in
each,.of the fourth and f if t h courses, as shown in musical example 9(a),
Amat gives e x p lic it instructions for i t at the end o f the 16th century:
This Spanish guitar of five courses is composed of nine

strings: one in the f ir s t course, called "prima", and two in
the other courses, which we call "segundas", "terceras",
"quaqtas", and "quintas". The "segundas" and "terceras"
within themselves are at one and the same pitch [i.e ., in
unison]. However, since the "quartas" and "quintas" each
contain a thick string, thede courses are not pqual in the
same manner as the "segundasând "terceras"; for the thick
strings are an octave lower than th e ir companions, the other
s trin g s .... r
Jaj Mo •_
5L_
Quo. k„..
186.
, .
F irst, take the "terceras" (which are the strings of the

third course set at one and the same pitch) at the second
fr e t and with them tune the "quintas". The string which is
thinner should be equal so that i t is at one and the same
tone and pitch, and the *hick string should be an octave
lower-than its companion. Next, taking the "quintas" at the
second fr e t, tune the "segundas" by putting its strings at
one and the same pitch. Next, take the said "segundas" at
the third fre t and with them tune the "quartas" in this
manneV: the thin string equal, and the thick string an
octave lower than its companion. Taking the "quartas" at the
second fr e t, tune the "prima" (which is the f ir s t course)
also at one arid theâme pitch. This guitar w ill now be
completely tuned.1 .
Although Doizi de Velasco does not explain how to tune the guitar, he
does recommend-the use of bourdons in the fourth and f if t h courses. He
argues that the resulting large range adds sonority to the chords and
fa c ilita te s the playing of im itative contrapuntal passages ("fugas").1^
Later Ruiz de Ribayaz also calls fo r octaves in the fourth and f if t h
courses. In_a verbose style he presents the same tuning method as
Amat.1^ At the end of the 17th century Guerau does not provide any
tuning instructions in his guitar book. Nevertheless, a passing
reference in his discussion Of "punteado" fingering suggests that he too
employs octaves in the fourth and f if t h courses:
Third, the diminution ["glossa"] which you perform with

the index and middle fingers should be done by alternating
them; for i f one finger gives a $reat many strokes, i t w ill
not be able to be nimble or neat. Observe that i f you are v
glossing from the f ir s t course downwards, i t should be with
' these fingers until the fourth course; and from there
downwards i t should be with the thumb performing a ll the
strokes. I f you are glossing from the bourdons [my
emphasis] upwards, i t should be with the thumb until the
second course; and from there upwards i t should be with the
index and middle fin gers.140 , .
A second tuning system is re-entrant and USes no bourdons. The
strings within the fourth and f if t h courses are tuned in unison at the
higher octave, as shown in musical example 9(b). This arrangement seems
187.
to be the one which Bricefio describes in his book, although the
terseness of his instructions precludes a definitive interpretation
F irs t, set the two "terceras" in unison. Then place your

finger on th eir fourth fr e t and tune them in unison with the
open "segundas1*. „
For the "prima", place your finger on its third fr e t and
make i t sound an octave, at one and the same pitch, with the.
open-"terceras". * -
For the "quartas", place your finger on the third fr e t of
the "segundas" and make them sound in unison with the open
"quartas".
For the "quintas", place your finger on the second fr e t of
the "terceras" and make tham sound at one and the same pitch
with the open "quintas".
In 1674 Sanz e x p lic itly discusses the re-entrant tuning which lacks
bourdons. He associates i t with Roman practice and recommends that i t
be used for "punteado" playing. At the same time he also discusses the ^
tuning which employs bourdons in the fourth and f if t h courses. He
associates i t with Spanish practice and recommends that i t be retained
for "rasgueado" playing:
There are many ways of stringing, because those masters

in Rome only string the guitar with thin strings, without
putting any bourdon .in the fourth or f if t h courses. In
Spain, i t is the contrary, because some use two bourdons in
the fourth, and others two in the f if t h , and at least, as is
usual, one in each course. These two methods of stringing
are good, but for different effects. For he who wishes to
play the guitar to perform noisy popular music ["miisica
ruidosa"] or to realize the bass of some "tono" or "sonada",
the guitar is better with bourdons than without. But i f
anyone wishes to play in the plucking manner with grace and
sweetness, and use "campanelas" (which is the modern method -
now used in composing), the bourdons do not come out w ell,
but only the thin strings, both in the "quartas" and
, "quintas", as I have experienced a good d eal.142
The reason is, that i f there is a bourdon i t impedes the .
making of t r i l l s ["trinos"] and slurs ["extrasinos"] and
other gallantries of the le f t hand, because one string is
thick and the other thin, and the hand cannot press evenly
and control one thick string as i t can two thin ones,
furthermore, i f with bourdons you form the le tte r or chord E,
which is "delasolre" [i.e ., a D minor tria d ], the open f if t h
course produces the interval of a fourth in the bass [because
i t gives as the lowest sounding note the pitch "a", which is
the f if t h of the tria d ] and w ill confuse the principal bass,
and w ill be imperfect according to the teaching of ■
counterpoint.143 And so you can choose whichever manner
o f the two pleases you, according to your intention in
playing.144
Sanz proceeds to give tuning instructions which are sim ilar to those in
Amat but Which make no mention ojf bourdons.14®

A third tuning system occurs outside~of Spain in the, manuscript
compiled by Castmion. I t Uses only one bourdon, which is placed in
the fourth course.The strings of the f if t h course are tuned in unison,
at thehigher octave, as shown in musical example 9(c). This re-entrant
arrangement is characteristic of French sources beginning in the middle
of the 17th century.146 Castmion presents this tuning in s ta ff
notation near the end of his introduction.14^ At the same time -
Casti11 ion suggests that one can also employ a bourdon in' the f if t h
course — as he himself does — in order to increase the sonority of the
instrument:
I consider i t fittin g to record that ofYthe five courses of

strings which belong to the guitar the f ir s t one, which
remains single with only one string, should consist of a
thinner string than a ll the other courses.... All the other
courses or strings can be of the same thickness; but one must
take care to put a [lower] octave with the fourth, string, for
i t is absolutely necessary there. There are even some
enthusiasts, whose example I follow, who in a sim ilar manner
put aJTower] octave with the f if t h string. They call i t a
"boiircron". At the third course they also place strings whch
s are a T ittle thicker, but in which the difference is not so
perceptible. All this produces a fu lle r sound in the guitar
and gives i t a harmonious charm. And in order to give more.
' sound to this instrument I thicken the two [lower]
octaves, which I-place at the fourth and f if t h courses, by
means of a slender thread of brass or s ilv e r, ...V 140 *
The tuning systems described in each guitar source of this study
are listed in Chart 3. Five of the sources do not contain specific

-\
CHART 3 - Guitar tunings in the Spanish sources
_ Source Tuning within the courses3
Amat (ca. 1596), pp. 1-3 two bourdons
Briceflo (1626), f . 5r (no bourdons)
Doizi de Velasco (1640), pp. 16-17 two ôtrrdons
Sanz (1674 and ca. 1675), f . 8r-9r twoxbourdons*or no. bourdons
Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), pp. 11-12 two bourdons

i <
Guerau (1694), f . *5r (two bourdons)
E Mn M.2209 not specified
E Mn M.811 ... not specified
Murcia (1714) not specified
E Be M. 691/2 (4). not specified
B Be Ms 5615, pp. v-vi and xiv one bourdon or two bourdons
GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 not specified
Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B, pp. 1-2 two bourdons or no bourdons
a Inferred information which is not ex p lic it in the .sources is given

in parentheses.
0: ; ' ;V;-
Instructions. For them, i t would be appropriate to follow the
recommendations given by Sanz, discussed; above/ In particular, one -
should almost certainly use the tuning system without any bourdons for
those pieces which incorporate "cahipanel&s" passages.
"Rasgueado" Notation
"Rasgueado" and "punteado" settings employ different methods of
notation. Yet in both systems many of the symbols are devised
especially for the guitar. A consideration of the sociological context
. of the sources helps to account for certain general features of the
notation. As T re itie r points outs:
... the understanding of a musical notation requires that .

we see in i t a system of signs working through a hierarchy
of modes of representation whose composition w i l l be a
function of the use that is made of the notation, the
characteristics of the music to which i t refers, the
relationship between that music and its practitioners,
, and the types and degrees of competence of the practitioners.
These variables can interact in different ways in a single
h is to ric a l situ atio n , ... 0
Most of the guitar sources are directed to the novice or to the skilled
player who lacks training in the rudiments of music theory. As a result
the music is notated with elementary signs in some sort of tablature.
(The s u ita b ility of tablature notation is discussed above, chap. 3,
pp. 88-89.) In addition most of the pieces in theNjuitar sources are
well-known popular dances. This ^llows for a notation which is 1
skeletal, either in the meaning of some of its symbols or in its
application to particular settings.
In the "rasgueado" pieces pitch is*”clearly notated by means of
chord-symbol s. Three differen t sets are prominent in the Spanish
sources. The f ir s t , 'called the Catalan system by Minguet y Yroi:, is ’,
shown in Chart 4. I t uses the numbers 1 to 12 followed either by an "n"
or a "b". This system f ir s t appears at the end of the 16th century in
•the guitar book by Amat (ca. 1596).151 The numbers correspond to chord-
roots (beginningvwith the root "e") which proceed through a cycle of
ascending fourths. The le tte r "n" designates a major triad ("punto

*
natural"), and the le tte r "b" designates a minor one ("punto .b
mollado"). The system contains one major and one minor triad for each
pitch-degree of the octave. After explaining how to play each chord on
the guitar, Amat presents a summary in the form of a circular chart.
Here he employs a stylized version of Ita lia n "punteado" tablature, with
the outermost ring representing the f if t h course and numbers
representing the fr e ts .* ^ the middle of the 18th century Minguet y
Yrol (ca. 1754) defines the same set of chord-symbols by means of the
•« • 5-
usual type of Ita lia n "puntead^,tablature. The resulting chords are
identical to those in Amat except for' the voicing of chords "5n" and .
"5b" (as shown below in musical example 2, pp. 208 and 2 1 2 ).*^
The second set of chord.-symbols, called the Castiljian system by
Minguet y Yrol, is shown in Chart 5. I t uses the numbers 1 to 9 and a
few other symbols, such as "X" or "10" (i.e., the number ten, called
"diez"), "+" (i.e ., a cross, called "cruzgdo"), and "P" (called
"patilla"). The set of symbols and resulting

a•
chords d if f.e r* somewhat
among the sources. The system was f ir s t published in the early 17th
century in the guitar book by Briceno (1626). He uses 13 symbols to
represent 16 chords (10 major triads, 5 minor triads, and 1 added-sixth
chord). He defines them by means of a chord-chart written in French
^ .ta b la tu re , with the highest lin e representing the f i r s t course and
CHART 4 - The Catalan chord-symbol sVin the Spanish guitar sources
Symbol Resulting triad
Amat (qa. 1596) Minguet (ca. 1754) B
In E+ E+ » :
2n 'A+ vv A+
3n D+ D+
4n G+ G+
5n C+ • C+ '
6n . F+ F+
7n B+ Bb+
8n Eb+ Eb+
9n Ab+ Ab+
lOn Db+ • Db+
lln F*+ F#+
12n . 4 B+ B+
Tb • E -. ■ . E-
2b A- A-
3b ^ D- D-
4b G- ■-J" G-
5b C- c-
6b F- F-*
7b Bb- Bb-
8b E - . Eb-
9b Ab- Ab- .
: io b C*- ; Cf .
lib F*- T *-
12b B- ■' • # B-
j'.
CHART 5 - The Castilian c,hord-symbols in the Spanish guitar sources
'•
Symbol Resulting Triad
Briceno Sanz Ruiz de E Mn M. Minguet

(1626) (ca. 1675) Ribayaz (1677) 2209 (ca. 1754)B1
1 G+ or Ab+ G+2 ..... • •; G+ G+
lb G- G- G- —
2 C+ C+ C+ c+ C+
2b c- — — . —
;
3 F+ F+ F+ F+ *• F+ .
4 Bb+ or B+- , Bb+ Bb+ Bp+- Bb+
5 ■D- D- D- . D- D-
6 \ a- : ' A- A- A- A-
7 r E+ E- E+ . E+ E+
8 F*" B- B+ — B+
9 B- — F% — Fff+
\
X — — B- B-
-io -- ■ ---- ;• —
Bb- ' —
4 D+ or E ^ D+ ’ D+ D+ D+
P A+ A+ A+ A+ A+
G C- — — —
* G+ with an -- — '
added 6th
* Revised edition (exemplar preserved at University of Toronto).
2 Ruiz uses the symbol "1" to represent two different chords: a pure
G+ triad and a G+ chord with a dissonant "a" in the bass.
letters representing the f r e t s . ^ In addition to pure triads Briceno
includes one ^dded-sixth chord, Which he represents by the unusual
symbol Another distinctive feature of his system is that he employs
three of the symbols ("1", "4“, and "+") to represent two different
chords each. Within each pair the chords areT a semitone apart. Thus,
in a given setting the novice woul.d readily be able to resolve any
ambiguity by tr ia l and error. Another version of the Castilian system
appears in_the instrumental ♦book by Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677). By means of
verbal explanations and a chart written in Ita lia n "punteado" tablature,
Ruiz defines a set of 14 chords (9 major triads, 4 minor triads, and one
other chord).^5 He employs the symbol "1" to represent two f^rms of a
G+ chord: one. is a pure tria d , while the other is dissonant with the
pitch "a" in the^bass. The dissonant form is not a misprint, for as
well as defining i t in tablature Ruiz also describes i t verbally.
However he neglects to explain when i t should be used instead of the
pure triad . Perhaps he provides the dissonant form for the benefit of
beginners, since i t is easier to produce physically. In the dissonant
form, only two fingers stop the strings (i.e., the f if t h finger stops
the f i r s t course at the third fr e t, and the fourth finger stops the
second course at the third fre t). The pure form is more awkward to play,
because three fingers of the le f t hand must stop the strings '(tCel, in
addition to the fingers used in the dissonant form, the index finger
must stop the f if t h course at the second f r e t ) . ^ Ruiz also uses a
sim ilar symbol for a pure G- triad. By representing i t with the symbol
"lb" (i.e ., "uno vemolado"), he e x p lic itly shows its harmonic
relationship with the G+ triad in the'same manner as in the Catalan
system. During the second half of the 17th century passing references to
the Castilian symbols occur in two other guitar sources. Sanz (ca.
1675; reprinted 1697) and Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209) employ "alfabeto"
symbols (discussed below), but they both-mention some of the
corresponding Castilian symbols in the title s of th e ir pieces.
Castilian symbols continue to appear in the middle of the 18th century
in the instrumental treatise by Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754). He uses them
in four of his guitar pieces (D-88, D-115, D-262, and P-37).
Furthermore, in a revised edition of the guitar Section Minguet
supplements his Catalan chord-chart by adding 12 corresponding Castilian
symbols. Except for the absence of the symbol "lb" and the dissonant
form of.the symbol "1", Minguet presents the same set as that given by
Ruiz de R ib a y a z.^
■ ♦ . • V
The third set of symbols, often called "alfabeto" or
"abecedario" in the Spanish sources, is shown in Chart 6. I t uses the
letters of the alphabet and a few other symbols, such as a cross ("+")
and an ampersand ("&"). The quantity of letters varies among the
sources, but each symbol always represents the same basic triad.
Minguet y Yrol calls i t the Ita lia n system because of its provenance.
"Alfabetto" was the standard method of notating strummed guitar chords
in Ita ly throughout the 17th and early 18th centuries. The system was
f ir s t published in Florence in 1606 in the guitar book by Montesardo.
-He presents a set of 27 chords defined in Ita lia n "punteado" tablature.
Montesardo provides two voicings for six of the triads (namely, C+, E+,
E-> F+, G+, and A+), but three other triads are absent altogether
(namely, C^-, Eb- , and Ab-).^ ® The Ita lia n system makes its f ir s t
CHART 6 - The Ita lia n or "alfabeto” chord-symbols
" in the Spanish guitar sources
Symbol Resulting triad '
Sanz E Mn E Mn. * Murcia Amat (ca. 1596) Minguet

(1674) M.2209 M.8111 (1714) Tractat breu (ca. 1754) Bz
.1
,+ \ / £_
E- E- E- E- E-
A G+ G+ G+ ' G+ G+ G+
B C+ C+ C+ C+ C+ C+
C D+ D+ ’ D+ D+ D+ ’ , . D+
D A- A- A- A- A- A-
E D- D- D- D- D- D-
F E+ E+ E+ E+ E+ E+
G F+ F+ F+ F+ F+ F+
G2 —■ — ' Fff+
Hv Bb+ Bb+ Bb+ Bb+ Bb+ Bb+
H2 '— ■ — — B+
I A+ A+ A+ A+ A+
k Bb- ' Bb- Bb- Bb- . Bb- Bb-
K2 B-
L c- C-3 C- C- C-
M Eb+ Eb+ Eb+ Eb+ Eb+ Eb+
M eK _ __
b I
M — Eb- --
M+ -- --- — Eb- •, Eb-
N Ab+ Ab+ Ab+ Ab+ Ap+ Ab+

+
N Ab- '— . — — . --
CHART 6 (Cont'd)
Symbol Resulting triad
\
Sanz E Mn E Mn, Murcia Amat (ca. 1596) , Minguet
(1674) M.2209 M .tyi1 / (1714) Tractat breu - (ca. 1754) B2
i>
N -- —, -- At - —
N+ — — ■ —^ — ; • Ab-
0 G- G- G- G- G- .G“
P F- F- F- F- F- F-
P2 ■— — . F#-
Q — Fh — . -7
R — — B+ <-B+
S — -. — E+ —
r "T
T -- -- A+ , —~
v ' F#-
x —— — B- ——
Y
;; G+ ' —£
Z — ^ ' ■ — C+ ----
& Db+ Db+ D b+ B b+ ’ D b+
'' -h
& . C #- — _r ' --
. b
& — -- - e# - -- --
•»
*
— c#- .
1
—
0
&+
■- * ■The chord-symbols are not defined e x p lic itly in this source.^
^ Revised edition (exemplar preserved at University of Toronto).
f 3 jh is is not a pure C- tria d , for i t contains a dissonant "a" in the

second course.
- ' * ' *
published appearance in Spain in 1674 in the guitar treatise by Sanz.
He defines 20 different triads in a chart written in Ita lia n "punteado"
tablature.^®® 'In order to produce a complete set of 24 chords (i.e .,
one major and one minor triad fo r each pitch-degree), Sanz generates the
four missing triads (namely, B+, B-, F^+, and F*-} by shifting four of
the original chords (represented by the symbols "H", "K", "G", and "P"
respectively) one fr e t higher. He then presents the entire set in a
chart in which he groups together the major and irtinor triads for each
pitch-degree and arranges the pairs in a cycle of ascending fourths.*®®
During the second half of the 17th century Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209)
presents a smaller set of 17 "alfabeto" chords at the beginning of his
manuscript.*®* Written in Ita lia n "punteado" tablature, his chart lacks
two major triads (namely, B+ and F^+) and five minor ones (namely, B-,
F^-, C^-, Ab- , and Eb-). Furthermore his version of the chord-letter -
"L" is not a pure C- tria d , for the second course produces the dissonant
pitch "d" rather than a consonant ”e11". This dissonant form of "L" is
almost certainly not an error. Although I t does not occur in other
Spanish sources, i t is e x p lic itly described in a few Ita lia n
publications. For example, in the early 17th century Colonna defines
two versions of the chord-letter "L", namely, a dissonant form (with the
pitch "d" in the second course) and a consonant form (with the pitch
"eb" jn the second c p u rs e ).*® ^ jn 1639 Corbetta employs the chord-
le tte r "L" to represent the dissonant form only. - He includes the pure
C- triad among the altered chords ("alfabeto falso") where he symbolizes
i t as "L*".163 ^Thus the presence of a dissonant C- chord in E Mil M.2209
reveals that Santa Cruz took his chart from some Ita lia n source, not
from Gaspar Sanz. In the tit le s of his pieces Santa Cruz employs the
"alfabeto" symbols to indicate the tonic. However he does not '
Incorporate the symbols 1n the works themselves. Instead he spells out
in "punteado" tablature a ll the strummed chords which occur in his
pieces. -
During the 18th century the standard Ita lia n "alfabeto" symbols
continue to appear,in the Spanish sources. The anonymous guitar
collection of 1705 (E Mn M.811) employs them in some of its pieces.
Although the manuscript does not provide a chord-chart, the symbols seem
to have th eir usual meanings. The largest set of symbols occurs in the
guitar book by Murcia (1714). At the beginning of his theoretical
section he presents a chart of 28 "alfabeto" symbols defined in Ita lia n
"punteado" tablature.*®^ He includes a major and minor triad for each,
pitch-degree as well as two voicings for four of the major triads
(namely, C+, E+,G+, and A+). Murcia employs these symbols for the
strummed chords which occur within his "punteado" pieces, both in his.
book of 1714 and in his manuscript of 1732 (GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640). In
eastern Spain the Ita lia n system is incorporated in the Catalan
supplement of 18th-century printings of Amat's treatise. The Tractat -
breu describes the same triads and Catalan symbols as the main body of*1'
the book. At the same time i t adds the corresponding "alfabeto" symbols
in a set of engravings showing the left-hand positions for the
chords.*®5* In Madrid in the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol
(ca. 1754) provides Ita lia n chord-1etters for three of his guitar pieces
(Dr.115, D-116, and P-37). Furthermore in a revised edition of his
guitar treatise Minguet supplies the corresponding, "alfabeto"-letter for
each o f the Catalan symbols in his chord-chart.166 .
IS
f " On the guitar additional chords can be generated from a given
. set by barring the neck of the instrument with the index finger and
shifting existingThords to higher positions. Such shifted chords were
v»\
' incorporated into the "alfabeto" system in Ita ly in the f ir s t half of
SV the 17th century. The standard method of notating them is shown in
, Colonna's guitar books, where an Arabic numeral placed over a chord-
le tte r indicates a shifted chord.16^ In general, "X" (where "n" is an
integer) signifies the sounding of chord-letter "X" transposed up "n-1"
semitones. In Spain this Ita lia n convention was adopted in Sariz (1674),
E Mn M.811, and Murcia (1714). Sanz explains.the notation as follows:
The numbers which you may find above many letters in the
chart [at the top o f f.l6 r ] and above many chords in some
pieces are for shortening the g u itar with the index finger
by making a small fr e t or bridge of i t . Thus i f you find the
chord-letter G with a 3 on top, you should extend your index .
finger on the third fre t. Then with the other fingers you
' .should form the chord-letter G as i f i t did not-have a
. number; for the number does not a lte r the form of the chord,
but only its execution higher or lower, according to the
number which i t possesses over i t . You shall do the same
with the rest of the chord-1etters which have numbers over
them, . . . lba
In the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) transferred
this convention to the Catalan system. In his chord-chart and in one of
_ his "passacalles" (P-36) he symbolizes shifted chords by placing Arabic

^ fiQ 1 r
'numerals over the Catalan chord-numbers. 3
■ A
The only SpanisJ^guitarist who discusses the Catalan, Castilian,
and Ita lia n systems of chord notation is Minguet y Yrol. In a revised
edition of his guitar treatise he b rie fly evaluates each one and,
concludes by recommending the Catalan system:
the guitar chords 1n the Castilian style are no more than
12 in number, but with these one cannot perform a piece at
the 12 pitch-levels ["tonos"]. Nevertheless, i f the beginner
wants to learn by them, he should examine the numbers which
are above the letters on the f ir s t plate, such as the "7",
"P", "1", -"2", etc. . . .
The Ita lia n style or "abecedario" makes use of'the 20
chords [i.e ., the remaining 4 triads are shifted chords], and
with i t one can perform a piece at any pitch-level one may
desire. However i t is laborious to keep 1n mind which le tte r
corresponds to each one of the chords, . . .
I t seems to me that the Catalan style is the best because
i t makes use of a ll the chords and i t explains those that are
major ["naturales"] and those that are minor ["b molados"],
as seen In the numbers, "In", "2n", "3n", e tc ., "lb", "2b",
"3b", e tc ., underneath [the chords in the chart on p i. 1].
Thus the beginner does not need to know music theory, or what
i t is to realize a bass with diatonic triads ["acompafiamiento
diatdnico"], minor triads ["con tercera menor"], or major
triads ["con tercera ... mayor"], or other sim ilar
things.170
In the l%te,16th century Amat (ca. 1596) mentions that the
individual "rasgueado" chords have special names, such as "cruzado

t ■v- ■■■
mayor", "cruzado menor"; "vacas altas", "vacas baxas", and "puente". He
observes that the names vary among musicians and he chooses not to use
jthem in his own book.*7* One.set of names occurs in the guitar treatise
by Joseph Guerrero.^7^ The dates of Guerrero's lif e and work are not
known. His treatise survives only in fragmentary form in an undated
composite manuscript copied by one Mauricio Farinas del Corral, a native
of Ronda. Pennington suggests that Farifias compiled this source as
early as 1600, but his arguments are not conclusive.*7^ The copy of
Guerrero's treatise consists of four folios divided into ten "reglas".
Unfortunately the lower halves of the f ir s t two folios have been ripped
away, and a complete chord-chart is absent. Nevertheless, from the
remaining material one can reconstruct a l i s t of Guerrero's eleven
Castilian chord-symbols, th eir probable meaning, and the names which he
' ■ . . ' ■ ' 202 .
■‘ V . . . "
' ' ' 1 ’
applies to nine of.them. My reconstruction is shown in Chart 7(a),
Another set of names for* "ra||||pado" chords appears in a manuscript
entitled Libro de varias curiosidades.^ This source was written in
Peru between approximately 1670 and 1709 by a Franciscan monk named
Gregorio de Zuola. The contents are prim arily non-musical. However the
manuscript does include sixteen secular songs, one litu rg ic a l song, an
“alfabeto" chord-chart.written in Ita lia n "punteado" tablature (with the
corresponding Castilian symbols, added for 9 of the 24 le tte rs ), and a

■»\ . • .
l is t of names for fourteen chord-symbols (most of which are Castilian).
The l i s t of names and symbols together with the resulting triads as
specified in the "alfabeto" chart are shown ih Chart-7 (b).1^ The
■derivations of these names are not always clear. They can refer to the
shape of the chord-symbol (e.g., "cruzado", which means cross), the :
« position of the le f t hand (e.g., "dedillo", which means f if t h finger),
or a particular dance-type (e.g., "vacas", which is the short form of
the t i t l e "GuSrdame las vacas").
In the Catalan, CastiTian, and Ita lia n systems the voicing of a
triad does not affect its harmonic function. In the late 16th century
Aiât (ca. 1596) does identify the root, th ird , and f if t h in each of his
. ■ » 4 .. . . . ■■■■• ■
chords by means of the terms "baxete", "alto", and "tipie" respectively.
However he does not differentiate among the chords on the basis of th eir
lowest sounding n o t e s . A s Hudson observes with regard to the Ita lia n

*
guitar sources, "the triad invef*sions have no significance and each
[strummed] chord has the effect of a triad in root position."^® Murcia
e x p lic itly illu strates this aspect of "rasgueado" music in his guitar
book of, 1714. Underneath the tablature of his "alfabeto" chart he

.. ^
CHART 7 - Spanish names for the guitar chords
as given in two sources
(a) Guerrero (E Mn Mss 5917)
Chord-symbol Probable triad Given name

i i
1 G+ dedillo
2 C+ puente
3 F+ vacas '
4 Bb+ p a tilla atra[vesada]
5 D- medio cruzado
6 . . A- bemol del [p a tilla ]
7 E+ _ cruzadillo
.** »
8 Eb+ [not specified]
9 Ab+ ' [not specified]
P A+ p a tilla
•
+ D+ cruzado •
CHART 7 (Cont'd)
(b) Libro de varias curiosidades (Ms)
■ - — ? *
Chord-symbol Resulting triad \ ' Given name
. 1 G+ prima
*
1 [as above?] basio alto
. 2 C+ tendido -
3 F+ > bacas
4 ' ( B^+ puente
■ 5 ^ D-. Tisbe
6 / ' A” bemol 4
*7 E- bemol i 11 o
p 8 A+ p a tilla
+ 9 (D+)* cruzado
4- I I [not specified] cruzadillo
g 12 [not specified] guzmanillo '
X 13 (B -)** cangrejo
R 13 (B+)** — rebajas
V,
* In th^_t4W'ature the "alfabeto" chart the Ita lia n le tte r "C" and
the Castilian symbol "+" are defined as an A+ triad . However this is
almost certainly an error. In othei/'sources the symbols "C" and "+"
always represent a D+ tria d .
* * Assuming that the given symbol is an "alfabeto" le t te r .
presents in s ta ff notation the figured-bass abbreviation for each chord.
He represents a ll the chords as i f they were in root position,

regardless o f/th e ir actual voicing.**^
t
Doizi de Velasco (1640) considered this lack of control over
voicing (especially in the bass) as being an unnecessary deficiency of
guitar playing. Consequently he expanded the vocabulary of vertical
sonorities and devised a new system of chord-symbols. In his treatise
he employs 12 small le tte r s (a, b, c, d, e, f» g> h, i , 1, m, and n) to ,
represent chords b u ilt on the 12 pitch-degrees of the octave (g, ab, a,
b^, b, c, c#, d, eb-, e, f,-and f^ resp ectively). On each pitch-degree
he forms an equivalent set of 19 chords, many of which contain
dissonances. He labefls the chords by m.eans of Arabic numerals placed
after the appropriate le tte r. For example, the 19 chords b u ilt on the
pitch "g" are symbolized as "a", "al", "a2", "a3", ... "al8". For the
le tte r "a" Doizi f ir s t uses score-notation to define the chords. Here
he presents each of the dissonant chords (namely, "a6" to "al8") in a
musical context'which illu strates the proper preparation>and reso
lution.^®® Doizi then uses Ita lia n "punteado" tablature to present 12
chord-charts, one for each le tte r. He includes b rie f verbal phrases
summarizing the in te rv a llic structure of each chord as in figured-bass
notation.1®* Doizi generates such a large number of chords by u tiliz in g
two playing techniques. F irst, he often employs barring with the.index
finger. He suggests that barred chords be called "consonancias compuestas"
as opposed to "consonancias simples".*®? To indicate barring in his
"punteado" tablature he introduces a new notational devtê:
7. Whenever one finds th/same number on a ll five lines

[of the tablature], i t means that the index finger must be
206.
extended, pressing a ll the strings, on that fr e t which is

indicated by the quantity of the number, and the remaining
fingers,must be placed according to the numbers which
follow .183
Second, Doizi forms many chords-by omitting one or more courses. Here
too he introduces notational innovations in his "punteado" tablature:
6. In the tablatmre with which one is generally taught

"punteado" playing, nt is customary to place a zero on the
string-which is to, be played open, and no sign on the string
which is not to be played.-184 However I have not been able
to follow this general rule, since in the method of playing
by chords i t is appropriate for its greater perfection that
in some of them [i.e ., especially in some barred chords]yone
does not strike some string even though i t is stopped. Thus
the string which has an "x" should not be played even i f i t
' is stopped by some finger, and the string which does not have
an "x" or any other cipher should be played open.185
Many of the chords which omit one or more courses cannot be produced by
strumming. They must be plucked. Thus only by combining "rasgueado"
and "punteado" playing does Doizi achieve sufficient control over the
: voicing to be able to avoid the use of six-four chords in place of• root-
position or first-inversion triads.188 His entire complex system
consists of 228 chords, 19 for each pitch-degree. In order to sim plfiy
matters for the person lacking proficiency in theory or practice (i.e.,
"el cantante"), Doizi provides a smaller chart of 60 chords at the end
of his treatise. I t contains an equivalent set of 5 chords for each
pitch-degree. For the pitch "g" the-symbols (and resulting chords) are
as follows: "a" (major_triad in root position), "al" (minor triad in
root p o s itio n ), "a2" (minor triad in f ir s t inversion), "a4" (diminished ■»
triad in f ir s t inversion), and "a9" (dominant seventh in f ir s t inver
sion).18^ Doizi's chord-symbols and notational innovations do not appear
in any other guitar sources. During the second half of the 17th century
Sanz (1674) praises some aspects of Doizi's treatise but rejects his
symbols in favour of the widely used Ita lia n "alfabeto".*®® Sanz and
other guitarists did u tiliz e "punteado" playing for a more precise style
of accompaniment.' However, instead of devising new symbols, they'simpfy
spelled out the part in "punteado" tablature.
The chord-charts given in the Spanish sources are transcribed in
— musical example 10. Since the guitar was probably tuned in equal
temperament I have assumed that enharmonic equivalence holds. ^
: Furthermore throughout this study I have transcribed the guitar music as
i f each course consisted of a single string tuned at the lower octave,

n /> " '
regardless of the actual tuning within the courses.
I
— --------------- —------- “In-contrast-to-the-clear-representationof—p itc h -in th e —rasgueado11—
pieces, the notation of other elements of the music is often obscure,
> \ incomplete, or lacking altogether. For instance, the collections by Amat
(ca. 1596), Bricefio (1626), and Doizi de Velasco (1640) do not indicate
the direction of the chord-strums. The treatise by Sanz (1674) is the
f ir s t Spanish publication to employ symbols for this purpose. Here the
"rasgueado" tablature is b u ilt around a single horizontal line. Sanz
explains that a short vertical dash running below the tablature (" .• ")
means that one should strum downwards (i.e ., towards the flo o r), while a
. short vertical dash running above the tablature (" i ") means that one
should strum upwards.^ He also applies the same method for the
strummed chords in his "punteado" pieces by placing the appropriate vertical
dashes on the lowest line of the tablature. Sanz adopted these symbols from
Ita lia n practice, where they were standard since the early 17th century.
For example, they are used and explained in the published guitar books .by
Colonna.^®
1 ^ * » -
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U -S r -# - t> T ■ ^ s r s -* - * w -+ - - r
= = . = ' Y - f
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MUSICAL
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MUSICAL EXAMPLE 10 (Corrt'd) ’ 211.
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\ 213.
Later Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), Guerau (1694), Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209),
and the anonymous E Mn M.811 a l l follow Sanz in employing the same type
of strum-symbols, although only Ruiz e x p lic itly explains th eir
meaning.*®* Ruiz further states that, regardless of direction, one

1Q?
should perform the strums, with a ll the fingers/of the right hand. c
Somewhat different strum-symbols, also Ita lia n in origin, occur in
Murcia (1714). For the strummed chords in his "punteado" pieces Murcia
moves the durational symbols onto the fiv e -lin e tablature and
immediately to the right of the.chord-letters. father than adding short
vertical dashes, he uses the stem-direction of these durational symbols

r
to represent the, strum-directi on. Thus "f" indicates a down-strum,
while "J" indicates an up-strum. This method is also employed in E Be
M.691/2 (4) and B Be Ms 5615.
The "rasgueado" sources exhibit various degrees of completeness
in th eir notation of rhythm. At one end of the spectrum Amat (ca. 1596)
and Doizi de Velasco (1640) do not use any rhythmic symbols at a ll in
th eir tablatures. Following Amat's example, Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754)
provides only abstract chord-sequences for two dance-songs which serve

)" •
to illu s tra te the process of transposition (D-113 and P -l). Sim ilarly
Bricefio (1626) omits a ll rhythmic indications in the closing seven songs
of hjs book (including D-388). In tiie fin al song he does not even
supply the chord-symbols.*®^
At the other end of the? spectrum Sanz (1674) fu lly notates the
rhythm in his "rasgueado" works by means of mensuration signs, barlines,
and durational note-symbols. He sim plifies traditional theory by
confining himself to two mensuration signs, namely, "C" ("compasillo")
214.
and "3" ("proporcidn"). For the benefit of those who do not understand
musical rudiments and who play the rhythms mainly by ear, Sanz Includes
the following b rief explanation:
All the pieces are reduced to two meters or mensurations.

They are "compaslllo" and "proporc1<5n", or as the Italians
say, binary and ternary. "Compaslllo" is notated with a "C",
and "proporcidn" with a "3". The meter of "compaslllo" [one
measure = |<J J | ] consists of two equal movements, lik e the -
measure and mensuration of the "gallarda". The meter of.
"proporcidn" [one measure = | J J J | = | J J J I ] consists of
three [i.e ., two] unequal movements, lik e the measure and
mensuration of the "espanoTeta. ■
To indicate specific rhythms Sanz places durational note-symbols above
the tablature. He explains the usual convention .-that one symbol remains
valid for successive notes until, a different symbol appears. In the
notation of his pieces Sanz adheres to this convention.^ Minguet y
Yrol (ca.1754) also notates the rKythm clearly in a ll but two of his
"rasgueado" settings. On plate 1 (D-114 and P-36) he gives melodies in
staff-notation above the tablature. On plate 3 (D-88, D-115, D-116,
D-262, and P-37) he supplies barlines and employs durational note-
symbols fo r both the rhythm and the strums. '
The remaining three Spanish sources of "rasgueado" music lie
between the two extremes. Bncefio (1626), Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), and
♦
the anonymous E Mn M.811 indicate the rhythm in a skeletal fashion Only.
For example, none of them e x p lic itly notates the triple-m eter pattern
" |J. JO |". Nevertheless other musical sources reveal that this
pattern is a characteristic feature of many Spanish dance-songs.
Briceno (1626) does not verbally explain his system of rhythmic
notation. In a ll but the last seven pieces of his book he places
durational note-symbols above the chords. He employs on)y two symbols,
namely, "o" and "J". There are no mensuration signatures or barlines.
Dots appear in various places (after both types'of durational-symbols
and after some chord-symbols), but I believe that they do not have
mensural significance. They coincide sometimes with line-endings and
punctuation in the lyrics. (Throughout Bricefio's book periods are used
instead of commas.)- Some scholars interpret Bricefio's system as i f i t
wers closely related to conventional mensural theory. For example, Wolf
and Hudson assume that the rules of imperfection and alteration
a p p l y . H o w e v e r such an approach neglects the sociological context of
the source. Furthermore th eir resulting transcriptions are
unconvincing. I would argue instead that Bricefio's system is a kind of
shorthand which is primarily mnemonic. The durations represented by the
two note-symbols are not fixed but can vary even within the same work.
To transcribe a given piece one must f ir s t infer the meter from other
settings of the same dance-type. One can then reconstruct the specific
rhythms by focusing on the recurrent patterns of the durational symbols.
For instance, in trip le meter the pattern "o J o o" probably stands for
|J- |", while "o J o ocJ" probably stands for " J | ". In
duple meter the pattern "o J ocJ" probably represents " | J- J1J- J1 | ". To
support th is interpretation I would point out that the same system of
rhythmic notation occurs e a rlie r in Spain in the treatise by Salinas
(1577). He too omits mensuration signs and barlines, and uses only two
durational symbols, namely, "o " ("semibrevis") and " i " ("minima"). In
his melodies the repeated pattern " o i o " seems to stand for " |J- J1J |
In Ita ly a sim ilar lack of precision with regard to dotted rhythms
occurs in some of the guitar sources. For instance, in his publication
of 1606 Montesardo does not provide .mensuration signs or barlines. He
simply employs three forms of the chord-letters as durational symbols!
At the beginning of the book Montesardo explains that a capital le tte r
("A") represents twice the durati£B"T>f a small le tte r ("a"), while a
, small dotted le tte r ("a*") represents k duration somewhat, longer than a
small le tte r but less than a capital letter.*®®' In his pieces the
r repeated pattern "a* a a" probably stands for | ". .
Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) is the second Spanish source who§e
rhythmic notation is skeletal only. In his "rasgueado" pieces Ruiz
follows Sanz by employing barlines and two mensuration signatures,
namely,. "C" ("comp^ssillo") and "Z" or "3" ("propordWr^ menor"). *®®
; However he does not provide any durational symbols for the individual
strums. Consequently-the intended rhythm wi/thin the measure is not
e x p lic it. v „
The*third Source whose rhythm is unclear is the anonymous E Mn
* M.811. The manuscript does not containany verbal explanations of its
notation. The "rasgueado" pieces employ two mensuration signs, namely
-"C" (^ e ., "compasillo") and "2," ( i.e ., "proporcitfn menor"). •
Unfortunately the given signs are not reliab le, for they are often
contradicted by settings of the same dance-types in other sStirces.
Moreover there are no other rhythmic symbols in E Mn M.811. The
vertical lines which run through the tablature do not mark the measures.
They merely serve to signal the chord changes. The separation of
successive chords is .characteristic of many Ita lia n "rasgueado" sources
'S * from the £arlyJ7th century. F o r^ ^ p le ^ in y th e manuscript collections
by Francesco Palumbi and Desideri\o Bias the tablatures lack continuous
217.
. horizontal lines. Instead each chord-letter has its own horizontal
line-segment on which the vertical strum-symbols are placed.^® Wolf
points out that to reconstruct the intended rhythms in such sources one
can make use of the given strum-symbols.^1 Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)
reveals.that a close relationship exists between strum-patterns and
meter. He states that in accompaniment the usual strum-pattern for a „
measure of "compassillo" is 11 ^ j • i ", while the usual pattern for a
measure-of "proporcidn menor" is " î ".202 Thus for the pieces)in
E Mn M.811 I would suggest that the up-strums generally f a ll on weak beats,
not strong ones. The repeated strum-pattern " i " probably represents
the rhythm 11 | J J J | " in trip le meter, and "|J J J | " in duple meter.
Two of the Spanish "rasgueado" sources contain some additional
signs. Those found in E Mn M.811 are listed in Chart 8(a). They
probably represent ornaments for the right hand, although the source
its e lf dois not provide any explanations. In the tablature the f ir s t
symbol " " embraces one or more strum-symbols. I would suggest that
i t signifies a subdivision of the strum into alternating down-up
strokes, such as " i ^ r ". I t may well correspond to the r^ght-hand
ornament known as " trillo " in Ita lia n "rasgueado" sources of the 17th
c e n tu ry .^ i n E-Mn M.811 the symbol —-/ " sometimes appears where a
realization already seems to have been written out. In such instances

'% ■. '
i t is not cleaPj-whether additor^T subdivisions of the strums should be
added. The second symbol cin thisTmanHscript consists of a $jot placed to
the right of a down-strum. Dots also occur in sim ilar positions,
without any explanations, in some Ita lia n "rasgueado" sources.^^ I
. would, argue that none of these dots have mensural significance.' Instead
CHART 8 - Ornament symbols in the "rasgueado" guitar sources
(a) E Mn M.811
Symbol Name Meaning
v__y [not specified] . [not specified]
... • [to the [not specified] [not specified]’

right of a 'V
down-strum]
(b) Minguet y Yroi> ( ca. 1754) B
Symbol Name Meaning
P or p [not (specified] down-strum with

■ \ index finger
f or p [not specified]^, down-strum with

four fingers
J or J1 [not specified] up-strum with;.

> thumb
K , redoble a double strum

(up-down)
with thumb
they.probably signify some special fingering for the down-strums.
Additional symbols also appear in Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B.
They are listed in Chart 8(b). Minguet uses them in the notation of
five of his "rasgueado" pieces (D-88, D-115, D-116, D-262, and P-37).
The exemplar preserved at GB Lbm does not explain them. Fortunately in'
a revised edition of his treatise Minguet defines the symbols clearly:
/B e advised that the notes or signs whose ta ils or stems

point downwards [ i. e ., T " or "p"] s ig n ify th a t one has to
.4 ^ * play the strums dowriV/ards with the index finger. The ones
which have a small dot above them [ i . e . , "f 11 or "p "] are to
be played with the four long fingers. The ones whose ta ils
point upwards [ i.e ., "J " or " i1"] mark the strums which
should be played upwards with the thumb. The ones which have
a type of hook or crook [ i.e ., "J'" or " P "] are to be played
more quickly. The ones which have some small dots which go
up to the following note [i.e , "Jv. "] signify a "redoble",
i f one wishes to play i t . This is performed with the thumb
by raising i t upwards striking the strings, and then at once
playing a strum downwarcls without delay. I t should also be
noted that when one plays ti^ said strums the fingers of the
V, hand are curled a l i t t l e , in order to strike against the
strings with the smooth surface of the nails. 05
. Thus in this system an unadorned strum-symbol represents a strum played
with one finger. This d iffers from the ea rlie r practice described by
Ruiz de Ribayaz in which the strums are normally played with a ll the
fingers of the right hand (as mentioned above, p. 213).
"Punteado" Notation
Guitar music for "punteado" playing is notated d ifferen tly than
that for "rasgueado" playing. In the "punteado" pieces pitch is clearly^
shown by means oT a fiv e -lin e tablature. The Spanish sources a ll employ1^

■3 ■
the same system, known in the secondary lite ra tu re as Ita lia n tablature.
The highest line represents the f if t h course, and numbers represen^the
frets. A zero stands for ah open course. In Murcia's collection o f -1714
the symbols "x" and "jj" represent the tenth and eleventh frets respec
tively. Brief explanations of this type of tablature are provided by
Sanz (1674), Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), Guerau (1694), and Murcia (1714).206
A different system occurs outside of Spain in B Be Ms 5615. I t is known
in the secondary litera tu re as French tablature.. As Castillion explains
in his preface, the highest line represents the f ir s t course, and letters
represent the frets. The le tte r "a" stands for an open course.2^
In "punteado" tablature rhythm is normally indicated by meansôf
mensuration signs, barlines, and'durational note-symbols. Unfortunately
the rhythmic notation is skeletal and unclear in three of thfe Spanish
sources. F irs t, the collection by Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) is marred by
numerous misprints. In his "punteado" pieces Ruiz employs barlines, but
th eir placement is not reliable. He also provides a mensuration sign at
the beginning of each work, lim itin g himself almost en tirely to "C"
("compassillo") and "3" (f'proporcidn menor").2®® During his discussion
of "canto de drgano" Ruiz explains that in "proporcidn menorM the white
and black forms of notes smaller than a "semibreve" (o ) are
equivalent. He states that a "mfnima" (<!>) equals a "semfnima" (1 ), a
white "corchea" ( £ ) equals a black "corchea" ( I 1), and a white "semi-

9■
corchea" ( £ ) equals a black one ( ^ ) . 2^ This accords with traditional
Spanish theory of the period (as explained bellow, chap. 7, pp. 403-404).
However, owing to certain printing problems, Ruiz does not use the
standard note-symbols in the actual notation of s pieces. Instead he
devised a set of five Tetter-symbols to represent the durations. He
employs the symbol "0" fo r a "semibreve" (o ), "D" fo r &. "mfnima" ( i ),
"L" fo r a "semfnima" ( i j , "S" fo r a "corchea" ( ^ ) , and "s" f o r a
"semicorchea" ( £ ) . ^ He makes no mention of dotted rhythms. Never-
\
theless they may be implied by certain combinations of symbols. For
example, in "proporcidn menor" the pattern " |L-S-L|" probably stands
for " | J- J'J | ". The system devised by Ruiz was potentially viable but
i t was not implemented properly in the publication o f his pieces. The
necessary letter-symbols are often missing, and many of the given ones
are erroneous.
The collection by. Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209) is the second
"punteado" source whose rhythm is unclear. The manuscript does not
contain verbal explanations of its notation. Despite the reference on
the title-page to four types of mensurations (namely, "compassillo",
"proporzionsilla", "proporsidn maior", and "compels maior"), Santa Cruz
does not employ any mensuration signatures in his pieces. He does
provide barlines, but many of them seem to be misplaced. Santci Cruz
• also employs three durational symbols, namely, “f ", "rl" (or "rl " ) , and
(or "■4"). They are riever dotted. The symbols are given above the
tablature, but th eir vertical alignment with the ciphers is often
ambiguous. Moreover th eir very meaning is puzzling. Perhaps the
symbols are supposed to correspond to specific durational values, such
as the "semfnima" ( I ), "corchea"- (£ ), and "semicorchea" ( £ )
respectively. I f this is the case, then the manuscript is riddled with
errors and omissions. Alternatively, perhaps the symbols are intended
as mnemonic aids only. However this interpretation is also
unsatisfactory, for I have been unable to discover a consistent basis
for the choice of symbols in some o f the pieces. In order to transcribe
the works in this manuscript, I have used as guidelines the rhythmic
patterns found in other settings of.the same dance-types. In some
instances, such as the f ir s t "Canario" piece (D-17), I have disregarded
most of the given symbols.
The third source with unclear rhythm is the anonymous E Mn M.811.
The "punteado" pieces contain barlines and begin with mensuration signs, ^
usually "C" (i.e ., "compasillo") or (i.e ., "proporcidn menor").
However the given signs are not reliable. Other settings of the same.
■ ' v ' \ . • ..
dance-songs suggest that the copyists of E Mn M.811 committed numerous .
mistakes. The manuscript also employs the usual durational note-symbols
above the tablature, but i t rarely supplies them in f u ll. Furthermore
dotted rhythms are not notated in a consistent manner. For example, in
tr ip le meter both the patterns " |J J1 J | " and " j J J 1 - I " p r o b a b ly
stand for " | J- -b J | ". *
The rhythmic notation in the remaining e ig h t/’punteado" sources
of this study is clear and complete. Minguet y / r o l (ca. 1754) even
supplements the tablature of his "punteadoiV'pieces with melodic s ta ff-
notation. All eight sources provide mensuration signs, barlines, and
durational riote-symbols in f u ll, in accordance with the convention that

•«
A• one symbol serves fo r successive notes which have the same duration.
During the second half of the 17th century the tendency is to focus on
two mensuration signs in order to simplify matters fo r those who do not
understand musical rudiments. For example, as pointed out above, Sanz
(1674) discusses only ^C" ("compasillo") and "3" ("proporcidn") in his
treatise. Nevertheless in several of his "punteado" pieces he does
u tiliz e "sesquiaitera" signatures (namely, " c | ", "Cs ", and "C 't")
without providing any, e x p la n a tio n .^
Guerau (1694) also focuses on "C" ("compassillo") and "3"
("proporcidn menor"). Under the la tte r sign he employs the modern
black notation, with one measure equalling | j J | or |JJJ | . He shows
dotted values e * p l i c i t l y . ^ Guerau explains that he has excluded other
mensurations, such as "compSs mayor" (usually symbolized and
"proporcidn mayor" (usually symbolized '%%" or "<£3")f in order not to
cause confusion fo r those players unversed in music th e o r y .^ Only in

t .
■ three of his pieces does Guerau call for trip le ts . He signals them by
verbal cues ("sexquiedtera" or "sexquinona o nonupla") and proportional
signs ( " ' I " or " V ) . 215

In "punteado" sources of the 18th century the tendency is to
employ a much larger set of mensurations, owing in part to the influence
of foreign music. The anonymous E Be M.691/2 (4) is an exception in
that i t restricts its e lf to "C" and "3". French practices of the period,
are shown in B Be Ms 5615. In the preface Castiliion describes 15
d iffe r e n t mensuration signs (namely, "C", "<£•", "2", " s " , " i ", "3",
" 1 " , "S-", " I " , " g", "I", and as w ell as the
convention of "notes in d g a les".^ In Spain the guitar works of Murcia
illu s tra te the changing notational practices of the early 18th century.
In his treatise of 1714 Murcia U tilizes 13 differen t mensuration signs,
as listed in Chart 9. He discusses 11 of them during his explanations
of how to realize a bass.^7 Some of his signs are traditional Spanish
mensurations, such as the duple-meter "C" and and the triple-m eter
"3" and " ^ l" . In his treatment of Spanish trip le meter Murcia follows
e a rlie r theory by equating the white arid black forms of notes smaller
than a "semibreve" (o).^8 For the musical examples under "3" and " $ ! "
’ *■ ■' V' -:' V' :;"
k
224.
V
CHART 9 - Mensuration siqns in Murcia (1714)
/
Value of a measure in Value of a measure
Symbol Name the theoretical section in the pieces
C compassillo lj j j j |J J J J |
t compds mayor I j j j j 1 | JJJJ
2 [not specified] [not specified] 1J JJ-J 1
2.
H- 2 por 4 |J J I [not used]
#s
3 proporcidn or I J J J |= l-JJJ | IJ J J | or |J J J J J
proporcioncilla
* /
proporcidn mayor | JjJ J rJ J | = [not used]
;
iJJJ J J J 1
2
3 r [not specified] [not specified] I JJJJJJ I
3’ 3 por 4
+ iJJJl ‘ ; ij j j j j j 1
3
8 3 por 8 1m | ■ 4 /7 1 1
6 sexquiSltera
‘t* Ij d j d I 1j j j j j j 1
4
8 sexquidltera [not specified] \m m \
3
6 sexquinovena [not specified] \m m m \
»z
8 sexquidocena IJ71JT3 J7DJ731 | JJTJ7! jT ) jT j |
»
225.
in the theoretical section of his book he employ* the white forms of the
notes ( i.e ., J , ch , and <£). For the musical settings under. "3" in the
body of his book he employs the equivalent black forms (i.e ., j , J1,
and J* ). Murcia further reveals in his theoretical discussion that the
Spanish signatures do not have fixed tdmpos. For instance, he
distinguishes two types of accompaniment for the sign "C", depending on
whether the tempo is very slow ("mui despacio") or somewhat fast ("algo
%
apriesa"). However the notation of values is identical regardless of
the tempo.^® Sim ilarly Murcia mentions that the sign "3" can be used
for slow works or fast popular pieces ("juguetes"). He refers to the
s.low version as "proporcidn" and the fast version as "proporcioncina",
but he states that in th eir notation there is no difference.^® ^Most of
the other mensuration signs in Murcia's treatise are new foreign ones.
3 ppi
He e x p lic itly refers t o ’"s " as a mensuration of Ita lia n music. A
Sim ilarly he describes "it-" as the foreign equivalent of the Spanish
"3", with the difference that under " i " an undotted "mfnima" ( J ) is
worth two-thirds of a m easure.^ in his-eamments as well as in his
pieces Murcia further indicates that the influx of foreign dance-music
during the early 18th century played a leading role in the adoption of
new mensuration signs in Spain. For example, he states that the foreign
sign " ^ " is called the "tiempo de gabota".^^
Chart 9 reveals that Murcia is not consistent in his use of
certain mensurations. Some of the discrepancies arise from the
interaction of old and new principles. In addition to using some modern
signs, Murcia also persists in applying the older proportional meanings.
Consider, for example, his setting of "MarizSpalos" (D-285). He begins
i t under the mensuration "3" with.one measure equal to |jJ J | or | .
When the measure changes to | JT3 JTJ j T ] | at the beginning of the ninth
"diferencia" he introduces the sign " I " rather than 11 g " . According to
traditional theory he thereby indicates that the duration of the measure
remains the same, for " 2 " means that 9 notes now equal 6 notes of th e'
previous mensuration. A more puzzling discrepancy occurs in Murcia's
treatment of "sexquitfltera". In his pieces he follows the modern
foreign practice of employing when the measure equals |JJJJJJ I and
, when i t equals | JTJ J*T] | . However in the theoretical section of
his treatise he uses when the measure equals | JT3 JTj | . One could
ju s tify this last usage by considering the sign " in its older
proportional sense (6 notes equal 4 previous notes) in relation to a
hypothetical measure of " £ " .
In his la te r collection of 1732 (GB Lbm Ms Add.31640) Murcia
s t i l l includes some anomalies of this kind, but they are fewer in number.
By the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol *(ca. 1754) dispenses
with the older proportional meanings altogether. In,his "punteado"

i'
pieces he consistently uses the modern meanings of the mensuration ^
signatures ( “C",5 " i " , " 1 " , and " | " ) .
All the "punteado" sources in this study employ ornament
symbols, as shown in Chart 10. These ornaments have been carefully
investigated by S tr iz ic h .^ There are a total of six main types,
namely, t h e . t r i l l , mordent, slurred lower or upper auxiliary, vibrato,
slur, and arpeggiation. Amon<^the Spanish sources the symbols and
names are sim ilar though not identical. The manuscript collection B Be
Ms 5615 stands apart because i t uses French o r n a m e n ts .^ C astillio n ’s
CHART 10 - Ornament symbols in the “punteado" guitar sources
(a) Sanz (1674 and ca. 1675)
Symbol Name Meaning
TV trino tr ill
U mordente mordent
u apoyamento or ligadura slurred lower auxiliary

u esmorsata or ligadura slurred upper auxiliary
. or ^ temblor vibrato
extrasino slur
.r r Of 'l arpeado arpeggiation
(b) Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)

. *►
Symbol Name Meaning
t trino tr ill
.*
/ mordente mordent
X .
*" temblor vibrato
—- or v. extras inc^. slur
CHART 10 (C ont'd)
j
(c) Guerau (1694)
Symbol Name Meaning

y
/. trino or aleado tr ill '
> mordente mordent
* temblor vibrato
^ .V extrasino . slur
[no symbol] harpeado arpeggiation
E Mn M.2209 *
L
Symbol Probable Meaning
Hr tr ill
/• tr ill
vibrato
1. ■ slur
sa .....
21
CHART iO (Cont'd)
(e) E Mn M.811
^ Symbol Probable Meaning
-/. 2 tr ill
vibrato
1
slur '
( f ) Murcia (1714) and GB Lbm Ms Add.31640
•/■ 3 • tr ill
•> mordent
% or # vibrato
slur
(g) E Be M.691/2 (4)
Symbol * ~ Probable Meaning
’A tr ill
-__ ' slur
CHART 10 (Cont'd)
(h) B Be Ms 5615
# ^. ».'
Symbol Name Meaning .
.' 1
> tremblemen tr ill
x or v martellemeh mordent
a •- * -• mioTemen or plainte vibrato

' * j chpute or t i rade slur
/ 4 [not specified] arpeggiation^
>
■ . , y
...
’ ? ( i ) Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754). B

• •
3 _
Symbol. Name 1 Meaning .
, p. .
t trino tr ill ' *
c* ' ■
* ..
* Usually the word "brebes" ( i.e ., short) or "suave" (i>4., gentle)

appears below this sign.
^ In some instances an Arabic numef*al, indicating the fr e t of the upper

?note appears be'low this sign.
3 An Arabic numeral, indicating the fr e t of the upper note, always

appears below this sign. . t
4 The slashes are placed on the tab!aturO*between a ll the fret-symbols,

of the chord.
symbols and names appear in e a rlie r French sources, such as the guitar
booklet by Derosier, issued during the last decade of the 17th
century.22® -
'Unfortunately none of the guitar sources under consideration
define th eir ornaments by means of writtfen-out realizations. Some of the
sources-do discuss the ornaments, but th eir explanations are of lim ited
use. Âltogether there are only two sets of verbal descriptions. The
f ir s t set originally appears in the treatise by Sanz (1674). He
discusses each type of ornament separately.22^ In addition he indicates

«'
0
that he has-based his ornaments ("habilidades") on Ita lia n practice.22®'
One problem in his system is that,he.uses the same symbol ("u") to :
represent the ''mord^nte", ''apoyamento'' and "esmorsata", although he
notes that the last two are rarely notated. Later Ruiz de Ribayaz
(1677) removes this ambiguity by dispensj^ y with the "apoyamento" and
"esmorsata" entirely. He employs four types of ornaments and
acknowledges that he has copied his explanations verbatim from Sanz.22®
Only with regard to the "trino" does Ruiz add some remarks of his own
(quoted below). The descriptions by sfenz reappear during the 18th

• ■*
century in the sources compiled by Valero and Trapero. (These sources
are discussedâbove in this chapter, pp. 182-183). Furthermore his

♦ *
explanation of the "trino" is repeated by Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754), as
indicated above in Chart 2.
A second set of verbal descriptions is given by Guerau (1694).
He discusses fiv e types of ornaments ("afectos"), although he employs
symbols for only four of them.22® Rather than notating the "harpeado",
GueraU recommends that i t be used fo r a ll three-note chords:
I also advise you that in those chords which consist of
three notes you accustom yourself to playing them in
arpeggiated fashion, which you w ill execute by plucking f ir s t
with the thumb the course which i t plays, next with the index
finger, and fin a lly with the middle finger. 'Howpver, do not
hold the chord any logger than its indicated value, nor allow
the beat to fa lte r . 1
In 1714 and 1732 Murcia'employs the same four symbols as Guerau.
‘Instead of describing the individual ornaments ("gracias") in his

treatise, Murcia simply refers the reader to Guerau's ex p la n atio n s .^
A conclusive reconstruction of a ll the "punteado" ornaments is
not possible because the vefbal descriptions in the Spanish sources are
not su fficien tly detailed. Ita lia h practices are probably relevant in
lig h t of the remarks, made by Sanz. However the. Ita lia n guitar sources
t
are of lim ited value since they rarely provide precise explanations.
Moreover, as Tyler points out, the intended realization of particular
ornaments may well vary from book to book, even within the output of one
c o m p o s e r.^ jh e instrumental ornaments in other Spanish and foreign

. 'C ■
repertories are not necessarily relevant. Nevertheless they do lend
c re d ib ility to certain inteippêtations of the guitar symbols.
One general*, problem in the.Spanish guitar sources is th eir
fa ilu re to specify the metrical placement of the ornaments. Other
instrumental practices throughout western Europe during the 17th and
early 18th centuries suggest that the ornaments should be played on the
beat, not before i t . Some Ita lia n guitar books further support this
interpretation. Consider, for example, the "mordente". Sanz (1674)
refers to it. only b riefly:
233.
/
The "mordente" is l e f t on the>same fr e t which t r i l l s

• [i.e ., the upper note of a t r i l l , which in Sanz is always a
semitone above the lower rtote] and i t dampens the string
‘ there. Because i t bites ["muerde"] the string, the Italian s
rig h tly use the name "mordente" for that manner of playing
the string. 234
Guerau (1694) explains the ornament in more detail but he too neglects
to mention its metrical position:'
Likewise you -will find a backwards C or comma in this

manner, "3 ", which in Ita ly they call "mordente". > This is
executed by placing the appropriate finger two frets [i.e ., a
tone] or one fr e t [i.e ., a semitone] behind [i.e ., lower than]
that which the number indicates, according'to the
requirements of the vertical sonority ["punto"]. With
another finger and with greater speed than in the t r i l l , one
has to strike the string at the fr e t which the number •
indicates,^finishing the chord ["punto"] on i t . 235'
By contrast, in an Ita lia n guitar book issued in approximately 1655,

* -
Bartolotti clearly defines the "mordente" ("x") by writing i t o u t in
x '
tablature, such that J - - -m s * .
The Spanish sources also fa il to explain the "apoyamento" in a
precise fashion. Sanz (1674) simply offers the following remarks:
The number with an "apoyamento" is struck in this manner. I f

you find a "one" on the f ir s t course, in order to play this
number you should strike the f ir s t course open and
immediately press i t at "the f ir s t fr e t, sb that in re a lity
you press [with the le f t hand] what you don’t play [with the
right hand] and you play what you don’t press. For although
you struck the f ir s t course open, you stole its voice and
applied i t to the f ir s t feet. I t is that which sounds,
and you did not play i t . ' ^
Perhaps this ornament is equivalent to that which Corbetta calls
"abelimerito” or "cheute" (Vv") in his guitar book issued in Paris! in
1671. In equivalent Ita lia n and. French prefaces Corbetta defines the>,
X
ornament in tablature as a slurred lower appoggiatura, i.e ., J =
»238 In addition the anonymous Spanish collection E Mri M.B11
incorporates written-out slurred lower appoggiaturas in some of its
pieces.2^
Another problem in the Spanish guitar sources concerns the
execution of the "trino". I t is not absolutely clear whether the t r i l l
is supposed to begin on the main note or the upper note, although the
former is more lik e ly . Sanz (1674) does not refer to this matter at
• , *
a ll* Instead he focuses on where one can use the ornament:
The "trino" and "mordente" are very sim ilar. However

they are also distinct from each other in that the t r illin g
voice [i.e ., the upper note] is"not the note where the t p l l
1 is notated but rather a semitone higher. Nevertheless I want
to give a famous rule so that you w ill know where the t r i l l
works well even when you do not find i t symbolized. In the
f ir s t place, i f you have a free finger, you should t r i l l the
open f ir s t and second courses [i.e ., the pitches "e" and "b"]
even i f the t r i l l is not notated. Also you should t r i l l the .
■ . fourth and f if t h courses on the second fr e t [i.e ., the-
pitches "e" and "b"] and a ll .the courses on the fourth fre t
[ i: e ., the pitches "c#", " f#", " b V " d * \ and "g#"]. The
reason is because they are "mi’s" or sharps ["susteiridos"].
In music theory this name corresponds to the t r i l l s . 240
Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) repeats this explanation and adds some remarks of
his ownwhich seem to suggest that the "trino" is a main-note t r i l l :
... the manner of t r illin g is , to pluck the string on _which

one is to t r i l l with the right hand, and shake the finger
which pertains to the number (on the string and fr e t on which
i t is done) of the le f t hand; the manner of shaking the
finger is to place i t , and l i f t i t tvio times, without
interruption in the tempo, nor does ,one have to pluck with
the right hand more'than once for each t r i l l . 241
A realization of 11-fc J " as " j j j j J 11 would accord with his statements
Later the description given by Guerau (1694) implies even more strongly
that the "trino" begins on the main note:
You w ill also find a small stroke with two small dots in
this manner, " V- ", which in Ita ly they notate with a "T"
and two small dots. I t is called "trino" or "aleado". I t is
performed with the le f t hand by placing the appropriate
finger on the fre t which the number indicates, and striking
the.string without delay with another finger of the same hand
two fr e ts [ i. e ., a tone] or one f r e t [ i. e ., a semitone] ahead
[i.e ., higher], according to the requirement? of the vertical
sonority ["punto"].242
Strizich prefers to stress the ambiguity of the above passages.
Nevertheless he too suggests a main-note interpretation for most of the
"trinos". Strizich bases his argument on the observation that main-
note t r i l l s are the type which seem to be us^d in Spanish harp and
keyboard music o f the period.242 Useful information for the

*
reconstruction of the Spanish "trino" is lacking in the Ita lia n guitar
sources. For example, although Corbetta b rie fly discusses the '.'tremolo"
■ ^■
in his book of 164?, he does not specify whether i t is a main-note or
upper-note t r i l l . 244 In the Ita lia n and French prefaces of his 1671
■
® collection Corbetta does show that the "tremolo" or "tremblement" ("x")
^should begin on the Upper note. However, since the book was published
in Paris, these t r i l l s may well represent French practice only.245
Returning to the Spanish sources, a further complication arises in the
18th century with the influx of French dance-music. Does the inclusion
of French pieces necessarily mean that th e ir t r i l l s should be executed in
the French manner, beginning on tile upper note? Strizich answers this
question in the affirm ative, especially with regard to the French-style
cadential formulas in Murcia's book of 1714 and manuscript of 1732.245
Howeverahis argument is not conclusive. I t 1s also possible that
Spanish musicians employed French pieces without assimilating French
ornaments. ^
Notes to Chapter Fi ve
1. General surveys are given by Harvey Turnbull, The guitar from

the Renaissance to the present day (London, 1974), PP. 41-61;
and James Tyler, The early guitar. A history and handbook
(London, 1980). Detailed studies include Richard A. Hudson,
"The development of Ita lia n keyboard variations on the
'passacaglio' and 'ciaccona' from guitar music in the
seventeenth century" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
C alifornia, Los Angeles, 1967),.pp. 24-245; and Richard T.
Pinnell, "The role of Francesco Corbetta (1615-1681) in the
history of music for the Baroque guitar, including a ‘
transcription of his complete works" (Ph.D. dissertation,
University of C alifornia, Los Angeles, 1976) 2 vol.
2. See Richard Hudson, "The music in Ita lia n tablatures for the
. five-course Spanish guitar", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF
AMERICA 4 (1971), pp. 38-40; Peter Danner, "Bibliography of
guitar tablatures 1546-1764", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF
AMERICA 5 (1972), pp. -40-51; and Peter Danner, "An update to the
bibliography of guitar tablatures", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY
OF AMERICA 6 (1973), pp. 33-36. '
3. Neil D. Pennington, The Spanish Baroque guitar with a

transcription of de Murica's "Passacalles y obras1' (Ann Arbor,
1981) 2 vol. £ —^
4: For example, see below, pt. IV,. pp. 992-993.

ti
5. "Obligacidn de Gabriel de la Torre y Luis de Monzdn, de sacar

una danza de 7 personas con sonajas, guitarras y tambores para
las fiestas del Corpus de este ario." E Mah Protocolos de Pedro
Martfnez 1612, f . 320 (contract dated Madrid, June 14, 1612).; as
-■ summarized by Cristdbal Pdrez Pastor, Nuevos datos acerca
del histrionismo espaiiol en los siglos XVI y XVII vol. 1
(Madrid, 1901), p. 130. ' .
6. "Primeramente nosÎos dichos Pedro de Salcedo y Antonio Laso nos

obTigamos cada uno por lo que le toca de que asistiremos. eh .esta
s corte y en las demds partes ciudades v illa s y lugares donde
fuere necesario y nos fuere ordenado por vos los dichos senores
. Alberto Anaseli [the following words are crossed out: 'y
Bicencio Botaneli y juntamente ambos'] y los dichos vuestros
companeros a todas las comedias que ubidredes de.hacer e
hicidredes ansf en general como en casas de particulares aora
sea de noche o de dfa en las quales avemos de serbir de tafler
nuestras guitarras y cantar las tonadas a los tiempos y
ocasiones y como y quando por los susodichos nos fuere ordenado
y mandado, a niiestm uso castellano." (My emphasis.) E Mn
Barbieri Mss 14043 (76), pp. 2-3 (an original document dated
Madrid,, March 31, 1581). A larger portion of this contract is
237.
transcribed in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, "Noticias biogrSficas de

Alberto Ganasa, cdmico famoso del siglo XVI", REVISTA DE
ARCHIVOS, BIBLIOTECAS Y MUSEOS 3a dpoca vol. 19 (1908),
pp. 51-53. Ganassa's a c tiv itie s in Spain are mentioned above,
^ chap. 2, p. 24.
7. * Aside from his other a c tiv itie s , Espinel was an accomplished

' guitarist who composed "sonadas y cantar de sala"; according to
Christdval Sutfrez de Figueroa, Plaza universal de todas
ciencias y artes, parte traducida de toscano (Madrid, 1615)
Discurso 40, f . 193v. Additional biographical information about
Espinel .is given above, chap. 2, p. 22.
8. For the remarks by Lope de Vega and Doizi de Velasco see'below,

pt. IV, p. 1125 note 410 and this chapter, p. 240 note 36
respectively. The attribution of the five-course guitar to
Espinel is further discussed by Isabel Pope Conant, "Vicente
Espinel as a musician", STUDIES IN THE RENAISSANCE 5 (1958),
pp. 134-137. '/ *
9. "El rey, nuestro sefior, Dios le guarde, ha sido servido de hacer

mefced de una plaga de Borgona a Vicente SuSrez mtfsico de
guitarra de su real capilla . . . " E Mp caja 1016/45 (document
dated July 17, 1639). Another document in this f il e states that
e a rlie r in Barcelona, on June 15, 1599, Felipe I I I had appointed
Vicente Sudrez as one of his "mdsicos de cdmara" at an annual
salary of 30,000 "maravedfs".
10. Pennington (1981) vol. 1, pp. 77-121.
11. "Estas canciones [ i . e . , a poetic genre] quando son buenas, son

* muy agradables a los buenos y dilicados ingenios, porque son de
mucho a r t if ic io .. . . aunque se llaman por este nombre, yo no he
visto ni o^do cantar muchas dellas, ddvelo de causar, que todo
lo que agora se usa 'de cantar y taher es a lo rasqado [my
emphasis], y ninguna cosa se canta ni tafie de sentido, y estas
canciones quieren sonada conforme al s tilo que lle va, y por esta
causa no se cantan estas canciones, aunque en el reyno de
Portugal, suelen las mulatas y morenas de aquella tie rra
cantarlas con tanto sentido y concierto, que admiran a los
oyentes." Miguel Sdnchez de Lima, El arte pogtica en romance
castellano (Alcaic de Henares, 1580) Di31oqo I I , f . 47r-47v;
modern edition by Rafael de Balbfn Lucas (Madrid, 1944),
pp. 74-75.’
12. Juan Carlos Amat, Guitarra espanola, y vandola en dos maneras

■de guitarra, castellana, y cathalana de cinco drdenes, la qua!
enseffa de templar, y tader rasqado, todos los puntos naturales,
b, moll ados, con estilo maravilloso. Y para poner en e ll a
’ qualquier tono, se pone una tabla, con la qua! podrg qualquier
sin dificultad c ifra r el tono, y despu^s _tafier, y cantarle
por doze modos. Y se haze mencldn tambidn de la guitarra
238.
c de quatro drdenes. (1st edition, not extant, probably

Barcelona, ca. 1596; earliest extant edition, L£rida, 1626;
revised edition, Gerona, CcTI 1761-1766: facsimile edition,
Monaco, 1980). Unless otherwise noted, a ll my references to
Amat (ca. 1596) are to this facsimile edition. The contents of
this treatise are summarized in English by Monica H all,
. Introduction to the facsimile edition of Guitarra espafiola by
Juah Carlos Amat (Monaco, 1980), pp. i i i - i x .
13. I t is now preserved in CHICAGO, Newberry Library; according to

I * Monica H all, "The 'Guitarra espanola' of Joan Carles Amat", EARLY
MUSIC 6 (1978), p. 363; and Hall (1980), p. i .
f ' V ■ . ■
14. "JOANNES CAROLUS, medicus doctor, edidit: Guitarra espanola de

- cinco drdenes. Ilerdae anno 1626." NicolSs Antonio,
Bibliotheca hispana nova sive hispanorum scriptorum que ab
; anno MD ad MDCLXXXIV florvere rtotitia (Madrid, 1783-1788;
facsimile edition, Turin, 1963) vol. 1, p. 672.
I 15.’ Hall (1980), p. i .
16. According to Hall (1980), p. i i .
■ 17. r "Avidndose impresso este su lib rito de vuestra merced (senor

doctor) tantas vezes, assf en Barcelona la primera vez, que fue
el afio de 1586 como en otras ciudades, y ahora bolver el cabo
de, tantos afios saliir a luz, siendo vuestra merced de sessenta y
siete anos, me tieife obligado a escrivirle que son sus obras
merecedores de eterna memoria, . . . " Amat (ca. 1596) "Carta del
| padre maestro fray Leonardo de San Martfn a t autor" (dated
| . Zaragoza, April 30, 1639), p. i .
! 18. " . . . vuestra merced aver trabajado mucho en sus tieroos anos,
pues sd de cierto, que ya de edad de siete tocava, y/cantava
con 'Undo a y re ,'. . . " Amat (ca. 1596) "Carta del paare maestro
fray,Leonardo de San Martfn al autor", p. i .
19. Described in Emilio Pujol, "Significaci)5n de Joan Carlos Amat

(1572-1642) en la historia de la guttafra", ANUARI0 MUSICAL 5
(1950), pp. 128-130; Higinio Anglds and Josd Subird,
Catdloqo musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid vol. 3
(Barcelona, 1951), pp. 104-107; and most importantly in Hall
(1980), pp. i - i i i . . * '
20. Hall (1980), p. i i .
21. The fu ll title-page is quoted in Hall (1980), p. i .
22. Pujol (1950), pp. 126-127. .
23. "JOANNES CAROLUS AMATUS, (vulgo AMAT)tltalanus, Monistrolensis,

doctor medicus Montisserrati, ex academiae Valentinae magistris
239.
exceptos medicinae flores dedit 1ri lucem, inscribens: Fructus

medicinae ex variis Galeni locis decerpti. Lugduni apud
Ludovicum Prost 1623. 12." Antonio vol. 1 (1783), p. 672. Since
he lis ts the guitar treatise in a separate entry, Antonio was
evidently unaware that both works were written by the same
+ person.
24. ha sacado a luz tantos tra ta d illo s , assf en cosas de

miisica, como de aritmdtica, astrologfa, poesfa, pues eri
dsta did 400 aphorismos cathalanes, provervios muy morales,
mds de veynte vezes impressos, y otros de mano en su curiosa
lib re rfa escritos: pero en particular en el arte que professa,
pues salid un tra ta d illo de peste impresso en Barcelona, y un
Fructus medipinae.en Ledn de Francia tres vezes, desde e l aho
“1623 hasta el de oy: ...." Amat (ca. 1596) "Carta del padre
maestro fray Leonardo de San Martfn al autor", p. i i .
25. 4 Mariano Aguild y Fuster, Catdloao de obras en lenqua catalana

impresas desde 1474 hasta 1860 (Madrid, 1923), p. 668.
26. Luis de Briceno, Mdtodo mul facilfssimo para aprender a ta n e r

la guitarra a lo espahol. compuesto por Luis de Bricneo [ “sic"!,
y presentado a madama de Chales. en el qua! se hallardn cosas
curiosas de romances y sequidillas. "Juntamente sesenta liciones
diferentes. un mdtodo fraratemplar, otro para conocer los
aquerdos. toda por una horden agradable y facilfssima (Paris,
1626; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1972). I t is described
by Josd Castro Escudero, "La mdthode pour la guitare de Luis
Briceno", translated by Daniel Devoto, REVUE DE MUSICOLOGIE 51
(1965), pp. 131-144. Some.of the errors in this a rtic le are
corrected by Hdl&ne Charnassd, "A propos d'un rd c e n ta rtic le sur
‘ 'La mdthode pour la guitare de Luis Briceno1 ", REVUE DE
MUSICOLOGIE 52 (1966),j pp. 204-207.
27. llBien as trocado don Luis

como discrettf y curioso
_ dexando el ledn furioso
por la dulce flo r de lis ."
Briceno (1626) "Quartillas por monsieur Du Prd gonsejer del rey
en su gran consejo", f . 3v.
28. . "1627, 7 fdvrier: bapteme deCharles f il s de Louis Brifenne [sic]

» et d1Anne Gaultier. Saint-Sulpice.
1627, 14 fdvrier: bapteme de Claude, nd le 15 a v r il 1622,
f i l s de Louis Brifenne et d'Anne Gaultier. Parrain: Claude'
Lesclaut, faiseur d'instruments. Sainte-Sylpice." F Pn Fichier
Laborde; as transcribed in Yolande de BrosiaV-d, Musiciens de
Paris 1535-1792. Actes d'dtat c iv il d'aprds le fic h ie r ■_
Laborde de la Bib!iothfeque Nationale (Paris, 1965), pp. 47-48.
This information is also pointed out by Frangois Lesure, "Trois
instrument!stes frangais du XVIIe sidcle", REVUE DE MUSICOLOGIE
37 (1955), p. 186.,
^ , '' ■ . .. ' t '"v

240.
29. Nicolds Doizi de Velasco, Nuevo modo de cifra para taner la

guitarra con variedad, y perfeccidn, y se mueStra ser~
instrumento perfecto, y abundantfssimo. Por Nicolao Doizi de
Velasco, mdsico de cdmara de su magestad, ,y de la d6V senor
infante cdrdenal. Y al presente en servicio del excellentfss[imo]
sefior dugue de Medina de las Torres, prfncipe de S tillano, y
sumiller de corps. &c. virey, y capitkn general del reyno de
Ndpoles (n .p ., n .d .).
30. Angles and Subiri vol. 3 (1951), p. 107. They mistakenly give
the shelf number of the exemplar as M. 4042.
31. "NICOLAO DIAS VELASCO, mdsico da camara del rey cathdlico

Filippe IV e de seu irmao o cardenal Alberto, e destrfssimo
tangedor'de viola de cujo instromento, querendo deixar
discfpulos peritos, escreveo Nuevo modo de cifra para tafler
la guitarra con variedad, y perfecidn ["s ic "], y se muestra ser
instrumiento ["sic11] perfecto, y abundantfssimo. Ndpoles por
Egidio Longo. 1640. 4." Diogo Barbosa Machado, Bibliotheca
lusitana histdrica, c rftic a , e cronoldgica. Na gual se
comprehende a noticia dos authores portuguezes, e dos obras,
que compusergo desde o tempo da promulgacffo da Ley de Graca
,atd o tempo prezente vol. 3 (Lisbon, 1752; facsimile edition,
Coimbra, 1966), p. 492.
32. "NICOLAUS . . . Lusitanus, musicus, edidit: Modo pera tanger

guitarra. Neapoli, 1640." Antonio vol. 2 (1788), p. 150.
33. For example, Danner (1972), p. 49. v
34. Rafael Mitjana, "La musique en Espagne (a rt religieux et art

profane)", in Encyclopddie de la musique et dictionnaire du
- Conservatoire, edited by Albert Lavignac and Lionel de la
Laurencie, pt. I , vol. 2 (Paris, 1923), p. 2096.
^ 35. Doizi de Velasco (1640) "A Nicolao Doizi de.Velasco, Apolo

portuguds. De don Gonzalo de Mendoza cavallero de la Orden de
Santiago. Ddcima", p. iv .
' it
36. " . . . Espinel (a quien yo, conocf en Madrid) le acrecentd la
r quinta, a que llamamos prima, y por estas ragones llaman
justamente en It a lia , guitarra espanola." Dbizi de Velasco
(1640) "Al mdsico, cantor, y cantante", p. 2. Vicente Espinel
worked in Madrid from 1599 until his death on February 4, 1624;
as pointed out above, chap. 2, p. 22*
37. His'term as viceroy is^discussed in Giuseppe Coniglio, I vicerfe „

spagnoli di .Napoli (Naples, 1967), pp. 239-247. '
38. "A su casade vuestra excelencia reconozco la ocasidn de haver
pueito en pldtica este breve trabajo, por donde a nadie mds
juntamehte devo dedicarle, que a vuestra excelencia Doizi
de Velasco (1640) “A la excellentfssima sefiora dofia Margarita
de Austria Branchiforti, y Golona, . . . " , p. i i . For further
information about Margarita de Austria see above, chap. 3,
pp. 63-64.
39. "He resuelto que a Nicolds Doici mi mdsico de cdmara por la

corona de Portugal se le paguen lo's gaxeS de la dicha plaga
desde principio del afio de seiscientos quarenta y uno en
adelante por la misma parte y en la misma forma que se libravan
y pagavan los suyos a Gaspar de Silva Vasconcelos capelldn y
mdsico que fue de mi real capilla y pasd a Portugal?
executarase asf ddndose para e ll a los despachos 'que fuaren
necesarios. [Rubric of Felipe IV .]" E Mn Barbieri Msf 14027 (
(113), an original document dated Madrid, August 22, 1048.^
Gaspar de Silva Basconcelos is listed as a singer in the royal
chapel in the expense accounts for the last third of the year
1637i according to ^document in E Mp. sudmarized by Edmond van
der Straeten, Les musiciens nderlandais en Espagne vol. 2
(Brussels, 1888), p. 429. —" : . ;
40. "Digo yo don Nicolks Doyci de Velasco que en virtud de la

libranga y recados que me a dado don Francisco Cobel Garvaxal
pagador de Ip cassa real de C astilla e cobrado ochenta.y un mil
y seis maravedfs de la thessorerfa de mi 11ones de la ziudad de
Ja^n por quenta de la libranga quese did en jell a de doce
quentos novecientos y treinta y seis mill maravedfs y
seflaladamente por quenta de las setecientos y treinta y seis
mill maravedfs que de dicha libranga tocan a los capellafies de
la corona de Portugal los quales huve de aver de los gaxes de
todo el dichoa de seiscientos y cinquenta y uno y [?] por aver
-tobrado la dicha[?] cantidad en esta corte en la forma y por la
ragdn dicha lo declaro asf y lo firme en Madrid Ta v ij de
ju llio de 1652-afios. Nicolds Doizi de Velasco [signature and
rubric]." E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027(1-14), ân original document.
41. E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027 (115), an original document dated

Madrid, July 31, 1659.
42. E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027 (116), originel documents da„ted Madrid,

Apri1 of 1663.
43. Gaspar Sanz, Instruccidn de milsica sobre la guitarra espanola; ,

, y mdtodo de sus primeros rudimentfcs, hasta tafierla con
des.treza: Con dos laberfntos ingeniosos, variedad de~sones, y
dyi.nces de rasgueado, y punteado, al es tilo espafiol, ita lia n o ,
francds, y inglds. Con un breve tratado para acompanar con
perfeccidn, sobre la parte muy essencial para la guitarra,
arpa, y drgano, resumido en doze reqlas, y. exemplos los mds
242:
principales de contrapunto, y composicidn. Dedicado a]

seren-fssimo sefior, el senor don Juan. Compuesto por el
ficenciado Gaspar Sanz, aragonds, natural de la v illa de
Calanda, bachiller en teologia por la insigne Universidad de
Salamanca (Zaragoza, 1674; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1952).
This facsimile edition uses the 3rd edition (1674) for Books I
and I I , and the 8th edition (1697) for Book I I I . All my
references are to this facsimile edition and its modern
fo lia tio n . I have not had the opportunity of consulting the
study by J.A, Manns, "Gaspar Sanz's ' Instruccidn sobre la
uitarra . . . 1674' :• transcription, translation, commentary"
M.A. thesis, Case Western Reserve University, 1974).
44. In the 8th edition (1697) Book I I I has the following t i t le :

"Libro tercero de mtisica. De cifras sobre la guitarra
espanola, que tiene las diferencias mis primorosas de v
paisacalles, que hasta aora ha compuesto su autor, por todos
los ocho tonos mis principales de canto de drgano, y
^ o r los puntos, y tdrminos mis estranos, y sonoros de
^ la guitarra, . . . "
45. Luis Garcfa-Abrines, Introduction to the' facsimile edition of

Instruccidn de misica sobre la quitaVra espanola by Gaspar
Sanz (Zaragoza, 1952) p-pp. xxxi-xxxiv. ,
46. Sanz (1674), f . 3r, 15r, and 49r.
47. . " . . . aviendo recogido las mejores reglas de mis maestros para
t este efecto en Roma, y Nipoles, juntamente con ptras de los
mejores maestros de capilla de Hspafia, en particular.de Capitin.
[ i . e . , Mateo Romero], . . . " Sanz (1674) "Prdlogo al.deseosode
taner", f . 6v-7r. As discussed above, chap. 2, d. 17, Romero
was "maestro" of the royal chapel in Spain from 1(598 to 1633.
48.* " . . . dard las reglas mis principales que usan'los mejores
. maestros de Roma, que por averlos practicado, y cpncurrido con
ellos en muchas academias, las aprendf de todos,7y en particular
de Lelio Colista,-ilrfeo de estos tiempos, de cu/os inmensos
raudalesde mdsica, procurd, como quien fue a Tafuente, coger
el mis sonoro^cristal que pudo mi coirta capacidad." Sanz
(1674) Regia 8, f .. H r . ,
49. e f modo de lig a r las sfncopas en las proporciones de

Christdval Carisani (mi maestro)organista de la capilla real
de Nipoles." Sanz (1674) Regia 3, f . 29v-30r.
50. Sanz (1674) "Prdlogo al deseoso de taner", f . 6r.
"51. NSanz (1674) Regia 3, f . 29v-30r. ,
52. "Aviendo de dar a la estampa esta Instruccidn de mdsica sobre

la guitarra espanola, con el laberinto, que ya puse a los pies
de vuestra alteza antes de passar a 'It a lia , tuve por mejor el
publicarlo debaxo proteccidn tan soberana, . . . " ‘ Sanz (1674)
"Serenfssimo senor", f . 4r.
53. Fdlix de Latassa y Ortfn, Bib!iotecas anti qua y nueva de

escritores araqoneses,'revised by Miguel Gomez U rie l, vol. 3
(Zaragoza, 1886) "SANZ Y CELMA (Don Gaspar Francisco
Bartolom6)", p. 161.
54. " . . . en 4 de abril afio 1640 bautizd dicho vicario av Francisco

Bartolomd Sanz hijo de Bartolomd i de Francisca Celma coniuges
fueron sus padrinos Pedro Miguel de Sora i Esperanza Morera."
CALANDA, Iglesia Parroquial, Libro de bautizados, vol. 1,
f . 128v; as transcribed in Garcfa-Abrines (1952), p. X ii i .
55. Gaspar Sanz (translator), El hombre de letras escrito en

italian o por el p[adre] Daniel Bartoli de la Compafifa de
Jesils, traducido por diversos autores en la tfn , francds,
alem^n, y portuguds, lo vertid en espaflol (Madrid, 1678); as
listed and discussed in Garcfa-Abrines (1952), pp. xvii and
x v iii-x x .
56. Daniello B a rto li,'Dell-1huomo di lettere difeso et emendato

. (Rome, 1645); as listed along with la te r editions,and
translations in Augustin de Backer and Aloys de Backer, ’
Bibliothfeque de la Compaqnie de Jdsus, revised by Carlos
Sommervogel, vol. 1 (Brussels and Paris, 1890; reprinted
Louvain, I960), pp. 969-970.
57. Gaspar Sanz, Ecos saqrados de la fama gloriosa de n[uestro]

muy santo padre Inocencio X I, . . . Panegfrico ecomdtrico,
devidido en varios discursos (Madrid, 1681); as listed and'
discussed in Garcfa-Abrines (1952), pp. xvii and xx-xxi.
58. • Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz, y norte musical, para caminarpor

las cifras de la guitarra espanola, y arpa, tafler, y cantara
compos por canto de drgano; y breve explicacidri del arte, ^
con preceptosf^ciles,indubitables, y explicados con Claras
reglas por tedrica, y pr^ctica. Compuesto por d[on] Lucas
Ruiz de Ribayaz, presbftero, prebendado de la iglesia colegial
de Villafranca del Bierco, y natural de Santa Marfa de -
Ribarredonda, merindad de Bureba, montaflos de Burgos. Consclqrale
a la reyna de los ctngeles Marfa santfssima de Curihego,
partrona de dicha colegial (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition,
Geneva, 1976). The problems he experienced in finding a <ir
publisher are discussed above, chap. 4, pp. 130-131.
59. ' Robert S trizich, "A Spanish^guitar tutor: Ruiz de Ribayaz's Luz
y norte musical (1677)", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF AMERICA
7 (1974), pp. 51-81.
• ;-v 244.
i . ' ■ .
60. " . . . aunque Gaspar Sanz en -su lib rb , cuyo tftu lo es,
Instruccidn de mi3sica,,haze mencidn de los ocho tonos, y dize
a. qud puntos de la guitarra corresponded, no es para ■
principiantes, sino para quien sabe m5s miisica, op or Wmenos
para quien entra con la luz que puede sacar de este liB ro."
Ruiz de Ribay.az (1677) "Prdlogo al curioso legtor", p. x i.
61.. tig h t of these''pieces are listed as concordances below in pt.

V I, because they each contain more than one "diferencia'V(see
D-13, D-74, D-117, D-163, D-238, D-303, D-441, and P-38): The,
other three pieces are not lis te d a s concordances because they^
> each consist of a single "diferencia". Nevertheless D-316, P
D-368, and D-407 are almost identical with D-315, D-367, and
D-406 respectively. .
62. Strizich (1974), pp. 52-53. ' j
63. . " * i. al senpr lector, a quien ruego censure sin passijSn,

mirarido este escri to no/mcis que como a obraNde un aficionado,
que jie ha practicado ' ex-prof es so' la facultad*_^<T"Kuiz de
• Ribayaz (1677) "Prdlogo al curiosa lector", p. x ii.
64. " . . . passd gradatin.de las drdenes menores al sacro

presbiterato; en cuyo estado, aunque 11evava algunos principios
de rmisica, que adquirf sirviendo a los condes de Lemos y
Andrade, de donde passd (por su intercessidn, y por
presentacidn de su excelentfssimo patrdn don Fadrique de }
, Toledo, marquds de Villafranca) a gozar la prebehda, jen'que
despuds de aver logrado la dicha de ser vuestro mSs rendido
. siervo, y capelldn, practiqud en algunos ratos que el tiempo me
. y presentava, por no tenerlos del todo ociosos . . . en las c ifra s,
instrumeptos, y mdsica, de que he compuesto este lib ro , . . . " ^
Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) "A nuestra seriora de.Curinego Marfa .
santfssima", p. i i ; English translation taken from Strizich
(1974), p. 52.
65. Robert Stevenson, Foundations of New World opera (Lima, 1973)., ,

• pp. 42-44, 46, and 73-74; according to Strizich (1974),. p. 53..
66. : SEVILLE, Archivo General de Indias, Casa de la Contratacidn

Ms 5435 (dated February 4, 1667); as summarized in Guillermo
Lohmann Villena, El conde de Lemos virrey del Perti (Madrid,
1946), pp. 30-31 note 19.
67. Francisco Guerau, Poema harmdnico, compuesto de varias cifras. *

Por el temple de la guitarra espanola, dedicado a la sacra,
cathdlica, y real maqestad del rey nuestro senor don Carlos
• - Segundo, que Dios quarde, por su menor capellcih, y mds afecto
' „ vassal!o, el licenciado don Francisco Guerau, presb^tero,
mdsico de su-gqalâpilla, y cSmara (Madrid, 1694; facsimile
edition, Lohdon; 1977). All my references are to another
exemplar which i.s preserved in GB Lbm K.10.a5. A facsimile of
245.
i t is included in the modern edition by Janis M. Stevenson, "A

transcription of 'Poema harmdnico' by Francisco Guerau for
Baroque guitar" (M.A. thesis, San Josd State University, 1974).
68. "No fue mi intento poner fudimentos en este lib ro para

principiantes, porque a la verdad, lo que en dl se cohtiene,
mds es para quien tiene la mano suelta, y habilitada, que no
para los que carecen de exercicio; mas por si llegare a la de
aIgtin aficionado, que no tenga inteligencia de la c ifra , ni
maestro que le ensefie, y desea saber, hago esta breve
explicacidn della." Guerau (1694) "Advertencias a los
principiantes", f . *4 r.
69. E Mp caja 479/14; according to Pennington vol. 1 (1981), p. 95.
70. "A vuestra magestad suplico rendidamente, sea servido de

recib irle en su tu te la , por ser de quien ha continuado el real
servicio treinta y cinco afios, . . . " Guerau (1694) "Al rey,
nuestro senor don Carlos Segundo que Dios guarde'V f. *2-v.
71. .E Mp caja 479/14; according to Pennington vol. 1 (1981), p. 94.

The college is discussed by Josd Subird, "La miisica en la
Real Capilla madrilefia y en el Colegio de Ninos Cantorcicos.
- Apuntes histdricos", ANUARIO MUSICAL 14 (1959),- pp. 207^230. -
72. "Sirva de alguna disculpa, ser materia indiferente, ,que no es

mala, si tu no abusas della; y ser propria de la professidn, en
que me crid desde nino." Guerau (1694) "Prdlogo al
aficionado", f . *3v.
73. E Mp legajo 1116; according to Pennington vol. 1 (1981), p. 94.
74. Francisco Guerau, Dec!araciones sacras sobre los evangelios

(Valencia, 1698); as listed in Antonio Palau y Dulcet, Manual
del librero hispanoamericano. Bibliograffa general espahola e,
hispanoamericana desde la invencidn de la imprenta hasta • ”
nuestros tiempos vol. .6 (2nd edition, Barcelona, 1953), p. 429.
75. (a) Garau, "0 nunca, tirano amor" (solo voice and continuo),
in E Mn M.3880; listed in the inventory by Anglds and Subird
vol. 1 (1946), p. 275; facsimile and transcription in j.M .
Stevenson (1974), pp. 277-282.
(b) Garau, "Alerta que de los montes" (solo voice and
continuo), in E Mn M.3880; lis'ted in the inventory by Anglds and
Subird vol. 1 (1946), p.' 275; facsimile and transcription in
J.M. Stevenson (1974), pp. 271-276.
76. Guerau, "Que lleva el s[eflor] Sgueva" ("tip le " only), in E Mn

M.3881; as listed in the inventory by Anglds and Subird vol. 1
-(1946), p. 288. : )
77. Antonio de Santa Cruz, Livro donde se verdn pazacalles de los
ochotonos i de los trasportados, i asimesmo fantazfas, de
compassillo, proporzionsilla, proporsidn maior, i compds maior,
i asiiresmo diferentes obras, para biquela hordinaria que las
scribfa i asfa dpoln Antonio de Santa Cruz. Para d[on] Juan
de Miranda, Eiln M.2209. An inventory is given in Anglds and
SubirS vol. 1 (1946), pp. 341-342. * ^ "
78. "Las vihuelas sean de siete, seis, o„cinco drdenes (que es la

que Hainan guitarra espanola) no se distinguen en la materia,
ni en la forma, ni en las proporciones que se deven guardar en .
los 'concavo.s', como ni tampoco en la materia de que son las
cuerdas. Pues en todos estos instrumentos se practican de
nervio, como en el arpa; y sdlo se distinguen en dos cosas, una
es en ser de mSs magnitud el cuerpo de las vihuelas de seis y
siete drdenes, que la que llaman guitarra espanola, que tiene
cinco. La segunda cosa, en que se distingue dsta de aqudlla,
es en el temple, porque estd en diferentes especies, y como no
ay distincidn en quanto a la fSbrica de estos tres
. instrumentos, lo mismo que digo para uno, se ha de entender para
todos." Pablo Nassarre, Escuela mdsica, sefgdn la prdctica
moderna vol. 1 (Zaragoza, 1724) Bk. IV.'ctrap. 15, p. 461.
^ g .^ s ^ ^ 'g o que una de las cosas, q(ie con estudio i cuidado en este
instrumento se debe procurar, es tafier con linpieza la maior que
fuere posible lo que en dl se tahere. Y para que en alguna
manera esto^se puede adquirir no dejard de dezir lo que en el
tienpo y la experiencia me ha ensefiado. Y para esto pongo los
abisos que se siguen. Hase pues de notar que asf en
conposturas, como en fantazfas, algunas bezes se ofrecen
consonanzias de quatro bozes, entre las que se les queda alguna
de las querdas en bazio, i si la dicha consonancia no es tocada
corvla mano derecha con algiln aviso o curiosidad, aquella
cuerda que quedd en bazio haze disonanzia, frecando [ i . e . ,
f.regando] en e ll a con las.demds que estdn pisadas en sus
puntos o c ifra s , i esto no es sdlo taner suzio, pero aun da
gran desabriroiento al ofdo; qu.§rer tractar de todas las ■
consonanzias en que se deben guardar los abisos ia dados,
pardceme serfa prolijidad, baste que, con lo ya dicho, el que
sabiamente lo quisiere entender, podfa considerar lo que en
esto dejo de’dezir." E Mn M.2209 "Abisos para taher con
linpieza", f . *3 r. In the original the writing is very
decorative and the words are not clearly separated from one
another.
80.~~ Pennington (1981) vol. 1, pp. 96-98.
81. E Mp "Sumario y ndmina de los gajes que se han de pagar a los

capellanes, cantores y o ffic ia le s de la capilla del rey
n[uest]ro.sfefio]r de su real cassa de Borgofia, en los cuatro
meses'ttel tercio primero deste ario de 1633, . . . " ; as transcribed
\n Straewp vol. 2 (1888), p. 423.
82. The original documents from E Mp for these appointments are
reproduced in Jestis Barettini Ferndndez, Juan Carreno pintor
de c^mara de Carlos I I (Madrid, 1972), pp. 117-120.
83. Libro de diferentes cifras de quitara ["sic11! escojidas de los

mejores autores ano de 1705, E Mn M.811. Only the title-page is
engraved. In the original the "5" in "1705" is upside-down. An
inventory is given in Anglds and Subird vol. 1 (1946), pp. 348-
351. The musical incipits of a ll the "punteado" pieces are
given in the original tablature notation in Pennington (1981)
vol. 1, Appendix V, pp. 193-215.
84. Francesco Corbetta, Varii capricci per la qhitarra spaqnuola

(Mi-Tan, 1.643; facsimile edition, ARCHIVUM MUSICUM vol. 33,
, ... Florence, 1980) "Alm[anda] be! [sic] 4to tuono", p. 40; modern
edition by Pinnell (1976) vol. 2, p. 120. A transcription of
E Mn M.811 "Alemanda del Corbeta", pp. 42-43, is given by Pinnell
(1976) vol. 2, p. 398.
85. Pinnell (19.76) vol. 1, pp. 118 and 338; and Richard T. Pinnell,
"Alternate sources for the printed guitar music of Francesco
Corbetta (1615-1681)", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF AMERICA 9
(Tr976), p. 80.' He erroneously claims that E Mn M.811 "Sarabande
[sijc]", p. 128, is concordant with Francesco Corbetta, De qli
scperzi armonici trovati e f a c ilit a t i in alcune curiosissime
bonate sopra la chitarra spaqnuola (Bologna, 1639) "Sarabande.
11 'illustrissLimaJ sig[noria] i l sig[nore] Marco Mi chi e l l i " ,
p. 65; modern edition by Pinnell (1976) vol. 2, p. 72. There is
no "sarabande" on p. 128 of E Mn M.811. Furthermore, none of
the three "zarabandas"in E Mn M.811 (D-451, D-453, and D-454)
resembles th i# "sarabande" by Corbetta.
86. E Mn M.811 "PreTudio arpeado11, pp. 55-58, is concordant with Sanz

(1674)<,hPreludio, o capricho arpeado por la +", f . 26r; but i t
lacks the closing "sesquidltera/ section. The other
concordancesâre D-13, D-451, P-46, and P-52.
87. Santiago de Murcia, Res/men de acompahar la parte con la
fin : en donde el aficionado hallard dissueltas,^ por difrentes

"sic"] partes del ynstrumento, todo qdnero de posturas, y
liqaduras, en los siete siqnos natur .alejs y accidental e]s. ,(
Dedicado al yll(ustrfsi]m o s[eho]r d on. J5come F[rancis]co \
extr[aordina]rio de los cantones cathdlicos. Por Santiago

de Murcia m[aest]ro de guitarra de la reyna n[uestr]a s[enor]a
d[ofl]a M[arf]a Luisa Gabriela de Saboya q[u]e D[io]s aya
(n .p ., 1714). All my references are to 'the exemplar preserved
at E Mn R.5048. I t is described'in Anglds and Subird vol. 3
(1951), pp. 119-121. I have not had the opportunity of consult- .
ing the study by Elena Lowenfeld, "Santiago de Murica's thorough-
fcass treatise for the baroque guitar (1714), introduction,
translation and transcription" (M.A. thesis, University of New
York City College, 1975); or the study and modern edition by
Craig H. Russell, "Santiago de Murcia: Spanish theorist and
g u ita ris t of the early eighteenth^century" (Ph.D. dissertation,
University of North Carolina at Cnapel H ill, 1981).
88. "Con Sumo gusto, y atencidn he visto un libro de zifras de

guitarra, abierto en Amberes [my emphasis!: su autor don
Santiago de Murcia, . . . Por lo qua! soy de parecer saiga a la
luz dicho^HtfroV' Murcia (1714) "Aprobacidn de don Antonio
Litere&< bioldn principal de la capilla real", p. iv . The
approbation is dateclyMadrid, Augusiu.1, 1717, which may be a
mi
89. Craig H. Russell, "Santiago de Murcia: the French connection in
Baroque Spain", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF AMERICA 15
(1982), pp. 41 and 46-48.
90. "Vous ne serez pas fSchd, s ire , d'apprendre que la reine m'a
f a it conduire ce matin par le roi dans son 'quarto secreto', et
& que, comme e lle apprend 5 jouer de la guitare, e lle a voulu S
toute force qu j'e n jouasse devant e lle ; . . . " Letter from the
due de Gramont to Louis XIV, dated September 30, 1704; PARIS,
Archives National es, Affaires Etrang&res,Espagne vol. 142.,
c. . f . 167; as quoted in Alfred B audrillart, Philippe V et la cour
X de France d'aprfes des documents inddits t i r i s des archives
^spagnoles de Simancas et d'Alcala de Hdnarfes, et des archives
du Minist&re des Affaires Etranq&res ^ Paris vol. 1 (Paris, ”
1890), p. 195. r : ”
91. "Quoique je n'ai assurdment rien de divertissant pour passer le

temps, je ne m'ennuie' gu&re . . . je joue du clavecin, j'apprends
S' jouer de la guitare^ j'apprends aussi la musique." Letter
from Queen Marie-Louise to her grandmother, dated September 8,
1705; as quoted in Michel Antoine, Henry Desmarest (1661-1741).
Bioqraphie critique (Paris, 1965), p. 104 note 1.
92.' For example, a Gabriel de Murcia is described as a viol and

guitar maker belonging_to the royal chapel, in E Mp caja 731/32
(document dated March 25, 1689); according tQ Pennington (1981)
vol. 1, p. 134.
93. E Be M.691/2(4); listed as Ms 73 in Felip Pedfell, CatSlech

de la Biblioteca Musical de la Diputacid de Barcelona vol. 1
(Barcelona, 1908), p. §8. ■ .■'
94. Pennington (1981) vol. 1, pp. 119-121, provides a description arid

inventory of this source. He lis ts 15 pieces because he counts
the "Sarabanda por la 0" and its "Glosa" separately. Note that
the la s t 4 pieces in the manuscript are "por la D", not "por la
A" as Pennington has i t .
249.
95. Recueil des pifeces de guitarre coroposdes par mronsleur]

Francois Le Cocq musicien ju b ilatre de la chapelle royale 5
Bruxelles. Et prdsentdes par 1 'auteur en 1729 & monsieur
de Castillion prgygt de S[ain]te PharaTlde &c. a Gand, BBe
Ms 5615; facsimile edition, THESAURUS MUSICUS NOVA SERIES, :
- ' s6rie A vol. 1 (Brussels, 1979). The place and date of
compilation ("Fait J Gand pendant le cours de 1'annê 1730")
are given at the end Of the unsigned "Prdface" on p., iv . On
p. i i an engraved portrait of/the provost at the age of 58, dated
•1739 ( sic) , gives his fu ll name as "J[ean] Bap[tiste] Lud[ovi]co
de C astillion". >,
96. B Be Ms 5615 "Principes de la guitarre", pp. v-xiv.
97. B Be Ms 5615 "Recueil des pieces de guitarre composes par

m[onsieu]r Frangois \Le Cocq musicien ju b ila ire de lerchapelle
royale, Bruxelles. Je louairai Dieu mon crâteur sur la
guitarre 1730", pp. 1-81.
98. "Quelque p e tit service que je luy ai casuelement rendu, et

I'ancienne connoissance 1'ont portd de me'Hbs gracieusement
presenter 6cris de sa propre main et authentiquds par sa
signature, que j 1ai copi£ pour mon usage pareillement de ma
propre main dans ce liv re que j'avois pr^pard et rdgld aussi
moim§me ce sujet." B Be Ms 5615 "Prdface", pp. i i i - i v .
99. B Be Ms 5615 "Recueil des pi&ces de guitarre de meilleurs

maitres du si&cle dixseptifeme", pp. 82-121.
9 '
100. "Je joins dans ce recueil apr&s.les airs de monsieur Le Cocq •
quelques pi&ces d'autres maitres que ont excelld aii sifecle
dernier. On trouve dans celles de monsieur Frangois Corbet
beaucoup de gravitd, monsieur L61io a jo in t avec siennes une
agrdable douceur: Michel Perez de Zavala espagnol et maitre de
mon honors p&re & Madrid vers Van 1690 me parait n'avoir pas
mal imitd ces deux excellens autheurs. Les pi&ces de monsieur
Gaspar Sanchez aussi espagnol, et de monsieur Jean Baptiste
Granata ita lie n ont leur m£rite: les chaconnes et passacailles
de ce dernier passent pour bonnesT" B Be Ms 5615 "Preface",
P- iv .
101. B Be Ms 5615 "Passacaille dite Marizapalos" (D-286), pp. 102-103;
"Gigue", p. 105; "Marche Dauphine", p. 108; and "GigueVp. 109.
102. Santiago de Murcia, Passacalles y obraS de guitarra por todos

los tonos naturales y acidentales ["sic"l para el s[eflo]r ’
j r ~i _____u n i l ________ _f_ _ Pll'lV-Ilh ' _» ■
1
d[on] Joseph Albarez de Saa[ve]drra ["sic"] por Santiago de
Murzia aflo de 1732, GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640. A detailed study and
complete modern edition are given by Pennington (1981)'vol . 1,
pp. 135-169 and vol. 2.
iy
W\
250.
103. (a) GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 "Allemanda", f . 69r, modern edition

by Pennington (1981) vol. 2, pp. 129-131, is'concordant with
Robert de Visde, L ivre /d e q u lttarre, dddid au roy (Paris, 1682}\
“Allemande", modern edition by Robert W. S trizich , Robert V
de Visde. Oeuvres completes pour guitare, LE PUPITRE 15—-^'
(Paris, 1969), pp. 12-13. ” V . /
(b) GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 "Allemanda", f . 105r, modern editior
by Pennington (1981) vol. 2, pp. 213-214, is concordant with
Visde (1682) "Alêmande", modern edition by S trizich, LE
PUPITRE.15 (1969), p. 2.
104. Pinnell (Ph.D. dissertation, 1976) vol. 1, p. 241; and Pinnell,

JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF AMERICA 9 (1976), p. 69. He
points to one piece in Francesco Corbetta, Varii scherzi di
sonate per la chitarra spaqnola . . . Libro quarto (Brussels,
1648); and nine pieces in Francesco Corbetta, La guitarre
royal!e dddide au roy de 1a Grande Bretagne (Paris, 1671;
facsimile edition, Geneva, 1975). An amended li s t of the
correspondences between Murcia's collection and Corbetta's books
■ is given by Russell (1982)’, pp. 48-49.
105. Russell (1982), pp. 44 and 49-50; with specific reference to

' / . Francois Campion, Nouvelles ddcouvertes sur la guitarre
contenantes plusieurs suittes de pieces sur huit manilres
* diffdrentes d'accorder (Paris, 1705; facsimile edition. Geneva.
1977). '
106. Russell (1982), pp. 44 and 50-51.
107. Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Reqlas, y adVertencias generales que

ensefian el modo de taner todos los instrumentos mejores, y mds
Qsuales, como son la guitarra, tip le , vandola, cythara,
clavicordio, drqano, harpa, psalterio, bandurria, vio lfn ,
- flauta traversa, flauta dulce, y Ta f la u t i lla , con varios
tafiidos, danzas, contradanzas, y otras cosas semejantes,
demonstradas, y figuradas en diferentes ldminas finas, por
mtisica, y c ifra , al estilo castellano, ita lia n o , cataldn, y
francds, para que^qtffelquier aficionado las, pueda comprehendier
~ con mucha facilidad, y sin maestro; con una breve’ explicacidn
* de como el autor los aprendid, que estd al bolver de esta
■■■■ ■'_____ _______ hoja (Madrid, n .d .). “ —' ~ 7
108. Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B, pp. i - i v . ,
109. Pennington (1981) vol. 1, pp. 100-101,- claims that anexem|li^ of

Minguet's treatise preserved in MADRID, Ayuntamiento de Madrid,
Biblioteca de Mdsica, has the year 1752 on its title-page.
. However he gives no further information.
110. "Acudrdome de haber lefdo, siendo muchacho, en el libro que

■, compuso para el uso de la guitarra el bello compositor Gaspar
Sanz, . . . " Benito Jerdnimo Feijdo y Montenegro, "El deleite
de la miis1ca,,acompaffado de la virtud, hace en la tierra~..._
novlclado del’ cielo", published in his Cartas eruditas y
curiosas vol. 4 (Madrid, 1753) Carta I , p. 21; as quoted in- —'
Antonio Martfn Moreno, El padre Feijdo y las ideologfas
musicales del XVIII en Espafla (Orense, 1976), 9. 62.
111. "Y assf, curioso lector, si quieres aprender por t i solo sin
maestro, y quasi sin instrumerito taner alguno de dstos, atiende
como yo los aprendf; . . .
Quando yo era muchacho, quise aprender a tafier la guitarra:
comprd un lib r it o , que* ensena el nrodo de tanerla de rasgueado:
me fui a un aprendiz de carpintero, (comb cosas de muchachos) y
en una tabla le hice serrar su figura a modo de un tiplev peg.ar
su puente, su Ceja, y poner cinco clavijas: despuds yo le puse
los quatro trastes necessarios en disminucidn: luego le puse
una prima, una segunda, una tercera, una quarta, y*una quinta:
abrf mi lib r it o , mird el modo de templarla, y laêmplaba medio
bien, o medio mal; luego me iba a los puntos, y los hacfa como
podfa. Despuds que ya sabfa un poco executarlos, estudiaba
los passacalles: si no entendfa alguna cosa, o tenfa duda, me
valfa de alguno que la supiesse, y me la hacfa explicar.
Despuds que supe algun'as to n ad illas,.comprd una g u ita rrilla .
Tuve noticia de otro lib ro , compuesto por el insigne compositor ,
de guitarra Gaspar Sanz: (assf le llama el reverendfsimo padre
Feyjdo y diferentes mdsiqos) de dl aprendf algunas cosillas
de rasgueado, y punteado, y las reglas de acompanar. Despuds
comprd btro lib ro , que compuso don Santiago.de Murcia, maestro
que fue de La^Saboyana, madre de nuestro rey cathdlico don
Fernando el Sexto, que Dios guarde; y de este autor tambidn
aprendf diferentes tocatas curiosas. De los dernds
instrumentos1, como ninguno ha escrito, me he tdnido que valer de
algunos inteligentes."-' Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) A "Indice y
explicacidn de toda la obra", p. 1. •
112. Pablo Minguet y Y rol, [Part B] Reqlas, y advertencias

generales para tafier la guitarra, tip !e , y vandola, con
variedad de sones, danzas, y otras cosas semejantes,
demonstradas, y figuradas en diferentes Idminas finas, por
mdsica, y c ifra , para que qualquier aficionado lo pueda1
aprender con mucha facilid ad, y sin maestro (Madrid, n .d .).
113. TORONTO, University of Toronto, Edward Johnson Music Library,

Rare Books E-l 18.
114. The heading at the top of p. 25 reads: "Explicacidn de los

puntos de la guitarra^ al estilo castellano, ita lia n o , y
cataldn." The heading in the middle of p. 26 reads: "Explicacidn
de la guitarra que estd delineada en la Idmina segunda."
115. An exemplar of the 1774 edition of part B is preserved ill E Mn

M.891; according to the description in Anglds.and Subird
vol. 3 (1951), pp. 69-70. '
252.
Mitjana (1923), p. 2096; and Pinnel (1976) vol. 1, p. 117.

' '• '
'FRANCISCUS CORBERA, scrip sit & Philippo IV regi nuncupavit:

'Guitarra espanola, y sus diferencias de sones." Antonio
vol . 1 (.1783),- p. 416. >
See Pinnell (1976) vol. 1, pp.. 115 and 257.
Andres de Sotos, Arte para aprender con fa c ilid [a d ], y sin

maestro, a templar, y tafter rasqado la guitarraHe cinco
drdenes, o cuerdas; y tambiSn la de quatro, o seis drdenes,
llamadas guitarra espanola, bandurria, y vandola, y tambidn el
t i p l e . * . . sacado de las mejores obras,.y maestros; dispuesto,
recopilado, y aumentado por Andrds de Sotos (Madrid, 1764)
chap. 11 "El qua! ensefia el modo de templar el tip le , y de como
se acompana con la guitarra de cinco drdenes", pp. 61-63. An
exemplar of this book is preserved at EMn M.607.
• . ••---------
Joao Leite Pita de Roche, Licam instrumental da viola
portuqueza,. ou de ninfas, de cinco ordens, a qua! ensina a
temperar, e tocar rasqado, como todos os pontos, assim
naturaes, como accidentaes, com hum m^thodo fd cil para
qualquer curioso aprender os pontos da viola todos, sem a
effectiva assistencia de mestire: com huma tab ella, na qua!
se faz mencao dos doze tohs^principaes, para que o .tocador se
exercite com perfeicao na prenda da mesma viola (Lisbon, 1752).
An exemplar of this book is preserved at E Mn M.597.
121. Resumen de
ae acompanar la la parte con la
la guitarra. Comprehendiendo
lomprenen
en dl todo lo q[ule conduce pTalra este fin : en donde el
aficionado h a lla r i dissueltas p[o|r diferentes
- - =
p[a1rtes
—
del
■
instrum[en]to todo q'^nero de posturas, y ligadTurajs en los "

siete signos naturales, y accidentales. Por Santiago de Murcia
m[aest]ro de guitarra. Aho de 1726, E Mn M.881. A b rief
description is given in Angles and Subir5 vol. 1 (1946),
pp. 448-449.
122. Pablo Minguet y Yrol, [Part Cl Reqlas, y advertencias

generales para acompanar sobre la parte con la guitarra,
clavicordio, drgano, arpa, cithara, o qualquier otro *
instrumento, con sus Icfminas finas, que sirven para los
exemplos de contrapunto, y composicion, las mgs essencTales
para este efecto, y para que qualquier aficionado las pueda
comprehender con mucha facilid ad , y sin maestro. Recopiladas
de las obras de Gaspar Sanz (Madrid, n .d .). —
T23. Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) C [Introduction] and' Reg!as 1-12, •

pp. 1-5, come from Sanz (1674), f . 28r-32r. The main difference
is that Minguet omits the last parts of Regia 3, 6,. and 12 of
Sanz.
124. Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) C "Otra regia de los tiempos usuales
de la mtisica, para gobierno del acompanante; explicando en
) ello s, quando le precisa a dar golpes llenos, (segfin el tiempo
que fuere) o dar el baxo solo, sin acompanamiento de voces,j
sacada de las- obras de Santiago de Murcia, maestro de guitarra
„ que fue de la reyna n[uestra] s[eiiora] dona Marfa Luisa
Gabriel a de Saboya (que Dios haya)",pp. 7-8, comes from Murcia
(1714), pp. 41-44. The main difference is that Minguet omits
the sections, on "proporcidn", "proporcioncilla", ar$-
"proporcidn mayor".
125. Manuel Valero, Esta mal concertada armonfa podtica y dorados

caracteres musicaTes. Suma primorosa de la guitara ["sic"
Consagra el lisenciado don Manuel Valero araqonds natus ex
opido de nominatur Muniessa comunitatis Daroce, a el espeso
de la pureza de n[uest]ra madre y sefiora de la concepcidn cuio
soberano entivo nos vista de su divina qracia i qalafddn
triunfal diadema del supremo alcazar, y presea d^Ta g lo ria,
GRANADA, Universidad de Granada, Biblioteca General Ms caja
B-25. My thanks to Pedro Savirdn Ciddn of Zaragoza for
directing me to Granada for this source.
126. The caption of the po rtrait on f . i reads as follows: "P.

Franciscus de Hieronymo societatis Jesu o b ijt Neapoli die XI
Maij 1716 aetatis 74."
*
127. Sanz (1674), f . 9r-13v, 16r-17r, and 28r-34r; and Murcia (1714),
pp. 5-56. .
128. "Primeramente poner las terceras mui yguales ni mui altas ni mui
bajas. Despuds pisar las terceras en el segundo traste, y por
aquel tono que dan las terceras se ajustan las quintas y su
bord<5n en punto baxo, octova [s ic ]. Despuds pisar las quintas
en el segundo traste, y por ague! tono que dan las quintas se
“^~“ tiemplan las segundas, despuds pisar las segundas en el tercer
traste y por aquel tono-se-arregUn-las cuartas y su borddn lo
mismo que el otro, despuds pisar las cuartas en el segundo
traste y por a l l f se arreglan. [Tablature follows which gives
a summary of the above plus several verifications of the
.tuning.]" Valero (Ms) "Regia de templar", f . 40r. The tuning
of the guitar is discussed la te r in this chapter.
129. E Mn M.1233 [Guitar method copied by Joseph Trapero in 1763].

The following note appears on the bottom of p. 42: "Este
traslado es de Joseph Trapero afio de 1763."
130. Pennington (1981)*-vol. T, pp. 112-113.
131. Joseph Zaragoza, Fdbrica y uso devarios instrumentos

'i .. mathemdticos con que sirvid arT rey n[uestro] s[enor] d[on]
\ Carlos Segundo (Madrid, 1675), pp. 209-210; Thomds Vicente
Tosca, Compendio mathemdtico en que se contienen todas las
materias mis principales de las ciencias que tratan de la
* cantidad vol. 2 (Valencia, 1709) Bk. I I and I I I ; Pedro de
Ulloa, Mdsica universal, o principios universalesde la mtisica
(Madrid, 1717), pp. 15 and 22; Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l ,
chap. 16, p. 316 arid Bk. IV, chap. 15, p. 462; and Francisco
- Vails, Mapa armdnico prdctico, E Mn M.1071 (written ca.’ -17.42)
chap. 28, f . 252r.
132. Murcia (1714) "Demonstracidn. Para saver assf las cuerdas en

bacio como pisadas en todos los trastes, qud signos sean, para
el conocimiento de toda la guitarra p. 6.
133. "La tercera^de tonos, y semitonos iguales, que es la de la

guitarra, y de los instrumentos, de cuerdas, y trastes, cuios
tonos son de nueve comas, y los semitonos, de-su mitad; que
segdn su reparticidn vienen a‘ ser de quatro comas, y media
como distintamente se percibe, Sipidn Cherreto, muestra
largamente en su Pratica musica, a hojas 39." Doizi de Velasco
(1640) "Que la guitarra es instrumento perfecto, conforme al
repartimiento de su diapassdn", p. 4. The reference in this ‘
passage is to Scipione Cerreto, Della prattica musica vocale,
et strumentale, opera necessaria a coloro, che di musicci si
dilettano (Naples, 1601; facsimile editionr-BoTogna-r 1969).
134. " . . . tengamos la guitarra no sdlo por instrumento perfeto por

las ragones dichas mas abundantfssimo, y que con mds
facilid ad, que en ninguno de los otros se puede taner cada uno
de los dichos gdneros [ i . e . , 'diatdnico', 'cromdtico', and
'enharmdnico'] por todas trasportaciones, las quales sirven de
grande hermosura, y excelencia a la mdsica: que nadie negard
ser grande gala ajustarse con el instrumento a la boz (que por
la mayor parte no desdice de medio punto) que querer, que la boz
se ajuste a d l, o necessitar de subirle o bajarle. Y en esto
se deve poner mds estudio, que en apurar el ajustamiento de
una, o media coma mds o menos." Doizi de Velasco (1640) "Que
la guitarra es instrumento capacfssimo para'taher en d l, por
- •
los mismos gdneros, que en los demds", pp. 14-15.
135. An excellent investigation of tuning, which incorporates

translated excerpts from the Spanish sources, is given by Sylvia
Murphy, "The tuning o f the five-course guitar", GALPIN SOCIETY
JOURNAL 23 (1970), pp. 49-63.
136. An exception occurs in EMn M.2209 "Fantasfa sobre la H que es

4" and "Passacalles: por el destenple^por el mismo tono"
(P-109), f . 34r-35v. For these two pieces Santa Cruz introduces
an unusual tuning ("destenple"), which, beginning with the f if t h
course, produces the pitchds "b -d -g -c -f". As Pinnell points
out, the same scordatura occurs in Corbetta (1648) "Prel[udio]
a l nuovo accordo", "Gigue", and "Pass[a}cha[g]lie", pp. 58-64;
modern edition by Pinnell (1976) vol. 2, pp. 187-190.
"• 255r
^ ;■ ■ Y x Y ''.
137. "Estaguitarra espafioTa de cinco drdenes estd compuesta de
nueve cuerdas: una en el orden primero, llamada 'prim a', y en
los demds drdenes doe, las quales 11amamos segundas, terceras,
quartas, y quintas. Las segundas, y terceras, entre s f, son en
una misma voz; pero las quartas, y quintas, por hallarse en cada
orden una cuerda gruessa no son yguales de la manera que lo son
las segundas, y terceras; porque \as gruessas estdn una octava
mds baxo, de las otras cuerdas sus Icompaneras....
Primeramente se tomardn Tas terceras, que es el orden ,
: tercero puestas en una misma voz, en el segundo traste,' y con
ellas templar las quintas; la una dellas que es la mds prima
ygual, de suerte que sean en jjn mismo tono, y en una misma voz,
y la gruessa una octava mds baxa de su companera, y tomando
despuds las quintas, en el segundo traste, templar las
segundas, ponidndolas en una misma voz. Despuds tomar las
dichas segundas en el tercero traste, y con e ll as templar las
quartas, desta suerte; la prim^/ygual, y la gruessa una octava
mds baxa que su companera, y tomando las quartas en el segundo
traste templar la prima, que es el orden primero, tambidn en
una misma voz, y quedard templada esta guitarra del todo."
Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 1 "En el qua! se trata quantas cuerdas, y
. trastes ay en la guitarra, y el modo de templarla", pp. 1-3.
138. "Taftibidn ay quien dice, que es inperfeta la guitarra por no

poder tanerse en e ll a quatro vozes por fa lta r le algunos puntos
bajos, y altos, que no faltan en los nombrados instrumentos
[ i . e . , the organ, harpsichord, harp, lu te , and theorbo] ma esto
no la haze inperfeta de consonancias para tres, quatro, y cinco
vozes, que en sus tdrminos las tiene todas ( particularmente las
de.tres, y quatro vozes) sino menos abundante de puntos, y'dstos
se suplen en sus octavas, sin que en e lla padezca halgo la buena
harmonfa, y.quando se quiera taner con fugas no son tanpocos ,
sus puntos que no passen de diez y siete, tdrmino bastante a
d ilita rs e en qualquier fuga, y por esta raz<5n me parece mejor
el encordarla con bordones en la quarta y quinta cuerda, y no
sin ellos, porque assf es mdssonora, y mds s.emejantea los
puntos de las bozes naturales." Doizi de Velasco (lq40) "Que la
guitarra es instrumento perfecto para poder taner en e l , tres,
quatro, y cinco voces", pp. 16-17. /
139. "Tiene su principitf el templar la guitarra en las terceras, las

quales se ajustan de suerte que heridas ambas a dos juntas
parezca que son en el sonido una. En estando acordes, y con
dicha igualdad, se pisan dichas terceras en segundo traste, y
conforme al sonido que tienen, despuds de pisadas en segundo
traste, se pone la mds delgada de las quintas (que
ordinariamente suele ser la mds a lta ) y en estando. ajustada
dicha quinta, se pone la companera, octava abaxo con e l l a \
porque es un borddn.
Enestando ajustadas dichas quintas, se pisan en segundo
traste,y conforme tuvieren el sonido-(por lo menos la mds
delgada de las dos) pisada en dicho traste, se han de poner 1<
segundas.
En estando-ajustadas las segundas, se han de pisar en tercer
traste, y conforme tuvieren el sonido pisadas en dicho traste,
se ha de poner la mSs delgada de las quartas (que tambi'dn
suele ser la'mis al.ta) y despuds se ajusta con e lla la
compaffera, que es tin borddn, octava abaxo.
Despuds deestar ajustadas dichas quartas,. se pisan <60-^
segundo traste, y conforme tuvieren el sonido pisadas en dicho
traste, o por io menos como la mis delgada, se ha de poner la
prima; con este concierto, y modo queda la guitarra templada . . . "
Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 4 "En que se habla, y da modo para
templar la guttarra, con mucha facilid ad, y brevedad", pp. 11-12.
"Lo tercero, que la glossa que hizieres con el dedo fndice, y

largo, ha de ser alternindolos; que si una da muchos golpes, no
podri ser lig era, ni limpia; observando,' que si glossas de la
prima abaxo,'ha de ser con estos dedos, hasta la quarta; y della
abaxo con el pulgar, dando con i l todos los golpes; y si.
glossas de los bordones azia arriba, ha de ser con el pulgar,
hasta la segunda; y della arriba con el fndice, y largo."
Guerau (1694) "Advertencias a los principiantes", f . *5r.
141. "Primeramente poner las dos terceras en unisdn. despuds poner

el dedo en una E y ajustarlas con Hs-segundas^ en A en unisdn.
Por la prima. poner el dedo sobre una D y hacer que suene a ^ -
un mesmo son en octava con las terceras en A.
Por las quartas. poner el dedo sobre una D de las segundas y
hacer que suenen en unisdn con las quartas en A.
Por las quintas, poner el dedo sobre una C de las terceras y
' hacer que suenen,con las quintas en A a un mismo son." Briceno
^(1626) "Mdtodo para templar la guitarra", f . 5r. The Use'of
letters to represent frets is a standard feature of French
tablature.
142. From some of the compositions by Sanz, one can in fer that
"campanelas" designates the overlapping resonances produced in
figurative passages where successive notes are played on
different courses. This technique is discussed by Strizich
(1974), pp. 68-70.
However the same objection applies when the fourth and f if t h

courses are tuned at the higher octave. In that case, according
to his own chord-chart, the third course w ill give the pitch "a"
as the lowest sounding note. Thus the result is a fourth in the
bass, that is , a second-inversion tria d . The chord w ill be in
root position only when the fourth course has a bourdon and the
f if t h course does not.
144.'' "En el encordar ay variedad, porque en Rdma aûellos maesitros

sdlo encuerdan la guitarra con cuerdas de^Tgad'as, sin poner
ningdn borddn, ni en quarta, ni en quinta, En Espafia es al
contrario, pues algunos usan de dos bordones en la quarta, y
;/ ~ otros dos en la quinta, y a l.o menos, como de ordinario, uno en
k :r . cadaôrden. Estos dos modos de encordar son buenos, pero para .
' diversos efectos, porque el que quiere .taner guitarra para hazer
mtlsica ruidosa, o acompanarse el baxo con algtin tono, osonada.es
4 mejor con bordones la guitarra, que sin ellos; pero si alguno
^ quiera puntear con primor, y dulgura, y usar de las campanelas, que
es el modo moderno con que aora se compone, no salen bien los
bordones, sino s<51o cuerdas delgadas, assf en las quartas, como en
las quintas, como tengo grande experiencia; y es la raz<5n, porque
para hazer los-trinos, y extrasinos, y demds galanterfas de mano
izquierda, si ay borddn impide, por ser la una cuerda gruessa, y la
otra delgada, y no poder la mano pissar con igualdad, y sugetar
tambidn una cuerda recia, como dos delgadas; y a mSs desto, que con
' bordones, si hazes la le tra , o punto E, que es 'd ela so lre', en la
mdsica sale la quinta vacante en quarta baxo, y confunde el
principal baxo, y le da algo de ,imperfeccidn, conforme el
contrapunto enserTa; y assf puedes escoger el modo que te gustare de
los dos, segun para el fin que taneres'." Sanz (1674) "Regia
' primera, de encordar la guitarra, y lo que conduce a este efecto",
f . 8r; English translation by Murphy (1970), pp. 52-53, to which I
have made some minor changes.
145. "ComengarSs por las terceras, y dstas las igual.arSs de modo,

que hagan una misma voz, no subidndolas mucho, para que las
demds cuerdas puedari'llegar a tono. Despuds las quintas en
vacio, se igualan con las terceras, pissadas en segundo traste.
- Despuds las segundas en vacio con las quintas, pissadas
tambidn en segundo\traste. Despuds las quartas en vaCio con
las segundas, pissadas en tercero traste. Y dltimamente, la
prima en vacio, con las quartas pissadas en segundo traste, . . . 11
Sanz (1674) "Regia segunda del templar", f . 8v-9r. '
• 146. As discussed in Murphy (1970), pp. 55-57; and in Pinnell (1976)

vol. 1, p p .,208-209.
147. B Be Ms 5615 "Acords de la guitarre avec les notes de musique",

p. xiv. ■ •
. • ' *■ •
148. "Je trouve convenir de marquer que de cinc rangs de cordes, qui
sont S la guitarre, le premier qui reste simple, ou d'une seule
corde, doit etre d'unep-plus fin e corde que tous les autres
ran g s.... Tous leg autres rangs, ou cordes peuvent etre d'une
meme grosseur: mais i ljf a u t observer de mettre une octave a la
quatrieme corde, e l l e ^ est absolument. ndcessaire. Meme i l se
trouve des amateurs, que j'im it e , qui mettent pareillement une
octave a la cincquieme corde; ils la nomment bourdon. IIs
mettent aussi au troisieme rang deis cordes un peu plus grosses,
mais dont la difference n est pas si sensible. Tout cela rempli
mieux la guitarre, et Juy donne tin harmonieux agrement. Et afin
de donner a cet instrument plus de son, je charge les deux octaves
que je mets au quatrieme et cincquieme rang d'un fin f i l e t
de laiton ou d'argent, . . . " B Be Ms 5615 "Des chords", p. v i .
258.
149 • For example, “campanelas" passages occur in Murcia (1714)

"Folias" (D-121) d lf. 12 and "Maritfpalos" (D-285) d if. 5.
150. Leo T re itle r, "The early history of music writing in the West",
JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSIC0L0GICAL SOCIETY35 (1.982), p. 243.
151. sAmat (ca. 1596) chap. 2-6, pp. 3-23.
152.; Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 5 "De la tab!a parasaberquil,dedo ha de

tocar la cuerda, y en qu6 traste", p. 16.
153. Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B "Deimostracidn de los puntos de la

guitarra, y tabla que ensena taner un sonido con quantas
diferencias quisieren" nl 1
pi. 1.
154. Briceflo (1626) "Los puntos o aquerdos. de la guitarra", f . 4v.
155. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 3 "En que’ se e.xplica como se forman
los, doze puntos de que se ha hecho relacidn atrds, y con qud
dedos de. la mano izquierda", pp. 5-7.
.156. " l Cffrase el uno de tres maneras, quando se tafle como,

ordinario, sevpone-un tres en prima, Ta gual se pisa con el dedo
menor en tercer traste, otro tres en segundas, que se pisan con
el anular en tercer traste, y un dos eh quintas, que se pisan
:con el fndice en segundo traste, y en terceras, y quartas;
ceros. Cffrase tambidn el uno, po/riendo un tres en prima, y
otro en segundas, las quales se pisan con el anular, y el
pequefio en tercer traste, y en terceras quartas, y^quintas,
ceros." Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 3, p. 5. x
157. „Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754; revised edition preserved at the

. University of Toronto) B "Demostracidn de los puntos d e l a
guitarra, y tabla que ensena taner un sonido con quantas ,
; • diferencias quisieren. Estos ndm[ero]s son al estilo
castellano.. Las letras son al estilo italian o ; y los
W n6[mero]s .Sn n r y b, al cataldn, y es el mejor",...pi. 1. "
158. Girolamo Montesardo, Nuove inventione d'intavolatura, per .

sonare 11.b a lle tti sopra la chitarra spagnivola, senza numeriv
• e note; per mezzo della quale da_se sttesso ogn'uno sercza maestro
potrS' imparare (Florence, 1606) “Alfabetto, e fondamento del
sonare'la chitarra a lia spagnuola", p. 1. His chord-chart is
transcribed in Johannes*Wolf, - Handbuch der Notationskunde vol. 2
(Leipzig, 1919; reprinted .Hildesheim, 1963), pp. 171-.172.
159.' 1 Sanz (1674)f"Abecedario italiano",. f . 16r. ^ ■ ./
160. . Sanz (1674) "Laberinto en ‘la guitarra que enSena un /son por 12 V
' pastes con quantas'diferencias quisieren", f . .16r
$ fe ..
■' :■ •- ■ •s -v a - ■■■■.., ,,
259.
161*. E Mn M.2209 "Alfabeto", f . l r .
162'. Giovanni Ambrosio Colohna, Intavolatura di chitarra spaqnuola

del primo, secondo, terzo, & quarto libro (Milan, 1637;
facsimile edition, BIBLIOTHECA MUSICA BONONIENSIS sezione IV,
vol. 182, Bologna, 1971) "Alfabetto", p. 6. ColOnna’ s f ir s t book
was o rig inally published separately in Milan in 1620.
* .
163. Corbetta (1639); as discussed by PinneT (1976) vol. 1, pp. 38,

49, and 75. ^
164. Murcia (1714) "[Abecedario]", p. 5.
1B5. Amat (ca. 1596) Tractat breu chap. 2 "En que se declaran mes los
precedents punts, ensenyant la prbpria forma, y disposicid de ,
cada punt, assenyalant los d its , y cordas, que tenen de pisar, y
lo nom de la lle tra del A, B, C, que correspon a cada punt de
naturals, y b, mollats", pp. 44-45. The chords are identical to
those presented in the main t>b,dy of the treatise except for a.
slight change in the voicing off chords "9n" 'and "5b". 'In both
- instances the second course now produces the third of the triad .
The author of the supplement does not provide engravings or
- "alfabeto" symbols for four of the,triads (namely, " lln " , "lib ",
"12n", and "12b"). Instead he simply notes (on p. 51) that they
~ are produced by taking four of the original chords (namely,
"6n", "6b", "7n", and "7b" respectively) and playing them one
fr e t higher.
L66. Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754; revised edition preserved at the

University of Toronto) B, pi. 1.
167. -“"Avvertendo nelle sonate a quelle le tte re , quali hanno un pumero

sopra, cio& 2, 3, o 5, per pill faci 1-it& s 1ha da fare 1a medesima
le tte ra , portando la mano 2, o 3, o 5, a 'ta s ti pip basso,
conforme al numero, qual h’averct sopra." Colonna (1637)
"Alfabetto", p. 6. His shifted chords are discussed in Hudson
(1967), pp. 56-57.
168. V/'- “ Lol, ntfmeros que hall ares sobre muchas letras del laberinto, y -
* puntos de algunos soneS,* son para cortar la guitarra con el .
fndice, haziendo.cegilla, y puente d £l; con que si se hall a la
'.M G, con un 3 encima, se ha de tender el fndice en el tercero
traste. Y despu£s con los demSs dedos formar la G, como si no
tuviere ntfmefo, £ues el ntimero no le varia la forma, si no el
hazerla m^s ;a rri04, o m5s abaxo, conforme el ndmero que tenga
> sobre s f, y lo mismo harSs oht las denies letras que tienen
nilmeros sobre s f, . . . " Sanz (1674) "Regia sdptima, para;
\ llevar la mano^po.r todo el mastil .de la guitarra con grantPe
facilidad", f . lOr. - - •
169 v Minguet y.Yrol (ca. 1754) B, p i. 1.

.
260,
170. "Los puntos de la^guitarra al estilo.castellano no son m£s que

doce, pero con estos no se puede executar un tanido por. los
doce tonos; no obstante s1 el principiante quiere aprender por
± '.ellos, mire en la ISmina primera los nfimeros, que estSn
\encima d e la s letras, como son el 7, P, +, 1, 2, & c ....
Al estilo ita lia n o , o por el abecedario, trahe los veinte
puntos, y se puede executar un taflido por todos los tonos que
quisiere; pero es trabajo el tener cuenta qu£ le tra corresponde
en ca&a uno deêllos, . . . ' ^
e s tilo Catalan me parece e l mejor, porque trahe todos los
Tos que son naturales, y b mol ados, como se
Qmerojs de abaxo In , 2n*/"8n, &c. lb , 2b, 3b, &c. y
te no necessita saBfer la milsica, ni lo que
es acompahamientd. diatdniqo, ni con tqrcera menor, ni mayor, ni
otras cosas seinejantes." Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754; revised
edition preserved at the University of Toronto) B “Explicacidn
de los puntos (de, la guitarra al estilo castellano, ita lia n o , y
#,catal5n", p. 25. An .explanation of the three*ways of realizing
a bass lin e , mentioped\in the last sentence above, is given by
Sanz (1674), f . 28v-.29rl and repeated in Minguet y Yrol (ca.
1754) C Regia 1, p. 1. ' /
171. "Ll£manse estos puntos de mucHas maneras como es cruzado mayor,

y cruzado menor, vacas a lta s ,/y vacas baxas, puente, y de otras
in fin itas suertes que los milAicos u1*ios, y otros les han
puestos nombres d iferen tes:/ pero yo aquf no los llamard sino
primero, segundo, te rc e ro /y quarto, &c. y £stos o naturales, o
b mollados." Amat (ca.vf59f>) chap/ 2 "Qud cosa es punto,
quSntos son, y c<5mo se/ljanjan", p. 4.
172. Joseph Guerrero, Art ejfte' la guitarra,- undated copy by Mauricio

Farifias del Corral ill E Mn Mss 5917 J f . lr-4 v . This source is
listed in Angles ai^ Suftjra vqjT 1 (1946), p. 348.
173. Pennington (1981) (i^ l. 1, ppT^li3-115.
174. Guerrero, E Mn Mss 1*917 Regia 2, f i l r . The names "p atilla" and
"cruzado" are given o tK f,3 r . I have inferred the triads for
each symbol.from the disfcnss+ofPdr the relationships among the-
chords, given in Reglas 1 and 4, f . l r and lv.
* . k
175. Libro de varias curiosidades.'afe at one time in the private
collection of Ricardo Rojas.l- All my information about this
manuscript comes, from the study by Carlos Vega, La milsica de/
un cddice colonial del siqlo XVII (Buenos Aires, 1931). . ~ _
176. Libro de varlas curiosidades (Ms) "Cifras”; unspecified page

reproduced in Vega (1931), p. 89. The "alfabeto" chart appears
on p. 369 of the Ms and is reproduced in Vega (1931), p. 87.
f ’
261.
177. "Advi€rtese que en los susodichos puntos, assf naturales, como

b, mol 1ados, aunque diga que el baxete, y .e l a fte ^ y el tip le se
hall an en cada punto, cada uno en su orden; no por esso dexa que
algunas vezesse mudan de una cuerda e n o tra ; porque a vezes el
baxete estS en la cuerda del a lto , o del tib le [s ic ]; y el alto
en la cuerda del tip le , o del balxete; y el tip le en la cuerda
del a lto , o del baxete." Amat (ca.* 1596) chap. 4 "De los puntos
b, mollados", p. 14.
Hudson (1967), p. 35.
Murcia (1714) "[Abecedario]", p. 5.
Doizi de Velasco (1640), pp. 29-32.
181. Doizi de Velasco (1640), pp. 37-60.
182. Doizi de Velasco "(1640), p. 66.

*
183. "7. Quando se hallare en todas cinco rayas un mismo ntimero, es
que en aquel traste, que sefialare la cantidad del ntfmero, se a
de tender el dedo fndice apretando todas las cuerdas, y lo£
demSs dedos se an de poner confome'los ndmeros, que estuêren
adelante." Doizi de Velasco (1640)"Advertencias parafmaôr
declaracidn de la c ifra , que adelante semuestra", p.
184. However a different convention holds when Ita lia n "pur&eado"

tablature is used to define "rasgueado" chords. In that
context, since" a ll the strings are strummed, no sign on a course
■ normally means that i t is to be played open.
185. "6. En la c ifra con que generalmente se ensefia a tafier por

. punteado se usa poner un cero en la cuerda, que.se a de tocar en
vaito, y en la que no sea de tocar, ninguna senal. Mas como en
el modo de taner por consonancias, para su mayor perfeccidn
conviene en algunas no tocar alguna cuerda aunque se pise, no he
podidO seguir esta regia general. Y asf en la cuerda, que
estuviere una, x, no se tocari, aunque de qfghn dedo sea
pisada, y la que no la tuviere, ni otro qualquiler nilmero, se
tocar i efl vano." Doizi de Velasco (1640) "Advertencias para
mayor declaracidn de la c ifra , que adelante se muestra",
pp. 34-35.
186. mostrard en la c ifra ei poder tafier sin dichas quartas [en

las bozes bajas], quando se viere en e ll a esta palabra mejor,
y taniendo una vez de rasgado, y otra punteado las cuerdas, que
convinierenâ algunas consonancias la hallar^n perfecta,
abundante, bisarra, y airosfssima." Doizi de Velasco (1640)
"Que la guitarra es iastrumento perfecto para poder taner en
d l, tres, quatro^y cinco voces", p. 18.
. i_ ■ . • • •
262
187. Doizi de Velasco (1640) "Recopilaci<5n de las consonancias

bastantes para taner ajustadamente, y por todas
trasportaciones", pp. 82-83.
188. "TamBfdn huvo un portuguds, Nicolao Doici, mdsico de cdmara

del sefior infante cardenal; dste imprimid en Ndpoles un libro
sobre la guitarra, ensena muy buenas reglas para formar las
cldusulas, trae un abe&edario^y'cfrculos ingeniosos, pero la
. c ifra con que los explica, l/5s confunde mds, por no estar
admitido como el’Sqlfabeto ita lia n o , que es el mejor, mSs usado,
y conocido de los aficionados." Sanz (1674) "Prdlogo al
deseoso de tafier", f . 6v.
189. " . . . los golpes de la mano drecha, que son aquellos. serialitos
que se siguen despuds de las letras. 'Verbi g ra tia 1 —j—j- 1— .
Si el serial es azia baxo, da el golpe azia aquella parte, y si
el serial fuere azia arriba, hards lo mismo, dando tantos golpes
como senales." Sanz (1674) "Regia quarta, y explicacidn del
abecedario italian o ", f . 9v.
190. Colonna (1637) “Regola per Jtene imparare a sonare la chitarra

spagnola",^. 5. As noted e a rlie r; Colonna's f ir s t book was
o rig inally issued separately in Milan in 1620.
191. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 2 "En que se da el modcf; y a

entender la cifra de la guitarra, assf para tafier de rasgado,
como.de punteado", p. 3.
192. " . . . los puntos llenos siempre se cifran assf porque sehieren
a un mismo tiempo con la mano derecha, quando se tafie dd
rasgado, hiriendo de golpe, sea azia abaxo, o Sea azia arriba,
con todos los dedos de e lla [my emphasis] todas las cuerdasê
la guitarra, y dando los golpes pue se le senalan al mismo
tiempo, ..-." Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 3, p. 8.
193. Bricefio (1626) "Romance hecho por el sefior Luis contra los que
se burlan de su guitarra y de. sus canciones", f . 24r. This song
is discussed below, chap. 13, p. 843.
194.~ "Todos .los sones se reducen a dos aires, y tiempos, que son
compasillo, y proporcidn, o como dizen los italianos, vinario,
y ternario; el compasillo se sefiala con una G, la proporcidn
con un 3. El aire del compasillo, se compone de dos movimientos
iguales, como el compds, y tiempo de la gallarda. El aire de
la proporcidn, se compone de tres [sic] movHnientos desiguales,
como el compds, y tiempo de la espafloleta." Sanz (167^) "Regia
unddcima y illtima para taner a compds", f . 13r. 'As I have
suggested in the translation, the fin al sentence contains an
error. The beating of time in "proporcidn" consists of two
unequal movements according to Spanish theorists of the period;
. . for example, Andrds Lorente, El porqud de la mtisica, en ^
que se contiene los quatro artes de e lla , canto llano, canto
’ ' *
3 .
263
de drgano, contrapunto, y composicidn (A lc a ll de Henares,

1672) Bk. I I , chap. 43 "CompSs en canto de drgano, qu6
sea?", p. 220. The equivalence of white and black notation
. under "proporcidn" is discussed below. •
195. "Advirtiendo, que en todo tiempo has de dara las cifras el

valor, y comptfs de la figura que tieneri sobre sf; y si en
' » ' algdn grande trecho no se halla sobre la cifra otra figura de
milsica, a todos aquellos niimeros les dards el valor de la
figura que al principio tienen:" Sanz (1674) "Regia unddcima",
f . 13v.
196. Wolf (1919), p. 200; anci Hudson (1967), pp. 113-122.
197. Francisco Salinas, De musica lib r i septem (Salamanca, 1577;

facsimile edition, Kassel, 1958. See below, pt. IV, p. 936.
198. "Avertendo ancora che dove trovarete le lettere piu grandi,

. ciob maiuscole, darete i l colpe p iO ta rd i, trattenendo Ta
mano 11 doppio piti tarde, che non fareste, trovando le lettere
picciole, .
Avertirete ancora,che quando trovarete una le tte ra , dove vi
sia un punto, darete i l colpo alquanto ta rd i, ci'bfe meno della
le tte ra , grande, o maiuscola, . . . " Montesardo (1606)- "Terza
regola", p. 3.
199. " . . . de la zeta, Z, y la ce, C,'^3e~qlip no se avfa hablado,

digo, que estas dos letras senalan los tiempos, y por donde se
tahe. Pdnese la Z, o un 3, adelante de aquella raya que
atraviessa la lirfea, siempre que se tafie por proporcidn menor,
que llaman los mdsicos: y la C, siempre se tafie por
v compassilTo; . . . " Ruizde Ribayaz (1677) chap. 3, p. 9.
200. Francesco Palumbi, Libro de v illa n e lle spaqnuol1 et italian e

et sonate spaqnuole del molt1 illL u s trje siq[nore] mia
ossLequentissi]mo i l sLignorej Filippo Roncherolle. "Servo
de vLostra] sLiqnoria] molt1 ilH u s tr e j FranTcesJco Palumbi,
F PnMs espagnol 390. Desiderio Bias, Intavolatura della
chitarra spaqn[uol]a, TURIN, Biblioteca Nazionale Un4versitaria
MS Maur? Fo5 9. Neither source provides a date.* On the basis
of th eir chord-charts and repertories I would suggest that* the
* Palumbi, Ms was compiled ca. 1620, and the Bias Ms ca. 1630.
201. Wolf (1919), pp. 179-180.
2 0 2 . . . para taner a compds siempre que se cantare por compassilo

[ ’C ] , se dan en cada compds quatro golpes, en esta forma,
[■1 | i— y comprehenda el compos un signo, o todos en una, o
en quetro [s ic ], o en mSs figuras, &c. tahendo por compassillo
no se han de dar mSs que los quatro golpes, en la forma que
quedan figurados en cada compds, aprendiendo que los dos
primeros son al dar, y los dos segundos al alpar. x
/ " S *
:c ■
264.
Para taner a compds con dich$*instrumento, quando se canta

por proporcidn menor [ ' 3 ' ] , se dan en cada cqmpds tres golpes,
—i f— dando los golpes a la manera que quedan cifrados,
son los que se dan en cada uno siempre que se tafie por
proporcidn, sea con una figura, o con todas las que admite este
compds, no es menester mSs para tafier con el ayre que llevan
ambos tiempos." Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 16 "En que se
adviertecomo se ha de tafier a compds cantando por \
compassillo, y por proporcidn menor", p. 63. . \
203. One form of the " trillo " is described by Montesardo (1606)
"Regola per fare i l t r i l l o con la mano d ritta " , pp. 4 -5 .' For an
investigation of the Ita lian g u itar1" t r illo " , see Sylvia Murphy,
"Seventeenth-century guitar music: notes on 'rasgueado'
performance", GALPIN SOCIETY JOURNAL 21 (1968), pp. 30-31; and
Joseph Wedlich, "Battuto performance practice in early Ita lia n
• music (1606-1637)", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF AMERICA 11
(1978), pp. 73-76.
204. Dots appear to the'right of some down-strums in Palumbi (Ms) and

* Bias (Ms). Dots appear below some down-strums in FLORENCE,
Biblioteca Riccardiana Ms 2793 and 2804; according to Hudson
(1967), pp. 98-99,3
205. V "Advirtiendo, que las notas, o serial es, que tienen la cola, o
rabo acia abaxo,: sig n ifican ,‘que se han de dar?Hi£ golpes acia
abaxo con el dedo fndice; y las que tienen un puntito encima se
dan-con los quatro largos: las que la tienen acia arriba êfialan
los golpes--que se deben dar acia arriba con el dedo pulgar: las
que tienen a modo de un gancho, o garavato se dan mds aprisa; y
las que tienen unos puntitos, que van a parar a la que se sigue,
significan redoble, si se quiere'dar; y dste se hace con [a
blank space follows] dedo pulgar, subidndolo acia arriba,
hiriendo las cuerdas, y seguido, sin parar, dar un golpe acia
abaxo. Tambidn se debe advertir, que quando ^se dan los dichos
golpesj los dedos de la mano se encogen un poco, para dar con el
llano de'las unas a las cuerdas." Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754;
revised edition preserved at the University of Toronto) B
"Explicaci<5n de: los puntos de la guitarra a*l estilo castellano,
italian o , y Catalan", p. 25. ^
206. Sanz (1674) "Regia quarta, y explicacidn del abecedario

r italian o ", f . 9 ri Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677^ chap. 1-2, pp. 1-4;
Guerau (1694) "Advertencias a los principiantes", f . *4r; and
Murcia.(1714) "Explicacidn del ABCdario y de la segunda
demonstra[ci]dn", p. 7.
207. B Be Ms 5615 "Principes de la guitarre", p. v.
20^. One exception occurs in a setting of the "zarabandas"11taken from

Sanz (D-441). Here Ruiz follows the original by using the sign
up 6 n
,
.r * . ♦
265.
209. ".Tres mfnimas [4 ] un compSs, tres semfnimas [ i ] un compSs;

y si son mSs las semfnimas, se cuentan como corcheas. Seis
, c.drcheas un compds, sean blancas [ £ ] , o sean negras [ £ ] . Doze
semicorcheas un compds, blancas [ £ ] , .o negras [^ ]." Ruiz de
Ribayaz (1677) chap. 14 "En que se habla de la proporcidn
menor", p. 58 (56).
210 . " . . . para los que no saben milsica, que en lugar de urias figuras,
que en la solfa son conocidos por semibreves [o ] , mfnimas [ ^ ] ,
semfnimas [ I ] , corcheas [ £ ] , semicorcheas [•£ ] (las quales
indican con su valor, quando alarga, y abrevia la milsica) se /
pondrdn uno - 0 - una - D - una - L - una - S - grande., y . \
una - s - pequena. La - 0 - en lugar del semibreve, que indica
que toda la milsica que estuviere debaxo de e lla , se ha de tafier
muy de espaciO. La - D - en lugar de mfnima; que indica, quela
milsica que estuviere debaxo de e lla , se ha de taner la mi tad
mds apriesa que la de este antecedente. La - L - en lugar de k
la semfnima; la qua! indica, que la milsica que estuviere debaxo
de e lla , se ha de taner la mi tad mds apriesa que la de su
antecedente. La - S - grande en lugar de la corchea, la qual .
indica, que la milsica que estuviere abaxo de e lla , se ha de
tafier la mitad m^s apriesa que la de su antecedente, y sin parar
en la milsica que traxere debaxo, hasta encoritrar qual qui era
letra de las quatro antecedentes..>L Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) "Ecos
del libro intitulado JLuz, y norte musical, en cifras para guitarra,
y arpa", pp^65-66. -
211. Different signs appear at the beginning Of the two "Canarios"

pieces. The f ir s t setting (D-13) uses "C| ", and the second
setting (D-19) uses " | " .
c* '
212. The sign "C| " appears in 13 pieces, including D-13, D-14,
D-15, and D-441. The sign "C| " appears once, at the beginning
of Sanz (1674) "Bailete francos", f . 47r. The sign "C1!-" also
appears onfy once,, in-the concluding section of Sanz (1674)
"Prpludio y fantasia con mucHa variedad de falsas para los que
se precian de aficionados. Por la 0", f . 24r.
213. "En la proporcidn, que es tiempo imperfecto, entran al compds

una mfnima [d ] , y una semfnima [J j , tres semfnimas, seis
corcheas-[J1] , doie semicorcheas [J5] , veinte y quatro
. resemicorcheas [JVJ. A estas notas, quando es menester, sp les
ponpn unos puntillos al lado, que las aumentan la mitad del valor
que e ll as tienen; y quando assf las hall ares, te detendrds
mds en ellas." Guerau (1694) "Advertencias a los
princi pi antes",, f . *4v.
214." "Al prfneipio de cada obra, assf passacalles, como otros sones,
se pone una C grande, que se llama compass.illo, o un 3 grande;
que se llama proporcidn menor. Esta C y 3 denotan el tiempo, y
ayre-con que se han de tocar las tales obras. Y aunque ay otras
diferencias de ayres, como la mariona y canario, que le tienen
v,:.’ " l
266.
de proporcidn mayor, me valgo sdlo destos, por no causar

confusidn a los que ignoran la mdsica.
En los passacalles tampoco hago distincidn del compassillo,
y compSs mayor, pOr la misma razdn; y porque las mismas notas
^ de mdsica .hat-SrT andar despacio, o aprisa al tanedor, segdn
el las fueren." GiieraU (1694) "Advertencias a los
princi pi antes", f . 4rX
215. These passages occur in D-166 d if. 7, D-273 d if. 7, and P-94
d if. 9.
216: B Be Ms 5615 "De signes qui marquent la mesure et le mouvement",

pp. v ii-x and "Observations sur le mouvement des croches",
pp. x i i - x i i i .
217. Murcia (1714) "Barios exemplos, en los tiempos. usuales de la

mdssica, los quales conducen para govierno del acompafiante;
explicando en e ll os, quando le precissa a dar golpes llenos
(segdn el tiempo que fuere) o dar el bajo solo sin
acompanamiento de vozes", pp. 41-56.'
218. "En el [tiempo de proporcidn] de Espafia [ ' 3 ' ] quando ba

despacio, en los semibreves [o ], en las mfnimas [J ] a
semfnimas [J ] (oue valen lo mismo en dicho tiempo) [my
emphasis] se daran la primera, y la segunda llenas, y tambidn
en la dltima si pidiere postura." Murcia (1714), p. 43.
219. Murcia (1714), p. 42.
220. "Dicho tiempo [de proporcioncilla]j es; el que regulamente sirve

para los juguetes de Espafia, y por lo prompto se llama .assf; pero
la apuntacidn es la misma, que la proporcidn." Murcia (1714),
p. 43.
221. "Ay otro tiempo en la mdsica ytaliana, que se figura con 3 y un

8 . . . " Murcia (1714), p. 44.
222. "Hasta aquf quedan explicados los gdneros de tiempos en la

proporcidn tocante al estilo de Espafia si bieri estos mismos
sirven tambidn como se ve en la mdsica estranjera, con la
difrencia de apuntacidn, 'verbi gratia' el. tiempo de 3 'por .4
cuyo ayre es lo mismo quando ba despacio que la proporcidn
quando va apriesa, que la proporcioncilla, excepto que la
mfnima [J ] vale dos partes con puntillo un compds __ " Murcia
(1714), p. 43.
*
223. ^ "Ay otro tiempo en la mdsica ytaliana, y francessa, que se
llama tiempo de gabota, el qua! se p'inta con un 2 y un 4, dste
ba mui apriessa, por que.entran en dX- la mitad menos de figuras
que en el compassillo . . . " Murcia (1714), P» 42.
with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
224. Robert Strizich, "Ornamentation in Spanish Baroque guitar
" music", JOURNAL OF THE LUTE SOCIETY OF AMERICA 5 (1972),
pp. 18-39. .
225. B Be Ms 5615 "Explication des marques et des signes de la

tablature de la guitarre", p. x i i i .
i
226. Nicolas Derosier, Les principes de la guitarre (Amsterdam, n.'d.
facsimile edition, BI-BLIOTHECA MUSICA BONONIENSIS sezione IV,
vol. 213, Bologna, 1975), p. i i .
227. Sanz (1674) Regia 3-9, f . llv-12v.
228. "Estas quatro .habilidades [namely, the ‘trin o 1,'mordente',

'tem blor', and 'extrasino'] son las mis comunes de la c ifra
it a l i ana, pero aun ay dos mis, que pocas vezes se apuntan; pero
por no dexar todo aquello que sea primoroso, y es lo mis
delicado que tiene la guitarra, y no tienen los demSs
instrumentos, los declarari tambidn; y atiende con cuidado
a lo siguiente.
Un nilmero se puede herir de dos modos, al uno se llama con
apoyamento, y el otro con esmorsata. De estos mismos nombres
usa Lelio [C o lisja], y aunque italianos,.ingidrelos con los
demis espanoles, pues. el nombre de extrasino,tambidn es
ita lian o ." Sanz (1674) Regia 7-8, f . 12r.
*
229. "Las habilidades de que he hablado, las trae Gaspar Sanz en su
libro de Instruccidn de mdsica; cdpianse a la le tra como dl
las trae." Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 4, p. 16.
230. Guerau (1694) "Advertencias a los principiantes", f . *4v-*5v.
231. "Tambidn te advierto, que en los puntos que tuvieren tres

ndmeros, te acostumbres a tocarlos harpeados, lo qual
executaris hiriendo primero con el pulgar la cuerda que le
toca, luego con el fndice, y despuds con el largo; de modo,
que no te detengas en el punto mis de lo que valiere, y faltes
al compis." Guerau (1694) "Advertencias a los principiantes",
f . * 5 r ; English translation by Strizich (1972), p. 36,
232. "Tampoco me detengo en explicar las gracias, que ay en executar

las quales son^la sal de lo quesSe tafie, (aunque van figuradas)
persuadido, a que no avri aficionado, que no aya visto el
libro tan singular, que di<5 a la estampa don Francisco Garau
[sic] (de tanidos de Espana, y passacalles primorosos) en el'
qual pone al principio toda la explicacidn, con notable luz, y
conocimiento para el que quisiere manejar este instrumento; con
todas las feligranas; .que pueden caber en la dltima destreza."
Murcia (1714) "[Prdlogo]", pp. i i - i i i .
2 3 3 . Tyler (1980), pp.'87-102.
268.
P
234. "El mordente se queda en el mismo traste que trin a , y apaga
m$U: ,■ a l l f la cuerda, pues porque la muerde, con raz<5n 1e ll&man los
W italianos mordente a aquel modo de taner la cuerda."- Sanz
(1 ^ ^ ) "Regia quinta, del mordente", f . llv .
235. "Assimismo hallards una C aT revds, o coma, desta suerte,= ,

que en Ita lia llaman mordente: dste se execute poniendo el
dedo conveniente dos trastes, o uno mds atrds de lo que el
mimero senala, segdn lo pidiere el punto, y con otro dedo se
ha de herir con mds viveza, que en el trin o , la cuerda en el
traste aue el ndmero sefiala, rematando el punto end! . "
Guerau (1694) "Advertencias a los principiantes", f . *4v.
236. Angiolo Michele B artolotti, Secondo lib ro di chitarra (Rome,

n .d.) "Modo per fa r l i mordente"; according to the illu stratio n
given in Tyler (1980), p. 91.
/ 237. "El ndmero con apoyamento, se hiere de esta suerte: si hallas

un uno en la prima, para taner este ndmero, herirds la prima
vacante,y.al instante pfssala enprimero traste, de suerte,
que en realidad pissas la que no tocas, y tocas la que no
pissas; porque aunque heriste la prima vacante, le robaste su
vOz, y la aplicaste al primero traste que suena, y no le
taniste." Sanz (1674) "Regia octava, del apoyamento, y
esmorsata", f . 12r:
\
238. Corbetta {1671) "Curioso letto re", p. 5 and "Advis au lecteur",
p. 9. These ornament tables are discussed in Pinntfll (1976)
vol. 1, pp. 227-228 and vol. 2, p. ix -x .
239. For example, E Mn M.811 "Canzidn", pp. 36-i37 and "Paspid",

p. 122.
240. "El trin o , y mordente son muy semejantes, pero tambidn se

distinguen, en que la voz ‘del trin o , no se firma donde se trin a ,
sino medio punto mds abaxo; pero quiero dar una famosa regia,
para que^sepas donde sale bien el trinado, aunque no lo halles
senalado. En. primer lugar la prima, y segunda vaCantes, si
tuvieres dedoêsocupado, trin a rla s, aunque no estd apuntado el
trino. Tambidn las quartas, y quintas;en segundo traste, y
todos los quatro trastes. La razdn es porque son mies, o
sustenidos, que en la milsica corresponde este nombre a los
« trinos." Sanz (1674) "Regia quarta, del trin o ", f . llv .
l241. " . . . e.l modo de trin a r es, herir la cuerda en que se trina con
la mano derecha, y menear el dedo que perteneciere a punto (en
la cuerda, y traste eh que se forma) de la mano izquierda; el
modo de menear el dedo es, assentarle, y levantarle dos vezes, .
sin inte'rpolacidn de tiempo, ni se ha de herir con la mano
derecha, inds que una vez eh cada trinado." Ruiz de Ribayaz
(1677) chap. 4, p. 17; English translation by Strizich (1974),
p. 64. I .
242. "HallarSs tambidn una raya pequena, con dos puntillos, desta
" suerte, ('/•) que en It a lia senalan con una T, y dos puntillos,
que se llama, trin o , o aleado, que se executa con la mano
izquierda, poniendo el dedo conveniente en el traste que el
ndmero serial a, y con otro dedo de la misma mano hiriendo la
/ ' cuerda, sin parar, dos trastes, o uno mds adelante, segdn lo
pidiere el punto." Guerau (1694) "Advertencias a los
* principiantes", f . *4v.
«
243. Strizich (1972), pp. 20-27. Harp and keyboard ornaments are
discussed below in chap. 6 arid chap. 7 respectively.
244. Corbetta (164$>), p. 4.
245. Corbetta (1671) "Curioso letto re", p. 5 and "Advis au.lecteur",

p. 9.
246. Strizich (1972), p. 27.,
- .-v -‘
From the middle of the t6th century to the early 18th century
the harp was a distinctive feature of Spanish musical practice. The
instrument was fa r more prominent)on the Iberian peninsula than anywhere
else in western Europe. Furthermore i t was the Spanish presence in
Naples — together with the Florentine interest \n the musi<
classical antiquity - - that helped to foster the usevQf_jth^tfarp in
Ita ly during the late 16th and early 17th centuries.*
In Spain the aristocracy regarded harp (Jlaying as a suitable
a c tiv ity for th e ir own recreation. In 1563 princess Juana, sister of
Felipe I I , employed 1n her household a harpist by the name of Martfnez.^
In the following year two of her ladies-in-waiting played harps during a
lavish court spectacle staged by the princess for queen Isabel de Valois
(as described below, chap. p. 512). The harp continued to flourish
among the Spanish nobility throughout the 17th century. In the f ir s t
part of Cervantes's Don Quixote, published in 1605, a young woman named

/
Dorotea describes her proper upbringing as follows:
That portion of the day that was le f t me a fte r I had1dealt

with the stewards, overseers, and laborers I devoted to those
pursuits that are as proper as they are necessary for young
ladies, commonly represented by the needle, the sewing-
cushion, and the d istaff. And i f I occasionally, by way of
re c re a ti# , forsook these tasks, i t was to read,some book of
devotion or play^jjpon the harp, for experience has taught me
that music soothes the troubled mind and brings rest to the
weary soul.3
e
In 1691 an ambassador of the sultan of Morocco recorded the following
observations during his v is it to Madrid:
This harp 1s a large wooden instrument, as high as a man, and
having about fo rty-six strings. I t produces harmonious
sounds and one does not see the blow given by him who plays
i t . The Christians make much use of i t and teach i t to th e ir
wives, sons and daughters. Hence i t 1s rare to find a house
a ll of .whosie indwellers do not s k illfu lly pluck the harp.
When they receive, guests, when they are welcoming anyone or
. when they wish to honor someone who has come to see them,
they le t the harp express what, they feel. The persons who
most cultivate this instrument are the daughters and sons of
the great and noble. I t 1s sim ilarly much in use in th e ir
chapels, in th e ir churches and a ll those places in which they
^ndulge themselves in th eir impious acts. _ It is the
instrument they employ most of a ll .
In professional musical-circles the harp enjoyed a prominent

■ * - *
position because both the church and the theatre offered opportunities
of fu ll-tim e employment. In the early 18th century Nassarre describes
the harp as an ecclesiastical instrument, for he maintains that i t is
used almost as'much as the organ to accompany church music in Spain.®
• He praises two qualities of .the harp which make i t eminently suitable
for this purpose:
r '\ Among the instruments with gut strings, the harp'is the
one which should hold f ir s t place, on account of its
enlargement [i.e ., wide range] as well as its great
■ resonance. For in both respects 'it exceeds a ll the other
gut-stringed instruments which are in use at this time....
I t is more resonant than any other one. Thus music chapels
accompany themselves with the harp, for its tones have
sufficient body for this usage.
Throughout most of the 17th arid early 18th centuries the royal chapel in
Madrid actually employed fu ll-tim e harpists. A preliminary l i s t is
given in Chart 11. Beginning in the middle of the 17th century some-of.
the other large Spanish chapels followed suit, as illu strated in
Chart 12. (For each of the chapels lis ted , I have simply recorded the
' earliest archival reference available in the secondary lite ra tu re to a
fu llrt|lK e harpist.) Furthermore the harp was used on a regular basis
CHART 11 - Some harpists in the royal chapel
“ ~ during the 17th and early 18th centuries
Name Documented years of service
Antonio Martfnez (de Porras) 1612 (payment)3 - 1615 (death)*1
Lope Machado . 1616 - 1634 (payments)0
Juan Hidalgo ca. 1631 (appointment)** - 1685 (death)e
Bartolomd Jovenardi 1633 (appointment)^ -

1654 (authorization o f paymerit)9
►
Francisco Hidalgo 1644 (appointment)*1 - ca. 1675 (deathJ1
Leandro Pons 1662 (payment)J
Martin-de Armenddriz 1668 (appointment)** - 1669 ( death)"*
Antonio de Armenddriz 1674 (appointment)111 - 1701 (payment)0
Juan (Francisco) de Navas 1700 (approbation in a harp book)0 -

1709 (approbation in a plainsong
tre a tis e )p
Pedro Peralta 1736 (death)9
E Mp legajo 1135; as summarized by Josd’ Subird, "La mdsica en

la Real Capilla madrilefia y en el Colegio de Ninos Cantorcicos.
Apuntes histdricos", ANUARIO MUSICAL 14 (1959), pp. 210 and
213. A harpist by the name of Martfnez also served at the
royal court in 1563, as stated above (p. 270). His relationship
to Antonio is not known. !
■ ' A ' '
"Antonio Martfnez, mdsico del arphar murid a 9 de ju llio ."
E Mp legajo 1135; as quoted by Subird (1959), p. 210.
E Mp‘ legajo 1135; as summarized by^Subird (1959), pp. 210 and

212.
, . ' - ■ C. :
273.
CHART 11 (Cont'd)
d "Joan Ida!go mdsico de arpa y claviarpa de la real capilla

de vuestra magestad dize que ha dies anos que sirve [my
emphasis] con entrambos instrumentos echos a su costa y todos
los que ha gastado en este tiempo sin haverle dado en todo £1
ninguno ni ayuda de costa para comprarle.
Supplica a vuestra magestad sea servido de mandar se le
satisfaga este gasto o se le dd lo que pareciere justo por el .
que ha hecho como se hizo con Lope Machado su antecessor y con
sus compaheros y juntamente porque los instrumentos que tiene no
estdn de provecho que se le dd para comprar otros dos arpa y
claviarpa en que re d vird merced." E Mn Barbieri Mss 14069
(126), an original document dated June 16, 1641.' However in
E Mp legajo 1135 (a record of payments made to memberôf the
royal chapel) Juan Hidalgo is not listed until the second third
of the year 1634; according to Subird (1959)* p. 212. Hidalgo's
musical output is discussed below, chap. 9, pp. 549-552 and 561.
e MADRID, Parroquia de San Martfn^ Libros de Defunciones vol. 9,

f. 276, and vol. 12, f . 20 (dated March 30 and 31, 1685); as
— printed and translated in Ruth Landes P itts , "Don Juan Hidalgo,
seventeenth-century Spanish composer" (Ph.D. dissertation,
George Peabody College for Teachers, 1968), pp. 17-18.
f "El rey nuestro senor (Dios le guarde) ha sido servido de

hacer merced al doctor Bartolomd Jobenardi de una plaga de
mdsico de harpa de su real capilla, y manda le corran desde
primero de henero de este ano de 1633; y avfsolo a vuestra
merced para que en esta conformidad lo note en los libros de su
magestad." E Mp caja 599/5, document dated Madrid, July 14,
1633; as transcribed in Josb Subiri, "Dos mdsicos del rey
Felipe IV: B. Jovenardi y E.^Butler", ANUARIO MUSICAL 19
(1964), p. 203.
9 . E Mp caja 599/5, document dated Madrid, December 3, 1654;

transcribed in Subird (1964), p. 212.
^ Francisco Hidalgo (probably the brother of Juan Hidalgo) was

promised the post on June 23, 1643, and entered i t on March 1,
1644; according to documents in E Mp as summarized by Barbieri
in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14069 (130).
. .,••. • ■ ' ■• /
1 In 1676 his widow received the following payment: "Doha Juana
Vdlez, viuda de Francisco Hidalgo mdsicode arpa que fue de la
• c a p illa - 735 re a le s ;,[ i.e ., 24,820 'maravedfs'] anuales."
Document dated 1676, preserved in E Mp; as summarized by
Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14069 (132).
' • ■.", ■ - .■' ■: -v .: ..-, ■ ' .274-
CHART 11 (Cont'd) ; ^
^ ' “Socorra vuestra magestad a Leandro'Ponce arpista de la

• capilla real de su magestad con quatrocientos realeb [i.e .,
13,600 •'maravedfs'] poYque_estd muy enfermo para curarse y
tenga vuestra magestad este papel-para cobrarlos a.su tiempo.
Palacio 12 de enero[1662." E Mn Barbieri-Mss 14040 (72), an
original document dated January 12, 1662. On the back of the
document Pons signed for the money as follows:
"Resibf del senor Agustfn Jimenes Cuatrosientos rreales de
belldn a cuenta de lo que se me librava de gajes o
dlstribusidn y lo firmd de mi mano oi jueves a 12 de enero
ano 1662. Leandro Pons [signature].'!
^ Martfn.de Armenddriz assumed the post on August 1, 1668;-

. according to a document in E Mp, as summarized by Barbieri in
E Mn^Barbieri Mss 14021 (83). He was born in Muruzdbal (a v ill
nearPamplona); where he was baptized on April 20, 1644, and lie
was admitted to Toledo Cathedral as a choirboy ("seise") on
September 28, 1651; according to documents in TOLEDO; Archivo
Histdrico, as summarized by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14021
(82). —
1 MADRID, Parroquia de San Martin, Libros de 0®funciones (dated

April 12, 1669); as summarized by Josd Subird, "Necrologfas
musicales madrilehas (afios 1611-1808)", ANUARIO MUSICAL 13
(1958); p. 206.
m "Antonio Almendares, cantorcico que fue de la capilla real,

fue recivido por arpista y tiene su asiento entre los mdsicos
de ynstrumentos, en 1° de setiembre de 1674." E Mp Real CapiTl
legajo M.26; as -transcribed in Nicolds Alvarez Solar-Quintes,,
"Panorama musical desde Felipe I I I a Carlos I I I Nuevos
documentos sobre m in is trie s , organistas, y 'Realesfcapillas
flamenca y espanola de mdsica' ", ANUARIO MUSICAL 12 (1957),
p. 197. ,
n E Mp legajo 1132; as summarized by Michel Antoine, Henry

Desmarest (1661-1741). Biographie critique (P a ris , 1965),
pp. 96-97. if•
0 ^ "Aprobacidn de don Juan de Nabas, harpista <Ie la real capilla,

y cdmara de su magestad" (dated Madrid, August 6, 1700), in
■ Diego Ferndndez de Huete, Compendia numeroso de zifras
armdnicas, con thedrica, y~prdctica, para harpa de una
orden, de dos drdenes, y. de drqano vol. 1 (Madrid, 1702),
f . *3r. —
- CHART 11 (Cont’d) ’ ,
P "Aprobacidn de don Juan Francisco de Navas. Arpista de la

real capilla del rey don Felipe Qulnto" (dated Madrid, August 2,
1709), in Jorge de Guzman, Curlosidades del cantollano, ^
sacadas de la obras 'del reverendo don Pedro Cerone de.Bdrgamo,
y de otros autores (Madrid, 1709), p. 111; according to the
description 1n Hlginio Angles and Josd Subird, Catdloqo
musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid vol. 2 (Barcelona,
1949), p. 133. •
P ' "Don Pedro Peralta, arpista, 700 ducados [i.e ., 262,500

- 'maravedfs']. Fallecid el 5 de junto* de 1736."^ E Mp
legajo 3236; as summarized by Subird (1959), p.' 228.
\
\
:V ' ; \ r i’.'j
■ ■ ,- 7 f li | ; y ... ; ' '■' ffV.vfiir

CHART 12 - Some other chapels with fu ll-tim e harpists ■-M'-./v, ^ ,, rfjflffl
--------------:--------- — --------------- ------------- ------------------ ; •. . .: i • lr f \ ff"- ' / /; ;■ f ; '■ / ( $ 1
r ; ^ffff/ffyfjjii..;;- ;. f ) i x ^ i W i i :M
1. SOgoyia Cathedral, 1649 ■ r 'l'r f ' . ' . f i f ff'
Appointment of Tomds Montes 1 [/ ; f : f ' ; f f / I ■,l/' ■r
/ Source: SEGOVIA, Archfvo de la Catedral, Actas Capitulares
(ddted September 24, 1649)i 'according to Rober.t ‘
«■ . Stevenson, "Francisco Correa de Arauxo., New lig h t or) f
his career", REVISTA'MUSICAL CHILENA 22 (1968), p. 26.
f ,1 I ' . :■
! ' ■ | , l; ' '
2. Huesca Cathedral, 1650 '
"Appointment of Valero Vergara . 1 ;
-Source: . HUESCA,"Archivo de la Catedral, Libro de Resoluciones
) vol. 5‘ (dated March 22, 1650); according to Antonio
Durdn Gudiol, "La capilla de mdsica.de la Catedral de '
Huesca", ANUARIO MUSICAL 19 (1964), p. 46.
'' . i‘ '■1'
3. .Oviedo Cathedral, 1654 '
Appointment of M atilla de Arce
Source: OVIEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas Capitulares
vol. 26, f. 377r; quoted by Emilio Casares Rodicio,
La mdsica en 1a.«Catedral de Oviedo (Oviedo, 1980),
p . . 112. - .
' • 'r: ■l :■ .' ; '‘
4. Real Convento de la Encarnacidn (Madrid), 1655
Death of Pablo Castel -
Source: MADRID, Parroquia de San Martin, Libros de Defunci ones
(dated January 22, 1655); transcribed in Subird
(1958), p. 205. ' . 'V
y •
' ' * *
5. Monasterio de las Descalzas Reales (Madrid), 1658
Death of Luis de Carridn , ■, •
Source: MADRID, Parroquia de’ San Martin, Libros de Defunciones
(dated September 6, 1658); transcribed in Subird
(1958), p.' 205. f r If
*c •;. 'f1' • ',
6. Toledo Cathedral, 1670
Payment to Pedro Ferrer
Source: TOLEDO, Archivo.de la Catedral, record dated
September 20, 1670;copiedvby Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri
Mss 14040 (156). Part of this, copy i,s printed in
Frangois Reynaud, "Contribution I 1'dtude des danseurs
. et des musiciens des fetes du Corpus Christi e t de
l rAssomption S Tol&Je aux XVIe et XVIIe sifecles",
MELANGES DE LA CASA DE VELAZQUEZ 10 (1974) document 57,
p. 167.
27/
CHART 12 (Cont'd) ‘ , /
1. Ledn Cathedral, 1671

. J , Dismissal of Luis Vidal
Source: LEON, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas 1670-1671 niimero
9934, f. 88r (dated July 20, 1671); transcribed in
- Josd Alvarez Pdrez, "La polifonja sagrada y sus
maes^tros en la Catedral de Ledn durante el siglo
' XVII", ANUARIO MUSICAL 15-(1960), pp. 151-152.
8. Pamplona Cathedral, 1695

Appointment of Martfri Joseph de Ibanrola
Source: PAMPLONA, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas Capitulares ano
^ , 1695, f. 234v (dated December 15, 1695); transcribed in
L-eocadio Hernandez Ascunce, "Mdsica y mdsicos de la
: Catedral de Pamplona", ANUARIO MUSICAL'23 (1968),
■ ' p. 235 . 7
i " / <§§k
9. Parish.Church of Santa Marfa del Mar (Barcelona), 1699
Appointment of Francisco Montan (or Montau)
Source: E Bap Rafael Albfa legajo 35 manual ano 1699, f. 353v-
360r (dated May 19, 1699); transcribed in Josd Marfa
" MadUrell, "Documentos para la historia de maestros de
capilla, infantes de coro,maestros de mdsica y danza
y m lnistriles en Barcelona (siglos XIV-XVII)", ANUARIO
MUSICAL 4. (1949); p. 197.
". -/ ■■ ■' 278.
even at some churches which lacked a separate post .exclusively for' it:
A commpn arrangement was to entrust the harp playing to one of the
organists. For example, in 1661 Badajoz Cathedral paid- its organist
Miguel Temudo 50 "reales" to replace the strings which had worn out on -
the harp.7 In 1685 the chapter hired Agustfir.de Valladares to serve as
singer, harpist, and assistant organist.8 Sim ilarly in 1703 Valencia
Cathedral appointed Fdlix Jorge Rodriguez to the post of second
organist and harpist. Rodriguez had formerly worked in the same
capacity at the collegiate-church of Alicante.8
The harp also became a standard accompanying instrument in the
theatre. During the fir s t, half of the 17th -century members of acting
troupes who played the harp usually performed in other ways as well.
For instance, in 1633 Francisca de la Concepcidn sang with the harp,
danced, and acted ("c^rnta con arpa baila y repreênta") in the company
headed by Manuel de Vallejo.*8 Sim ilarly in 1644 Alonso de la Paz __
organized a troupe in which Antonio de Velasco agreed to sing, play the ■
harp, and act ("cantar, tocar el arpa, y represehtar").*3, By contrast,
during the second half of the 17th century theatrical harp playing
■ became a specialized occupation. Presumably its music was more
prominent and demanding. Beginning in approximately'1660, archival'
lis ts o f acting companies often include a member designated solely as a
harpist ("arpista"). Some examples are given in Chart 13. (Many of the
players named therein also appear 1n other lis ts , but without an
e x p lic it designation of th eir function.)
Despite the prominence of the harp in Spanish sacred and secular
, music, very few sources survive which are notated exclusively for i t .
. L CHART 13 -. Some acting cbmpanies containing
*■ " h a rp is ts , 1661-1580* - ~
Company of Antonio de Escamilla '

■ 1661 - (Jartos GarcSs (alias Capiscol)D
1662 - Marcos Garc6sc . '-
1663 - Juan de Malaguilla®
. 1664 - Juan.de Malaguilla®
1664„- Gaspar Realf . •
1670 -.Juan Ortiz^
1671 - Juan Gall ego1?
- 1672 - Juap Gall ego1. ■
. . 1673 - Juan GallegoJ. .
1678 ? Juan de Malaguilla*
Zl Company of Joseph C arrillo ,

1662 -Domingo Garcfa1
"'3. Company of Simdn Aguado

1662 - Domingo Garcfam •
■ 1674 - Juan de Maiaguilla0
: ... 1675 - Juan de Mai agul 11 a°
' j' '• '
.4. ''Company of Manuel Vallejo
■. ‘ 1672 - Josd SolarP ‘
. ■ 1673'- Jusepe SoTerP
; *1674 - Joseph Solier [ i . e . t 5oler]r
1675 - Joseph Solers
1676 - Joan de Ugartet
5. . Company of Fdlix Pascuaf f '

; ‘ 1673 - Marcos Garzds (alias Capiscol)u
6. Company of Juan Manuel

' 1676 > Juan de Lima SeqUeyroS^
7;.' Company of Agustfn Manuel de C astilla \

• ’ 1677 - Valerio'Maiagu1llaw \
“ .*.1678 -' Valerio Malaguilla* y
8. vCompany of Pablo Martfn de Morales \

•*» 1678 - Nicolds Andino^
9 .. Company of Jerdnimo Garcfa.

1680 - Valerio Maiaguilla2
' 280.
CHART 13 (Cont'd) % "

V' ' ....
a, ^Following the death~of Felipe IV, the crown prohibited public

^ th e a tric a l performances from September 22, 1665 to November 30,'
1666; according to the royal edicts summarized in.Emilio
Cotarelo y Mori, Bibliograffa de las controversies sobre Ta
lic itu d del teatr'o en Espafia (Madrid, 1904), pp: 635-636. This
chart reflects the fact that th eatric al productions continued to
t suffer until 1670. \
U', ■ ■' '' . - '■* - ;' - ' ' i ■
E Mav 2-198-12; transcribed in'Cristdbal Pdrei Pastor,
r .Documentos para la bioqraffa de d[on] Pedro Calderdn de la
Barca (Madrid, 1905), p. 282. ~
c E Mav. 2-198-11; transcribed in Pdrez Pastor (1905), p. 292.
E Mav 2-198-9; transcribed in N.D. Shergold and d.E. Varey,

Los autos sacramental es en Madrid en la dpo.ca.-de Calderdn
1637-1681. Estudio y documentos (Madrid, 1961), p. 168.
e E'Mav 2-198-8; transcribed in Pdrez Pastor (1905), p. 302. .
f- E Mav 2-198-8; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), p. 175.
Gaspar Real is discussed be.lowi chap. 9, pp. 546 and 562.
9 * E Mav 2-198-4; transcribed in Shergold ancflrerey (1961),. p. 211.
E Mav 2-198-2; transcribed in Pdrez Pastor (1905), p. 323.

i
E Mav 2- 198-rl; transcribed in Pdrez Pastor (1905), p. 329.
J E Mav 2-197-20; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961),

p. 252. -
^ , E Mav 2-199-15; transcribed'in Pdrez Pastor. (1905)-, p. 352.
V E Mav 2-198-11; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), p. 160.
E Mav 2-198-11; transcribed in Pdrez Pastor (1905), p. 293.
E Mav 2-197-19; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), p. 271.
E Mav 2-197-18; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (-1961), p. 285.
P EMav2-198-1; transcribed in Pdrez Pastor (1905), p. 329.
9 E Mav 2-197-20; transcribed in Pdrez Pastor (1905), p. 333.

: . . r ■ , ■
r E Mav 2-197-19; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), p. 271.

■■ ■ 1 \. ■ . .
' ' - -
E Hav 2-200-1; transcribed in PSrez Pastor (1905), p. 346.
u
E Mav 2-197-20; transcribed in Pgrez Pastor (1905), p. 334,
and in Shergold and Varey (1961), p. 269.
's . '
Juan de Lima Sequeiros is discussed below, chap. 9, pp. 554-555
and 562. '
E Mav 2-199-17; transcribed in Pgrez Pastor (1905), p. 350.
x E Mav 2-199-15; transcribed in P6rez Pastor (1905), p. 351.
y SEVILLE, Archivo del Ayuntam.iento; unspecified document

summarized in Josd SSnchez-Arjona, Noticias referentes a los
anales del teatro en Sevilla desde Lope de Rueda hasta fines
del siglo XVII (S ev ille, 1898), p. 491.
z *. E Mav 2-199-13; transcribed in P€rez Pastor (1905), pp. 365-366.
■*■
v:.
4'
One reason is that harpists sometimes, played from keyboard notation. In
the second half of the 16th century Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) and
Heriiandp de ^Cabezdn (1578) each published a collection of works in
keyboard.tablature which they also addressed to harpists.12 In 1620
Manuel Coelho issued a set of pieces in score notatfop to be played
either on'the keyboard or harp.1^ In the early 18th century Nassarre
(1724) describes five ways of notating harp music. Three employ s ta ff
notation ("canto de drgano") and two employ tablature ("cifra"). All
five methods also serve for keyboard “music.
A second reason for the paucity of sources is that the harp was
used prim arily as a continuo instrument. In his encyclopedic treatise
Nassarre (1723) indicates that the main duty of the church harpist was
accompaniment, not solo performance:
In many cathedrals they make use of the instrument of the

harp by having a musician set aside solely for i t . Inasmuch
as his admission is usually decided by an examination, I w ill
state here the order which should be observed in i t .
Harpists should be extraordinary in two areas, on which
the examiners should focus a ll th eir attention. One is the
execution as regards playing the instrument, and the other
concerns accompaniment...! \ '
... All those who possess greater s k ill in accompaniment
ought to be preferred, even i f they are somewhat less sJsAMed
than others in the execution of free playing.15
The principles of accompaniment on the harp were the same as those on
the organ and harpsichord, according to the treatise by Torres y
Martfnez Bravo (1702). For his book Torres managed to obtain an
approbation from Juan de Navas, a harpist in the royal chapel.15
Sources of Dances and "Diferencias"
Dance music and'“ldiferencias" specifically for harp are
283.
preserved in a total of, six sources. They are listed chronologically
(approximating where necessary) in Chart 14.
CHART 14 - Harp sources of dances and "diferencias”
--------- — ____ _____

Total number of Number of pieces
Source harp pieces included below
I \ „ J n pt. VI
Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) 36 36
Fernandez de Huete (1702) 49 33
Fernindez de Huete (1704) 35a 25
E Mn M.816 36b 16
US Wc Mk.290 39c I.3

E Be M.741/22 , 1 1
Totals 196 124
Includes 7 works.with Latin lyrics and 3 works with Spanish

lyrics written out below-the tablature.
Includes 8 works with Spanish lyrics written out belflyv the

tablature.
Includes 6 works with Spanish lyrics written out below the

tablature.
(a) Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)
Lucas Ruiz tie Ribayaz and his instrumental book are discussed
above ,in tl .*7 In addition to material for the

4
guitar, he provides a theoretical discussion of the double-rank harp

■ ■■ , • '■\y ' - :
• (chap. 5-9, pp. 21-37) and a set of solo dance-settings for i t
(pp. 105-144). Ruiz claijns that for his collection of harp piece
has selected works from the best composers of the period, such as
Andrds Lorente and Juan del Vado: .
... So fa r my Intention has been none other than to explain

the ciphers which are written for playing these instruments
[i.e ., the guitar and the double-rank harp]. Anyone "with
this understanding w ill be able to begin practising and
playing, for which exercise they w ill find many published
works for both instruments, ... For the harp, Andrds
Llorente [has printed} another [book] which he entitles
- "Melodfas mdsicas" [s ic ]. Juan del Bado is trying to print
[a book] fo r the harp. I f he does i t , his works w ill
undoubtedly be very select and worthy of esteem. In case
these works cannot be had* I am offering some la te r on in *
this book, ... The section should win some esteem, at least
• for the work which I had in collecting the pieces, seeing
that they are by the best composers to be found at present.10
'
Unfortunately Ruiz presents each of the pieces without naming its composer.
(b) and (c) Ferndndez de Huete (1702.and 1704)
In the eahly 18th century Ferndndez de Huete managed to
publish two volumes for the harp. The f ir s t , issued in 1702, consists
b f a theoretical section of 14 chapters (pp. 1-22) plus a tablature

^section subdivided into 3 "libros" (pi. 1-13, 14-34, and 35-53).*®
Despite the rpyal dedication, Ferndndez probably completed.most of the
book beforejthe arrival in Spain of Felipe V and his French advisers.
The dates of the prefatory material range from February 25, 1698 (the
. royal copyright) to March 8, 1702 (the l i s t of printing erro rs).^
Furthermore the book contains just one setting"of the minuet. This )
volume reflects the close association between the popular secular
repertory and the player unversed in music theory. In the tablature
section Ferndndez presents only secular dance-songs. In the ,
theoretical section he avoids a ll technical terms, thus accommodating
the beginner as well as the enthusiast ("aficionado") who does not
understand musical rudiments.
The second volume, issudd in 1704, also consists of a

: ■ I ; " •
theoretical section of 6 "reglas" and various "advertencias" (pp. 1-15)
plus a musical section subdivided into 3 "libros" (pi. 1-26, 27-53, and
54-67).21 The dates o f its prefatory material range from January 28,
1704 (the religious dedication) to February 13, 1704 (the pricing).22 •
This volume reflects the close association between the sacred repertory
and traditional music theory. In the tablature section Ferndndez
devotes himself en tirely to sacred pieces and "passacalles". In the
theoretical section he discusses the tuning comma ("coma"), modes
("tonos"), cadences ("cldusulas"), suspensions ("1 igaduras"), and other
technical aspects of continuo accompaniment ("acompafiar")! In further

* ' T
contrast to the f ir s t volume, here he refers to the pitches by name
rather than cipher and he employs some s ta ff notation in the musical
illu stratio n s . . ,
In the prologue of the f ir s t volume Ferndndez announces that he
intends to issued three volumes in a ll:
The entire work amounts to three volumes or tomes, and

each one of them is subdivided into three sections
["libros"]. By means of the index [on pp. 23-30] you w i l l
cdmprehend the contents of this f ir s t volume; The other two
are already completely worked out and w ill be published very •
shortly. The‘y consist of popular pieces of the court ["sones
de palacio"], clarion songs ["canclones de clarlnes"],
"passacalles" at various pitch-levels, rules of ■_
accompaniment, and works which pertain to divine worship. 3
Juan de Navas, in his approbation of 1700, confirms that Ferndndez had
prepared three volumes, each subdivided Into three "libros".24
Unfortunately a third volume does not survive. Presumably i t contained
"sones de palacio" and "canciones de clarlnes". There 1s no evidence
that Ferndndez ever succeeded in having i t printed.
In his two.published volumes Diego Ferndndez de Hueteprovides
only a l i t t l e information regarding his own career. In the
introductions he states that he has been a practising musician for 30','
years. He further claims to have learned from the best "maestros" in
Spain but he does not name any of them.2® On the title-pages he
describes himself as harpist at Toledo Cathedral. According to Jambou,
archival documents record that he was f ir s t appointed to the post in
1688.2® Over and above his salary Ferndndez sometimes received
remuneration in the form of a cash payment known as an "ayuda de costa"
For instance, on August 5, 1697, the cathedral paid him an "ayuda de *
costa'1 of 7,480 "maravedfs".2^ Later, on September 24, 1700, the

/
cathedral paid him a much larger one in the amount of 18,750
"maravedfs".28 . '
Diego was probably related to a harpist named'Francisco
Ferndndez de Huete who was active at the royal court during the late
17th century. In 1696 Francisco applied for an o ffic ia l post in the
queen's chamber, but his petition was opposed by the queen's chief
. . . » ;
steward: ^
Request of "don" Francisco Ferndndez de Huete in order

that he be sworn into the .post of harpist of the queen's
chamber. He says that he has served d ilig en tly for eight
years without .wages or an allowance.
The "marquds" de los Balbases, chief steward of the
queen, states that there has never been .such a post in the
queen's chamber and he asks that Huete be excluded from i t . ‘
The archlute and bowed "vihue!a” are accepted [into the
queen '.s chamber]. ■
(d) E Mn M.816 (
This anonymous collection of harp music lacks an original t i t l e -
page and date. According to the modern t i t l e added by Barbieri, the
manuscript was preserved at one time in Avila (a town midtoay between
Madrid and Salamanca) and was probably written at the'end of the 17th or
* »
beginning of the 18th century.28 One can divide this source into two
■4 f
parts on the ba-sis of the notation. In the f ir s t section ,(f. lr-27 r)
- the numeral seven is written as "7", .the ornaments are notated as "
- . f ’
~or "tr.", and the f la t signs'are placed after the numbers. In the
'* '
second section (f. 27v-39v) the numeral seven is written as ">", the
ornaments are notated as *"+", and th e -fla t signs are placed in front of
s
. . ‘ the numbers. Furthermore, letter-symbols (for fingering and for added
left-hand notes) appiear.only in the f ir s t section, whereas durational
- symbols and fu lly texted works appear only in the.second section.
All the pieces in this manuscript are anonymous except for two
song-settings in the second section which are attributed, to Durdn.2*
Sebastian Durdri was an extremely influential composer at the court in
Madrid, where he served as organist and la te r "maestro" of the royal
chapel until 17,06. However for p o litic a l reasons he was forced into
- exile where he died in 1716 (as discussed above, chap. 2, pp. 32-33).
E Mn M.816 also contains seven "minuetes" (one in the f ir s t section and. ,

■\ . v *> *
six in the second section), which suggests that i t was written after
t* » - * ** - • 1
' . * *
288.
1700. For the purposes of chronology in this study I have placed the
manuscript at the year 1705.
* .(e) US Wc Mk.290 . _
This anonymous manuscript of harp music consists of 40 fo lio s.32
The Library of Congress mistakenly describes i t as a "Libro de c ifra de
vihuela". However the four-line tablature, with its letter-symbols for
• fingering and added left-hand notes, reveals that the pieces are intended
specifically for harp. Unfortunately the manuscript lacks a title-page .
and does not contain any reference to the place or date of its compilation.
Furthermore an unknown number of pieces have been lo st, for the work
which now opens the collection is entitled "Otra [my emphasis]
diferencia de las folfaS italianas" (D-126). As i t stands the
■ manuscript incorporates foreign musical elements which indicate that i t
was written after 1700. For example, i t contains two texted "recitados"
which consist of slow moving chords in the manner of Ita lia n
recitative.33 I t also contains several settings of French dances,
including one "paspid viexo", one "rigoddn", and ten "minuetes". For
the purposes of chronology in this study I have placed the manuscript at
the year 1710.
( f ) E Be H.741/22
This anonymous Catalan source is discussed below in chapter 8
("Other Instruments"). The manuscript consists almost en tirely of
dance melodies notated on a single s ta ff.34 The, only exception is one
untitled work (D-494 on f. 62r-62v) whose ink is badly faded in

0 / .
comparison with the rest of the manuscript. I t is notated in the
standard type of harp tablature, complete with letter-symbols for
fingering and added left-hand notesLy'
Lost Sources
Two sources of harp music from the late 17th century have since
disappeared. The f ir s t is a book by Andrds Lorenteientitled Melodfas
mtisicas, prdctica dei drqano y del arpa. In 1672 Lorente himself
cites the t i t l e and suggests that its publication is imminent. Hd also

i ■ •
mentions that i t is notated in keyboard tablature ("zifra de
drganou).35 Lorente further states that i t contains a discussion of
various instruments, including the organ b u ilt for his church in Alcald
de Henares by Juan de Andueza in 1670.36 I t would seem that the book ,
was actually issued before 1677, for in that year Ruiz de Ribayaz
recommends i t as a publication which harp enthusiasts should u tiliz e (as
shown above, p. 284). 'unfortunately tho book is not extant.* Jambou
suggests that its music survives in the tablature section of E Mp
M.1358, but his arguments are unconvincing.3^ Andrds Lorente (1624-
1703) spent most of his lif e at AlcalS de Henares, where he worked as a
church organist and taught at the uni vers ity.1'3® His most substantial
extant work is an encyclopedic music treatise entitled El porqud de la
mdsica (1672). " f -

The second harp source which has disappeared is a collection of
pieces by Juan del Vado. In 1677 Ruiz de Ribayaz praises his
compositional s k ill and states that Vado 1s trying to have a harp book
*
printed (as shown above, p. 284). There is no evidence that Vado eVer
succeeded. Perhaps he included some of the harp pieces ijyfris
manuscript treatise on accompaniment which circulated in Madrid at the
beginning of the 18th centbry. In 1702 Torres y Martinez Bravo advises—
that "in ordfer to avoid confusion and tediousness for new students, i t
w ill suffice for them to understand only the said eight modes; as is
v . .
taught 1n a manuscript notebook of Rules o f accompaniment ['Reglas de
acompafiar1] by 'don' Juant del Vado, an organist who was in the royal
' ''
chapel of his majesty."39 Unfortunately Vado's manuscript treatise does
not survive either. Instrumentalists with the family name Vado were
prominent in the royal chapel throughout most of the 17th century. One
* Felipe del Vado'first appears in the archival lis ts in 1624 as a
"corneta" player, and one Bernardo del Vado in 1648 as a "vtoldn"
p la y e r/9 Berpavd del Vado, JuaVjs brother, also belonged to the royal
chapel, according to the record or his death on September 27, 1673/1
Juan himself served as a "violonlsta" in at least the years 1660 and
1680-1691, although Torres y Martfnez Bravo (1702) refers to him as an
o rg a n is t/2 The extant compositions attributed to Juan del Vado include

. / . ■
four keyboard pieces preserved in P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B, 5 (a source
discussed in the following chapter). In addition three short excerpts
from two of his sacred vocal works appear as musical examples in the
i
treatise written by Vails in approximately 1742.43
The Structure of the Instrument
One can distinguish two types of Spanish harps: a diatonic
instrument with a single rank of strings ("el arpa de una orden") and a
chromatic Instrument with two ranks of strings ("el arpa de dos

s . *
drdenes"). Up to the middle of the 16th century the single-rank harp
1s the only type found in Spain. I t contains seven, strings per* octave,
normally tuned diatonically. During the second half of thd 16th century
additional springs began to be inserted fo r the chromatic pitches.
Shortly before his death in approximately 1595,. Luis Zapata describes
this as a "new invention".44 Perhaps Zapata is referring to the
emergence of a harp with a complete second rank of chromatic strings
placed parallel to.the f ir s t . In fic tib h a l works an early reference to
the double-rank harp occurs in Lope de Vega's La Dorotea issued in 1632.
In this novel one of the characters remarks that the two ranks greatly
fa c ilita te the playing of accidentals.4® Later musical sources indicate
that the second rank contains five strings per octave, normally tuned to
the pitches "c^n, "e^"* "f^", "g^", and "b1’". Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) and
Ferndndez de Huete (1702) explain that the second rank is ?l1gned with
the f ir s t in such a way that each chromatic string fa lls between the
diatonic ones which are a semitone lower and higher.46 In this regard
the harp resembles a keyboard. Ruiz observes that, apart from the short
octave of the'clavichord ("monacordlo"), the f ir s t rank of the harp
corresponds to the white keys ("tec!as de* afuera"), while the second
rank corresponds to the black keys ("teclas de adentro'1).47 Ruiz also
provides a diagram of*a clavichord with.the appropriate harp ciphers
printed on its keys.46 ^Similarly Nassarre (1724) equates the f ir s t and
second ranks of toie harp with the white and black keys of the organ.49
The development of the double-rank harp did not ent1rel^y-\
displace the single-rank instrument. Both types were used in Spain up
to the early 18th century. Although Ruiz de Ribayaz and Fernandez de
Huete deal -primarily with the double-rank harp, they also provide some
advice for playing the single-rank Instrument. Moreover, as late as
1702, Fernandez de Huete states that "the sonority and perfection of
the harp with two ranks is in the process of banishing the use of those
which have only one rank."50 Nassarre (1724) writes that "the use of
arp with two ranks’ is recent."5*
On.the single-rank harp performers coped with chromatic notes by
means of re-tuning,'finger-stopping, and omission. Nassarre (1724)
/summarizes these techniques as follows:
/ ... and when one had to play on such harps [o f a single rank]
any mode which had to have a f l a t , such as the sixth mode
[ i.e ., "f" fin a l with a "b ^ s ig n a tu re] or the second mode
[ i.e ., "g" fin a l w ith a "d*" sig n a tu re], the "b" strin g was
lowered to the natural pitch of the “fa" [ i. e . , “b*"]; and fo r
the eighth mode [i.e ., "d" fin al with an "f#" signature] the
string which corresporute to "f" was raised to the pitch of
the sharp [i.e ., "f#"].&z ip this way the octaves were
perfected by raising or lowering the strings which were
. necqssary, according to the mode in which one had to
play, ... However i t was necessary that in each mode one made
up for the fla ts and sharps nothin the signature ["puntos
accidentales"]by omitting theniW by straining the string
with one's nail or by putting one\j»tri'ng in the mode without
playing it s octaves; ... •
By u tiliz in g the technique of adjusting some of the strings in advance,
Fernandez de Huete demonstrates that many (but not a ll) of his pieces
can be performed on the single-rank instrument. In the index of
volume 1 (1702) and the table of contents of volume 2 (1704) Fernandez
supplies specific re-tuning instructions for each adaptable piece.54
Finger-stopping on the single-rank \harp allows the player to
manage pieces which contain a note in both diatonic ayid chromatic form
at the same octave-register. The technique dates back to the middle of
the 16th century. In the fin a l piece of his instrumental book, Miidarra
(1546) instructs the harpist to place his finger on the string near the
wres,t-pins whenever he encounters an accidental in the tablature.55\ In
the second half of the 17th century Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) describes the
technique as follows:
*'
... regarding the sharps and fla ts , you should know that when
they are played with the le f t hand, the index fin g er of said
hand 1s placed agalnst-the string (on which the said f la t or
sharp Is done) cldse to the neck ["cabega"] of said harp, and
the string is struck with the middle finger. When the
accidentals have to be played with the right hand, the thumb
of the le f t hand has to be leaning against the string (on
whitfrthe accidental 1s marked), likewise close to the neck,
and tne string 1s struck with the middle finger.or index
finger of the right hand, whichever is closer.56
In the early 18th century Fernindez de Huete (1702) recommends the same
» "
systemof fingering. He also explains that, since finger-stopping can
only raise the pitch of a string, fla ts have to be produced as
enharmonic sharps:
The four small lines which cross each other [i.e ., "#"]
denote the sharps which are to be played. On the " I ' 1'
[i.e ., the cipher symbolizing the pitch "f" above middle "c"]
the sharp is produced by placing the thumb of the le f t hand
under the string of the said T ." close to the neck
["cabega"] of the harp. One squeezes i t a l i t t l e b it and
plays the string with the middle finger of the right hand or
with the finger which corresponds to the lin e of tablature
where the symbol is ; . . . -
... and on the fourth lin e of tablature counting * ’
downwards, which corresponds to the le f t hand, the sharp is
produced by placing the index finger [of the le f t hand] under
the string which possesses the sharp (that i s , sthe four small
lines which cross each other). One places the finger in
contact with the neck of the harp and one.squeezes i t a
l i t t l e b it in or*der to produce the sharp. The middle finger
[o f th e -le ft hand] has to be somewhat lower down so that the
string w ill sound when the finger plays i t ; because i f the
middle finger is close to the finger which produces the
sharp, the s trin g w ill not sound. I f a "7" [ i . e ., the pitch
"e"] has a "B" [.i.e., a f l a t ] and i t is on any of the th ree*
lines of tablature which correspond to the right hand, i t is
produced by applying the thumb of the le f t hand to the "6"
[i.e ., the pitch "d"] in the manner which was stated for the
"1*". I f there is some "4" [ i.e ., the pitch "b"] with a "B",
i t is produced by applying the thumb to the "3" [i.e ., the
pitch "a"]. When the f l a t is on the lowest line of tablature,
1t 1s-produced by applying the index finger of the le f t hq
For although the ciphers have fla ts , they serve as sharps.
In his second volume FernSndez (1704) repeats more concisely that,the .
left-hand thumb stops the string when the right hand is plucking,-and
the left-hand index finger stops the string when the le f t hand is
plucking.58 Owing to such techniques", the single-rank harp(was not

" • O r
restricted to purely diatonic music. Nevertheless the double-rank
. 1' " ' -X
instrument, with its chromatic strings, greatly expanded the -.repertory
of playable pieces.
Large harps of the period possessed the same ranges as large
keyboards. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) writes for a double-rank harp
containing 27 diatonic s'trings (beginning on "c", two octaves below
middle "c") and 15 chromatic ones (beginning on "bb", a ninth'below
middle "c"). The notation in E Mn M.816 implies an instrument of the
same range. With this set of strings the pitches in the bass register
are the same as those available on a keyboard containing a short octave
In the early 18th century Fernandez de Huete writes for a double-rank
harp with a slig h tly larger range. The diatonic,rank is extended
upwards by two.strings ("b" and "c") to encompass four complete octaves
and the chromatic rank is extended upwards by one string (ty>b") as well
as downwards by two ("g^" and "f#").59 jhe same expanded range is
implied in US Wc Mk.290. (For a ll these ranges see below, musical
example 11, pp. 303-305.) ,
Many Spanish harps were constructed with large dimensions so
that they could function adequately as continuo instruments in spacious
churches. The' a b ility to produce a loud volume was an important
consideration in this context. For instance, in 1641 at Toledo
'r-Sv/'-K^ft':^ "T.‘ .■^'^y'.^''-':^?S--'1:■'■"::-'v'-T'::''-r-.*/''S^':'';' .v;. ■*:'':-'"-y.:\. :V-.'■ ■■'.Vi-'
•Cathedral the chapter refused to hire an archlute player on a permanent
basis because the archlute Its e lf lacked sufficien t resonance:
Pedro de la Torre, servant'of your most Illu strio u s person

[i.e ., the archbishop of Toledo], states that he has come
from Madrid to serve your most Illu strio u s perspn and this
holy church as an archlute piayen* of which he has given a
/ sample in this octave of Corpus C hristi.
' He Implores your most illu striou s person to grant him
the favour of admitting and receiving him, by assigning him
an adequate salary, so that with i t he may serve your most
Illu striou s person and this holy church with much
exactitude, . . . <
[Marginal note.] In the chapter meeting of June 7, 1641,
[ i t 1s resolved] that he be given one payment of 400 "reales"
[i.e ., 13*600 "maravedfs"] from the church funds, so that he
may return to Madrid, in lig h t of the fact that this
instrument [i.e ., the archlute] sounds too l i t t l e in such a
large church.bU
By contrast the harp was a su fficien tly resonant instrument. In 1742,
when its use was discontinued at Granada Cathedral, the chapel-master
Gregorio Portero complained of "the great need we have of thorough-bass

v •
in the choir, because, since your excellency (for your good reasons)
suppressed the harps, a great and unbearable disharmony is experienced
in the music, for the voices cannot keep steady and constant without a
powerful accompaniment to support them."61

• "V
The dimensions of one particular Spanish harp were recorded in .
England in the late 17th century by James Talbot, a professor at
Cambridge University. The sound-cjiest ("belly") of this double-rank
instrument was 54 inches long, 5 inches wide at the top, 18 inches wide
at the bottom, and 13 inches deep at the bottom. I t was only slig h tly
shorter than the fo re p illa r ("bow") which was 58 inches long.®^ The
large sound-chest, widening greatly from top to bottom, was
characteristic of the design of Spanish harps. I t is shown by Ruiz de

>
Ribayaz (1677) in his drawing of a double-rank in s t r u m e n t . 6 ^ The same
feature may be seen in a photograph printed by Zingel of the frame of an
undated double-rank harp. This particular instrument was preserved at
one time Tn Madrid and was la te r destroyed cmring the Spanish C ivil
War.64
In his encyclopedic treatise Nassarre (1724) provides invaluable
information fo r the construction of the double-rank harp. Regarding the
sound-chest ("concavo"), Nassarre is prim arily concerned with the
relative dimensions of its parts rather.than with absolute measurements.
His recommendations reveal that he attaches great importance in having
the harp capable of producing a relative ly large sound:
... I w ill now state how one should construct [the harp] by
means of its parts. That of the sound-chest is the most
important, 1n which the goodness of the whole of the
instrument consists; ... F irst, one has to fashion two pieces
which have as th eir length that which the sound-chest is to
have as its width. One piece is -to serve as the base at the
■ l o w e r end, and the other piece is for the upper end. They
'are to be in unequal proportion, fo r with regard to length
the upper piece is to be no more than a f if t h part of the
lower piece, which is "quintupla" proportion [i.e ., 5:1].
The width of each piece is to be in "dupla" proportion [i.e .,
‘ 2:1] with its-length, by having a width of no more than h a lf'
of its le n g th ....
Having finished these two pieces, one should fashion seven
pieces with a length of a l i t t l e more than 1 "quartas" [i.e .,
approximately 57-1/2 inches] ( i f the harp is to be large and at
natural pitch, so that i t is possible to accompany church
music with i t ) . . . .
Having done a ll th is, the entire sound-chest turns out to n
be formed in the proportions which I w ill state. The width
of the one end considered in relation with the other end is
to be in "quintupla" proportion; with the lower end having a
width of fiv e parts, and the upper end one part. The depth
of the sotind-chest considered in relation to its width is to
be in "dupla" proportion. These are some proportions which
not only make the instrument sonorous and perfect, but also
harmonious to the eye. Whether the harp is small or large,
these proportions should always be observed in the sound- .
chest. In order to be able to proportion the width and depth
of the sound-chest according to the length which one may want
to make i t , one should observe the "dupla superbipartiens
tertlas" proportion [i.e ., 8:3], having compared the jength
of the sound-chest with its width at the lower end; which is
a length of eight parts and a width of three; Yet this
proportion 1s not one of the most sonorous ones, although
- with the aforesaid width and depth the Instrument w ill not
f a ll to be sonorous. However I am of the opinion that i t
w ill be much more sonorous i f to eight parts of^length one
gives four parts of width -at-the lower end, even though the
Instrument may appear to the eye to be very bulky."66
From these ratios and the one absolute measurement given for a large
instrument, one can generate two particular sets of dimensions.

'm )
t :*+' Applying what Nassarre suggests is the customary proportion of length to
width at the bottom (i.e., 8:3), the sound-chest would be approximately
57-1/2 inches long, 4-1/3 inches wide at the top, 21-1/2 inches wide at the
bottom, and 10-3/4 inches deep at the bottom. I f one adopts instead his
recommended proportion of 8:4 (i.e., 2:1), the sound-chest would be
approximately 57-1/2 inches long, 5-3/4 inches wide at the top, 28-3/4
inches wide a t the bottom, and 14-3/8 inches deep at the bottom. In the
la tte r instance the sound-chest would be much larger in volume and thus
much more resonant than the one measured by Talbot (described above).
Nassarre also explains b rie fly how to insert the two ranks of
strings: >
Having now prepared the lid of the sound-chest as I have

said, one iias to carve'at equal Intervals a ll the l i t t l e
holes where the strings are to be fastened, ... In order to
carve them evenly, one should draw a straight line from one
end of the lid to the other, so th a t i t may serve as a guide.
This line [for the f ir s t rank of strings] w ill not be a
mistake i f on double-rank harps i t is slanted more to the
le f t hand, so that the line of the second rank is slanted
proportionately towards the right hand, in such a way.that
the middle of the lid is the middle of the two ranks.66
Finally, with regard to the neck ("clavigero"), Nassarre
provides several absolute measurements for a large instrument:
Having now closed the sound-chest, one w ill be able^to
make the«p1ece fo r the neck. I t is important that i t be of
strong wood. I f the harp 1s to be large, the neck w ill have
a length of about 3 "quartas" [I.e ., approximately 24-1/2
Inches] or a l i t t l e less, and a thickness, a fte r being
fashioned, of 2 "dedos" [I.e ., approximately 1-3/8 inches],
and a width o f a l i t t l e less than 3 "dedos" [ I. e .,
approximately 2 inches]. I t 1s to be made curved in the
middle so that the string's can arrive at the natural pitch.-
At the back end i t 1s to be fastened with a tenon which f it s
into the mortise ["sectavo", at the top of the sound-chest],
so th a t the neck rises a t the fro n t end [ i. e ., the end
attached to the fo re p illa r] more or less 2 "dedos" [I.e .,
approximately 1-3/8 Inches] higher than at the back end. I
also advise that this piece is to rise from the chest of the
harp to such an extent that, from the lid to the wrest-pin,
the thinnest string has a length of more or less 1 "geme"
[i.e ., approximately 5-1/2 inches], and the thickest or f ir s t
string in the bass has a length of a l i t t l e more than 7
"quartas" [ i . e . , approximately 57-1/2 inches].
Temperament and iuninq
Ruiz.de Ribayaz (1677) does not e x p lic itly discuss temperament
1n his instrumental book. Nevertheless he does describe two ways of
tuning the harp, both of which imply equal temperament. His f ir s t
method is to tune each harp string in unison or octave with a note
(usually the root) of a an appropriate guitar chord.®® As discussed in
the previous chapter, the guitar was probably set in equal temperament.
His second method fo r tuning the harp 1s to proceed by ascending fifth s
from "g" through to "b" and by descending fifth s from "g" through to
"f^". As in la te r Spanish tuning methods for the harp, the middle
register is to be tuned f ir s t , by applying octave transpositions.®® One
of the steps involves^tuning "g^" a f if t h below "e1*", thus implying that
enharmonically related accidentals are equivalent.
By contrast, Ferndndez de Huete recommends mean-tone
temperament for the harp. In his f ir s t volume Ferndndez (1702) refers
, 299.
to tfie temperament only in a general way. His tuning method (not
counting the octave transpositions) is to proceed by ascending fifth s
from "g" through to "b",‘and^^ descending fifth s from "g" only as fa r as
•"e^". The remaining three pitches, which are the sharps "c5^", "f^", and
"g^", are then tuned with the strings a major tenth below (i.e ., "a",
"d", and "e" respectively).70 Fern£nd|z e x p lic itly stateis that a ll the
fifth s in the diatonic rank should lJ?Hslightly fla t:

/' • "* ■ '* ’
... In order th a t the f i r s t rank is such th at a ll the
consonances sound w ell, one, has to take care that in the
as.cending fifth s [of the tuning method] — which are
[ i. e ., "d”] w ith W [i.e .* "g"], "3" [ i. e ., "a"] with "d“
[ t ie ., "d"], "7" [ i.e ., "e"] with *3-" [ i.e ., "a"], and "4"
[ i. e ., "b"] with "7" [ i. e ., "e"] — the upper notes are a
l i t t l e b it f la t , not anything which is discordant, but rather
tempered. In the descending fifth s [of the tuning method] —
■ which are [I.e .* "c"] with "2" [ i.e ., "g"] and "I" [ i.e .,
"f"] with "5" [ i.e ., "c"] — the lower^notes should be a*
l i t t l e b it sharper [i.e ., the intervals ’Should be s lig h tly •
f l a t ] , but not anything which is discordant. All the octaves
should be made p u r e /1
• * ^
In his f ir s t volume Ferndndez does not refer to the size of the major
thirds. Only his treatment of the sharps in his tuning methotl suggests
that the major thirds are supposed to be pure.
In his more technical- second volume Fernandez (1704) makes i t
clear that he is advocating a temperament whichis mean-tone. He

\ . S’
introduces two playing refinements in order to retain a distinction
. between enharmonically related Occidentals. For finger-stopping on the
single-rank harpr he recommends that fla ts be produced at a higher pitch
than sharps:
... I f i t happens thcjt one has to produce some "4b" [ i.e .,

- -the pitch "b "] and the string is not lowered, the note is
produced, by applying one's fin g e r to the "3" [i.e:„>the "a"-
strinp] a l i t t l e b it lower than as was said for producing the
sharp”, . . . /d
X 300.
On the double-rank harp (as well as on the harpsichord), Fernandez
advises that the appropriate strings be adjusted in advance for
chromatic notes which lie outside the temperament. (At its usual pitch-
level, mean-tone temperament provides only the following five
accidentals: "c#", "e1’", " f#", "g#", and "bb".) When a sharp is
i
needed, the strings of its enharmonic f la t should be lowered a comma by
re-tuning them witih the third (or tenth) below. When a f l a t is needed,
the strings of its'enharmonic sharp should be raised a comma by re
tuning them witn the f if t h above:
... Be advised th a t, in order'to be able to execute the

accidentals with complete perfection on the double-rank harp
emtk on the harpsichord, one should observe that When the
fM ts are to serve as sharps, they are lowered the comma
wnrch they have in excess with the,third below. When the
sharpsâre to serve as fla ts , they are raised the comma which
they lade with the f if t h above. For inasmuch as "mi" to
"fa", which is a major semitone, has 5 commas, and the minor
semitone- has 4, i t is ^ e tte r to refine the thirds and the
fifth s for greater perfection. J
*\) ,
Nassarre (1724) also advocates mean-tone temperament for the
harp. His tuning method (not counting the octave transpositions) is to
ascend from "g" by major triads through to "e", then to ascend from "e"
by a major third to "g^", and fin a lly to descend from "g" by fifth s
through to "e1*".^ He indicates the temperament by instructing that a ll
the fifth s should be slightly flat,and a ll the major thirds should be
pure; * •
... Fof^ the harp and harpsichord [the tuning] should begin
with the string of "gesolreut", the second one dounting from
- -the bottom [i.e ., the "g" immediately below middle "c"]....
With this string one should .then tune the major third above
i t , which is "befabemi", and then the f if t h , which is
"delasolre". Nevertheless I advise that with the f if t h tuned
as pure as possible, one should then lower the higher string
a l i t t l e b it, but so that one does not notice any dissonance.
This has to be executed in a ll th e .fifth s in order that the
301.
-major thirds w ill be pure at a ll the pitch-level s. However,

when the f if t h is tuned below (that is , when the lower string
has to be tuned with the higher one), a fte r making i t very
pure, one has to raise the lower string a l i t t l e b it [i.e .,
to make the interval slightly f l a t ] , which is contrary to
when the higher string is theône which is being tuned.75
Nassarre also agrees with Ferntfndei de Huete that, when necessary, pre-
tuning should^be employed on both the harp and the harpsichord in order
to preserve the temperament.' To change a f la t enharmonically into a
sharp, the string is lowered a comma by making i t pure w ithth e major
third below. To change a sharp enharmonically into a f la t , the string
is raised a comma by making i t pure with the major third above. In a
comprehensive manner Nassarre gives pre-tuning instructions for-alT--12

« i
transpositions of each of the 8 modes.75
Tablature Notation
i ' . , ,
The six sources under-consideration a ll employ a four-line
tablature designed specifically for the harp. Only Ruiz de Ribayaz
(1677) and FernSndez de nuete (1702 and 1704) discuss the notation, but
' .
the same principles seem to apply in theôther sources as well. Pitch
is clearly notated by means of numbers and accidental signs, as both
Ruiz and FernSndez explain.77 Seven Arabic numerals (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
‘ and 7) represent the seven diatonic pitch-degrees ("f", "g", "a", "b",
"c", "d", and "e" respectively). The manner in which the numbers are
written indicates the precise octave-register of the pitches. Plain
numbers represent the register containing middle "c", while numbers
embeTli^h^djîth slashes or dots represent each of the other
registers.75 Chromatic notes are shown by sharp and f la t signs which
are added to the numbers. In harp notation there are no more than five
302.
chromatic notes per octave, namely "1^", "2^", "5^", and ,,7b" •
5 J
( i.e ., "f*",."g ^ ", "b1>", "c^", and "eb" resp ectively). They correspond
to the chromatic strings of the double-rank instrument under normal
tuning. On-occasion a notated accidental can function enharmonically.
For instance, ul^ u ( i.e ., ,tet ") sometimes serves as "dft" in Ruiz de
Ribayaz (1677), Ferndndez 'de Huete (1702 and 1704), and E Mn M.816.79
The ciphers found in each of the harp spurces are shown in muiical
example 4 l. (No definitions are given in E Mn M.816, US Wc Mk.290, and
E Be- M.741/22.)
In Spain during the 17th and early 18th centuries the standard
technique for playing the harp consisted of plucking the strings with
only the thumb, index finger, and middle finger of each hand.®9 In harp
notation two different mbthods were devised for using the individual
lines of tablature. In this study the method which predominates always
prescribes the fingering. I t is therefore suitable for beginners.
This method appears in two forms, according to the texture of the music,
as illu strated in the following diplomatic facsimile:®*
-w . •
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' *~'" ' MUSICAL EXAMPLE 11 (Confd) , ' 304. 4
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited
306
For chordal passages (see above, p. 302 m.l), each of the four tab!ature
lines corresponds to a particular finger. The highest lin e represents the

'f
right-hand thumb, the second lin e the right-hand index finger, the third
line the right-hand middle finger, and the bottom lin e the left-hand
middle finger. These correspondences are to hold in the absence of
other symbols.8^ For figurative passages (see m.3 above), the meanings
. . . \ . ■- .
of the lines extend only to the division of the hands. Runs
("carretillas") and diminutions ("glossas") for the right hand are
notated on one of the three upper lines, while those fo r the le f t hand
are notated on the bottom line. Letters are added above or below the
ciphers to indicate the fingering in each hand. Â lVthe sources in this
study employ the same symbols. The le tte r "p" stands for the thumb
("pulgar"), "y" fo r the index fin g e r ("fhdice"), and "1" fo r the
middle finger ("largo").83 Sometimes even the usual division of the

1
hands is modified so that the le f t hand is responsible for the middle
lines of tablature as well as the bottom line. FernSndez de Huete
(1702 and 1704) notates this by placing a dash on the tablature between
v e rtic a lly aligned ciphers (see m.3 above). He explains that the right
hand should play the ciphers above the dash, while the le f t hand should
play those below i t . Furthermore, i f there are two notes for the le f t
hand, the player is to use his thumb and middle- finger.8^ The dash also
appears in the anonymous E Mn M.816 (for example, in P-188), presumably
with the same meaning.

<]
The second method of employing the tablature is to have each
line represent a separate voice-part. This method occurs only rarely in
the sources under consideration. I t is less suitable fo r beginners
because i t sometimes obscures the required fingering. In performance
a ll vertical sonorities are played with the fingers ordered from the
highest-sounding note to the lowest-sounding one as follows:, right-hand
thumb, right-hand index finger, right-hand middle finger, left-hand
thumb, left-hand index finger, apd left-hand middle finger. Allowing
- for gaps, this order must be retained regardless of which fingers are
used. One disadvantage of notating each voice On a separate line is
that when the voices cross, the vertical arrangement of the ciphers does
not correspond to the required fingering. FernSndez de Huete (1702)
calls .this arrangement "dedos trocados" (i.e ., permutecf fingers) and he ^
warns that i t may pose d iffic u ltie s :
One often finds in the tablature that the numbers which

are on some lines pertain to fingers other than those which
are designated [by the lines]. In this explanation, be
advised that this is done only so that each voice w ill be
singing on its own line. However in the execution one has to
place the thumb of the right harfd on the highest string, the
index finger on the next highest, and'the middle finger on
the lowest, ... This second method of tablature is only for
those who understand music theory, and i t serves to confuse
those who do not; because,' for the execution, i t is the same ,
thing whether the fingering is permuted or not [in the
notation]. 5
Nevertheless, in his f ir s t volume FernSndez (1702) employs this method
of notation in a few of his."canziones" settings (including D-33).
Furthermore, in his second*volume Fernindez (1704) uses i t in a ll his
texted "versos", as he announces in the theoretical section:
The f ir s t [observation] is that the ciphers of the voice

which sings the verse go on one of the three upper lines,
which w ill be indicated [in the t it le s ] , without jumping to
another, lin e, and with its text below. The accompaniment
[i.e ., the bass] goes on the bottom .line, and the voices with
some im itative passages go on the other two lines. However
none of the voices passes to another lin e .86
Although harp*tablature consists of only four lines (normally
three for the right hand and one for the le f t ) , harpists often employed
six-voice chords fo r accompanimertt. In order to notate more than one
note at a time fo r the le f t hand, a set of letter-symbols ("q", "0"> an^
"$")• was devised fo r the tablature. A much less common method occurs
without explanation in a few of the pieces by Fernindez de Huete (for

.'' ' ..
example, in D-35). I t consists of adding a cipher on a line-segment
which is placed, lik e a ledger-line, below the fourth line of tablature.
In his instrumental book Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) advises the
harpist to produce six-note chords wherever possible: . . .
For the le f t hand no more than one number is notated [a t a

tim e], which is the one that i t scrupulously plays. Neverthe
less, whenever there is room between the hands, one can provi.de
fu ll chords for the accompaniment by means of the other two
fingers [of the le f t hand], which are the index finger and
the thumb. Either extend the hand upwards for a "quinta"
[i.e ., an overall interval of a f if t h ] with said hand, which
is formed with the three fingers by leaving one string [i.e .,
the interval of a th ird ] between each finger; or else extend
the hand downwards or upwards for an "octava" [i.e ., an over
a ll interval of anoctave] with the said three fingers, which
is formed with the said left-hand by leaving three empty
.strings [i.e .,. the interval of a f if t h ] between the middle
finger (which is the one which attends to the compulsory
note) and the index finger, and two empty strings [i.e ., the __
interval of a fourth] between the index finger and the thumb.
Ruiz differentiates three voicings for each six-note triad in root
position. He calls them "quintas", "octavas", and "sextas" (or
"dgzimas"). To notate the additonal left-hand notes required in each, ,

«
he employs the symbols "q", "o", and "s" respectively:

• /
The "passacalle" written below [i.e ., P-152], and almost

everything which is played on the harp, consists of "quintas",
' ■"dSzimas" or "sextas" (which are the same), and "octavas".
The "quintas" are those [fu ll chords] which are played by
leaving two strings [i.e ., the interval of a fourth] between
. the hands and one string [i.e ., the interval of a th ird ]
between the fingers of both hands. The "ddzimas" or '
"sextas" are the ones in which one string [i.e ., the interval
of a th ird ] 1s le f t between the thumb and Index finger of the
right hand, two strings [i.e ., the Interval of a fourth]
between the Index finger and middle finger of the same hand,
and three strings [i.e .; the interval of a f if t h ] are le f t
between the hands. The "octavas" are when two strings [i.e .,
. the interval of a fourth] are le f t between the index finger
and thumb of the right hand, one string [i.e ., the interval
of a th ird ] between the Index finger and middle finger [of
the right hand], and another string [i.e ., the interval of a
th ird ] between both hands. "Repuest^" is the name of that
vertical sonority which is played a fte r the fu ll chord with
only one hand, either on a single string or else accompanied
[i.e ., on more than one string]. On occasion one finds a
single number and i t ’has to be played with the "quinta",
"ddzima", or "octava". In order to show th is , a "q" is
w ritten down for when they have to ha "quintas", a "d" for
"ddzimas", and an "o" fpr "octavas".
In 13 of the "passacalles" contained in the theoretical section of his
book (P -146 to P-158), Ruiz places the symbols "q", "o", and "s" (not
i'
"d") below the bottom lin e of tablature. He also uses them in the same
way in his chart of six-note harp chords. For each root-position triad
which corresponds to one of his twelve guitar chords, he presents three
voicings for harp.®® A transcription of his three voicings of the C+
triad (guitar symbol "2") is shown in musical example 12(a).
The terms and letter-symbols which Ruiz uses are confusing.
From the chord-chart, "passacalles", and excerpts translated above, one
can draw the following conclusions. As names for voicings of root-
position triads, the terms "quintas", "octavas", and "ddzimas" refer to
the outer intervals of the chords. However the term "sextas" refers to
the interval fbrmed by the right hand. As symbols for left-hand notes
to be added above the bass, the le tte r "q" represents a third and a
f if t h , and the le tte r "o" represents a f if t h and an octave. However the
le tte r "s" also represents a f if t h and an octave.
!§^ MUSICAL EXAMPLE 12 - Voicincts of root-position 310. 1
triads on the harp ;-:V$
_ o ^ _ S u -lZ , _,U* _ R ; b q ^ Q . x > .C .iA ? ? )..T .
,Q t* jrf\fc x a O c rV n -v o w S . , 3/L jCTo .a or- cLfc-Xt m<vS
-t$ Fo.T-^rt-Âe.1- A*, t-in.'h.- f l? O Z )

--Q uA*Ct*Ob^- oJlVo
# _ I^ U g -. f\o T c .S s CV.TJ2. A m m k o l »X C cL ^w . C .* p U « . r A . "T k c . W I o o c Ar n c t it A c u re .
o\iz.oA« W
m \R^tta-ri ^ 'C l. I „ „
o cx#>JL
V ^
,S ) bftlow t k c ‘koJklpi*!
. -T T \\C e in "tW ^ r it^ W V k a n ^ l& ■ r t o to la J L . o -r\ jVc*o«<L. IcMkf
ocJTto.><a» \c a -t— irv
irv m T K .R - c r > ^ .r \c v .
1 V\« g ^ u» W *"f« c . rs o T c i o ra , A ^ r n V ie X is c e J u c _ '.p k » t_ r A . ‘* * T W e , M c»jc-W . r^ o T c -S
i u TM.VloUx.vJL W- tL o tttA Ittu L -r-S - C "<V’* ** • ** ° * " / a *%^ "o * k>A-lo«-> 4\*lol.
Ruiz further complicates matters In the musical section of his
book, where he places the symbols "q", "o", and "s" above the lowest
line of ciphers. He prefaces this section with the following remarks:
Be advised th a t the "q", "o", and "s", which In dicate

"quintas", "octavas", and "sextas", w ill be Introduted 1n
future between the lines of tablature [I.e ., above the
ciphers of the fourth lin e ]. ' In this regard they are placed
with simple vertical sonorities, so that you w ill know that,
in those where the said le tte rs are notated, you have to
produce above them what the le tte r Indicates. I f i t 1s "q",
play" quintas'l; 1f 1t Is "o", "octavas"; and I f I t 1s "s",
"sextas"; . . . ^
His explanation 1s misleading because i t seems to Imply that the le tte r-
symbols w ill have the same meaning as in the theoretical section of his
book. However an examination of the tablature reveals that this is not
the case, at least with respect .to the symbol "s". In three of the four
Instances where the "s" appears, the harmonic scheme of the piece
clearly calls fo r a sixth, not a f if t h , above the bass.9* Thus in the
excerpt translated above, the terms "quintas", "octavas", and "sextas"
are probably supposed to denote the intervals formed by the le f t hand.
.In my transcriptions of the harp pieces which Ruiz presents in the
musical section of his book (pp. 105-144), I have chosen to realize each
le tte r as a single note. For the "q" I have added a f if t h above the
bass, for the "o" an octave, and for the "s" a sixth.
Fernindez de Huete (1702 and 1704) deals with chords and added
left-hand notes In a much more consistent fashion. For six-note triads
in root position he distinguishes the same three voicings as Ruiz.
However, as shown in musical example 12(b), FernSndez calls them
"quinta" (i.e ., f i f t h ) , "sexta baja" ( i.e ., minor s ix th ), and "sexta
alta" (i.e., major sixth).92 Evidently a ll three names refer to the
Intervals formed by the right hand. In his discussion Fernandez
indicates that such chords are standard elements of harp technique. He
further states that the notes should"normally be struck simultaneously

V
(not successively as an arpeggiation, which he classifies as an
ornament): v.
... The numbers in the "quinta", "sexta a lta " , and "sexta
baxa". are placed on the lines [on pi. 1] for beginners, so
that they may see how the notes should be played at the same
time and in the same manner as in other chords. In order to
perform them, i t is best te^practise each of the three
explained chords a great deal, until one's hands can return
very pron ely and strike the strings clearly and at one -v
time, . . .
To notate more than one note for the le f t hand, Ferntfndez employs the
symbols "q" ( i.e ., "quinta"), "o" ( i.e ., "octava"), and "s" (i.e .,
"sexta"). He uses them in both dotted and undotted form below the
; - -W-*' . . .
'bottom line of tablature. Evidently the names refer to the intervals ,
formed^by the le f t hand:
... One places the middle finger [of the le f t hand] on the
number which is on the bottom line of tablature. I f
underneath i t there is a "Q" [ i. e ., "q"] i t means "quinta",
i f an "0" [ i . e . , V ] "octava", -and i f "S" [ i.e ., "s"]
"sexta". I t should be understood that in order to produce
the "quinta", one is to count upwards from the string,
occupied by the middle finger, and between the middle finger
and the index finger one has to leave one intervening string
[i.e ., the interval of a th ird ], and between the index finger
and the thumb another string [i.e ., the interval of a th ird ],
not counting the strings of the second rank. The "octava" is
to'be counted in the same way, observing that from the middle
finger to the index finger one has to leave three intervening
strings [i.e ., the interval of a f i f t h ] , and from the index
finger.to the thumb two strings [i.e ., the interval of a
fourth]. The disposition of the "sexta" is in th is form:
the number which is on the fourth lineôf tablature is played
with the middle-finger, and from i t to the index finger one
has to leave one intervening string [i.e ., the interval of a
th ird ], and from the index finger to the thumb two strings
[i.e ., the interval of a fourth]. Furthermore i t is
understood when the chords are to be fu ll. In order to
recognize th is, a dot w ill be added to the "Q" in this form
"Q." [ i. e ., "q ."], to th$ "0" [ i. e ., "o-'l, and to the "S"
. ‘ • [ i. e ., "s-,l]. I f the le t t e r does not have th is dot, i t w ill
suffice to play the two fingers, middle finger and thumb, in
a "quinta" [ i. e ., t+ie in te rv a l of a f i f t h ] , "octava" [ i.e .,
the interval of an octave], and "sexta" [i.e ., the interval
of a sixth]. I f there is no le tte r at a l l , i t Implies that
is to be with the middle finger, ..
In my transcriptions of his pieces I have realized the symbol "q-" as a
third and a f if t h above the bass-, thg-ô-" as a f if t h and an octave, and
the "s-" as a third and a sixth. When the letters lack dot^s I have
added only a single note:for the "q" a f if t h above the bass, for the
'* ' *
"o" an octave, and for th e/'s "’ a sixth.
The remaining three harp sources also contain letter-symbols
below the bottom lin e of tablature. E Mn M.816,employs Only the dotted
forms "q:", "o-", anrf V' s- US Wc Mk.290 only the undoubted forms "q",
"o", and "s"; and E B (^ 7 4 1 /2 2 only the .undotted "o". L A tran scribing
these sources I have not distinguished between the dotted and undotted
forms, because they donqt appear together in the same njanuscript. I
have realized each le tte r by a single note. For "q(-)" I have'added a

■ j, ■ •
f if t h above the bass; for "o (-)" an octave, and for "s(-)" a sixth.
Rhythm is shown in harp tablature by means of mensuration signs,
barlines, and durational note-symbols. In this regard the sources under
consideration display various degrees of completeness. Rhythm is most .
fu lly y o ta te d in the two volumes by FernSndez de Huete (1702 and 1704).
At th^f beginning of each piece he provides one of three mensuration
•signs, namely "C" ("compasil.lo"), "£/" ("proporcitfn"), or "4>i,"
("proporcidrt mayor"). To signal metrical changes within a piece he
uses verbal cues. (For example, at d if. 19 in P-161, he indicates a
change from "compasillo" to the equivalent of the modern " 'g " by the
'S ,
■. vp-2.
phrase "de 12" = cada compSs".) Ferndndez defines his Mensuration
signs by name only. He does not explain th eir meaning:
When there is a "C" at the beginning, i t is "compasillo".

When there is a cap ital "Z" [i^ e,, " i t is "proporcidn"
["menor"]. I f there is an "0" with a lin e running through i t
and a ca p ita l "Z" [ i.e ., i t is/'proporctftfn mayor".
I f the measure is toJje of 6 or 12 notes, i t w ill be
indicated by words. 5 '
In a ll his pieces Fernandez includes barlines and places durational
note-symbols above the tablature. They reveal that his mensuration
signs conform to traditional Spanish theory. One measure equals " |l-i-U |"
under "C", "|MA|" under and "jooo|" under Furthermoreûnder
"proporcidn" and "proporci<5n mayor" he employs the white, forms of th e \
note-symbols (i.e ., <!> , £ , and £ ). The intended rhythms in his works
are clearly shown. He usually provides the durational note-symbols
(including dotted ones) in f u ll, in accordance with the convention that
one symbol serves for successivenotes which have the same duration:
/ For those who know music theory, the note-symbols are

)notated above the numbers. So that there w ill be fewer of
them, the one which is placed f ir s t is to be understood for
those which follow, until there is; another different symbol.
Where they are lacking, i t is because they are lik e those
which are already notated or because the rhythm ["ayre"] with
which one has to play is so clear, that that indication is
unnecessary. - ^
As with the Mensuration signs, Fernandez does not attempt to explain
the note-symbols. He does not even mention th eir names. His only
advice for the beginner is to rely on the spacing between the ciphersin
the pieces: /"Y
F$r those whp do not knoto the*rudiments of music theory

["solfa"], i t is given as a notice and general rule that they
execute the numbers iri accordance with the distances with
which they are written. For, just as the person who does not
( understand Latin w ill pronounce i t perfectly, merely by ,
carefully observing the accents-and punctuation, so that
those who understand it' w ill apprehend him; so, in the same
way, by observing the rhythm ["ayre"] from measuring the
distances with which tbe attacks are w ritten, i t w ill sound
well to everybody; . . . 97
In the remaining, harp sources ?he notation of rhythm ds
incomplete. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) employs only barlines and the two
mensuration signs "C" ("compassillo") and "3" ("proporcidn menor").
Before presenting his harp "passacalles" Ruiz b rie fly explains the two u
mensurations by repeating almost verbatim the definitions given for
beginners by.Gaspar Sanz (1674).00 Ruiz also devised a set of five
letter-symbols to represent durations (as discussed above, chap. 5,
pp. 220-221). However in his Harp pieces he fa ils to provide these
letters snal symbols.00 In order to reconstruct the
intended rhythms within the measure* one should take into account the
patterns of.musical texture. Ruiz distinguishes two types of vertical
sonorities on" the harp.. He defines "punto lleno" (or "golpe") as a fu ll
-chord played by both hands arid'he"eq.uates i t with a down-strum on the
guitar. He defines "repuesta" (or "respuesta") as a thinner vertical

. . . ' ^
sonority played by one hand alone (on one, two, or three strings) and he
equates i t with an up-strum on the guitar. According to.Ruiz, in harp
accompaniment the texture should reinforce the meter. For a measure of
"confpassillo" he recommends the pattern "punto lleno - repuesta - punto
lleno - repuesta". For a measure of "proporcidn menor" he recommends
"punto lleno - punto lleno - repuesta".1®0
. The anonymous E Mn M.816 employs barlines and mensuration signs

•
in a ll its pieces. However only the second section of the1 manuscript '
(f. 27v-37v) contains durational note-symbols (including dotted ones).
In the f ir s t 22 pieces -the rhythm withjn the measure is not e x p lic itly
shown. The-predominant mensurations in this source are "C" (i.e.,
"compasillo") and "1/" ( i.e., "proporcidn menor"). Under the la tte r ,
most of the note-symbols are given in white form (i.e ., J and <=h ).
i •
- I ■v .
Three other mensurations appear in this manuscript. The sign .
. ! . '
occurs in two pieces (the "siguidillas" D-391 and D-392), both of which
lack durational symbols. According to Nassarre (1724), stands for
"proporcidn mayOr", where one measure equals o oo .^ The sign
"4-o" occurs only once in E Mn M.816— in "De los zelos los desvelos"
6ninu[e]t), f. 30v — with one measure equal to J J J | as in the modern

" h-". The sign "g " also occurs in only one piece — "Alsaltado estd'
mi pecho""(aria del Coliseo), f . 31r-32v — with one measure equal to
JTJ] These last two mensurations Drobdbly stem from the influence
f f . . ? . .
of foreign music. -
In the anonymous US Wc Mk.290 the notation of rhy$hm is even
more skeletal. Barlines are the only consistent element in a ll 39
pieces. Mensuration signs are lacking in 14 pieces, while durational
note-symbols are en tirely absent in 33 pieces. Of the given mensuration
signs a ll but one are e ith e r "C" ( i.e ., "compasillo") or "t," (i.e .,
"proporcidn menor", in' which the white notes J and chare used). The one
exception is the symbol "3" (in "Ddjame tirano Dios", f. 9r-10r), with
one measure equal to | J JJ | as in the modern " h-". None of the 6
pieces containing durational note-symbols supply them in fu ll. Moreover
dotted rhythms are not notated e x p lic itly . Thus the given pattern
" | d chd |" 'found in D-231) probably stands for " | J. J1J |". In the fin al
4 . ••-5 • •
source, E Be. M.741/22, the one harp composition possesses a mensuration
t '
sign ("C", i.e ., "compasillo") and barlines but no durational symbols at
317 .
a ll. '
Harp tablature, with its four lines and numerals 1 through 7,
resembles keyboard tablature in general appearance. At the same time,
notation which is intended specifically for the harp can.be readily
identified by the presence of letter-symbols (for added left-hand notes

*
and especially for fingering) as well as by the absence of rests and
ties. FernSndez de Huete (1702) emphasizes these distinctive features
as follows:
a
He who wishes to produce some ciphers for organ must
observe a ll thatr is explained for the .double-rank, harp,
except the three le tte r s which are "P" [ i . e . , "p"']» "Y"
[ i. e ., "y"]> and "L" [ i. e ., "1"], because on the organ the
fingering is different; ... And because the organ i,p an
instrument with'a lasting sound, there are two signs fo r
organ tablature [i.e ., the rest and the tie ] wh^ch are used
for when the sound i s to stop Or i s not to stpp. These are .
* ■ not necessary in this [harp] tablature. Fop^what more of a
. sign is needed than to place one additional attack so that
the instrument speaks, or one less so that i t ceases to sound?
This is neither an imperfection for the organ; nor is i t a
perfection for the harp. For, as the harp is not an instrument
with a lasting sound, i t is given l if e by.duplicating the
attacks or by uîng ornaments ["trinados"] for unceasing
, harmony. The same is to be observed on the harpsichord.102 .
The absence of rests in harp tablature implies that Spanish harpists did
not employ any special techniques to cut short the duration of
individual notes. Instead-, as FernSndez suggests in the above passage,
the player probably relied on the re la tiv e ly short decay-time of pitches
produced on the instrument. On the other hand, during the early 17th
century the technique of damping the strings with the fingers was
actually used in Ita ly by at least one virtuoso performer. In
approximately 1628 Giustiniani relates the fdllowing observations:
The double harp ["Varpa doppia"] was discovered almost in

our own time in Naples; ... And now Horatio Mi hi plays this
double harp almost miraculously, not only in his technic but
in his special way of damping the sound of the strings which
i f they continued, would cause dissonances and cacophony.10'*
The Spanish sources make no mention of this technique.
All the harp sources in this study, except Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677),
employ ornament symbols, as shown in Chart 15. The symbols occur only
above the ciphers which are highest in the tablature, thereby demonstrating
that the ornaments are* intended exclusively for the righ t hand. The
only source which explains its ornaments is the treatise by FernSndez de
Huete (1702). He defines them by writing out realizations of each type
in tablature, as transcribed in musical example 13.10^ Although lacking
durational symbols, his realizations clearly indicate that a ll the
ornaments are to begin on the beat and on the Tnain note (i.e., the note
with the symbol). Fernindez refers to the ornaments collectively as
. "trinados". He distinguishes five main types and subdivides each one.
I The f ir s t type, the single alternating "trinado", is symbolized by "+".
Jhis ornament assumes two forms, according to the given fingering:
When for the embellishment of the music one is to execute

' some "trinado", a cross [i.e ., "+"] is placed above the number
of the string on which i t is to be played. I f there should
. be a "P" [ i. e ., "p"] under the number, i t means th at i t is a
"trinado" with the thumb. . I t is to be executed by striking
the strin g o f "4*" [ i.e ., the p.itch "b" above middle "c", as ■
shown in musical example 5(a)] with that finger, and the string
below [i.e ., the p itih "a"] with the index finger; and repeat
- . the thumb as quickly as i f i t were a ll one stroke. I f the
le t t e r is "Y" [ i. e . "y"], i t is to be executed with the index
finger onthe string on which i^ is notated, which'[on pi. 1]
is "4*" [i.e ., the pitch "b", as shown in musical example
5(a)]; and strike the string above [i.e ., the pitch "c"] with
the thumb, and repeat the index finger with the same speed."
I f the le t t e r is "L" [ i. e ., "1"], i t is played w ith the middle
f\n g e r on the "4" [ i. e ., the pitch "b", as shown in musical
example 5(a)], and with the index finger on the string above
[i.e ., the pitch "c"]; and refloat the middle finger as is
explained in the others; ... 5
CHART 15 - Ornament symbols in the harp sources
(a) FernSndez de Huete (1702 arid 1704)
Symbol Name Meaning
+ '* _ trinado (de pulgar, mordent or inverted mordent

fndize, or larg o )‘ (depending on given
^fingering)
If
+ trinado (en quinta, broken chord

sexta a lta , or sexta
?
i
baja)
+* trinado mis largo prolonged mordent or main-
note t r i l l (depending on
given fingering)
+•* trinado con c a rre rilla prolonged mordent or main-
note t r i l l (depending on
given fingering) plus a .
short scalar run
[no arpeado (sencillo, arpeggiation

symbol] doble, or largo)
(b) E Mn M.816
A' Symbol ..... Probable Meaning
/W V main-note alternation (single or repeated) with

note above or below (depending on fingering)
tr*. (or tr ) as above

+ as above
i
' : ' ' -Y-■
320.
- . ■ .
CHART 15 (Cont'd)
(c) US Wc Mk.290 \
£ main-note alternation (single or repeated) with

+ as above
/
(d) E Be M.741/22
+ main-note alternation (single or repeated) with

Or) Tci rioAa C±X
^ba- inJjLzX. . Jbje. la-rô
f f l
P 'f l
L -. ^ - — =,1 / ®<S
0® © CD (Dd>
pTf :: "----- =— —
■. “
---------------------- J
b) -T r.inaAo C'Q r' 3—' r—3—i ' 3—i

- E o - ^ u i ^ E - ■J *"
1 ' / .................. ■— ■— ■#»■ 1 f t - ,

£ = = = = = J -------------------------- = * • * --------------------------
'
9-
L - - . 1 . X - - - M— "1 : ------------- :-----------= 8
0 ® C D ©
* " MUSICAL EXAMPLE 13 (Cont' d) .- '. *' . - 322. '•'■•?*?
.?i
d-> T r ! ~ « i s a o ___ f j u - r r n I In <__( ~ K * )
g~) Qt-p>Âvn
.[a&.CÛtirttcfc^ _ 5 u C x ta - a i 'V . An J,fj4a- laA-iirLt P«
rfl® abbi
i £=
* m .A Al C a ii- Q J X ’J l V o Iu jw - 5 , Q -tjl. ju L iA o r - ld .
J
The second type of ornament, the broken-chord "trinado", is also
symbolized by FernSndez discusses i t in terms of the three
voicings of root-position triads:
The "trinado de quinta", "sexta alta", and "sexta baxa"

differs in execution from those [plain forms of the chords]
already mentioned [on p. 4], only in that in those [plain
forms] the strings are played simultaneously, while in these
["trinado" forms] the strings are played separately, as w ill
be seen in the illu s tra tio n [on pi. 2, transcribed in musical
example 5(b)]. This.xrTT'be known when there is a cross
[i.e ., "+“] on the stroke; with the distinction that each one
of the "trinados" which has a cross (such as those of the
thumb, index finger, and middle finger; and those "de
quinta", "sexta alta", and "sexta baja") is played as fast as
i f i t were one stroke;
Although the f ir s t two types of ornaments are both symbolized by "+",
the musical context allows the player to distinguish between them. In
the notation of the broken-chord "trinado", the vertical sonority
invariably contains four ciphers. Under these conditions, with the
right hand fu lly occupied, i t would be impossible to .re a lize the "+" as
t
a rapid neighbour-note alternation.
The third type of ornament, called the "trinado mSs largo", is
symbolized by "+’ ". As its name indicates, i t has a longer ("m5s
largo") duration than the simple "trin a d o ".^ Ferntfndez writes out *
> ^
only one realization of i t , beginning on the middle finger.
Nevertheless his treatment of the single alternating "trinado" ("+") .
suggests that here too the given fingering determines theform.
Presumably a "trinado m£s largo" beginning on the thumb employsthe
lower neighbour-note, while one beginning on the index finger employs
the upper neighbour-note. I have added such realizations in square
* brackets, in musical example 13(c).
The fourth type of ornament, known as the "trinado con
carrern ia", is symbolized by "+•*". I t consists of a series of
alternations followed by a short scalar run ("carrerilla"). Ferntfndez
suggests that the number of alternations should vary in accordance with
the amount of time to be filled.*®® He provides only two realizations
of i t , beginning on the tftumb and on the index finger. Again, assuming
this ornament to be an extension of the single alternating "trinado",
the version beginning on the middle finger would employ the upper
• ■^ *
neighbour-note; as I have shown in square brackets in musical example
13(d). Even though Fernindez defines a symbol for the "trinado de
ca rrerilla ", he does not employ i t in any of the pieces in his two
published volumes.
The f if t h type of ornament, the "arpeado", assumes three forms
which Fernindez calls "sencillo", "doble", and "largo". His comments
are very brief. He likens the "sencillo" to a caress of the strings and
he states that the "doble" and "largo" should be acommodated to the
» requirements of the measure.*®® Each form can be applied to the three
voicings of the root-position triad (i.e., "quinta", "sexta alta", and
"sexta baja"), as shown in musical example 13(e). Unfortunately
Fernandez does not provide a symbol for the "arpeado"; nor does he
recomnend where one should use this ornament.
The remaining three harp sources fa il to explain their

j.
ornaments. The symbols themselves suggest some sort of neighbour-note
a lte rn a tio n . In the f i r s t section of E Mn M.816 (i';e., f . lr -2 7 r ) the
« ornaments are notated as "/wo ", "tr-", and "tr". The fact that a ll
the symbols sometimes appear in the same piece seems to imply that they
each have a different meaning. However no’ clear distinction emerges from
* :
325.
the durational or melodic patterns in the musical settings. Furthermore
notwithstanding the significance of the dot in Ferntfndez de Huete (1702 >
and 1704), there 1s probably no intended difference here between "tr-"
and "tr". In the few instances where "tr" appears, the copyist m # well
have omitted the dot Inadvertently. In the second section of E Mn M.816
(i.e ., f . 27v-39v) the only ornament symbol is "+". I t appears, in four

%
pieces, a ll of them "minuets".^® The anonymous US Wc Mk.290 employs
two ornament symbols. In most, of the manuscript the symbol is " ^ ".
Sometimes its cipher has not ope, but two, letter-symbols (i.e., "py" or
"yp"), which would indicate the fingering for the main note and the
auxiliary note. On f. 25v-32v the only ornament symbol i>s Since
the signs " and never appear in the same piece, they might have,
the same meaning in this manuscript. Finally in the anonymous E Be
M.741/22 the only ornament symbol is "+". The influence of French music
in Spain during the early 18th century raises the possibility that in
these three harp sources the sign "+" is a French ornament rather than a
Spanish "trinado". In France during the 17th and 18th centuries a cross
("+") was use<| to represent various types of upper-note t r i l l s , known
collectively as "tremblements" or "cadences". On the other hand, there
iis no mention in Spain of upper-note t r i l l s on the harp. Thus i t would
seem more lik e ly that a ll the ornaments in the Spanish harp sources are
supposed to begin on the main note (and on the beat), as in FernSndez
de Huete (1702). Furthermore the given fingering almost certainly
determines the form: an ornament beginning on the thumb would include
the lower neighbour-note, while an ornament beginning on the index
finger or middle finger would include the upper neighbour-note.
• A . ■ ■ " .
326.
Notes to Chapter Six
1. General studies of the harp include Rosl.vn Rensch, The harp.

t Its history, technique, and repertoire (London, 1969); Joan
Rimmer, "Harps in the Baroque era1', PROCEEDINGS OF THE ROYAL
MUSICAL ASSOCIATION 90 (1963-1964), pp. 59-75; Hans Joachim
Zingel, Harfe und Harfenspiel vom Beqinn des 16. bis ins zweite
D ritte l des 18. Jahrhunderts (Halle, 1932; reprinted Laaber, ‘
1979); and Hans Joachim Zingel, Harfenspiel in Barockzeitalter
(Regensburg, 1974). A very b rief survey of the harp in Spain is
given by Macario Santiago Kastner, "Harfe und Harfner in der
iberischen Musik des 17. Jahrhunderts", in Natalicia
* musicologica Knud Jeppesen septuaqenario colleqis obiata, edited
by Bjdrn Hjelmborg and Sdren S0rensen (Copenhagen, 1962),
pp. 165-172. I have hot had the opportunity of,consulting the
study by Rafael P<Srez Arroyo, "El arpa de dos drdenes en
‘ Espana", REVISTA DE MUSICOLOGIA 2 (1979), pp. 89-107.
2. "Una cddula de pago a favor de Martfnez miisico de arpa de la

serenfssima princesa [Juana] de Portugal, a quien su magestad
hace merced y limosna." SIMANCAS, Archivo General, Casa Real
legajo 41; as quoted in Santiago Kastner, "Relations entre la
musique instrumentale frangaise et espagnole au XVIe si&cle",
ANUARIO MUSICAL 10* (1955), p. 102.
3. "Los ratos que del dfa me quedaban, despuds de haber dado lo

que convenfa a los mayorales, a capataces y a otros
jornalqrOs, los entretenfa en ejercicios que son a las
• doncellas tan Ifc ito s como necesarios, como son los que ofrece
la aguja y la almohadilla, y la rueca muchas veces; y si alguna,
■
’ por recrear el cfnimo, estos ejercicios dejaba, me acogfa al
entretenimiento de leer aTgdn lib ro devoto, o a tocar una arpa,
porque la experiencia me monstraba que la mdsica compone los
dnimos descompuestos y a liv ia los trabajos que nacen del
espfritu." Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El inqenioso hidalgo
Don Quixote de la Mancha pt. I (Madrid, 1605) chap. 28; modern
edition by Luis Andrds Murillo (Madrid, 1978) vol. 1, pp. 348-
( 349; English translation by Samuel Putnam (New York, 1949)
vol. 1, p. 236. • -
4. Viaje a' Espafia de un embaxador enviado por Mule.y Ismael a Carlos

Segundo, y observaciones que hace en todo lo que vi<5, E Mn Mss
Gg.192; modern edition in French translation by H. Sauvaire,
Voyage en.Espagne d'un ambassadeur marOcain (1690-1691) traduit
_ de 1 arabe (Paris, 1884), pp. 227-228; excerpt in English ——
translation by Frederick Martens, "The musical observations of a
Moroccan ambassador (1690-1691)", MUSICAL QUARTERLY 15 (1929),
pp. 578-579. Martens does not quote the original and he fa ils
to acknowledge the modern French edition.
5. "Es [el arpa] uno de los instrumentos eclesiSstijcos; pues=en
Espafia est£ tan introducido en las iglesias, para acompafiar las
capillas, que es poco menos, que el drgano, . . . " Pablo
Nassarre, Escuela mflslca, segdn la prdctica moderna vol. 1 '
(Zaragoza, 1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 18, p. 331.
6. "Es el arpa entre los instrumeritos de Cuerdas de nervio, eT que

deve tener el primer lugar, ya por su ampliacidn, y ya por feu
* ‘ gran resonancia; pues en uno, y otro excede a todos los demds
instrumentos de cuerda de las de su materia, de quantos se«
practican en este tiempo Es mds resonante que qualquiere
otro, pues se acompafian las capillas de milsicos con dT, por, .
tener sufe vozes bastante cuerpo para ello ; . . . " Nassarre/vol. 1
(1724.) Bk. IV, chap. 15, p. 458.^
7. "Organista Miguel Temudo con el salario que tiene y que se le

a den cinquenta reales [ i . e . , 1,700 "maravedfs"] para cuerdas por
las que ha gastado en la harpa." BADAJOZ, Archivo de la
Catedral, Actas Capitulares (dated June 22, 1661); as
transcribed in Santiago Kastner, "La mdsica en la Catedral be
Badajoz (afios 1520-1764)", ANUARIO MUSICAL 15 (1960), p. 76.
8. "A Agustfn de Valladares se le recibe por mdsico de contralto,

harpistaVi^y ayuda de drgano." BADAJOZ, Archivo de la Catedral,*
Actas Capitulares (dated:September 28, 1685); as transcribed in
Kastner (19.63), p. 22 8/
9. VALENCIA, Archivo de la Catedral vol. 3183, f r 379 (dated

February 15, 1703); according to Arsenio Garcfa-Ferreras, - •
Juan Bautista Cabanilies. * SeituLeben und Werk (Die Tientos *.
fflr Orqel) (Regensburg,‘ 1973), p. 25. Further information about
Rodrfguez is given in Josd Climent, "Organistas-valenc-ianos de
los siglos XVII y X V III. Organistas de la £atedral", ANUARIO
MUSICAL 17 (1962), pp. 191-193. '
10. E Mav 2-196-39; as transcribed in N.D. Shergold and'

J.E. Varey, "Documentos sobre los autos sacramentales en Madrid
hasta 1636", REVISTA DE LA BIBLIOTECA ARCHIVCU.Y MUSEO 24 (1955),
p. 282. ; '
11.- E Mah Protocolos de Juan Garcfa de Albert^s:r^l644;/as

summarized in Cristdbal Pdrez .Pastor, Nuevos d ato / acerca
del histrionismo espaiiol en los sffrjos XVI y Xl^TI vol. 2
(Bordeaux, 1914), p. 129. .
12: Luis Venegas de Henestrosa (compiler), Libro de c ifra nueva

* para tec!a, harpa, y vihuela (Alcald de Henares, 1557) v modern
edition by Higinio Anglds, MME 2 (Barcelona, 1944). Antonio.de
CabeztSn, Obras de mtisica para tec)a arpa y vihuela, . . .
Recopiladas y uuestas eh cigra pop. Hernando de Cabecon su hi jo
(Madrid, 1578); modern edition by-Higinio Angles, MME 27-29-
(Barcelona, 1966). These sources are discussed below in chap. 7.
13. Manuel Rodrfguez Coelho, Flores de mdsica: pera o instrumento
de tecla, & harpa (Lisbon, 1620); modern edition by Macario
Santiago Kastner, PQRTUlALIAE MUSICA 1 and 3 (Lisbon, 1959 and
1961).
4*
14. Nassarre voV. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 19 "Del provecho, y

u tilidad, que sirve en el arpa la trasportacidn de los tonos, >
r de los modos que se-figura la mdsica para e lla , y del modo de
tempi aria", pp. 347-351. The three types of s ta ff notation are
described below, pt. IV, pp. 989-990.
15. "Usase en muchas iglesias cathedrales de el instrumento de el

arpa, teniendo miisico dedicado, s<51o para e lla ; y como
ordinariamente es su admissidn por examen, dird aquf el orden
* que se deve guardar en £1.
"En dos circupstancias deven ser singulares los arpistas, en
las quales deven poner toda atencidn los que examinan. La una
es la execuci<5n en quanto al pulsar el instrumento; y la otra
en quanto el acompafiar___
. . . deven ser preferidos todos aquellos que tuvieren mayor
0 destreza en e l acompananuento, aunque sean algo menos en la
exefcucidn de el tocar suelto, que otros." Nassarre vol. 2
(1723) Bk. IV,' chap. 20 "De;el .orden que se ha de guardar en los
exSmenes detodo especie de mdsica", pp. 492-493.
Joseph de Torres y Martfnez Bravo, Reqlas generales de

acompafiar, en-drgano, clavicordio, y harpa, con sdlo saber
cantar la parte, o un baxo en canto.'figurado (Madrid, 1702)
‘‘Aprobacidn de don Juan de.Navas, Jjcjypista~de la real capilla
de su magestad" (dated Madrid,'Ttbruary 26, 1702), p. ix . -
- • 17. Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz, y norte musical, para caminar por1’
las cifras de la guitarra espanola, y arpa, tafier, y cantar a
compds por canto de drgano (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition,
Geneva, 1976). NSee above, chap. 5, pp. 167-169.
7 h
18. " . . . hasta aquf-no ha sido otra mi intenci|5n que dar a
•entender las cifras que’se escriven para tafier estos
instrumentos, con cuya inteligencia podrd qualquiera entrar
practicando, y tafiendo, para cuyo exerpicio hallard muchas
obras inpressas para ambos instrumentos, . . . para-el arpa [ha
impresso] Ahdrds Llorente otro [lib ro ] que le in titu la
Melodfas mdsicas: y Juan del Bado trata de imprimir para el
arpa, y no ay-duda que si lo haze, serdn sus obras muy selectas
y de estimar; y caso que no se puedan aver estas obras, ofrezco
algunas. para despuds de este lib ro , . . . han de lograr alguna
estimacidn, siquiera por el trabajo que he tenido en recoger*las,
aavirtiendo, que son de los mej.ores autores que al presente se
hall an." Ruiz de Ribayaz (167.7) chap. 8, pp. 31-32.
329.
19. Diego Fernandez de Huete, Compendio numeroso de zifras

armdnicas, con thetirica, y prkctica, para harpa de una
orden, de dos drdenes,y de drgano, compuesto por don Diego
Fernd[n]dez de Huete, harpista de la santa iglesifr de Toledo,
primada de las Espaflas. Y le dedica, y consagra al rey nuestro
sefior. Por mano del excel entfssimo~sefior conde de Benavente',
sumiller de corps. Primera parte (Madrid, 1702). All my ~
references are to the exemplar preserved at E Mn R.11075. I t is
described in Higinio Anglds and Josd SubirS, Catdlogo
musical de la Bib!ioteca Nacional de Madrid vo l. 3 (Barcelona,
19511, pp. 101-102. ! ~
20. FernSndez de Huete (1702) "Suma del p rivileg io ", f . *3v; and
"Fee de erratas", f . *4r.
21. Diego Ferndndez de Huete, Compendio numeroso de zifras

armdnicas, con thedrica, y prdctica, para harpa de una
ordetV, de dos drdenes, y de drqapo, compuesto por don Diego
primada de las Espafias. Y le dedic?Ka nT.uestra! seflora del

saqrario. Por mano del emtinentfsi . nto. sefior don Luis Manuel
parte (Madrid, 1704). All my references are to the exemplar

preserved at E Mn R.11076. I t is dgscribed in Anglds and
SubirS vol. 3 (1951), p. 103.
22 . Ferndndez de Huete (1704) "Eminentfssimo senor",.f. * lr - * lv ;

and "Suma de la tassa", f . *2v.
23. "Todo el trabajo se reduze a tres cuerpos, o tomos, y cada uno

de ellos, se subdivide en tres libros; y lo contenido en este
primero, reconocerds por el fndice: los otros dos que ya
«5Stdn conclufdos en el estudio, y saldrdn a luz muy
brevemente, se componen de sones de palacio, canciones de
clarines, passacalles por diversos tdrminos, reglas de .
acompahar, y obras'qlue^pertenecen a el culto divino."
Ferndndez de Huete (1702) "Prdlogo al lector", f . *7r-*7v.
The "clarfn" was an early type of trumpet:
"CLARIN.... Trompa de bronce derecha, que desde la boca por
donde se toca hasta el extremo por donde sale la voz, va
igualmente ensanchdndose, y el sonido que despide es mui agudo.
Suele tambidn hacerse con dos o tres vueltas, para que despida
mejor el aire: y assf se usan modernamente.. . . "Diccônario
de la lenqua castellano, . . . por la Real Academia Espahola vol.. 2
(Madrid, 1729; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1964), p. 368. .
Clarion songs would be settings which imitate the clear sound,
triad ic fanfares, and repeated notes of the "clarfn". .An
example.for "punteado" guitar is found in Gaspar Sanz,
Instruccidn de mdsica sobre la quitarra espaflola (Zaragoza,
1674; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1952) "Clarines y trompttas",
f . 49r.
' ,i j '■' * ■ ' ■ ■ ' ' ' : - ■ ■ - ■ >■ ■ ■ . . ■ ■ ■
330.
24. "Por mandado dejvuestra alteza he visto ‘ El compendio numeroso.

de zifras armdnicas, para harpa de una orden, de dos drdenes, y
para drgano1. Compuesto por don Diego de Huete, harpista de la
santa iglesia de Toledo, que le reduce, para mds fd cil manexo,
a tres partes, y cada una de ellas^lai subdivide en tres
.libros; . . . " Ferndndez de Huete (1702) "Aprobacidn de don Juan
de Nabas, harpista de la real capilla, ycdmara de su magestad"
• (dated Madrid, August 6, 1700)., f . *3r.
25. ".... aviendo aprehendido lo poco que sd, de los mejores

maestros de Espana, y procurado no deslucir su doctrina en el
exercicio de treinta anos . . . " Ferndndez de Huete (1702)
"Prdlogo al lector", f . *6v. In volume 2 he writes: " . . . me
parecid era loable manifestar para provecho de otros, lo que he
estudiado en-treinta anos, assf.en la armonfa de diferentes
tafiidos, cofno en el modo de acompafiar; . . . " Ferndndez de Huete
(1704) "Introduccidn", pp. 1-2. ,
26. • TOLEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, . Actas’ Capitulares ndmero 46,

f . 129r; according to Louis Jambou, "Andrds Lorente,
compositeur. Essai d'identification de la tablature du Ms.
M.1358 de la Biblioth&que Nationalede Madrid", MELANGES DE LA
CASA DE VELAZQUEZ 12 (1976), p. 263.
27. "En 5 de agosto de 1697 se libraron a Diego Ferndndez de Huete

arpista desta sancta yglesia ducientos y veinte rreales de
velldn que valen siete mil quatrocientos y ochenta maravedfs
por los mismos que por decreto del cardenal mi sefior'de dos de
este presente mes manda se le den de ayuda de costa por una
vez." TOLEDO, Archivo de Ta Catedral, Libro de gastos del and
1697, f . 133; as copied by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14029'
UOD.
28. "En 24 de septiembre de 1700 se libfaron a don Diego de Huete
arpista de esta sancta yglesia cinquenta ducados de velldn que
valen 11,750 [ i . e . , 18,750] maravedfs por los mismos que por
decreto de el eminentfsimo sefior cardenal Portocarrero
arzobispo de Toledo mi sefior de 22 deste presente miss y afio
manda se le dan de ayuda de costa por una vez." TOLEDO, Archivo
de la Catedral, Libro de gastos del afio 1700, f . 134; as copied
by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14029 (102). *
29. "Instancia de don Franciso Ferndndez de Huete paraique se le

jure en la plaza de arpista de cdmara de la reina, que dice
haber servido ocho afios con puntualidad sin gajes ni racidn.
' El marquds de los Balbases, mayordomo mayor de la reina,
infdrma que nunca ha habiHo ta l oficio en la cdmara de la reina
y pide que se le excluya. {
Son admitidos el archilaild y vihuela de arco." E Mp, ’
document dated January 4, 1696; as summarized by Barbieri in, E Mn
Barbieri Mss 14029 (100). . ‘
30. E Mn M.816 [Cifras para arpa, de fines del siglo-XVII a
k principios del XVIII (procede de A vila)1. An inventory is given
in Angles and Subird vol. 1 (1946), pp. 346-347. They l i s t
only 33 pieces because they omit the following untitled works:
"[Otras siguidillas]" D-392, “[No t i t l e given]" D-493, and
"[Pasacalle]" P-191.
'31^-' E Mn M.816 “Ay de pasidn" (solo humano de Dur<5n), f . 33r-34v;

f'"' and “Que quieres amor mal trata'rme" (otro torio umano de Dur<5n),
f.- 36v-37v. In both settings the lyrics are written out below
the tablature.
32. US Wc Mk.290 [Libro de c if r a l.
33. US Wc Mk.290 "Pero queues esto que yrd" (rec ita[d ]o ), f . 10v;
and “Que digo yo que puedo amar" (recita[d]o ),' f . 13r-l3v.
34. E Be M.741/22 [F ollias, b allets, sardanas, contradansas,

minuets, balls, pasapies, y m o lta s litre s cosas de aguell
temps v e il, que ara son poch usadas, pero ab to t son bom'cas'
y molt alegres]. ~ ' : ”
35. " . . . si atendemos para la augmentacidn de los tonos, a las

formaciones de los d'iapasones, veremos, que en cado uno de e ll os
puede ser formado (a lo menos) por siete, u ocho diferentes . /
signos, naturales; y accidentales, como el curioso lo podrS ver
en mi lib ro de z ifra de drgano, cuyo tftu lo es, Melodfas
mdsicas, prdctica del drgano, y del arpa^: . . . " Andrds
Lorerite, El parqud de la mtisica, en que se contiene los
quatro artes de el1a, canto llano, canto de drgano, •
contrapunto, y composicidn (Alcald de Henares; 1672) Bk. IV,
chap. 52, p. 621.
36. "No trato en este volumen de los inventores de los demds

. instrumentos, por quanto ..van puestos en mi Libro de drgano,
donde el curioso podrd ver la multitud de instrumentos, que ha
avido, y ay; donde trato de ellos en comdn: y en^particular
(por admiracidn) de el drgano cdlebre, que el aho passado de
1670 hizo (a los veinte y un anos de su edad) don Juan de .
Andueza, natural de la v illa de Lerfn (en el reyno de Navarra)
en la iglesia magistral de San Justo, y San Pastor, de la muy
noble v illa de Alcald de Hfenares, de quien soy indigno
prebendado: . . . " Lorente (1672) Bk. I I , chap. 42, p. 218. Two
other references to this book in Lorente (167jz), p. xx and
Bk." I , chap. 12, p. 18, do not provide any^fdrther information.
37. Jambou (1976), pp. 251-269. The keyboard source E Mn M.1358

is discussed below in the following chapter.
38. See Louis Jambou, "Andrds Lorente (15/4/1624 - 22/12/1703).

Datos biogrdficos - semblanza", TES0R0 SAfcRO MUSICAL 59 (1976),
pp. 67-78;
39.. " . . . para escusar confussidn, y prolixidad a los nuevos
estudiantes, les bastard entender solamente dichos ochos tonos:
como ensefta don Juan del VadO, organista que fue de la real
capilla de su magestad, en un quaderno manuescrito^de Reglas de
acompafiar." Torres y Martfnez Bravo (1702) Bk. I , chap. 5,
p. 9. Another b rief reference to Vado's treatise occurs in
Torres y Martfnez Bravo (1702) Bk. I l l , chap. 9, p. 103.
40. E Mp legajq 1135; as summarized by Josd Subird, "La mdsica

en la Real Capilla madrilena y en el Colegio de Ninos Cantorcicos
Apuntes histdricos".ANUARIO MUSICAL 14 (1959), pp. 211 and 212.
41. MADRID, Parroquia de San Martfn, Libro de Defunciones vol. 8;

as summarized by Josd Subird, "Necrologias musical es madrilenas
(ados 1611-1808)", ANUARIO MUSICAL 13 (1958), p. 207.
42. Lists of the royal chapel in E Mp; as summarized by Subird '

(1959), p. 213 and Edmond van der Straeten, Les musiciens
nderlandais en Espaqne vol. 2 (Brussels, 1888), p. 441.
43. Francisco Vails, Mapa armdnico prdctfbo, E Mn M.1071 chap. 18

"Varios fragmentos sacados de obras de diferentes autores
espanol^s, en sus manoescritos, donde se hallardn practfcadas
diversidad de agudezas, que los muy rfgidos condenan, en
otros, de licencias", f . 126v-127r.
44. "Invencidn nueva es bemoles y sfemitonos con anadidas y

en'tretegidas cuerdas en las harpas, . . . " Luiz Zapata,
Misceldnea, E Mn.Mss 2790 "De invenciones nuevas"; modern
edition in MEMORIAL HIST0RIC0 ESPAN0L 11 (Madrid, 1859), p. 356.
*■45. . "DOROTEA. Sdlo no tengo de mdsica el excuSarme, porque me

fa lte todo. Dame aquella harpa, . . . \ -
BELA. Las dos drdenes hacen mds fSciles los bemoles."

Lope Fdlix de Veâ Carpio, La Dorotea. Accidn en prosa fMadrid,
1632) Act I I , scene 5; modern edition by Edwin S. Morby (Madrid,
1980), p. 191. \
46. Ruiz de Ribayaz ( m ) chap. 5 ''En que se habla del arpa de dos
drdenes, y de la/formacidn, y nombres de las cuerdas della",
p. 22; and Ferndndez de Huete (1702) chap. 7 "De los ntimeros
con que se seiialan las cuerdas de la segunda orden, / modo de
usar de ellos", pp. 11-12. Both theorists use ciphers rather,
than pitch-names to refer to the strings. In t4he diagram given
by Ruiz some of the chromatic notes are misplaced, but his
verbal explanation is accurate. :>
Ruiz de Ribayaz (1-677) chap. 9 "En que se cifran Itwîassacalles

de que se ha hecho relacidn atrds", p. 37.
48. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) "Demostracidn", p. 145.
49. "Divfdese este instrumento del 'arpa ' en dos drdenes \le
cuerdas, siendo su modo de proceder como en el drganoj La
primera orden de dste, como la de las tec!as blancas ae aqudl;
y la segunda orden, como las teclas negras." Nassarri vol. 1
. (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 18, p. 331. 1
50. "Lo sonoro, y perfecto del harpa de dos drdenes, va‘ desterrando
el uso de las que tienen una sola; . . . " Ferndndez de Huete
(1702) "Prdlogo al lector", f . *7r.
»
51. "Es moderno el uso del 'arpa' de dos drdenes: pues aunque de
muchos anos atrds se usava este instrumento, pero era tan
solamente de una orden, formados en e lla los sonidos naturales,
que corresponden a cada signo, semejantes al orden de las teclas
blancas del drgano, . . . " Nassarre vol. 1 11724) Bk. I l l ,
chap. 19, pp. 342-343.
/•
52. The eight modes fo r instrumental polyphony are discussed in

Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 15 "Del conocimiento de
los ocho tonos naturales en canto de drgano, assf para lo
que se canta, como para el drgano", pp. 313-315.
'53. " . . . y quando en las tales arpas [deuna orden] se avfa de

tocar algdn 'tono', que necessitasse tener 'bemol', como
'sexto', o 'segundo', abaxando la cuerda de 'befabemi' al 'tono'
natural, del ' f a ' , y para el 'octavo tono', .la cuerda que
corresponde a 'fe fa u t', se subfa al tOno del »wstenido, y de
este modo se perfeccionavan los 'diapasones', subiendo, o
baxando las cuerdas, que eran necessarias, segdn el .tdrmiiip
por donde se avfa de tocar, .... aunque era preciso, que los «
. puntos accidentales, como 'bemol' y 'ûstenidos', por cada -
'tono' se supliessen, echdndolos fuera, o violentando la cuerda
con la ufSa, o poniendo una cuerda en el 'tono', sin tocar sus
octavas; . . . " Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 19, ,p. 343.
- • , ■ ' ’ ■ .■ ■
54. Ferndndez de Huete (1702) "Ipdice por abecedario de lo que

contiene esta primera parte, con advertencias de 10s modos de
templar para su execucidn en harpa de una orden", pp. 23-30;
and Ferndndez de Huete (1704) "indice de lo que se compone esta
segunda parte, con lafs' prevenciones que son menester para su
execucidn", pp. 16-23.
55. "PaTa, formar los semitones sefiales, b, #, en la cuerda que

* qualquiera dellas estubiere sea de poner el deido acerca de las
clavijas." Alonso Mudarra, "Tiento. Cifras para harpa y
drgano", in his Tres libros de mdsica en cifras para vihuela
(S ev ille, "1546) Bk. I l l , f . 61r; facsimile of this page included
in the modern edition by Emilio -Pujol, MME 7 (Barcelona, 1949),
pi. 6 following p. 99.
c
334.
56. saber que los sustenidos, y bemoles, quando se hazen con la

mano izquierda, se arrima el fndice de dicha mano a la cuerda
en que se haze dicho bemol, o sustenido* por junto a la cabega
de dicha arpa, y se hiziere con el largo: y quando se han de hazer
con la mano derecha, ha de ser arrimanab el dedo pul gar de la
izquierda tambi^n por junto a la cabega-Xla cyerda en que se
senala, y herirlas con el largo, o el fndi&er'de la derecha, que
se hallare m£s cercano." Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 16, p. 64.
57. "Las guatro rayuelas cruzadas, significan susterndos, que se ha

de hazer; en el uno con puntillo, poniendo/efl dedo pul gar de la
mano izquierda debaxo de la cuerda de dicho uno, junto a la
cabega 'de el harpa, y se aprieta un poquito, y tocjarla con el
dedo largo de la mano derecha, o con el que corresponda a la
Ifnea donde estuviere; . . .
. . . y en la raya quarto de abaxo, que corresponde a la mano
izquierda, se haze poniendo el dedo fndice debaxo de la cuerda
. que tuviere sustenido, que son las quatro rayuelas cruzadas, y
se pone el dedo pegado § la cabega del harpa, y se aprieta un
poquito para hazer el sustenido; y el dedo largo ha de estar
algo mSs baxo, para que suene quando la toque", porque si esta '*
junto a el dedo que haze el sustenido, no sonarS. Si'tuviere
una B algdn siete, y estuviere en qualquiera de las-tres
Ifneas de la mano derecha, se/haze entrando el dedo pulgar de
la mano izquierda en el seis,/ en la forma que se dixo. en el uno:
y si huviere algdn quatro con una B se haze entrando el dedo
pulgar en el tres; y estando en la de abaxo, se haze entrando el
dedo fndize de la mano izquierda; porque aunque tienen bemoles,
sirven de sustenidos." Ferndndez de Huete (1702) chap. 3 "De
las senales de sustenidos, y bemoles, para una orden, y modo de
^ hazerlos", pp. 5-6. At the beginning of the second paragraph i
have omitted the phrase "En otros ndmeros, que se pueden ofrecer
en las tres rayas de la mano derecha," because i t obscures the
system of fingering which he intends, as shown in the following
- note.
* 58. " . . . quando estd alguno de estos ndmeros [ i . e . , accidentals]

en las tres Ifneas de arriba, se supla con el pulgar de la mano
5 izquierda, y si en la Ifnea de abaxo, con el fndice de dicha
mano." Ferndndez de Huete (1704) "Aviso importante para
acompafiar en una orden", p. 12. The top three lines of harp
tablature indicate right-hand plucking, while the lowest line
indicates left-hand plucking.
p 175 ,59\ At the same time he acknowledges that harps often lack the two
additional chromatic strings in the bass: " . . . en’ este quatro
. [i.e., which stands for the pitch 'bb l , a ninth below
middle ' c ' ] , suele empegar la segunda orden de las harpas,
aunque muchas tienen essotros dos bordones [ i . e . , and
1 -L^ ' , which stand for the pitches. 'g# ' and ' f * ' , an eleventh and
• / twelfth below middle ' c ' ] ; . . . " FernSndez de Huete (1702)
chap. 7, p. 12. ,
335.
60. "Pedro de la Torre, criado de vuestra illu strfsim a, dice que dl

a benido de Madrid a serblr a vuestra illustrfsim a y a esta
santa iglesia de mdsico de archil add, de que a dado muestra en
esta octava de el Corpus. .
Suplica a vuestra illustrfsim a le aga merced de admitirle y
recevirle, sefialdndole salario competente para con dl poder
serbir con mucha puntualidad a vuestra illustrfsim a y a esta
santa ig lesia, . . .
[Marginal note.] En cabildo, 7 junio 1641, que se le den
quatrocientos reales de la obra por una vez, para que se buelva
Madrid, atento que este instrumento suena'poco en tan grande ‘
ig lesia." E Mah Seccidn de Clero, legajo 7215; as transcribed
by Jaime Moll, "Documentos para la historia de la mdsicp de la
Catedral de Toledo", Y\NUARI0 MUSICAL 13 (1958), p. 164.
61. " . . . la gran necesidad que hay de acompafiamiento general en la

ca p illa , pues desde que vuestra senorfa, por sus justos
motivos, extinguid las arpas se experimenta una grande e
intolerable inarmonfa en la mdsica, no pudiendo las voces
mantenerse firmes y constantes sin acompafiamiento robusto que
las sujete, ..."GRANADA, Archivo d e l a Catedral 1-36-14; as
transcribed and translated into English by Josd.Ldpez-Calo,
"The Spanish Baroque and Franciso Vails", MUSICAL TIMES 113
(1973), pp. 353-354.
62. "SPANISH HARP (1 ). Length of belly 4 fe e t, 6 inches; length of

bow including head 4 fe e t, 10 inches; breadth of belly at top
5 inches, at breech 1 foot, 6 inches; depth of instrument 1 foot
1 inch." OXFORD, Christ Church Library, Music Ms 1187; as
transcribed in Joan Rimmer, "James Talbot's manuscript (Christ
Church Library Music Ms 1187). VI Harps", GALPIN SOCIETY
JOURNAL 16 (1963), p. 67.
63. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) "Demostracidn del arpa de dos drdenes,

y forma para practicar el diapagda", p. 104. Although Ruiz
seems to present a lateral view of the instrument, the sound-
holes in his drawing indicate that he has also attempted to show
the upper surface of the sound-chest. ' . I
64. Zingel (1974), pi. 10. • ' '

65. " . . . dird aora como se deve fabricar [el arpa] por sus partes:
es la del 'concavo' la mds p rin c ip a lly en la qua! "consiste la
bondad del todo del instrumento; . . . Ha de labrar dos piezas lo
primero, que tengan de 'lo n g itu d ', Jo que el 'concavo' ha de
tener de 'la titu d ! ; la una, para que sirva de vasa a la parte
in fe rio r; y la otra, para la parte superior: han’ de ser en
proporcidn desigual, pues la superior, en quanto a la
'longitud' no ha de ser mds que la quinta parte de la in fe rio r,
que es proporcidn 'quintupla'. La 'la titu d ' de cada una ha de
estar en proporcidn 'dupla' con la 'lo n g itu ^ , no teniendo de
ancho mds que la mitad de la largueza. . . . ' ^ y :
.336.
Conclufdas estas dos piezas, se hari de labrar siete de la

longitud de poco mds de siete quartas (si el arpa htiviere de
ser crecida, aviendo de estar en el tono natural para poder
acompaffar capilla con el l a ) . . . .
Hecho todo esto, queda todo el 'concavo' formado en las /
proporciones que dird: considerado el un extremo con el otro,
^ ha de estar en proporcidn 'quintupla' su 'la titu d ', teniendo
cinco partes de ancho e l extremo in fe rio r, y una el superior.
Considerado la 'hondura' del 'concavo' con.la 'la titu d ' ha de
estar en proporcidn 'dupla'. Estas son unas proporciones que ;
.no sdlo hazen el instrumento sonoro, y perfecto, sino tambidn
armonioso a la vista. Sea la arpa pequena, o sea grande, en el
concavo siempre se han de observar estas proporciones, y para
que se puede proporcionar la la titu d , y profundidad del
'concavo' (segun la longitud de que se quisiere hazer)
obsdrvese la proporcidn 'dupla superbipartiens te r tia s ',
comparada la 'largueza' del 'concavo', conN1a 'anchura' por la
parte in ferio r de d l, que es ocho partes de largo, y tres de
ancho; pero esta proporcidn no es de las mds sonoras, aunque
teniendo de la la titu d , y profundidad, como he dicho, no dexard '
de ser sonoro el instrumento; pero soy de opinidn, que serd
mucho mds sonorO, si a ocho partes-de 'longitud' se le dan
quatro de. ' l a t i t u d ' , por e l extremo baxo, aunque parezca a la
vista tierte mucho cuerpo el instrumento." Nassarre vol. 1 (1724),
Bk. IV, chap. 15 "De las proporciones que deven observar los
a rtffice s en las fdbricas^de los instrumentos arpa, vihuelas,
guitarras, y todo instrumento de arco", pp. 458-459.
66. • "Dispuesta ya la tapa como he dicho, se han de abrir a igual

distancia todos los ahugerillos, donde seasseguren las
cuerdas, .... Para abrirlos .iguales se ha de t ir a r una recta 'Ifnea'
de un extremo a 6tro de la tapa, para que sirva de govierno. Esta
. 'Ifnea' no serd yerrO, el que estd inclinada mds a la mano
siniestra en las arpas de dos drdenes, para que la de la segunda
orden estd proporcionadamente mds inclinada azia la mano
diestra, de modo que el.medio de la tapa, sea el medio de las dos
drdenes." Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. IV, ,chap. 15, p. 460.
67. "Cerrado ya .el 'concavo', se podrd hazer la pieza del

clavigero, la qual importa Vea de madera fuerte; y si el arpa
huviere de ser grande teridra* de larga como tres quartasVo poco
menos, y de gruessa, despuds de labrada, dos dedos, y de ancha,
poco menos de tres. Se ha de hazer por medio corvada, para que
• las cuerdas puedan llegar al tono natural: por el extremo
posterior, se ha de asseguran con una espiga que entre en la
pieza del ' sectavo' , con el arte , que levante por el extremo
anterior, mds que por el posterior dos dedos poco mds, o
menos. Tambidn preveng<J| que ha de levantar^gsta pieza de la
, caxa del arpa, tanto que la cuerda mds delgada tenga de largo,
desde la tapa a la c la v ija , un geme poco mds, o menos; y la
primera por la parte baxa, o mds .gruessa poco mds de siete
quartas.M Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. IV, chap. 15, pp. 460-461.
aTo express the given measurements in modern units, I have made
use-of^tfie conversion values suggested by Juan Vi 11asana Haggard,
Handbook fo r translators of Spanish historical documents,
assisted by Malcolm Dallas McLean (Oklahoma City, 1941).
68. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 7 "En que se da modo pana templar
el arpa con facilidad por los puntos de la guitarra", pp. 27-29.
69. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 8 "En que se.escrive el modo

ordinario con que se templa el arpa de dos /rdenes
generalmente", pp. 30-31. ^
70. Fernindez de Huete (1702) chap. -10 "Del modo de templar la

primera ortden" and "Modo de templar la segunda drden", ' ^
pp. 14-16 and p i. 2.
71. " . . . para .que la primera orden quede de modo, que digan bien
todas las consonancias, se ha de tener cuydado, que las quintas
altas, que son seis de rasgo, con dos de rasgo, tres llano con
seis de rasgo, siete con rasgo con tres devrasgo, quatro llano
con siete de rasgo, queden un poquito baxas, no cosa que
dissuenen, sino es tempiadas; y las quintas baxas, que son cinco
de rasgo con dos llano, y uno llano con cinco llano, han de
quedar un poquito mis altas, no cosa que dissuene, y todas.las
octavas afinadas." Fernindez de Huete (1702) chap. 13 "De
' algunas advertencias generales, para mayor perfeccidn, y
j claridad de lo dicho", p. 19. For the octave-registers of the
! . pitches represented by the ciphers, see above musical example 11,
I pp. 303-305.
72. * " . . . si se ofreciere hazersaljgtfn quatro bemol, y no estuviere

baxado, se haze entrando el dedo en el tres un poquito mis
i abaxo, que como se dixo para hazer el sustenido, . . . " Fernindez
de Huete (1704) "Aviso importante para acompanar en una orden",
h . ■ ,p. "12.
■^ ^ »
| . 73. " . . . se advierte, que, para que los accidental esse puedan
l ^ executar con toda perfeccidn, en arpa de dos drdenes; y en
clavicordio, se ha de observar, que quando ayande servir los
bemoles de sustenidos, se baxen las comas que le sobran con las
terceras inferiores; y los sustenidos quando ayan deservir de
^ bemoles, se suban las comas, que les faltan con las quintas
.-superiores . Porque como niifa rque es semi tono mayor tiene cinco
i ' ) comas, y el semi tono nienor quatro, es mejor afinar las terceras,
y las quintas-, para mis perfeccidn." Fernindez de Huete
| (1704) Regia 2 "De los sustenidos y bemoles", p. 3.
74. Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 19, p. 352.
, v ^ '- '- ; ^ < r . V * " • -J V ,,^ ":-/ . r , * - • - - -, - .. v ' , '. . , ... .... ...,, • > . V:_ , . . . ,, j , . . . . . ^ - . ' ^ . . . ^ . V - . 1 - - V .-.V :-- f - * . . . *•;*'•••.:. ■, , * . • ? ! , - ..V ,.: — v , ' . . . . - . v , ' . - . ^ : , v , . - ■•
- ■■ • 338.
■■•■■ . V ■ v • ■ ■ *
75. " . . . para la ‘ arpa y clavicordio1 debe comengar [la afinacidn]
por la\cperda de ‘gesolreut1, el segundo contando por abaxo....
Con dstaTafinard despuds su tercerp mayor arriba, que es
‘ befabemi' , y despuds la quinta, que es 'delasolre'. Aunque
advierto, que fina la quinta todo lo que puede estar, se ha de
abaxar la cuerda a lta un poquito, de modo, que no se note
disonancia alguna, y esto se ha de executar en todas las
quintas, para que las terceras mayores vengan por todos los
tdrminos finas, aunque quando la quinta se afinare por abaxo,
esto es, que la cuerda baxa se huviere de afinar con la alta,
despuds de bien fin a , se ha de subir la baxa un poquito, al
contrario de quando es la alta la que se afina." Nassarre
vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 19, p. 352.
76. Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 18 "De cdmo en los

instrumentos del arpa, y clavicordio sq puede transportar cada
tono por doze partes", pp. 332-341. - .
77. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 5, pp. 2-1-22. Ferndndez de^

Huete (1702) chap. 1 "Explicacidn de los ndmeros, de que se ®
compone la z ifra del harpa de la primera orden", pp. 1-2;
chap. 7, p. 11; and p l^ 1. '„ •
78. In this regard the pieces given by Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)

contain many misprints. One fftdquent error is the omission of
dots for the octave-register above the one containing middle "c".
■$
79. For,example, in D-192, P-173, and P-190.
80. "...- para el arpa no usamos mds que de tres dedos de cada
mano, que son pulgares, fndices, y largo’s; . . . Ruiz de Ribayaz
(1677) chap. 9, p. 37.
®
81. From Ferndndez de Huete (1702) "La tarantela" (D-404 m.49-51),
p i, 22 m.4-6.
82. "La ciVra del arpa se escrive sobre quatro Ifneas; pdnense los
tres puntos que p.ertenecen a la mano derecha, sobre las tres de
arriba, para el dedo pylgar en la mds alta;'para el fndice en
la segunda inmedjata; y para el dedo largo-en la tercera
inmediata. Los puntos que se escriven en la mds baxa,
pertenecen todos a la mano izquierda; esto se.ha.de entender .
quando se tafien los puntos 11 enos." Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)
chap. 6 "En que se declara cdmo se ha de entenderi y cdmo se'^
escrive la c ifra de esta arpa", p. 23.
"En la z ifra ay quatro Ifneas, sobre que se escriven los
ndmeros, y empegando a contar desde arriba, a la primera toca
el dedo pulgar de la mano derecha, y a la segunda el dedo
fndize, y a. la tercera el largo, y a la quarta el dedo largo de
la mano izquierda; porque aunque se toca con tres dedos en
aquella raya sola, se advierte, y se incluyen los tres, poniendo
en le ndmero que estuviere en la Ifnea de abaxo el dedo
339.
l a r g o / . . . " Fernindez de Huete (1702) chap. 2 "De las Ifneas

en que se apunta la z ifr a " , p. 3.
83. "Para que con mis claridad se sepa con qui dedos se han de
V hazer las c a rre tilla s , y glossar con ambas manos, se escriven
las tres letras abaxo dedichas c a rre tilla s , o glossas, de la
suerte gue se senalan abaxo de la c a rre tilla de este passacalle
[P-148]^ para los dedos largos la - 'T para los fndices la
' y ' - y para los pulgares la ' p' - . Con esto no se puede
errar para glossas, y c a rre tilla s , pues denotan las letras los
dedos con que se han de herir aquellas cuerdas con quien se
hallaren." Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 6, p. 25. *
"Los tres dedos con que se toca el harpa, se serial an, el
pulgar con una P [ i . e . , ‘p’ ] el fndize con una Y [ i . e . , ' y' ] y
el largo con una L [ i . e . , ' I ' j c o n que se debe tocar cada
cuerda, con el dedo que eSti serial ado debaxo del ndmero: . . . "
Fernindez. de Huete (1702) chap. 4 "Explicacidn de la
ordenacidn de los dedos", p. 7. V
84.. " . . . si entre qualquieri1 de los ndmeros huviera una raya en

vesta forma 1— 1 explica,, que de la raya arriba corresponded la
mano derecho, y de la raya abaxo a la izquierda; y si ay dos
ndmeros con pulgar, y largo." Fernindez de Huete (1702)
chap. 2, p. 4. ^ '
85. "Muchas vezes be encuentran en la zifra., que'los ndmeros, que

estin en unas Ifneas, pertenecen a otros dedos de los que
quedan serial ados; en esta explicacidn se advierte, que esto
sdlo se haze, para que cada voz vaya cantando en su Ifnea;
pero en la execucidn se ha dd poner en la cuerda mis alta el.
pulgar de la mano derecha, en la menos alta el fndize, y en la
mis baxa el largo, . . . este segundo modo de z ifra es sdlo para
los que saben mdsica; y a los que no la saben no les sirva de
confussidn; porque para la execucidn, lo mismoes estar
trocados los dedos, que no estarlo." Fernindez de\Huete. (1702)
chap. 6 "De los dedos trocados", pp. 10-11.
86 . "Lavpr1mera [advertencia] es, que en una Ifnea de Vas tres de

arriba, que se ad vertiri en qua! van los ndmeros de la voz, .
que cahta el verso,--s in saltar a otra Ifnea,'con/su le tra debaxo
y en la Ifnea de abaxo, va el acbmpanamiento,: y en las otras
dos Ifneas van las vozes con algunas imitacioneS; pero ninguna
passa a otra Ifnea." Fernindez.de Huete (1704) "Advertencias,
para los ,que quieren aprehender versos", pp. 12-13.
87. "Aunque a la mano izquierda no s e l e serial a mis. que un ndmero,

que es el que toca rigurosamente.'siempre que tuviere lugar
entre mano, y mano-puede acompafiar para los puntos lienos con
los otros dos dedos, que son el fndice, y el pulgar, o ya
estendiendo Ta mano azia arriba para una quinta, con dicha mano%
que-se forma con los tres dedos, dexando entre cada uno una
cuerda: o ya para octavas azia abaxo, o azia arriba, con dichos
. -r— ; •
340.
tres dedos, que para formarla con dicha nano izquierda, quedan
en vacio.tres cuerdas entre el dedo largo (que es el que acude a
la forgosa) y el fndize; y dos entre el fndize, y,e l pulgar."
Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 6, p. 23. -
88. "El passacalle infraescrito, y casi todo lo que se tane en el

arpa, se compone de quintas, ddzimas, o sextas, que es todo
uno, y octavas; las quintas son aquellas que se taiien dexando
c dos cuerdas entre mano, y mano, y una entre dedo, y dedo de
ambas. Las ddzimas, o sextas, las que entre el dedo pulgar de
la mano derecha, y el fndice, queda una cuerda; y entre el
fndice y el largo de la mesma, dos; y entre mano, y mano,
quedan tres. Las octavas son, quando quedan entre el fndice, y
pulgar de la mano derecha dos cuerdas; y entre el fndice, y el
largo una cuerda, y otra entre ambas manos. Lldmanse repuesta
aquel punto que se tafie despuds del punto lleno con sola una
mano, o ya en cuerda sola, o ya acompaiiada: para mostrar porque
tal vez se hall a un ndmero solo, y se ha de taher con e? quinta,
ddzima, u octava, se pone para quando han de ser quintas una .-
'q 1 - para ddzimas, una 'd' y para octavas una - V - ." Ruiz
de. Ribayaz (1677) chap. 6, p. 25.
89. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 9, p. 36. This chart contains many
misprints, such as ,in the "o" and "s" forms of the G+ triad
(guitar symbol "1").
90. "Advidrtase, que la - *q' - - 'o' - - 's' - que indican’

quintas, octavas, y sextaS, seintroducirdn adelante entre las
Ifneas, respecto de que se ponen con puntos sencillos, para que
se conozca que en aquellos adonde se: figuran dichas letra s, se
ha de hazer sobre ellos, lo que indica la le tra , si es ' q'
quintas, si e s - V octavas, si e s - 's' - sextas; . . . " Ruiz de
Ribayaz (1677) "Sfguense los ecos segundos de la Luz, y norte
musical, en cifras para el arpa de dos drdenes; cffranse
diferentes tanidos", p. 105.
91. The three instances occur in his "Espaholetas" (D-78 m.29) and
"Marionas" (D-276 m.10 and m.18). The fourth instance TD-78
m.46) could accommodate either the interval of a f if t h or a
sixth above the bass.
92. Ferndndqz de Huete (1702), p i. 1.
93. " . . . p a r a los principiantes se ponen en las Ifneas los ndmeros*

en quinta, sexta alta, y sexta baxa, para que vean cdmo se han
de tocar a un tiempo, y del mismo modo en otras consonancias;
para hazerse, es mejor en cada de las tres explicadas hazer
mucho exercicio, hasta que se buelvan las manos con gran
promptitud, y se hieran las cuerdais a un tiempo, y claras, . . . "
Ferndndez.de Huete (1702) chapv^2, p. 4.
94. " . . . poniendo en el ndmero'que estuviere en la Ifnea de abaxo
el dedo largo, y si debaxo de 51 huviere una Q quiere dezir
quinta, y, si una 0 octava, y si S sexta, y se ha de entender,
que para hazer la quinta, se ha de contar desde la cuerda que
ocupa el dedo largo azia arriba, y entre el dedo largo, y el
fndize ha quedar una cuerda de por medio, y entre 5ste, y aj.
pulgar otra,-no contando las de la segunda orden; y la octava se
ha de contar en la misma forma, con advertencia, que desde el
dedo largo, a el'fnd jce, han de-quedar tres cuerdas de por
medio, y de el fndize a el pulgar, dos.- La postura de la
sexta, es en esta forma: el i'ndmero que estuviere en la raya
quarta, se toca con el dedo largo, y desde 51 a el fndice, ha
de quedar una'de por medio, y del fndice a el pulgar dos; m5s
esto se entiende quando ayan de ser conspnancias llenas, y para .
conogarlo se pondrd un punto a la Q ,en esta forma Q., y a la .0
y a la S y si no tuviere este punto, bastard tocar los dos
dedos, largo, y pulgar, en quinta, octava, y sexta, y sino ay
- letra alguna, se supone, que ha deser con el largo, . . . "
Fern5ndez de Huete (1702) chap. 2, pp. 3-4. V
95. "En aviendo al principio una C. es compasillo, en aviehdojuna Z
grande, es proporcidn, si huviere una 0 con u?i2k raya /
atravessada, y una Z grande, es proporcidn mayoryJy^S'Hhuviere
de a‘ seis, y de a-doze e»l compds', se advertir5 por le tra ."
Fernandez de Huete (1702) chap. 12 "De las apuntaciones de los '■
tiempos, para el compas, y sehales para las repeticiones", p. 17
96. "Para los que saben mdsica, se apuntan encimade los ndmeros,
las notas de e lla ; y para que aya menos, cqnforme la que se pone
primero, se ha de entender son las que se siguen, hasta que aya
otra diferente, y donde faltaren , es por ser, como las que ya
V van apuntadas, o. por ser tan claro el ayre con que se han de
tocar, que no es necessaria essa advertencia." Ferndndez de
*' Huete (1702) chap. 9 "Del ayre de tocar el harpa para los que
. v saben mdsica", p. 14.
'9 7. "Para los que no saben sol fa , se da por advertencia, y regia

genefal, que executen los ndmeros, conforme las distancias con
que estdn escrltos; pues assf como quien no entiende el ^
la tfn , le pronunciard perfectamente; de suerte, que los que lo
entienden le perciban con sdlo mirar bien los acentos, y. la
o apuntacidn, de la.misma suerte observando el ayre de medir las
distancias con que estdn escritos los golpes sonand bien a
todos; . . . " Ferndndez de Huete (1702) chap. 8 "Del ayre que han
de observar los que,no saben mdsica en el modo de tocar", p. 13.
. In Spanish sources of keyboard tablature, the spacing of the
ciphers also played an important role in indicating the intended
rhythuHsee below, chap. 7, p. 395).
-98. r,Antes- que comience a apuntar los passacalles, se me ofrece

. , hazer una advertencia para que tafia a compds el tahedor que no
sabe la Solfa, y es que todos los sones se reducen a dos ayres,
y tiempos, que son compassillo, y proporcidn, o como dizen
otros, vinario, y ternario; el' compassillo se senala con una C
la proporcidn con una 3 o una ceda 1 como dsta. El ayre del
compassillo se compone de dos movimientos iguales. El" ayre de
la proporcidn se compone de tres [sic] movimientos desiguales."
Ruiz de -Ribayaz (1677) chap. 8, p. 32. These definitions come
from Sanz (1674), f . 13r; translated above, chap. 5, p. 214.
99. . The only exception occurs in D-318 at m.19, where he gives the
symbol "0" which stands for a "semibreve" (o ) . ]
100. "Para taner con el arpa a compds, supuesto que se sabe que los
puntos que se forman con ambas manos, son llenos, y los que se
dan con qualquiera dellas de por s f, sea en tres cuerdas, sea
en dos, o sea, en una, se Hainan ‘respuestas1: se advierte, que
lbs puntos llenos en el arpa, convienen con los golpes que se
dan en la guitarra azia abaxo, y las respuestas, con las que se
dan azia arriba. Con que afirmando que se ha de entender esto
assf, se advierte, que para taner a compds quando es por
compassillo [ ’C1] , se dan en cada.uno golpe, y repuesta, y
golpe, y repuesta; y para taner a compds por proporcidn menor
[ ’ S’ ] , se han de dar dos golpes, y una repuesta." Ruiz de
Ribayaz (1677) chap. 16 "En que .se ha de taner a compds
cantando por compassillo, y proporcidn menor", p. 63. For -
guitar accompaniment Ruiz gives equivalent recommendations in
tenns of strum-patterns-; as shown above, chap. 5, p. 217.
101. Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 7 "En que se explican los
tiempos de proporcidn mayor, ternario menor, y ternario mayor",
pp. 247-248. Nassarre acknowledges that in practice
"proporcidn mayor" is usually indicated by "<£i" or
However he argues that the sign "(j>!" is theoretically more
correct.
102. "El’ que quisiere sacar algunas zifras para drgano, ha de

observar todo lo que estd explicado para harpa de dos. drdenes,
excepto las tres letras,*que son la P la Y y la L porque en el
drgano, es diferente la ordenacidn de los dedos; . . . y por ser
instrumento de voz permanente, ay dos sefiales para la z ifra del
drgano, que sirven para quando ha de Cal,lar la voz, o no ha de
c a llar; dstas no son precisas en esta z ifra ; porque, qud mds
serial, que poner u i t golpe mds para que hable, o uno menos para
que calle? y esto no es imperfeccidn para el drgano, ni es
perfeccidn para el harpa; porque como no es permanente, la
anima el duplicar los golpes, o usar de trinados, para la
armonfa incesable, y lo mismo se tja de observar en el
clavicordio." Ferndndez de,Huete (1702) chap. 14 "De la
diferencia que ay entre el harpa, y el drgano, y cdmo se han
de executar las zifras del uno, en el otro", p. 21.
103. "1'arpa doppia quasi s'& trovata a' tempi nostri in Napoli
Et ora Oratio Mi hi suona di questa arpa doppia quasi
'' ’ • ' ' i
miracolosamente, non solo, n e ll'a r t ific io , ma in modo
parti col are di smorzare i l suono delle corde, i l quale se
continuasse cagionarebbe dissonanza e cacofonia^. . . " Vincenzo
Giustiniani, Discorso sopra la musica, LUCCA, Archivo del Stato
Ms 049 (written ca. 1628); modern edition iri Angelo S o le rti,
Le orlqini del melodramma (Turing 1903; reprinted Hildesheim,
1969), p. 124; English translation by Carol MacClintock in
MUSIC0L0GICAL STUDIES AND DOCUMENTS vol. 9 (1962), p. <78;
According to Rininer (1963-1964), pp. 64-66, the "arpa oqppia"
was "double" in two senses: it-had at least two ranks of strings
and i t was much larger than the plain harp.
104. Fernindez de Huete (1702) chap. 5 "Forma de executar los
trinados", pp. 8-10 and pi. 1-2.
105. "Quando para el adorno de la mdsica se ha de executar ~al gin
trinado, en el ndmero de la cuerda en que se ha de hazer, se
pone encima una cruz, y si hubiere una P debaxo del ndmero,
quiere dezir que es trinado con el pul*gar; el qua! se ha de
executar hiriendo con aquel dedo la cuerda del quarto con punto,
y con el dedo fndize la cuerda de mis abaxo, y bolver a el
pulgar tan veloz, como si fuera un golpe; y si la letra.fuere Y
se ha de executar con el fndize en la cuerda an que e s ti
apuntado, que es el quarto con punto, y herjjycon el pulgar a la
de mis arriba, y bolverse a el fndize con la misma velocidad;
\ y si la letra es L se toca con el largo en el quarto, y con el
indite a la de mis arriba, y bolver a el largo, como esti
explicado en los demis; . . . " Fernindez de Huete (1702)
chap. 5, p. 8.
106. "El trinado de quinta, y de sexta a lta , y baxa, no tiene mis

diferencia de los ya dichos para executar!os, que como essotros
son en las cuerdas juntas, istos se hazen en e ll as apartadas,
como se veri en la demonstracidn; y esto se conoceri quando
en el golpe aya una cruz, con distinci<5n, que los trinados, que
tienen cruz, como son los de pulgar, fndize, y .largo; y los de
quinta, sexta a lta , y sexta baja, se executa cada uno tan veloz,
como si fuera un golpe; . . . " ' Fernindez de Huete (1702) chap. 5,
p. 9. His remarks concerning the plain forms of chords are
translated above, pp. 311-312.
107. ' " . . . son menester algunas vezes trinados mis largos, para que
ocupen mis parte ..del compis; en istos se pondri junto a la
cruz un puntillo [ i . e . , '+ * '] , y istos se han de executar en la
forma que denotan las demonstraciones [on p i. 2 ], que de ello se
ponen, . . . " Fernindez de Huete (1702) chap. 5, p. 9.
108. "Ay otros gineros de trinados de mis d ificu ltad , y hermosura,

que son con c a rre rilla ; istos se apuntan con una cruz, y dos
puntos [ ' + " ' ] , y se han de executar en la forma-que dize la nota
[on pi. 2], sea en las cuerdas que fuere; . . . los de c a rre rilla
conforme el.tiempo que ocupa eh el trinado [mis largo], que
i : . •
d1ze con el largo, si se ofreciere aquel gdnero en las dos
cuerdas, se ha de empegar con el fndizei y proseguir con el
pulgar, bolviendo al fndize, y que sea tan largo como
convenga, . . . " Fern£ndez de Huete (1702) chap. 5, pp. 9-10.
109. " . . . el harpeado sencillo, como quien alaga las. cuerdas, y el

harpeado doble, y el largo, segdn requiere el comptfs."
FerriSndez de Huete. (1702) chap. 5, p. 10.
110. E Mn M.816 "Minuet de primer tono", f . 29r; "Otro [minuet] quinto

tono del diablo", f . 29r-29v; "Otro [minuet]", f . 29y ; and "Otro
[minuet] pri[me]ro [tono]", f . 30r.
7. KEYBOARD
The Keyboard in Spain
Owing to the powerful philosophical, economic, and social
influences of the church, the organ was by fa r the most important
keyboard instrument in Spain during they16th, 17th, and early 18th
centuries. In a society which advocated that the chief purpose of music
was the glorification of God^(as discussed above, chap. 3, pp. 68-69),
i t was reasonable for theorists TjQ_conS'ider the organ as the supreme
instrument. For example, Hernando de Cabezdn offers the.following
praise in his edition of his father's works issued in 1578:
Just as we also said that music was an art devoted to God and
to divine worship more particularly than any of the other
$ arts, and that i t was so well qualified in this respect; so
the organ is an instrument which is not only more devoted to
divine worship than the other instruments, but i t is the only
one among them which is devoted in sucb a way th a t-it is. not
. employed or diverted in anything e ls e .1
Throughout the Iberian peninsula, organ playing was a standard
feature of the litu rg ic a l service. Small churches often lacked 'V

J>
sufficient funds to maintain a musical chapel. Nevertheless many of
them did engage organists to alternate with the plainsong.^ Large
churches with rich resources usually expected th eir organists to be
accomplished composers as well as performers. Because of the varying
demands made on organists, Nassarre (1723) draws the following y,

distinctions in order to organize his discussion of appropriate entrance
examinations: * , ;
There are three classes of posts for organists. The

examination of organists should be in accordance with
whichever one i t is. One is the post in cathedrals. Another
is the one in some collegiate or parish churches where there
W ...................
346.
are no musical chapels, and which have some prebend,

benefice, or endowment .set aside for the said office. The
third is the one in some places which give the organists some
salary with the obligation of being the sacristan or taking
care of teaching the children how to read or other sim ilar
tasks; . . . . . .
i
Monasteries also incorporated the organ in th e ir services. However they
often encountered d iffic u ltie s in finding suitable players. In the
middle of the 17th century the author of ar rudimentary music treatise
devoted prim arily to plainsong decided to include one chapter on
mensural notation and one on organ tablature.4 He ju s tifie s these
chapters as follows:
... one of the indispensable and principal parts in th§

litu rg ica l service is the organ, and one of the greatest
shortages which are suffered is that of organists. Although
the prelates are zealous and the subjects obediant, i t is not
possible without.mensural notation to learm ^glidly how to
play in time or to understand tablature. As the necessity of
this exercise is so great, and as the trouble is so grave
which results from admitting into monastic and religious
orders pure organists (as well as other craftsmen) who lack
Latin, and as so few persons with a Latin education turn out
to be organists, i t is necessary to provide a means so that
those who devote themselves out of obedience or temperament ■'
to serve God and religion may Team and improve in an
occupation of so much merit and reverence. . ^
This anonymous treatise was issued in Madrid, in 1649. Howell has-shown

* . C
.that i t was probably written by the Cistercian monk Tomcis Gdmez.
A An examination of the construction of Iberian organs reveals
several characteristic features.^ The typical organ of the period
possesses only a single manual.® The bass usually consists of a short
octave. The six lowest white keys sound the pitches "c", "f", "g", "a",
and "b"; and the three lowest black keys sound the pitches "d", "e", and
l q
"b . The same arrangement.occurs on most keyboard instruments in
Spain, as shown by the diagrams in Bermudo (1555), Venegas de Henestrosa
— — — - - " ' • ■ _ . ____
347.
(1557)* Tomdfs de Santa Marfa (1565), Cerohe (1613), Ruiz~de> Ribayaz

■ ■ ■ ■ ■ . ■ ' V . ,r-
(1677), and Torres y Martfnez Bravo (1702).*® One component which is
normally lacking on Spanish orgarts is a ,fu ll and independent pedalboard.
When petals are present they ai'e often shaped as small knobs and are
coupled with the lowest (short) octave of the manual.
distinctive feature of Spanish organs is that they incorporate s p lit

. - i ft
registers fmedios registros"). Such stops allow a differen t timbre to
be produced on each.half of the manual simultaneously. The s p lit occurs
between middle "c" and the neighbouring "c^". "Medios registros" were
f ir s t introduced during the last third of the 16th century. As early as
1567 Guillaume de Lupe agreed to build an organ with one s p lit register
("una dulzaina con su diferencia partida") for the church of Santa Cruz
in Zaragoza.1^ In 1626 Correa de Araux’o describes the "medio registro"
as "a famous invention much practised in the kingdoms of Castile,
although i t is unknown in others."*'* Spanish organists u tilized s p lit
registers by composing many contrapuntal "tientos" in which a single
voice was given to one hand (right or le ft) and three, voices were given
✓
to the other hand. This texture promoted the use of melodic diminutions
("glosas") because i t fa c ilita te d th eir execution.*^ Correa de Arauxo
(1626) recommends this disposition of the hands for "glosas" in general:
In the event^tti?ft> the single voice glosses (and "glosa"

entails "corcheas" [«h ] , "semicorcheas" [ J* ] , and
"sesqui^lteras" [ i.e ., groups of 6, 9, or 12 notes per
measure]; and sometimes, though rarely, "semfnimas" [J ])
one is to leave the said voice for one hand and the other o.
three voices for the other hand, although a ll four voices - j T -
begin within a range of 8 or 10 notes (as was said and a"'^
■will be said la te r). The reason, is because whenever
possible, one is to leave free the hand which glosses, so
' tfiat i t may form the "glosa" better, and with more vigour,
-touch, speed, and accuracy 15
"348. ,
During the late 17th century two structural innovations, were
introduced which la te r became standard features* of the Spanish orgari.
F irs t, some of the reed pipes were inserted horizontally so that they
projected outwards from the front of the case.1® Second, spme of the
stops were constructed so that they could sound at two different volume
levels. The new stops were called "ecos" because they enabled the
player to produce an echo effect. Nassarre (17^24) describes th eir
mechanism as follows:
Some echo ranks ["registros de ecos"], such as "cornetas"

and the reeds known as "clarfn" and "bajoncillo", are put
' into practice on the modern organs. Ordinarily those are
raised from the principal chest ["secreto"] in a sieparate
l i t t l e chest ["secreti11o"], receiving the a ir by as many
channels as there are notes in the stop. A completely
enclosed case is made which includes in i t a ll the pipework.
This case is to be m ade-skillfully so that i t resembles in
form the arrangement with which the [main] set of pipes is '
put into place. I t is to be so spacious that its cavity is
higher than the pipes by one "palmo" [ i . e . , approximately
8-1/4 inches] or a l i t t l e less, and wider by 4 "dedos" [i.e .,
approximately 2-3/8 inches], so that as i t is being closed i t
do.es not put out of tune the ranks which go inside. Its door
is to be very E ffic ien t so that when i t is opened the ranks
which are inside w ill have a ll the volume of sound possible.
I t is to be arranged with such s k ill that the organist can
easily close i t and open i t in order to be able to im itate
well the echo.17
*
Keyboard instruments other than the organ did not enjoy much
prestige in Spain. The clavichord ("monacordio") in Spain, as in the
rest of western Europe, served prim arily as a practice instrument for
organ students. The clavichord received some praise.because the organ
was so important. For instance, in the early 18th century Nassarre
(1724) commends i t as follows:
Among a ll the musical string instruments which human

ingenuity has invented, the clavichord is the most essential
and beneficial, although i t is not one of.the most
resonant; ... I t is very essential because those who are -
__-----^— learning to play the organ cannot conveniently do without i t ,
> fo ^ th e organ is an instrument suitable fo r the churches and
not for studying at home.
In the early 17th century Correa de Arauxo (1626) implies^that the use
of the clavichord was widespread among organists, for he includes a
tuning method for the fretted "monacordio" in his organ book.*9 The
only Spanish source devoted chiefly to the clavichord is the treatise by
Tom£s de Santa Marfa (1565). He claims that " it is impossible to be a
consummate player ['tanedor'] without f ir s t having fu ll knowledge and
true understanding of the playing of the clavichord."29 Many ofhis
remarks reappear in modified form inthe encyclopedic treatise by Cerone
(1613).21
The harpsichord ("clavicordio") in Spain, unlike the rest of
western Europe, received re la tiv e ly l i t t l e attention up to the end of
the 17th century. One reason for its neglect was the lack of.
aristocratic patronage (discussed above, chap. 3, pp. 61-68). A
second reason was that continuo playing in Spain was often realized on
the harp or guitar, not the keyboard. • Spanish theorists', did not regard
:.■ — fi -
the harpsichord as an important instrument. For example, in 1578
Hernando de Cabezdn categorizes both the. harpS/ichord and clavichord-as
practice instruments for students of the organ: „
The majesty and grandeur of this instrument [i.e ., the organ]

is also revealed in the apparatus and u t ilit y which i t alone*
e possesses among a ll the other instruments. Do not permit i t
to be played by uneducated and inexperienced hands, or to
have exercised on i t the grammar of teaching or the
disturbance of learning and studying, since there are other
minor instruments to which this has been assigned, which are
those called clavichord and harpsichord. 2
In the early 18th century Nassarre (1724) does discuss some of the
meritorious qualities of the harpsichord.-However he treats i t as an
350.
instrument for amateurs, not professionals. He also states-that few
harpsichords were being b u ilt in Spaing
) Of a ll these types of ,harpsichords which I have treated

[i.e ., the "clavidrgano", "clavicfmbalo", "clavicordio",
and "espineta"], there is no doubt that the most pleasing
ones are those which are used least, such as the
"clavidrgano" [iTe^TlTtype of keyboard employing pipes as
well as plucked strings] and those harpsichords which bear
> two or three ranks of strings. They are more costly to
^ construct, and this is undoubtedly the reason why they are
not used so much and why there are so few builders in Spain.
Yet this has motivated me to give these b rief rules. With
them and with what can be seen in others, the instruments can
be b u ilt with precision. I consider this type of instrument
[i.e ., a keyboard with plucked metal strings] to be better
than the harp [with its gut strings] for those whojwant to
practise music solely for th e ir recreation; because in
addition to the harpsichord being more resonant and its
tones clearer,, i t is more stable, êcause its tuning is more
constant and its strings do not break so frequently. 3
During the late 16th and 17th centuries foreign musicians
attempted to stimulate interest in the harpsichord at the Spanish royal
court, but they apparently met with l i t t l e success. Jhe royal family
did possess several harpsichords. For example, an inventory compiled in
1602 of the musical instruments at the palace includes 8 "clavicordios"

and 3 "clavidrganos".^ During the reign of Felipe IV the Ita lia n
harpist Bartolomd Jovenardi came to Spain to work in the royal Chapel.
(H els listed above in Chart 11, p. 272.) In his treatise dedicated to
the king (dated Madrid, October 15, 1634), Jovenardi describes a new
type of harpsichord ("cfmbalo") which he claims to have invented. It
consists of one keyboard and three ranks of strings tuned in unison, but
V/ith different timbres. Jovenardi states that the player can produce
seVen different types of sfcund on- the single manual by activating a ll

possible combinations of the ranks.25 I have not encountered any
\ \ ■
af,, reference? to his invention in cither Spanish sources of the period.
- During the reign of Carlos I I some French musicians came to Spain to
serve the foreign-born queens. The group which accompanied Marie-Louise
d’0rl€ans to Madrid in 1679 included a harpsichordist (as stated above,
chap. 2, p. 38). -However such exposure does not seem-to have had a
large influence on'Spanish keyboard players of the time.
I t was not until the accession of Felipe V at the beginning of

. . v •
the 18th century that the harpsichord became prominent in Spain. The
Bourbons brought with them a predilection for French and.Italian music
which soon prevailed at the Span^jj royal court. Spanish musicians
(such as Diego Xaraba y Bruna) as well as foreign musicians (such as
Giuseppe Draghi Cardinalino) were given the opportunity of teaching
/ harpsichord to members of the royal family (see below in this chapter
J under the keyboard sources E Mn M.1357 and E Mn M.2262 respectively).
Furthermore the enthusiasm for Ita lia n vocal music led to a more
frequent use of the harpsichord as a continuo instrument... In 1736
Torres y Martfnez Bravo acknowledged the importance of the Ita lia n
style by expanding his accompaniment treatise. For the added material
Torres relied heavily on the harpsichord book by Gasparini (1708); as
discussed above, chap. 2, p. 34.
In comparison with guitar and harp music, a relative ly large
amount of Spanish music has survived from the 17th and early 18th
j
centuries.^® Almost a ll the sources are manuscripts. In fact after
1626 (the organ booKJjy Correa de Arauxo) there are no extant keyboard
publications from Spain until approx^jfiately 1773 (a collection of
"fuga.s" by SessS y Balaguer).^ An organ book by Lorente, entitled
lftsicas, was
Melodfas m v probably published sometime between 1672 and
V
1677, but iVhas si nee been lost (see above, chap. 6, p. 289).
Settings and variations o f popular dance-son^s account for only
a very small portion of »rian keyboard music. Most of the extant

— - " f
pieces from before 1720 are "tientos" or litu rg ic a l "versos" for.
Organ.^® The solo keyboard sonata gained prominence only la te r, after
the arrival of the Ita lia n Domenico Scarlatti in Madrid in 1729.
S carlatti's sonatas do not belong in «this study because'they do not have
d an ce-titles.^ The same applies to the harpsichord sonatas by
Rodrfguez which survive in a manuscript,dated 1744. 30

. ■ /
Sources of Dances andT”Dlferencias"
Dance music and "diferencias" for keyboard are preserved in a
total of 15*sources. They are listed chronologically (approximating

*
where necessary) in Chart 16.
(a) Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) ■
This collection compiled by Venegas de Henestrosa is the
ea rliest keyboard book published in Spain.^ I t opens with a
theoretical section of 20 pages.^ The main body of the book consists
prim arily of keyboard pieces by various composers. Venegas attributes
40 works to Antonio (i.e ., Antonio de Cabezdn), 11 to Francisco
Fernindez Palero, 2 to Vila (i.e., probably Pere Alberch V illa ), and 1-.
to Soto (i.e ., probably Francisco de Soto). Most of the remaining
compositions are anonymous. One section of the collection (f. 34r^43v)
contains 20 anonymous pieces for vihuela. Ward has established thlat
these works are adap&tions from the vihuela publications of NarvSez
CHART 16 - Keyboard sources of dances
- and '‘diferencias"
Total number Number of keyboard pieces

[ . Source of pieces included below in pt. VIa
A 't
Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) 138

4 ■
Cabezdn (1578) 129 7.
3
Correa de Arauxo (1626) 69 2
E Mn R. 14069, Ms addition’
to Correa de Arauxo * 4 ' '\v -
10
E E Ms 29 (2.186) 58 ■• . 8
E Be M. 387 app.. 500^ ' 21
E Mn M.1357 app. 190*3 9
E Mn M.1358 484 12 '
E Mn M.1359 680 n
E Mn M.1360 1.39 : t . 24
P Pm. Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 85 17

■ V E Mn M.2262 32 - 1
■I'
P B Ms 964 208c 6
E Mn M.815 88 14
E Be M.386 98 !
HI
.. Totals 2,908
. , X — _ ...
aj>1 Concordant settings of. a particular piece are counted only once,
yunder the earliest source.
k Tnfe^division between successive works is not always clearly marked in

this manuscript. Thus the distinction between independent pieces and
sections of pieces is open to some interpretation.
c For this source only, groups, of / versos" are counted as single Works
' (since the inventories available to me do not enumerate them). For a ll
the other sources in this chart, each "verso" settimj is counted separatelû^
(1538), Mudarra (1546), Valderrdbano(1547), and Pisador (1552).33
Luis Venegas de Henestrosa served in some unspecified capacity in
the "cSmara" of Juan Tavera (archbishop of Toledo) from at least 1535
* until Ijavera's death in 1545.34 Venegas dedicated his keyboard
publication to the archbishop's nephew, Diego Tavera (bishop of
Jadn).33 All the composers named in his book were eminent Spanish
. keyboard players of the period. Antonio de Cabezdn is b riefly
discussed below under Cabezdn (1578). Francisco Fernandez Palero
served as organist at the royal chapel in Granada from at least 1568
until his death in 1597.3® Pere Alberch Vila worked as organist at

- 7) o 7
Barcelona Cathedral from at least 1538 until his death in 1582.J/
Francisco de Soto was a chamber musician ("miisico de cdmara") at the
royal court under Carlos Vs, queen Isabel,’ and prince Felipe (la te r
Felipe I I ) from at least 1528 until 1560. Soto ended his career as
organist at Palencia Cathedral from 1561 until his death in 1563.38
(b) Cabezdn (157-8)
Thi^col lection of pieces by Antonio de Cabezdn was edited
posthumously by his son Hernando.30. I t also includes 5 works by ^
Hernando himself and 1 work by Juan de Cabezdn. At the beginning of
the book Hernando presents 14 pages of theoretical explanations.40

*
Antonio de Cabezdn was the most prominent Spanish keyboard
" r -7
composer of the 16th century. He served queen Isabel and then prince
1. ■ 'n •__J
Felipe (la te r Felipe I I ) as organist ("organista") in the royal chapel
. and keyboard player ("tafiedor de tecla") in the royal chamber from 1526
until , his death on March 26, 1566.^ Juan de Cabezdn, his brother,
» • ^ .
S
also served as a keyboard player in the royal chapel of prince Felipe
(la te r Felipe I I ) from 1546 until his death on May 18, 1566.^ Hernando
• de Cabezdn, Atjtonio'V son, was organist at Siguenza Cathedral from

■■ r*
• November, 1563, until July, 1556. He then succeeded his father as
organist and keyboard player in the royal chapel and chamber of Felipe I I
He continued to hold these posts under Felipe I I I until his own death on
October 1, 1602. 43 .
(c) Correa de Arauxo (1626) ;
Correa de Arauxo. managed to have a collection of his organ works
published in A lca lf de Henares in 1626.^ He' grades each of the pieces
"- i- into one of five categories ("grados") on the basis of th eir technical
k
d iffic u lty . • Correa opens the book with 51 pages of theoretical , *
explanations.^ Throughout this section he emphasizes the novelty of

' • *' ' ' * ' • ^
many of his ideas, such as the simultaneous crossrrelation ("falsa de
punto intenso contra remisso"; discussed above, chap. 3, p., 83). At.
■;.v
the same time he attempts to ju s tify them in terms of traditional
•"-1 ' . ' '
& theory and practice. He maintains that he simply wants "to do in music
, what many learned persons try to do in th eir sciehces and arts, which is
:/
to augment, amplify, and extend them."^ Despite his arguments, most of
'£
his new ideas were not adopted in la te r Spanish sources.' r ,
.. r.
... * FranciscoCorrea de Arauxo worked as organist at three different

'N\
churches in succession. His f ir s t post was at the collegiate church of -
f : ? iff'' -a '
'"J ' San Salvador in Seville from September, 1599, uritil March, 1636. He
then served at Jadn Cathedral u n til'A p ril, 1640. He ended his career
as organist at Segpvia^Csithfedral from May; .1640, until his death In
October:, 1654.
(d) E Mn R.14069, Ms addition to Correa de Arauxo •
This exemplar of Correa's organ book contains 10 pieces written
by hand in tablature notation on the empty lines at the end of some of
the printed "tientos".^ the additions are anonymous and undated. For
the purposes of chronology in this study I have placed the manuscript

j
pieces at about the year 1635. ; *
(e) E E Ms 29 (2.186) ,
This collection of keyboard music by various composers lacks a
title-page and date.^ The handwriting suggests that i t was compiled by
more' than ohe copyist. All the pieces are notated in score notation.
The manuscript includes 4 anonymous worlds with texts (2 with Latin
lyrics and 2 with Spanish lyrics) which are probably intended fo r vocal'
performance. ^ Only 20 of the 58 pieces in this source are given with
the name of the composer. The copyists attribute 12 works to Diego de
Torrijos, 3 to Tafalla (i.e;, Pedro de T afalla), 3 to Christdval de San
Jerdnimo, 1 to Aguilera (i.e., Sebastidn Aguilera de Heredia), and 1
to Jimdnez (i.e., Josd Jimdnez, otherwise known as Jusepe X-imdnez). ,
The emphasis on compositions by Torrijos suggests that at least part of
the manuscript was compiled in the late 17th century. For the purposes
of chronology*in this study I have placed the manuscript at the year

.' , ~V'-- 8
,1690.
.
%
<6r
-
Three of the composers named in this source were monks at
\ Escorial. Diego (Dfaz)de Torrijos entered the Hieronymite order in

’.fK- ■ ' .;!^'
' December, 1669. (ie served as organist and "maestro de capilla" at
• | ‘ Escoriaiând died on October 30, .1691.^'; Pedro (Duarte) de Tafalla ‘vras

•* . •'v -V.:
V- -''V' *- e - --V - -
■,V- . ... :.:v
1 , •
s r' - “
one of his predecessors. Tafalla entered .the Hieronymite order in A pril,
1622. He served as organistrand perhaps also as chapel-master) at
Escorial until^his death on March 6, 1660.^ The only information knpwn
about a Christdval de San Jerdnimo is that, upon his application for
admission into the order, the authorities conducted the usual

r
investigation of tiis ahcestry in A p ril, 1605.53 . „
Tljdôth^^w composers named in this manuscript were prominent
organists at Zaragdza^Sebas|t,fan Aguilera de fferedia worked f ir s t at
Huesca Cathedral from September, 1585', until 1603: In September of that

V It • *
year he obtained the post/at Zaragoza Cathedral and held f t until his death
on December"16, 1627.54 Josd (or Jusepe) Jimfnez began his career as
assistant organist under Aguilera at Zaragoza Cathedral from December, 1620,
until December, 1627. Sometime after Aguilera's death Jimdnez succeeded
to the post of principal organist at Zaragoza. » He retained that position
until January, 1672, and died shortlyychereafter on August* 9, 1672.55

/ I *
( f ) E Be M.387
Thi^ collection 4s devotd8^primarily to. the keyboard works of
Cabanilles.5^ Unfortunately if has not stftarived in its original
complete form. At one time tr(f*manuscriptvtos organized into numbered
booklets, labelled "coderno^" "cuadernos").* However the sections
are now bound out of order and parts of them are missing. A title-page
is also lacking. The handwriting indicates that more than one copyist
compiled this Collection. At least onetpf them was a student of
Cabanilles, for the title s of some of theworks end with the phrase "de ^
mi mahestro mosdn Juan Cabanillas." The name of the composer is given
for 310 of the approximately 500 pieces. The manuscript attributes 29jl
358.
works to Juan Cabanillas (i.e ., Juan Cabanilles), 11 to Joseph Ximdnez
(i.e., Josd Jimdnez), 4 to Florcadell, 3 to Francisco Fogia (i.e.,
Francesco Foggia), and 1 to Joseph SoTana. The rest of the^pieces are
anonymous, but many of them may well be by Cabanilles. This source also
reveals an interest in Italian , music and in tfje vio lin. In addition to
3 works by Foggia, the collection includes 9 anonymous "Italian" pieces.

/ - ,
Of these 12 works, 5 are notated with some figures above the bass.^
Furthermore one of the anonymous pieces-is designated e x p lic itly for
fn" and "violdn".^ Throughout the manuscript the copyists have
supplied various dates. They range from A p r il,* 1694, to January,

'a- ' -
1697.^ For the pqrposes of chronology in this study I have placed the
manuscript at the year 1697. ' '
Juan Cabanilles (or Joan C ab ah illas)^^ the most prominent
organist in eastern Spain during the late 17th and early 18th centuries.
On May 15, 1665, Cabanilles was appointed second organist under tylclrds
Pdrez at Valencia Cathedrail. In 1666 he succeeded to the post of
principal organist there. He held this position until his death on

April 29, 1712.5® j^ e Career 0f j osg jimdnez, organist at Zaragoza
Cathedral, has been b rie fly described above in the discussion of E E Ms 29
Francesco Foggia was an Ita lia n composer who worked as a chapel-master
in Rome from 1636 until his death on January 8, 1688.5^ Nothing certain
is known about Florcadell. Perhaps he was the monk known as Forcadell
[sic] who wrote a three-voice,song which survives in a manuscript dated
1687.52 Joseph Sol ana began his career as organist at Ldrida Cathedral
from February, 1674, until A p ril, 1675. He obtained the position

•>
through the recommendation of Pablo Bruna. Sol ana subsequently
•f ■ proceeded to Siguehza Cathedral Where he was the organist until at least
K.:
A pril, 1678.®® Shortly thereafter he assumed the post of organist at
Toledo Cathedral, having been elected to i t e a rlie r in December, 1677.
He worked., there ly itil his death on September 22, 1712.®^ During his
tenure at Toledo, Solana wrote a le tte r of approval (dated August 6,

y
1700) for the harp book by Fernindez de^W&te (1702) 65
(g) E Mn M.1357
This manuscript of keyboard works by various organists was
compiled by Martfn y Coll in 1706.®® One of the pieces is presented
with Spanish lyrics.®7 Another piece is notated with some figures over
the bass.®® All the other works seem to be for keyboard alone. Martfn
y Coll has not organized the manuscriptcp^to-large sections by genre, as
he does in his la te r anthologies (discussed below). Settings of secular
dance-songs are scattered throughout E Mn M.1357. Martfn y Coll attributes
one of the approximately 190 pieces in this collection to Xarava (i.e.,
Diego Xaraba y Bruna). He neglects to identify the composer of any of
the other works. According to a concordance found by Angles, Diego

i .
Xaraba composed one of these anonymous pieces as well.®9 Angles further
claims that another piece is actually by Cabanilles. However he fa ils
to specify a substantiating concordance/® E Mn M.1357 provides some
indication of the interest in foreign music which arose at the Spanish
court during the early 18th century. For example, the manuscript includes
3 anonymous Ita lia n J,tocatas".71 I t also contains 10 settings of the
French "minud". At least 4 of these minuets are arrangements of pieces
by Lully, as shown in Chart 17.
360.
'T,
CHART 17 - Some arrangements of pieces'

by Lully in E Mn M.1357
/ •
1. E Mn M.1357 "MinuS francos", pp. 51-52.

French source: Jean-Baptiste Lully, "Que n'aimez-vous"
(rondeau), in his Persge (traqddie en musique; f ir s t
performed in 1682) Act IV, LWY 60/73; modern edition reduced
for piano and voicfe by Theodore de Lajarte, CHEFS-D'OEUVRE
CLASSIQUES DE L'OPERA FRANQAIS vol. 22 (P aris, n.d.),
pp. 263-266.
2. . EMn M.1357 "MinuS 2", pp. 274-275*

French source: Jean-Baptiste Lully, "Second a ir pour les muses",
in his Isis (tragSdie en-musique; f i r s t performed in 1677)
Prologue, LWV 54/11; modern edition reduced for piano and
voice by ThSodore de Lajarte, CHEFS-D'OEUVRE CLASSiQUES DE
L'OPERA FRANQAIS vol. 21 (Paris, n.d.; reprinted New York,*
1971), pp. 43-44. . •
3. E Mn M.1357 "MinuS 3", pp. 275-276.

French source: Jean-Baptiste Lully, "Cherchons la paix", in his
PhaSton (traqSdie en musique; f ir s t performed in 1683)
Prologue, LWV 61/3; modern edition reduced for piano and
voice by ThSodore de Lajarte, CHEFS-D'OEUVRE CLASSIQUES DE
LJ0PERA FRANQAIS vol. 23 (Paris, n.d.; reprinted New York,
' 1971), pp. 5-6. -
4
4. E Mn M.1357 "MinuS 4", p. 276. ^ \
French source: Jean-Baptiste Lully, "[Trio]", in his Roland
(tragSdie en musique; f ir s t performed in 1685) Act IV,
LWV 65/63; modern edition of this piece in.Joyce Newman,
Jean-Baptiste de Lully and his tragedies lyriques (Ann
v Arbor, 1979), p. 220/
Antonio Martfn y Coll is one of the most prominent names in
0*
Spanish musical sources of the early 18th century. As a compiler he
assembled four anthologies of organ music: one in each of the years
1706, 1707, 1708, and 1709 (E Mn M.1357, 1358, 1359, and 1360
respectively). As a composer he wrote a collection of organ works which
survives in a manuscript dated 1709. ^ As a theorist he wrote a
plainsong treatise which was f ir s t published in 1714, revised in 1719,
and abridged in 1734. ^ Martfn y Coll was a Franciscan monk and an
organist. According to Jambou, he was born in Reus (near Tarragona) and
entered the Franciscan order at the monastery of San Diego in AlcalS de
Heroines in 1690/4 Martfn himself claims that he-had studied the organ
under one of the most excellent "maestros" of his time. Jambou argues
A
that this refers to the theor^ls); Andrds Lorente (who was organist at.
the church of San Justo y Pastor...in Alcaic de Henares fr o ^ ^ 5 3 until
his death in 1703).^ Martfn also states that in his youth he was
r* 7C
appointed organist at the monastery of San Diego/0 He held this post
until at least 1707 (according to the title-pages of his f ir s t two organ
anthologies). Sometime la te r he moved to Madrid where he served as
organist at the royal monastery of San Francisco (according to the
title-pages of the 1714 and 1719 editions of his plainsong tre a tis e ).
Diego Xaraba y Bruna, a nephew of Pablo Bruna, was organist at
the church of Nuestra Sefiora del P ilar in Zaragoza from June, 1674, to
the early part of 16777? According to an approbation which he wrote
for the guitar book by Sanz (1674)', Xaraba also served as a chamber
musician for Juan de Austria during at least November, 16741?® (Juan.de
AustNa, an ille g itim a te son of Felipe IV, had assumed the postôf
. . . . \
-M __________ ■ 1■; : ' ■ .■ .' V ----- ■" ' . ' 1; ' ' '■ '
vicar general of Aragon in June, 1669.) Xaraba la te r moved to Madrid in
1677. He worked as organist in the royal chapel from May, 1677, until
his death in 1717. In 1702 he wrote an approbation

• for the.
accompaniment treatise by,his fellow organist Torres y Martfnez
Bravo.^ During his career at the royal court Xaraba also worked as,a
harpsichord master ("maestro de clavicordio"). In 1715 he submitted a
petition to the king for back wages which begins as follows:
"Don" Diego Xarava, most senior organist of the royial

chapel of your majesty, placed at your royal feet, states
x that, during the 38 years he has been serving in the royal
chapel of your majesty, he has obtained through a b ility the
honour of being harpsichord master to three sovereigns. And
since the queen our lady (who is in heaven) [i.e ., Queen
Marie-Louise of Savoy] was pleased to intercede with your
majesty, he was granted the favour, together with "don"
Francisco de la Raz, of enjoying 10 "doblones" [i.e ., 2,040
"maravedfs"] each month from the royal purse of your
majesty, which he enjoyed U n t i l y e a r 1706, . . . 80
The petition -its e lf ûggests that one of the three sovereigns whom he
served was Marie-Louise of Savoy,-the f ir s t wife of Felipe V and Queen
of Spain from 1701 until her death on February 14, 1714. According to
Q1
Antoine, Xaraba was appointed her harpsichord master in 1705. Earlier
Xaraba held the same post under Mariana of Neuburg, as revealed in the-
approbation which,he wrote in March, 1700, for a treatise by Nassarre
(1700).®^Mariana was the second wife of Carlos I I and Queen of Spain
from 1690 until the king's death on November 1, 1700. The identity of
the third sovereign who employed Xaraba as a harpsichordist is not
known.' Perhaps i t was Marie-Louise d'Orldans, the f i r s t wife of Carlos I
and Queen of Spain from 1679 until her death on February 12, 1689.
This manuscript of keyboard pieces by various organists was -
compiled by Antonio Martfn y Coll in 1707.83 The name Estevan de Yusta
Calvo appears at the bottom of the title-page. The same name is found
on the title-page of E Mn M.1360. Nothing is known about Yusta Calvo or
his relationship with the Martfn y Coll anthologies. Perhaps he
engraved the title-pages. E Mn M.1358 is organized into two large
sections. The f ir s t (f. lr-8 0 r) is notated in keyboard tablature. All
the secular dance-songs in this source are located here (f. 68r-78v).
The second large section (f. 81r-185v) is notated on two staves. It
consists en tirely of litu rg ical "versos". Martfn y Coll does not name
the composer of any of the pieces in this manuscript. Jennings has
' * discovered that 4 of the "versos" are by Antonio de Cabezdn, for they
appear in Cabezdn (1578).8^ No other concordances have been reported
to date in the secondary literatu re. Jambou suggests that the
tablature section of E Mn M.1358 comes from Lorente's lost Melodfas
mdsicas, prdctica del drqano y del arpa. However his arguments are
not convincing.88 At the same time Andrds Lorente may well have
composed some of the pieces preserved in the Martfn y Coll anthologies.
( i ) E Mn M.1359 ^
This manuscript of keyboard pieces by various organists was
compiled by Antonio Martfn y Coll in 1708.86 Most of the collection
(pp. 1-544) consists of litu rg ica l works. The remaining pages (pp. 5
' ' ' ' + _
608) are devoted to secular pieces which are organized into three groups
The f ir s t group (pp. 544-561) consists of 6 "tocatas", each with several
.■■ 364. -
movements in the manner of forW^gn suites. The form, figuration, two-
voice texture, and metrical notation a ll suggest that these pieces; may
. . . .* . ' •• 4
be adaptations of Ita lia n violin works. The second group (pp. 561-583)
- ■•
consists of 30 "canziones diversas a dos clarines". The third group
(pp. 584-608) consists of 9 popular Spanish dance-songs ("canziones
comunes"), a ll of which are included below in pt. VI. Martfn y Coll
does not name the composer of any of the pieces in this manuscript. No
concordant settings have been reported to date in the secondary litera tu re.
( j ) E Mn M.1360
This manuscript of keyboard pieces by various composers was
compiled by Antonio Martfn y Coll in 1709.®^ The collection may be
divided into two large sections. The f i r s t (f. lr-185v) consists of
Spanish "obras" (i.e ., "tien to s"), arranged by mode ("tono"). No
composers are named here. Anglds has located concordances which
attribute 4 of the pieces to Aguilera (i.e ., Sebastian Aguilera de
Heredia), 3 to Pablo Bruna, 3 to Cabanillas (i.e., Juan Cabanilles), 1 to
either Bruna or Cabanilles, 1 to Bernav£, and 1 to Clavijo (i.e.,
Bernardo Clavijo del Castillo).®® All these c<ifncordances are listed in
Chart 18. The careers of Aguilera de Heredia and Cabanilles have
already been b rie fly discussed above in this chapter (under E E Ms 29
and E Be M.387 respectively). Pablo Bruna was a prominent organist who*
worked at the collegiate church in Daroca (a town south-west of
Zaragoza) from A p ril, 1631, until his death on Jun£ 26, 1679. In 1674
vBruna was also appointed chapel-master there, having u n o fficially served
in this, capacity since 1669.®® Bernardo Clavijo del C astillo belongs to
an e a rlie r generation. He worked as organist in Palermo, S ic ily , during
365.
CHART 18 - Spanish concordances for E Mn M.1360
1. E Mn M.1360 "Obras de lleno de primer tono [number 1]",

f . llr-1 3 v ; modern edition by Angles, BPSM 20 (1965),
P P .M 3- 17 .
Concordance: E E Ms 30 (2.187) "Obra de l 9 tono Aguilera",
f. 99v-100v; modern edition by Apel, CORPUS OF EARLY KEYBOARD
MUSIC 14 (1971), pp. 64-68.

f . 18v-21v; modern edition by Anglds, BPSM 20 (1965),
pp. 7-12.
Concordance: EE Ms 30 "Obra de 1° tono Aguilera", f 98r-99v;
■ * modern edition by Apel, CORPUS OF EARLY KEYBOARD MUSIC'14
(1971), pp. 69-74.
3. E Mn M.1360 "Obras de 4 tono de lleno [number 1]", f . 53v-55v;

modern edition by Anglds*, BPSM 20 (1965), pp. 3-6.
, Concordance: E E Ms 30, "Tiento de 4° tono, de falsas Aguilera",
f . lO lr-lO lv; modern edition by Apel, CORPUS OF EARLY
KEYBOARD MUSIC 14 (1971), pp. 59-62.
4. E Mn M.1360 "Obras de octavo tojio [number 2]", f . 160v-163r;

modern edition by Anglds, BPSM 22 (1967), pp. 15-18:
Concordance: E E Ms 30 "Tiento de 8° tono, por delasolre
Aguilera", f . 91r-92r; modern edition by Apel, CORPUS OF
EARLY KEYBOARD MUSIC 14 (1971), pp. 88-92.
5. E Mn M.1360 "Obras de quinto tono [number 1]", f . 72v-79v;

modern edition by Anglds, BPSM 22 (1967), pp. 84-95.
Concordance: E Be M.729 "Tiento de 5° tono de Pablo Bruna ,
lleno", f . 76r-83r. -
6. E Mn M.1360 "Obras de sexto tono [number 2]", f . 113v-119r.

Concordance: E Be M.729 "Tiento 6° tono Pablo Bruna lleno",
f . 87r-90v; modern edition'by Angles, BPSM 23 (1968),
pp. 59-68.
7. E Mn M.1360 "Obras de sexto, tono [number 6 ]", f . 124r-129v.

Concordance: E Bk M.729 "Tiento lleno 6° tono Pablo Bruna",
f . 83r-86v; moaern edition by Angles, BPSM 20 (1965),
pp. 63-70.

f . lr -2 r .
Concordance: E Bcr-M.729 "Tiento de falgas 1° tono Cabanillas",
f . 33r-34r; modern edition by Anglds, BPSM 4 (1927),
pp. 4-5.
(•
366
"u .•
CHART 18 (C ont'd)
9. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de lleno de primer tono [number 9]",

« f . 26r-30r.
v Concordance: E Be M.729 "Tiento de 1° tono de Cabanillas
lleno", f . 36r-39r.
X ■■■■■
10*. E Mn M.1360 "Obras de sexto tono [number 8 ]", f . 138v-140r.
.Concordance: E Be M.729 "Tiento-6° tono de Cabanillas",
f . 34v-36r; modern edition by Angles, BPSM 13 (1936),
pp. 165-167. >
11. E Mn .M.1360 "Obras de sexto tono [number 5]", f . 122v-123v.

Concordance: E 6c M. 729 "Tiento de falgas 6° tono de Pablo
Bruna", f . 32r-33r; modern edition by Angles, BPSM 21
(1966), pp. 45-46.
Another concordance: E Be M.387 "Tiento de falsas 6° tono.
Cabanillas", f- 226r-226v,j
!26v>} modern
r edition by Angles,
BPSM 17 (1956), p. 108-
•, ■ • T -
12. E Mn M.1360 "Obras de sdptimo tono [number 1]", ^Cxl49v-151r.
Concordance: E Be M.751/21 "Tiento de falsas de 7° tono
BernavS", pp.' 333-337; modern edition by Angles, BPSM 21
(1966), pp. 85-87.
13. E Mn M.1360 "Obra de 2° tono por Gsolreut", f . l81v-184r.

Concordance: E E Ms 30 "Tiento de 2.° tono, por gesolret*i>
Clavijo", f . 104v-105r; modern edition by Angles, BPSM 22
(1967), pp. 1-4. \ . r ,
367.
the 1580’s. He subsequently returned to Spain where he became organist
at Palencia Cathedral (1589) and then a t Salamanca Cathedral (1591). He
was also appointed professor of music at Salamanca University in 1593.
Clavijo la te r moved to the capital /Where he served as organist in the
royal chapel from 1602 until his death on February 2, 1626.®® For the
composer Bernav€ I have not found any biographical information.
In E Mn M.1360 the second section (f,186r-243v) consists of
secular dance pieces. The large number of settings of foreign dance- . >
types clearly reflects the importance of French and Ita lia n music at the
* .•* y / *
Spanish royal court during the early 18th century. For example-; this
section contains 39 settings of the "minuet". I t also contains more'
thaa 30 pieces which are e x p lic itly designated for^violin and keyboard.®*
Throughout this manuscript Martfn y Coll names only two composers. He
attributes 3 works to Coreli (i.e., the Ita lia n v io lin is t Arcangelo

{ *
C orelli) and 1 work to Ardel (i.e ., the French harpsichordist Hardelle).
»• J -
Although a ll the remaining dance pieces lack attributions, a few of them
have concordances which establish th eir foreign a u th o rs h ip .F ro m
Ita lia n sources Martfn y Coll presents not only 3 works by Corelli
y • •
'(lis te d below in chap. 8, Chart 26), but also 2 works by Frescobaldi.®®

i . .* ■ .
From French sources he includes arrangements and settings of at least 9
pieces by- Lully, 1 by Hardelle (with a "double" by Louis Couperin),^! by
La Barre, 1 by Monnard, and 1 anonymous piece. These French works are
listed in Chart 19. 9

■ ■- . *
(k) P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5
This collection of keyboard works by various composers does not
bear the name of the copyist or the date of compilation.®4 Although i t
^ 368
CHART .19 - Some settings and arrangements

of French pieces in E Mn M.1360
’ . *
1. E Mn 71.1360 ''Otro [minuet]", f . 210r-210v.
French source: Jean-Baptiste Lully, "Menuet", In his Armlde
(trag£d1e en'musique; f ir s t performed in 1686) Prologue,
LWV 71/13; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by
Thdodore de Lajarte, CHEFS-D'OEUVRE CLASSIQUES DE L'OPERA
FRANQAIS vol. 17 (Paris, n.d.; reprinted New York, 1971),
p. 36.
2. E Mn_ M.1360 "Otro [minuet]", f . 210v-211r.

Frencti source: Jean-Baptiste Lully, "Menuet. 4.es divinitez de
fleuVes et les nymphes forment une danse gSn^rale", in his ,
Alceste (traqSdie en musique; f ir s t performed in 1674)
. Prologue, LWV 50/14; modern edition reduced for piano and
voice by Thdodore de Lajarte, CHEFS-D'OEUVRE CLASSIQUES DE
L'OPERA FRANQAIS vol. 16 (Paris, n.d.; reprinted New York,
1971), p. 38.
3. E Mn. 1360 "Otro [minuet]", f . 211r.

French source: Lully, "Quel coeur suavage", in his Alceste
(1674) Prologue, LWV 50/15; modern edition reduced for piano
and voice by Lajarte, CHEFS-D'OEUVRE CLASSIQUES DE L'OPERA
FRANQAIS vol. 16, pp. 40-42.
4. E Mn M.1360 "La chacona", f . 217v-220v*(D-47). *

French source: Lully, "Passacaille", in his Armide (1686)
Act V, LWV 71/61; modern edition, reduced for piano and voice
by Lajarte, CHEFS-D'OEUVRE CLASSIQUES DE L'OPERA FRANQAIS
vol. 17, pp. 277-282.
5. Mn M.1360 "Canarios", f . 221v (D-23).

Probable French source:3 Jean-Baptiste Lully, "Canaries",
in his Le temple de la paix (ballet; f ir s t performed in .
1685), LWV 69/26.
6. E Mn M.1360 "[Canarios]", f . 222r (D-24).

Probable French source:3- Lully, "Canaries", in his Le temple
de la paix (1685), LWV 69/27.
7. E Mn M.1360 "[Canarios]", f . 222r-222v (D-25).

French source: Lully, "Canaries", in his Armide (1686) Act IV,
: LWV 71/54; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by
Lajarte, CHEFS-D'OEUVRE CLASSIQUES DE L'OPERA FRANQAIS
vol. 17, p. 218.
8. EMn M.1360 "Entrada de Bretons", f . 224v.

Probable French source:3 Lully, "Entrde de Bretons et
Bretonnes. Passepied", in his Le temple de la paix (168B),
LWV 69/30.
CHART 19 ( C o n t ' d )
9. .E Mn M.1360 "Obra de Pensie", f . 225v.

, French source: Jean-Baptiste Lully, "Gigue", in his Persê
(fragddie en musique; f ir s t performed in 1682) Act IV,
.LWV 60/71; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by
Theodore de Lajarte* -CHEFS-D'OEUVRE CLASSIQUES DE L'OPERA
FRANQAIS vol. 22 (Paris, n .d .), pp. 260-261.b
10. E Mn M.1360 "Jaboste de Ardel",>f.. 227r-227v.

Frenchysource: "[Gavotte] de m[onsieu]r Hardel" and"Double par
m[onsieu]r [Louis] Couperin", in F Pn Reserve Vm7 67^-675
("Bauyn" manuscript; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1977) vol. 3,
f . 38r-38v.
11. EMn M.1360 "Zarabandas l a", f . 205v-206r (D-477).

Foreign source: "Selebrand Beare [i.e ., Sarabande, La Barre]",
in Elizabeth Rogers-hir virginal! booke ... 1656, GB Lbm Ms
Add.10337, p. 18; modern edition by George Sargent, CORPUS OF
EARLY KEYBOARD MUSIC vol. 19 (1971), p, 11.
12. E Mn M.1360 "[Zarabanda] sexta" d if. 1, f . 207v (D-480).

French sourcei "Sarabande de m[onsieu]r Monnard", in F Pn
Reserve Vm7 674-675 vol. 3, f . 42v.
13. E Mn M.1360 "La marche de Gantier" m. 20-26, f . 225r.c

French source: "Riguaudon" m. 10-16, in BERKELEY, University of
California* Music Library, "Parville" manuscript, pp. 138-
, 139; modern edition in Alan Curtis (editor), Louis Couperin.
Pieces de clavecin, LE PUPITRE vol. 18 (1970), p. 54.
a At least as suggested by the musical fncfpit given in Herbert

Schneider, Chronoloqisch-Thematisches Verzeichnis samtlicher Werke
von Jean-Baptiste Lully (LWV) (Tutzinq, 1981). I have not had the
opportunity o f examining the music of Lully's Le temple de la paix.
b The arrangement in E Mn M.1360 is transposed down a whole tone.
c The f ir s t 19 measures of this piece later appear as a separate work

entitled "Marcha" in the keyboard source E .Mn M.815, f . 16v.
370.
1s w rittfh in Portuguese, mudh ( i f not a ll) of the theoretical and
musical material 1n this source comes from Spain. The manuscript opens
with a short theoretical section called "Arte de s i f r a " . ® ^ The f ir s t

' . ■ ' ■ ' I - - -■ '
five pages present an explanation of keyboard tablature. From the
materials available to me, I have beeri able to determine' that this .
explanation is a Portuguese translating of part of a Spanish treatise
entitled Arte de canto llano, drqano, y cifra which was published in -

4
Madrid 1n 1649.®® As mentioned above in this chapter (p. 346), the
Spanish book was probably written by Tom£s Gdmez. In the main body of
P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B„5, the copyist names the composer for 69 of the 85
works. He attributes 24 pieces to Ber[told]meu de Olague (i.e.,
probably Bartolomd Olaegui), 13 to Josepft^Forrelhas, 6 to Joseph Urros
(I.e ., Joseph de U r r o z ) ^ to Antonio Brocarbe, 4 to Andre de Sola '

" & /
.(I.e., Andres de Sola), 4 to Jo3o del* Vado ( i.e ., Juan del Vado)* 2 to
i
Aguilera (i.e., Sebastian Aguilera de Heredia), 2 to Joao Correya, 2 to
Sebastlao Duron (i.e., Sebastiin Durdn), 2 to Miguel de Sopfuerta (or c
Supuerta), 1 t o ‘Jacinto Bacelar, <1 to Paolo de Bruna (i.e., Pablo
Bruna), 1 to Al[ons]o Cuevaz, 1 to Martinho Garcia de Olague (i.e.,
Martfn Garcfa de Olague), / to Lucas Puxol, and 1 to Joseph de Torres
(I.e., Joseph de'Torres y Martfnez Bravo). The 16 anonymous,works
Include 2 settings of the "minuet". As Barton Hudson points out, a
concordance for one of the minuets appears in the Martfn y Coll
anothology of 1709 (E Mn M.1360).^ The source P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5
does not contain any dates. On the basis.of its repertory Hudson
suggests that i t was compiled between 1700 and 1710, or a l i t t l e
later.®? On the basis of its watermarks Doderer suggests that i t was
- written somfet\me between 1705 and 1715.^ For the purposes'of
chrono|dgy~in^this study I have placed the manuscript at the year 1712.
Nothing is known about-the careers of Joseph Torrelhas, Joao
Correya, Miguel de Sopuerta, Jacinto Bacelar, Alonso Cuevaz, and Lucas
Puxol. All the other ten composers named in P Pm Ms 1577.Loc. B,5 were
* '' 1 %
musicians who worked in Spain, not Portugal. Biographical Information
, V^has already been given e a rlie r in this study for Juan del Vado (chap. 6,
pp.. 289-290), Sebastian Aguilera de Heredia (this chapter, p. 357),
SebastiSn Durdn (chap. 2, pp. 32-33), and Pablo Bruna (this

9 i
chapter, p. 364). Bartolomd Olaegui was chapel-master at Santiago
Cathedral in the middle of the 17th century, according to Barbieri and
Saldoni (both of whom fa il to provide supporting documentation).
Barbieri mentions only the year 1658.100 Saldoni states that Olaegui,
having f ir s t worked as "maestro de capilla" at Burgos Cathedral, held
the post at Santiago*Cathedral from March, 1651, until his death in “ '
February, 1658.I®1 ,
Joseph de Urroz was organist at Santiago Cathedral, at least in
the early part of the year 1710. * ^ Sometime later he moved to Avila
^ Cathedral. Urroz was one of the musicians who disapproved of the
dissonance treatment found in a'passage of the Missa scala aretina by
Francisco V a ils .^
r
Um>z contributed a supporting le tte r to the
* v
c ritic a l attack” directed against Vails which was written by Martfnez de

• ' t ^ _
la Roca. In this le tte r, dated October 25, 1716, Urroz describes
\
himself as the organist at Avila Cathdral.*®4 Part of h is -le tte r was
la te r quoted in an approbation which was written for the encyclopedic
treatise by Nassarre (1724).
■ ■ ■■■■■. —_
Antonio Brocarte worked as organist at four different churches
3„
in succession. He began as second organist at Palencia Cathedral (May,
1650) and then became organist at the.Cathedral of Santo Domingo de ia
Calzada 1n Logrono (December, 1651). Later, in June, 165.5, he succeeded
Correa de Arauxo at Segovia Cathedral. Finally Brocarte worked as
organist at Salamanca Cathedral from December, 1676, up'til his death on
August 21, 1696.106 . - ^
Andrds de Sola spent his entire career at Zaragoza Cathedral.
In June, 1654, he was appointed assistant organist ("ayudante de
organlsta") under his uncle Josd Jimdnez. In February, 1664, Sola was
' promoted to the rank of second organist ("segundo organlsta"). In -
January, I 672, he succeeded Jimdnez as the principal organist
("organlsta principal") and he retained this post until his death on
April 21, 1696. Between A pril, 1687, and October, 1691, Sola also acted
as the chapel-master at Zaragoza Cathedral. *®^
Martfn Garcfa de Olague compiled a manuscript of secular vocal

‘ t .
works composed by Joseph Marfn (who died at the age of 80 in Madrid on
March 8, 1699).*®® On the title-page Olague is described as a member
and organist of the monastery in Madrid called the Convento de la
Santfslma Trinidad.*®® In addition the manuscript has a modern

t
annotation (by Barbieri?) which states that Olague was thejsenior
organist at Cuenca Cathedral in 1695.110
Joseph Torres- y Martfnez Bravo, was a prominent musician at the
court in Madrid. He began his royal service as organist in January,
1687. From approximately 1718 until his death on June 3, 1738, Torres
was "maestro" of the royal chapel.*** As discussed e a rlie r in this
stjtdy (chap. 4, pp. 125-127), Torres;also founded the ;ftrst Spanish
publishing company devoted exclusively to the printing of musical works

■ J 1 :' 1 ; ■' • ' 1
and-.treatises. 1/. f: r. ;■■■■■■
(1) E Mn M.2262 j ' ' .
This manuscript is bound in red leather covers bearing the royal
coat of arms of Felipe Itla c ^ s a title-page. Unfortunately the
f ir s t two folios have been cut out,, leaving behind only two narrow
strips .of paper in the binding. This source reveals the importance of
•Italian music at. the Spanish;court-during the early 18th. century. The
manuscript contains ,four types of works. F irst, i t opens with a short
pedagogical section (f. I r and 2r-3v) written in Ita lia n which deals
with the rudiments of s ta ff notation, solmization, and figured bass.
Second, the closing section of the manuscript ( f / 47v-52r) includes 16

* <■ |
untitled and untexted melodies written in s ta ff notation. The presence
of a few solmization syllables suggests, that these melodies are sight-
singing exercises. Third, the manuscript contains 6 complete- pieces
written on two staves without texts. All of them are probably dance—
settings, but only two have title s . One is a "folfa", (D-136) and one
is a "paspid nuevo". These two settings seem to be for keyboard,
although the intended instrumentation is not specified. Fourth, E Mn
M.2262 contains 8 vocal works written in the Ita lia n st/Te. There are 3
*
"da capo arias" with Ita lia n lyrics (for voice and figured bass), 2 "da
capo arias" with Spanish lyrics (for voice and figured bass), and 3
/ t
"cantatas" with Ita lia n lyrics (one for voice and figured bass; one for
voice, vio lin , and figured bass; and one for voice, two violins, and
- I ' 374 .
■ ' /■ ■ -
figured bass). Giuseppe Draghi Cardinalinotis named as the composer.of
2 of the. cantatas, one of which bears the date A pril, 1718.**3 All the
other pieces are anonymous. For the purposes of chronology in this
study I have placed the.manuscript at the year 1718.
Giuseppe.Draghi Cardinalino worked at the royal court in Madrid
as music-master to prince Luis (born 1707), the eldest son of Felipe V.

t *
Draghi Cardinalino died 1n-ybfieNearly part of 1720. Shortly thereafter
the Venetian native Jaime^Facco, with the support of the duque de
Popoll, successfully applied t o - f i l l the vacant post. Popoli's le tte r
of recommendation, dated February 9, 1720, includes the following '

/
information:
There occurred some days ago here in Madrid the death of:
■ "don" Joseph Draghi Cardinalino, who served in teaching the
prince [I.e ., prince Luis, the' future Luis I] to play the
harpsichord, and in producing some musical and instrumental
” concerts which his highness enjoys a great deal during the
. hours which he does not devote to his studies. Having
investigated what individuals there are to succeed him in
this "post, I find that "don" Jayme Faco, who presents the
attached petition* is a man of much a b ility for this
profession; . . .
Nothing further is known about Draghi Cardinalino. Perhaps he was related
to Antonio Draghi (a composer active in Vienna who died in 1700) or to
Giovanni. Battista Draghi (a composer active in London who died in 1708).
From the biographical information given above and the contents of the
manuscript its e lf, i t seems almost certain that Draghi Cardinalino wrote
•v
the entire E Mn M.2262 for the benefit of his royal pupil prince Luts.
V
(m) P B Ms 964
This Portuguese collection of keyboard works by various
composers is an undated composite source.* * 5 Only 17 of the 208 pieces
bear the name of th eir composer. The copyists attribute 10 works to
Pedro de Aratfjo, 2 to Frascati, 2 to Pedro de San Lorenzo, 1 to Luis
Coutinho, 1 to Joaa de Christo, and 1 to Bernardo Pasquini. Pedro de
Arailjo worked as a music teacher at the Seminary of> Santo Pedro in Braga
from July, 1662, until March, 1668.**® According to th e.18th-century ~
bibliographer Barbosa Machado, the composer Joao de Christo was born 1n.
Lisbon and became a prominent organist and music teacher during the
f ir s t half of the 17th century. Barbosa further states that Joao de
Christo entered the Cistercian order at the monastery of Santa Marfa
in Alcobaga (a town approximately midway between Lisbon and Coimbra) 1n

* ' ' '
January, 1614, and died there on July 30, 1654.**7 Bernardo Pasquini
Was a famous Ita lian composer who worked in Rome, where he dled on
November 21, 1710. Almost nothing is-known about the other three
composers named in this s.ource. Frascati was most lik e ly an Italian.
, Pedro de San Lorenzo and Luis COutinho were Iberian monks, as each 1s
referred to as "fr[eyl" in the manuscript.
P B Ms 964 consists of many sections written in various hands on
different types of paper. One anonymous section contains 15 solo vocal
works with sacred texts and accompaniment for organ or harp.**? Doderer
points out that another anonymous section contains 41 works which have
been taken from Manuel Rodrigo Coelho’s Flores de milsica (Lisbon,
1620).**^ All the dance settings which are relevant .to this study occur
in two other sections, both of which a're Ita lian . The firs t, section
( f . 216r-230v) has the heading "Foreigner Ita lia n works for organ or
harp...."*2® i t contains 26 dance pieces with Ita lia n , tit le s , Including
4 settings of the "minuete". One work is attributed to Bernardo
' • :• '• V s. . ■ ... :
Pasquini ■(D-137jT~"and the rest are anonymous. A note at the top df
f . 224r indicates that many, i f not a ll, of the pieces come specifically
from Rome.*21 The second Ita lia n section (f. 253r-259r) lacks an
overall heading.*22 I t contains 21.dance pieces with Ita lia n tit le s ,
including 3 settings of the "minuete". Two works are attributed to
Frascati, and the rest are ar ^ ympus.
Doderer suggests that the various sections of P B Ms 964 were
once separate manuscripts which were bound -together in th e ir present
form sometime during the second half of the 18th century.*23 From an
*
examination of the watermarks, he has identified 22 different types of
paper. They span a long period of time. According td Doderer the
earliest paper dates from 1610-1630, and the most recent paper ( i t occurs
in the two Ita lian sections) dates from 172.0-1766.*2^. For the purposes
of chronology in this study I have placed the collection at the year 1720.
*
(n) E Mn M.815
The title-page of this manuscript bears the name Francisco de.
Tejada and the date 1721.*2^ I t alio has an inscription by Barbieri
stating that the manuscript was discovered in Seville at the end of the
year 1872 ("Este m[anu]s[rito] se hal 1<5 en Sevilla, a fines de 1872").
This collection 1s the earliest Spanish source of music written
specifically for the harpsichord ("clavicfmbalo"). All the' pieces are
anonymous, except for 3 works (i.e ., a total of 5 movements) which are
attributed to Corel 1 (i.e., the Ita lia n v io lin is t Arcangelo C orelli).
E Mn M.815 consists almost entirely of secular dance settings. Most of
the dance-types are French or Ita lia n , thus reflecting the enormous
influence of foreign music at the Spanish court during the early 18th
*
■' . .■ ■' •
century. The manuscript includes keyboard arrangements of 6 movements
from the trio sonatas of Corelli (listed l?e]ow in chap. 8, Chart 26).126
I t also includes 47 settings of the "minuet". A group of 21 of the~<>e
"minuetes" (f.' 51v-59v) possesses two distinctive features. F irst, each
setting is notated for melody and figured bass (labelled
"acomp[anamien]t6"). 'Second, each has a Spanish subtitle (which may
refer to Spanish lyrics), thereby revealing the absorption of the minuet
into Spanish society. Among the many other French dan.ce-types Tn thtls
collection, there is one setting of the "Amable" (listed and transcribed
• below, chap. 8, Chart 27 and musical example 17).
Nothing is known ^jout Francisco de Tejada or his relationship
with this manuscript. Perhaps he was the.musician who composed or
compiled the collection, in that case he may have been related to the
\ *
Francisco Tejada who worked as principal organist at Salamanca Cathedral
from September, 1696, until his death "on September 19, 1699.12^ A lter
natively, perhaps Tejada was an aristocrat Who owned the manuscript.
The naime Tejada does belong to several families of the Spanish nobility.
For example, in 1727 a Francisco Tejerizo de Tejada submitted evidence
of his noble ancestry to- the royal tribunal in Valladolid.^28
(o') E Be M.386 ’ \ '
This collection of organ works by Juan Cabanilles was probably
compiled by Estevan Maronda. The title-page bears the date October 12,
1722.*28 In the body of the:manuscript a l l 98 pieces are attributed to
Cabanilles. However for the piece entitled "Tiento de contras, 8° tono"
(pp. 132-133) the name Cabanillas has been crossed out and replaced by
the name Pablo B ru n a .^
The careers of Juan Cabanilles and Pablo Bruna have been
discussed above in this chapter (under E Be M.387 and E Mn M.1360
respectively). Estevan Maronda is described as a minor pupil of Joseph
El fas on the title-page' of E Be M.386. Josd El fas was one of the
most prominent organists in Spain during the f ir s t half of the 18th
century. He began working as: an organist in Barcelona, f ir s t at the
parish church of Sant Pere de las Puellas (1712-1715) and then at^the
parish church of Santos Justo y Pastor (1715-1725). Elfas subsequently

'i a
moved to Madrid where he served as organist at the Monasterio de las
Descalzas Reales from 1725 until at least July 14, 1751.' The date of
his death is not known.^
Temperament and Tuning
‘ During the late 16th and 17th centuries in Spain, mean-tone
temperament predominated for"keyboard instruments. Tomds de Santa Marfa

s®>'
(1565) devotes a chapter to tuning the clavichord in which he says that
the fifth s should be slightly f l a t . ^2 Cerone (1613) incorporates most
of this-chapter in his own treatise. He elaborates upon the tuning
method and.recommends i t for a ll keyboard instruments. Cerone claims
that i t yields the 2/7 comma system which was described e a rlie r in
Zarllno’s In stitutio ni harmoniche (Venice, 1558).^3 Salinas (1577)
also advocates mean-tone temperament for the keyboard. He provides
details for implementing three differen^-varieties, namely, the 1/3
comma, 2/7 comma, and 1/4 comma systems.*^ Despite the lack of tuning
instructions from the 17th century, the Spanish keyboard sources themselves
imply the use of,mean-tone temperament, for rarely does the notation of
chromatic notes exceed the set of "c^M, "eb", "f^1", ,rg^", and "bb".
* *
During the early 18th century Spanish keyboard players continue

• O ' ' '
to advocate some sort of mean-tone temperament. In 1709,Martfn y Coll
<
gi,ves instructions for tuning the organ,' harpsichord, or harp at the end
of the manuscript devoted to his own organ compositions.135’ His method
(notcounting the octave transpositions), is to proceed by ascending
• fifth s from "g" through to "g5^" and by descending fifth s from "g"
through to "eb". In the ascending fifth s the upper note is to be
somewhat f la t ("algo descabezada"), while in the descending fifth s the
lower note is to be som'ewfiat sharp ("algo subida"). In other words, a ll
the fifth s should be somewhat fla t.Martfn explains that without this
i
adjustment the major thirds would be disagreeably sharp:
- The reasons why the fifth s which we mentioned above 1n the

■ tuning of the "flautado" [ i . e . / the principal pipes of the
organ], harpsichord, and harp are to be f la t and not pure,
and why in other fifth s the lower note is to be somewhat
*sharp and not f la t [i.e ., making the interval f l a t ] , Is as
follows. When one tests the tuning [i.e ., with the triads
Bb+, G+, or C+], ... i f the f if t h s are tuned very pure, the
major thirds which are located in the middle of the chord,
between the unison and the f if t h , w ill be somewhat sharp and
w ill sound badly. By leaving the fifth s S l i t t l e b it f la t ,
one finds in practice that they produce pleasant chords to ■
. the ear*.which is the proper judge of the sonority of a
- chord.135
Martfn follows the usual procedure of setting the middle register f ir s t
and then tuning the outer registers by octaves. However, for the
highest notes of the instrument (i.e ., beginning an octave.above middle
"c") he adds an unusual qualification: " It is important that a ll the
octayes in the highest register be very pure, with the upper notes
* ^
pulled up as much as possible, so that the fi,fths with which they are
placed 1n .consonance w ill produce a very pure harmony."137 Later in his
Instructions he emphasizes that "all the fifth s [whose upper notes are]
from 'c' with the dot [ i.e ., the 'c' above middle ’c1] up to the end of
the organ are to be very pure and raised as much "ars- possible ..."138
Evidently Martfn preferred to haVe^harp thirds rather than f la t fifth s
1n the highest register., The result is a temperament which does not
extend consistently throughout the instrument.
This modification of mean-tone temperament does not occur in any
'other extant Spanish source of the period. For example, Nassarre (1724)
provides Instructions for tuning the organ in a uniform manner. His
method (not counting the octave transpositions) is to ascend from "g" by
major triads through to "e", then to ascend from "e" by a major third to
"g^", and f in a lly to descend from "g" by f if t h s through to "e'’".
Nassarre states ex p lic itly that a ll the fifth s should be slightly
f la t .138 .This method is the same one which he gives for tuning the
- r
harpsichord and harp. There he further specifies that the major thirds
should be pure (see above, chap. 6, pp. 300-301).
Under mean-tone temperament, enharmonically related notes
are not identical in pitch. They d iffe r by a comma. On a keyboard
incorporating the temperament at its normal pitch-level, the black keys
produce the notes "c^", "e'’", "f^", "g^", and "b1”1. In order to expand
the system, some Spanish organs were constructed with additional
chromatic notes. In 17109 Martfn y Coll alludes to organs which have
separate pipes and keys fo r such accidentals as "d^", "d^", "e^", "a^",
and "aft". Martfn explains how to tune these notes under mean-tone
temperament. He states that each sharp should form a pure interval with
\ ' ' •
the major third below, while each f la t should form a slightly f la t
intervaVwith the perfect fif th above.^ However, organs with such
accessories were relatively rare in Spain. Consequently most Spanish
organists adopted a simple method to deal with chromatic notes situated
outside the temperament. They merely ignored the theoretical discrep-
ancies and substituted the enharmonically related notds. Torres y

*
Martfnez Bravo (1702) describes the practice as follows:
Note that in the accompaniments one often finds a sharp

and a f la t which the organ does not possess 1n an exact
manner, namely, "d"" and "a1>". These are replaced on the "
organ by playing "e when one meets "d#", and by playing
"gff" fo r "ab". These are not exact because the key [o f "eb"
on the organ manual] which serves for the sharp has a comma
more, and the key [of "g#" on the organ manual] which serves
for the f la t has a comma less. The reason is because the
“semitono cantable", which is the interval from "mi" to "fa",
has 5 commas, and the interval of the "semitono Incantable",
which is from "fa" natural to "fa" sharp, consists of 4
commas. Therefore "e1*" which serves as "d#" has a comma too
-much, since the "semitono incantable" should have 4 commas
according to what has been w ritten. The opposite is the case
with "ab", because when "g*" serves as the said."ab" i t is •
not distant [from "gh"] by more than 4 commas, which 1s the.
' interval of a "semitono incantable". Yet i t should be 5
commas, which is=-fehe* interval of a "semitono" ["cantable"],
according to what has been written. Therefore i t lacks a .
comma. 41
\ . Although enharmonic substitution was widely used, Nassarre
• (1724) strongly disapproves of i t :
... there is an abuse Introduced especially among organists

which is against a ll good'practice. I t happens that when
playing the organ they want to produce a sharp where there is
not one [i.e ., under mean-tone tuning] or a f la t on a key
which lacks i t . They want to replace the sharp with a f la t
and the f la t with a sharp. These notes do not have the
quantity which they ought to have, because when the sharp 1s
replaced with a f la t i t is a comma higher, and when the f la t
is replaced with a sharp 1t is a comma lower. Consequently
dissonance arises in such arrangements. When one charges
such practitioners* with this fa u lt, they respond that th eir
method does not sound badly. The fact is that, from using
such dissonances so much, they now have their ears accustomed
to them. Through use, what is b itte r is changed for them:
into wn^t 1s stfeet. However this is more on account of their
imag1na<tion thatn in reality. They could make up for these
notes in offiSr^ways, but since the above method is less
laborious they want to go by the short cut, although the path
1s more b itte r .142
He argues that the player should strive to preserve the mean-tone
temperament. ' For the harpsichord (and harp) Nassarre advocates that the
tuning o^ appropriate strings be adjusted in advance to supply the
chromatic notes which normally lie outside the temperament. Pre-tuning
enables the player to transpose each of the 8 modes ti) any pitch-level
(as diseased above, chap. 6, p. 301). For the organ. Nassarre
acknowledges that pre-tuning is impractical because of the d iffic u lty
Involved 1n adjusting the pipes. Consequently he advises the player to
confine himself to the usual 5 chromatic notes. This means that the
organist has at his disposal only 5 complete transpositions of each of
the 8 modes.14^ I f the score contains other chromatic notes, Nassarre
recommends that they be omitted in performance:

■ V *
... at th is p itc h -le v e l [ i.e ., in mode 1 ("d" f in a l)
transposed to "c"] the f la t which one may occasionally make
use of has its position on "a". There is no key [on the
organ manual] which corresponds to it.„ .Many organists supply
i t with the black key which is for "g , although its pitch is
a comma lower than what is necessary for the f la t and i t
sounds disagreeable to the ear. They should be attentive to
the ear by using the substitute note with [only] a short
duration. When there is to be this f la t which is lacking on
the organ, i t is better to omit i t altogether, for in this
way i t sounds neither well nor; badly. With any voice at a ll,
except the bass, i t is easy to omit the note. When the bass
is to use i t , one can arrange the music in another way so
that the note is not needed, except'in the obligatory cases
of realizing accompaniments. In the section on
accompaniments I w ill show how those notes should be
' replaced. Everything which has been said about the f la t is
to be observed at any other pitch-level where the note is not
fourjd on the organ, both for the f ir s t mode as well as for
' a ll the other modes.144
As Nassarre promises in this excerpt, he later explains how the
accompanist should replace unwanted chromatic notes when they are given
in the bass. The organist is to substitute another note of the triad
implied in the music. In this way he can suggest the same harmony in
' > y '
' his realization, although the originally intended,chord w ill be
* incomplete and in another position:
^ . When some sharp occurs [in the bass to be realized] where

there is none on the organ, one is to make up for i t by
placing the bass a third lower. For example, i f the sharp
occurs on "d", which is lacking on the organ, one 1s, to
f replace i t with "b". One does not place any voice [of the
chord realized above i t ] in a,third or tenth, but only in a
. f if t h and octave. When some f la t occurs in the.written bass
which is lacking on the organ, such as on "a" or elsewhere,
one is to replace i t with a note a third higher. For
example, when the f la t is on "a", one is to raise the bass to
"c", with the observation that one does not place the voices
[of the chord realized above i t ] in any interval other than
an octav^. ®
' During the Tate 17th and early 18th centuries three prominent
Spanish mathematicians advocated the use of equal temperament for the
organ, harpsichord, and harp. .The Jesuit mathematician Joseph Zaragoza
argued that equal temperament could be easily implemented by means of the
"tetrachordo", a geometric device consisting of four strings whose lengths

*
are measured .into 10,000 parts. In his treatise of 1675, Zaragoza relates
the following account of its demonstration at the court of Carlos II:
. I t does not fa il to cause a great deal of amazement that,

while the guitar is so common, its tuning [i.e ., equal
temperament] has not been employed on. the organ.... I would
not have thought more about the subject i f the occasion had
not arisen *of renovating the organ of the royal chapel of
your majesty. On the f ir s t day I said to the builder.that he.
should makea small organ with this tuning [i.e ., equal
temperament] for your majesty. At this time "don" F£l1x
[i.e.,. F61ix Falco de Belaochaga] came-from Valencia and
brought the "tetrachordo", which he placed in your majesty's
hands. He told me that he had already put i t into practice
in Valencia the previous year, with much praise by the
musicians of that: city. I consider i t certain that he was
the f ir s t to make use of this tuning [on the organ]. The
experiment was also performed'in front of your majesty with
the approbation of the musicians of the royal chapel. What
1s certain is that the advantages which this tuning brings
with i t are so great, that i t can be tolerated i f i t has some
defe^|gWhich does not cause a notable dissonance to the
ear• . ^
In 1709 the Valencian priest and mathematician Tosca repeats Zaragoza's
discussion and gives specific instructions for employing the

• ■
"tetrachordo". *4^ In 1717 the Jesuit mathematician Ulloa reports that
equal temperament has often been used with success on the organ.*4®’!
‘ \
Nevertheless, despite these recommendations and accounts, i t seems that
mean-tone temperament remained the predominant tuning system for

♦ ■' '
keyboard instruments in Spain during the f ir s t part of the 18th century.
Tablature Notation
Keyboard tablature occurs in six of the sources under consider
ation: Venegas de Hehestrosa (1557), Cabezdn (1578), Correa de Arauxo
(1626), E Mn R.14096 (the Ms addition to Correa de Arauxo), E Mn M.1358
(f. lr -8 0 r only), and P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5. The three published
sources and the Portuguese manuscript explain the tablature in th eir
prefaces.*4® The notational system is more or less the same in a ll six
sources. The last two manuscripts (written in 1707 and in approximately
1712 respectively) reveal that the use of Spanish keyboard tablature
spans a period of more than 150 years. Furthermore Nassarre (1724)
b riefly discusses keyboard tablature as one of the prevailing notational
systems of his time. He also states that i t is suitable for the double-rank
harp.*®® (The sim ila rity between keyboard tablature and the usual harp
tablature has been discussed above in the previous chapter,'p. 317.)
The appearance of keyboard tablature in Spain during the early
18th century was not a sudden revival of the system. I t was probably
used throughout the second half of the 17th century, despite the lack of
extant musical sources. For example, the lost organ book by Lorente
(entitled Melodfas milsicas and lik e ly issued sometime between 1672
and 1677) was written in tablature, according to the composer himself
(see above, chap. 6, p. 289). The continuity of Iberian practice is
also shown by the anonymous Arte de canto llano, drqano, y cifra
(Madrid, 1649). Its final chapter, which is an explanation of keyboard
tablature, provides a direct link between the late 16th century and the
early 18th century.^1 On the one hand, the chapter is only a slightly
modified version of the explanation given e a rlie r by Cabezdn (1578).
The author does not acknowledge the borrowing, but he does close the
chapter with the following recommendation:
The published tablature of Antonio Cab'ezdn has two-voice

and three-voice pieces for beginners, and s k illfu l works to
produce consummate organists. I t would be very beneficial to
the service of God i f in a ll monasteries there were Cabezdn's
book or manuscripts ofjequivalent tablature.152
On the other hand, most of this chapter was la te r translated into
Portuguese to form the opening section of P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 (as
pointed out above in this chapter, p. 370).
In Spanish keyboard tablature each horizontal line represents a
separate voice-part. There are normally four lines, which from highest
to lowest represent the soprano ("tiple"), alto ("contra alto" or "alto"),
tenor ("tenor"), and bass ("contrabaxo" or "baxo"). For two-voice and
three-voice pieces the number of lines is reduced accordingly. Correa
de Arauxo (1626) emphasizes the contrapuntal nature of. this notational
386.
system as fbllows: "Item, le t i t be obeyed with inviolable observance
that one does not l i f t up a number [i.e ., note] until another number or
rest follows on the same tablature lin e , ...,l15^ Keyboard tablature
thus presents each'work as i f i t were s tric tly polyphonic. Consequently
1t is not completely satisfactory for those pieces (such as simple dance

*
settings) which are musically conceived in a freer texture.
Pitch is clearly notated in Spanish keyboard tablature by means
of numbers and accidental signs. Seven Arabic numerals (1, 2, 3, 4, 5,
6, and 7) represent the seven diatonic pitch-degrees ("f", "g", "a",
"b", "c", "d", and "e" respectively), The manner in which tbe numbers
are written indicates the precise octave-register of the pitches. Plain
numbers represent the'register containing middle "c", while numbers
embellished with slashes or dots represent each of the other registers.
In four of the sources under consideration the set of ciphers
encompasses a range of 27 diatonic'notes' (beginning on "c", two octaves
below middle "c"). In the theoretical section of P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5,
the set is extended upwards by two ciphers to yield an overall range of

/ _ __________________
four complete o c tav es.^ However, in the musical pieces of this
source, theyiotation only goes as high as "4" ( i . e , , „"b").*55
Chromatic notes are shown by sharp and f la t signs which are
added to the numbers. The lowest octave usually Contains only one
chromatic note, namely, (i.e ., "b*7"). This re fle c ts the sfjort-
octave arrangement normally found on Spanish keyboard instruments. In
the tablature, each of the.other octaves usually contains-no more than
fiv e chromatic notes, namely, “2^", "4fc>", "5^", and "717" (i.e .,
"f#",. Mg#",. and "eb"). They correspond t.o the black keysôf
387.
the instrument tuned in mean-tone temperament. For example, Correa de
Arauxo (1626) explains that he does not give symbols for "ab" and "db"
because the organ lacks these notes.155 On occasion a notated accidental

c
functions enharmonically. For instance, Hudson reports that in P Pnr
Ms 1577 Loc. B,5, ,,2#" (i.e ., "g#") and "b7" (i.e ., "eb") sometimes serve
as "ab" and "d^" respectively.157 The ciphers found 1n the two keyboard
manuscripts of the early 18th century are shown in,musical example 14.
In order to reduce, the number of accidental signs, a ll the
sources after Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) employ certain symbols in the
manner of modern key signatures. Cabezdn (1578) explains that at the :
beiginningW a piece the sign " N " (called "B quadrado") means that all
the "b's" are natural, while the sign "B" (called "B [mol]") means that
a ll the "b's" are f la t .155 The same convention is described in the
Arte de canto llano, drqano, y cifra (1649) and in P Pm Ms 1577 Loc.
B,5. The tablature section of E Mn M.1358 employs three types of signa
tures without explanation: " ^1 ", (or " § " ), and "bl=i" (or ntl | " ) .
The f ir s t sign probably stands for "b^", while the second sign probably
stands for "b'7". The precise meaning of the third sign is not known.
I t occurs in pieces which seem to require "bb", but i t is not clear why
i t is used instead of the second sign. The most elaborate system of
signatures is found in Correa de Arauxo. (1626). He states that "B"
ca lls fo r "bb", Hti" fo r " f#V " fo r " f#" and "c#", and "444" fo r
"f#", "c#", and "g#".159 Correa stresses the novelty of his "sharp"
signatures. He also explains that the absence of a symbol is its e lf a
signature calling for the diatonic pitches (i.e., including "b^'s").1®9
sources of the early 18th century
; ■
_ £ -M h M. - f.llr - gO r VF ' >
IP Pwv L o c . . , 3 > 5 ’. >_ ^ . - l r 1 cT ..<f *&

^ — ———r— ^
■g- —
J. ■±t- ±
22n X, - f * '' *
In Spanish keyboard tablature, rhythm is shown btf
K \ means of barlines,
mensuration signs, rests, ties, spacing of the ciphers, ax^d durational
note-symbols. The sources up to 1'626 d iffe r from the later] ones in their
use of mensuration signs. Correal de Arauxo (1626) states t j^^he employs
various signatures "1n order to distinguish the different prolongations of

\/
time [i.e ., speeds] that are t j be had in beating the measure."1®* He
proceeds to discuss five mensuration signs. He assigns a different relative
tempo to each one, as shown in Chart 20. * ^ Under four of the five
signs the notated measure is binary with a value of one "sembreve" ("o").
. 1
Correa explains that the choice of sign (and therefore tempo) depends on
the size of the smallest note-symbol which prevails in a given piece.
For example, Correa distinguishes between "C" and as follows:
I have seen many works of very great masters notated now

with "tiempo Imperfecto" ["C"] and now with the slash ["<£"],
without distinction.' And there is no reason why they should
be used without any difference at a ll, since these two
mensurations have so great a disparity between them. I
content myself with the manner of use of "padre" Manuel
, Rodriguez Coelho in the book he wrote in mensural notation
for keyboard players, etc. [i.e ., his Flores de mtisica:
pera o instrumento de tecla, & harpar (Lisbon, 1620)1, since
he uses the "tiempo imperfecto" ["C"] in works of 16
"semicorcheas" [J*] to the measure, without mixing another
mensuration. And so considering this, and that properly the
function of the "tiempo de por medio" ["£"] is to make one
measure of two, and that this can be done better in works of
8 ["corcheas", i.e., «h ] to the measure;, I determined to
assign the "tiempo parti do" ["$"] to those works of 8 £«b]
for the said reason, and the "imperfecto" ["C"] to those of ^
16 [J*] (as i t certainly ought to be), in order to make clear
the difference that there should be in beating the measure
under each sign.1®3
In his system Correa does not always retain the usual meanings of the
mensuration signs. For instance, he employs,the signs "<{)" and "0" for
binary notation, even though in traditional theoryythey symbolize

ternary mensurations.
CHART 20 - Mensuration signs symbolizing
tempo in Correa de Arauxo (1626)
*
\ * * Value, of
Symbol Name one measure Relative tempo
* , tiempo imperfecto-de | J J 1= s fastest

por medio
4> tiempo perfecto de |J J | = 8 > . fast

por medio t
C tiempo imperfecto , |J J |= moderate
<f>3 or 4>| ' proporcidn mayor (or | o o o | = 24- J1 slow

CompSs mayor
ternario)
0 tiempo perfecto absoluto |J J | = 32 ^ slowest
in the keyboard sources before Correa de Arauxo (1626) i t is not

; ^ „
clear whether the mensuration signs are supposed to designate tempo. The
— question rarely arises in Venegas de Henestrosa (1557), since most of his
pieces lack mensuration signatures.*^ By contrast, a ll the works in

*• ' >
Cabezdn (1578) do employ mensuration signatures. ^ However, in the preface
Hernando de Cabez<5n makes no mention of different tempi. For the ternary
proportions "$3" and "C3" he merely defines the measure in terms of note-
s y m b o ls .^ 5 He does not even discuss most of, the other signatures. Never
theless Jacobs argues that, as in some Spanish vihuela publications of the
16th century, the mensuration signs in Cabezdn (1578) function as tempo*
Indications. In particular Jacobs suggests that "4:" and "<p3" represent a
fast tempp, "C" and "C3" a moderate tempo, and "0" and "03" a slow tempo.
Before considering the later sources, i t is important to
emphasize one general feature of the notational practices of western
Europe during the 16th and early 17th centuries. In any piece the given
mensuration sign and barlines do not necessarily indicate the metrical
framework and, accentual-organization of the music. Thus instrumental
dance-song settings based on triple-m eter schemes are sometimes notated
as 1f they were in duple meter. This often occurs in Spanish settings
of "Gudrdame las vacas" from the late 16th century (as well as -in
Ita lian settings of the "romanesca" from the early 17th century). Fof
instance, in a keyboard setting by Cabezdn (D-210) the harmonic
elements of the scheme change every three measures (0 J o lo lo ^ ). In a

4* ir 1
vlhuela‘setting by Pdez (D-199) the same elements change every one and
a half measures (C |o 14 4|o 1). Later Nassarre (1724) attempts „to account
for such practices^’n his description'of older mensuration signs. He
' states.that under "ternario menor" ("0") one can beat time as duple
meter in terms of each measure ( |44| ) or as trip le meter in terms of
groups of three measures ( Jo Io Io I.):
This mensuration [i.e ., "tenario menor"] can be sung under

the two kinds of measure, either equal [i.e ., binary] or
unequal [i.e ., ternary]. I f i t is sung under the equal
measure, a ll the note-symbols have the value which .I have
said [i.e ., the "mdxima" ( ^ ) is worth 12 measures, the
"longa" (S ) 6, the Vbreve" (w ) 3, and the "semibreve" (o )
1; and one measure contains 2 Mmfnimas" ( A ), 4 "semfnimas"
(4 ), 8 "corcheas" (-^ ), and 16 "semicorcheas" (^ )].
However i f i t is under the unequal measure, then the notes of
three measures are included in one: the "mSxima" being
worth 4 measures, the "longa" 2, the "breve" 1; and one
measure containing 3 "semibreves", 6 "mfnimas", 12
"semfnimas", 24 "corcheas", and 48 "semicorcheas".
393.
Nassarre sim ilarlysrtates that under "ternario mayor" ("<b") one, can beat
time as duple meteE/in terms of each measure { lo o l) or as trip le meter
in terms of groups of ont'and a half measures ( |oo|oo |oo |,);
This mensuratjon [i.e ., "ternario mayor"] can be .sung 1n the /•-

same manner as the other one [i.e ,, "ternario menor"], both t i
with the measure equal [i.e ., binary] and with i t unequal
[i.e ., ternary]. I f i t is sung under the equal measure, the V
"maxima" note [ R ] is worth 6 measures, the "longa" [ ' I ] 3;
the "breve" [w ] 1%, and in each measure there enters 2
"semibreves" [o ] , 4 "mfnimas" [ i ' ] , 8 "semfnimas" [ 4 ],
16 "corcheas" [ £ ] , and 32 "semiqorcheas" [ £ . ] , ... However
i t can also be sung under the unequal measure. , In this case
the note-synibols have neither more nor less value than as I
said under "proporcidn mayor" [ j £a., one measure equals 1
"breve" or 3 '"semibreves"], . . . 8
Some early .instrumental settings exhibit the same sort of duality under
"compasillo" ("C"), but Nassarre does not deal with this case in his
treatise.
In the Spanish keyboard sources after Correa'de Arauxo (1626)
the mensuration signs almost certainly do not denote specific tempi.
The signatures probably have the same meanings in keyboard tablature as
they do in s ta ff notation of the period. For example, the most frequent
mensuration signs in E Mn M.1358 (f. lr -8 0 r ) are "C", l,c^," (or

" or " or " i , " or " "), "C*. s e s q u i[a ite r]a ",
and "<}: £ sesquiSltera". With respect to sta ff notation the very same
signs are discussed by Lorente (1672) under the names "compasino" (or
"tiempo menor imperfecto"), "compels mayor", "proporcidn menor",
"proporcidn mayor", "sexquidltera menor", and "sexquidltera mayor"
respectively (see below in this chapter, Chart 21]. Lorente considers
them among the most important mensurations of his day.^®^ In the
tablature section of E Mn M.1358 the value of the measure under each of
. . 394.
the signs (except "£") accords with Lorente's definitions.17® During
the second part of the 17th and early 18th centuries none.of the Spanish
sources of music or theory mention any one-to-one correspondence between
mensuration signs and tempo. For instance, the anonymous Arte de canto
llano, drgano, y cifra (1649), which deals with keyboard tablature,
devotes a separate chapter to mensural notation.171^ According to the
author the most common signatures are "C" ("compasillo"), ("compels
mayor"), "C3" ("proporcidn menor"), and "4>i" ('.'proporcidn mayor").
He defines the measure for each in terms of note-symbols but he does not
assign specific tempi to them.' Later theorists, such as Nassarre (1723-
1724), reveal that different speeds were used for works notated under
the same mensuration sign (see below in this chapter under "Staff
Notation"). Thus Spanish musicians discontinued not only the
experimental systems of Correa de Arauxo and e a rlie r instrumentalists,
but also the traditional principle o f employing one absolute pulse
(known in Latin as the "tactus") for a ll the signs.
Spanish keyboard tablature e x p lic itly shows rests and ties. A
rest ("pausa") is notated by the le tte r "p" or by a slash through a tabla
ture line (i.e., o r_"-/-"). Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) introduces
the le tte r symbol.17^ Cabezdn (1578), Correa de Arauxo (1626), and
P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 employ the slash. E Mn M.1358 (f. lr-8 0 r) uses the
le tte r in some instances and the slash in others. A tie ("ligadura") or
prolongation ("detencidn") is notated by a comma under a tablature line
(i.e ., "_5_ " ) . I t is defined f i r s t by Cabezdn (1578) and la te r by Correa
de Arauxo (1626).17^ In E Mn M.1358 (f. lr-80 r) the use of this symbol is
inconsistent, for sometimes i t seems to stand for a rest rather than a tie .
395.
All the sources under consideration expect the player to infer
the intended rhythms prim arily from the spacing of the ciphers with
respect to the barlines. Durational note-symbols.are only occasionally '
added above the tablature lines. Cabezdn (1578) explains this aspect
of the notation as follows:

•
Likewise you should know that each,of the spaces which are
between the strokes which cross the tablature lines from top
to bottom equals one measure. [Under "compasiVlo"] 1f there
; is no more than one cipher at the beginning of the measure,
i t w ill be worth a "semibreve" [o]. I f there are two, one at
the beginning and another in the middle, they w ill be worth
"mfnimas" [Jj. I f there are four ciphers, they w ill be
worth "semfnimas" [J]; and so on, in accordance with the
table which is set down as a demonstration of how one notates
all'the.note-values of mensural music and a few easy melodic
diminutions ["glosas"]: . . . [The table follows].
Because sometimes you w ill find the note-values to be so
intertwined with one another that i t would be d iffic u lt to
set down [the ciphers] properly in a ll the parts whfere there
are these d iffic u ltie s , you w ill find the; rhythm ["ayre"] set
down above the tablature lines [by means of note-symbols], 4
' All the sources, except E Mn M.1358, provide sim ilar explanations.*75
E Mn M.1358 (f. lr-80 r) probably relies on spacing also, since i t does ^
not supply durational symbols in fu ll. Furthermore this source does not
always dot the note-symbols where appropriate. Thus, under "proporcidn
menor" the given pattern " |c) chJ | " probably stands for " j J- J\J |" .
^Two of the sources contain unusual rhythms. Cabezdn (1578)
uses some quintuplets ("proporcidn sesquiquinta"), which he indicates
by placing the symbol "IT" above the relevant groups of ciphers.175
Correa de Arauxo (1626) employs a few passages with 5 or 7 "semfnimas"
(J ) to the measure.177 Correa's groupings should probably be performed
as equal quintuplets and septuplets respectively, although his
explanation is not absolutely conclusive on this point. In his-preface
Correa only discusses how to beat time for measures consisting of "n"
, eqlial notes, where "n" is indivisible by 2 or 3 .*7®
l | | j | .' . Groups of 6 equal notes to the measure or half measure are often
ambiguous as to their internal accentual organization. With^sextuplets
(in keyboard tablature as well as in other notational systems) i t is not
always clear which of the following patterns is intended: l.xxx ,.xxx | (i.e.,
** I * I
2 groups of 3, as in t'he modern § .) or I.x Xj.xXj^ I ( i* e*» 3 groups of 2,
as 1n the modern ^ ). This problem frequently arises in the dance-song
repertory because, as the clearly notated settings indicate, an alternation
between 2 groups of 3 and 3 groups of 2 is characteristic of some of ‘She
Spanish dance-types. Correa de Arauxo (1626) attempts to eliminate the
. notational ambiguity by introducing special symbols above the tablature.
He places a "3" to indicate d groups of 3 ,'and a "2" to indicate 3
groups of 2: , A
\ ■ ' . • . * . ^
•> In melodic diminutions under the "sesquidltera" of six
'notes to the measure,>if i t is notated with the rhythm
["ayre"] of "proporcidn menor", which is with a "3" above,
give the main downbeat of the measure on the f ir s t note, the
main upbeat on the fourth note, and again a downbeat for the
following measure on the seventh note [ i . e . , Ixxx^xxxlx . . . ] .
4” 1T I
I f i t is notated witlTthe rhythm of "proporcidn mayor",
which is with a "2" above, give the main downbeat of the
measure onlEhe f ir s t note, the main upbeat on the f if t h note,
and again a downbeat .for the fallowing measure on the seventh
• * -J note [ i . e . , Ixx^xxlxxlx . . . ] . 179
’ Jr. t
This notational device dfles not appear in la te r sources. ,
Two Spanish sources advocate the use of some sort of rhythmic

*
inequality in the performance of keyboard works. Tomds de Santa Marfa
(1565) states that to play with good rhythm ("taner con buen ayre") one
should perform groups of 4 equal "semfnimas" ( I ) or "corcheas" ( £ ) as

• ' .■ c y
i f some of the notes were dotted. He recommends that the notated pattern
" 1 1 4 1 " be realized as £ ", and that the notated pattern
" £ £ £ £ " be realized as " £• £ £ " or " £ £- I £• " or " £ ! £ £ . • "
r r n Q
(sic; perhaps this last grouping stands for nJ7] J n).180 Since
Antonio and Juan de Cabezdn formally approved the treatise by Tomds de
Santa Marfa (according to the title-p ag e), i t is probably appropriate
to apply this convention to the works in Venegas de Henestrosa (1557)
and Cabezdn (1578).
Correa de Arauxo (1626) advocates a second type of rhythmic
inequality. I t consists of performing notated trip le ts by prolonging
the f ir s t note and shortening the last two notes. Correa describes this
method as playing with the gentle l i l t ("ayrezillo") of "proporcidn
menor". He attempts to signal this convention e x p lic itly 1n his pieces.
Above the tablaturfe-h/ places a "3" for unequal trip le ts and °a "2" for
equal notes:
The very same notes in number can be played in two

d ifferent ways under that which we call "sexquidltera"
proportion, which consists of 6 or 12 notes to the measure,
and also under that of 9 or 18 notes to the measure. The
f ir s t and easiest way is to play them equally and evenly,
that is, without lingering more on one note than on another.
This rhythm ["ayre"] is lik e "proporcidn mayor" ["<}>3"], 1n
which 3 "semibreves" [o ], 6 "mfnimas" [J] and 12
"semfnimas" [J] go into each measure equally arid evenly and
without a gentle l i l t ["ayrezillo"]. The second way is to
play them somewhat unequally and with that gentle l i l t and
elegance of "proporcidn menor" ["C3 "]. This way (although
d iffic u lt) is the one most used by organists. I t consists of
lingering more on the f ir s t note, and less on the second and
third; and then lingering on the fourth, and less on the
f i f t h and sixth. I t is (almost) as i f one were making the
4
f ir s t note a "minima" and the second and. third "semfnimas"
[ i.e ., re a liz in g "<J as "J J J " ], or (in h a lf values) one
"semfnima" and two "corcheas" [i.e ., realizing " J J J " a s
" J J"J"]. One continues thus through all the notes of each ^
measure. Therefore, granting this disparity (which can occur
under any mensuration sign, with or without the slash), i t
w ill be lo g ic a lif there is a disparity in the signs which
denote them, so that one may know when the said notes or
numbers are to be played with an equal rhythm or with an
unequav rhythm.... And thus i t is established that the "3"
above the said notes (in mensural notation) and numbers (in
tablature) signifies the said gentle l i l t of "proporcidn
menor" and the ternary number [i.e ., inequality]; and the
"2" signifies the equality of notes as-in the binary
number.'181 ' .
• • ._____________________ . V
-H ow ever his notational system is somewhat puzzling. Elsewhere in his
organ book (as translated above in this chapter, p. 396) Correa states
that the symbols "3" and "2" are supposed to distinguish between 2
groups of 3 notes and 3 groups of 2 notes. I f he is being consistent,
then apparently he intends that a ll trip le ts be performed unequally.

*
The unequal trip le ts , described by Correa de Arauxo (1626) should
• not beconfused with the "unequal" beating of time for ternary measures.
According to, Spanish theory, every measure consists of one main downbeat
. ("dar") and one main upbeat ("alzar"). For the three parts of a ternary
measure one beats time either as " |>I--t |" or " | ^ T - | " . This does not
mean that the notes become unequal. On the contrary, i t is precisely
because the three parts of the measure are of equal duration that the
downbeat is unequal with regard to the upbeat. Cerone (1613) provides
the following clear explanation:
Although o f the three parts which the ternary measure has,

each part in its e lf (one with respect to the other) is equal;
nevertheless the measure is not equal, but unequal. For the
main downbeat ["dar"] is twice as long as the main upbeat
["algar"]; inasmuch as two of the three parts are sung on the
beat which strikes downwards, and one part on the beat
upwards. Thus "one" "two" on the main downbeat, and "three"
on the main upbeat [ i . e . , | l - t | ] . 2
Later Lorente (1672) repeats this explanation almost verbatim.183
Staff Notation
Two types of sta ff notation appear in the keyboard sources under
consideration.i The f ir s t type is score notation, with a separate staff
for each voice-part. Most pieces are presented in a four-voice texture.
Score notation occurs in E E Ms 29, E Be M.387, P B Ms 964 (most sections),
an<J E Be M .386.^ The second type of notation consists of two staves
per system. I t occurs in E Mn M.1357, E Mn M.1358 (f. 81r-185v), E Mn
M.1359, E Mn M.1360, E Mri M.2262 (for 6 of the untexted pieces), P B
Ms 964 (f. 216r-230v and 253r-259r; i.e., the two Ita lia n sections), and
E Mn M. 8 1 5 .^ Two-stave notation is the more suitable_system for works
which are not s tric tly polyphonic. I t also has the potential of indicating
the division o f notes between the hands for performance.
( None of the Spanish keyboard sources discuss the elements of
s ta ff notation. In many instances the key signature and clefs of a
given piece are probably related to its niodal classification.
Nevertheless in this study I w ill not investigate the Spanish theory of '
modes, since i t does not seem to play a major role in the musical
organization of secular dance-songs. ^ ■
All the keyboard sources under consideration employ mensuration
signatures and barlines. In appearance and value of the measure, many
of the signatures accord with those explained in general music treatises

0
of-the period. Some of the existing differences might be attributed to
the fact that Spanish theorists discuss mensural notation prim arily with
regard to vocaT.music, not instrumental music. However most of the
differences probably refle ct the changing nature*of mensural theory
its e lf during the 17th and early 18tKx^nturies.
Lorente (1672) provides a detailed explanation of general
mensural theory. He devotes special attention to seven mensurations,
which he describes as the most standard ones of his day.*®® They are
summarized in Chart 21. In the keyboard sources, one of the most
frequent signs is "C". I t signifies simple duple meter with the measure
equal to |JJ J J | , as in Lorente (1672). The sign "4" appears much*
less often in the keyboard pieces. When i t does occur, its measure
usualty equals | J J J J | , not | J J J J | . This practice recalls the
complaints made by e a rlier musicians, such as Correa de Arauxo (1626),
about the Indiscriminate use of "4" (see the excerpt translated above in
this chapter, p. 390). Even in Spanish theory "4" gradually lost

4
its s tric t proportional relationship to "C". For example, Lorente
‘(1672) states that "4" is sung more slowly (i.e., with a slower pulse)
than "C".187 In the system discussed by Nassarre (1724), the measure
under '4" s t ill equals | J J J J | . However Nassarre declares that the
composer 1s free to use ,.'4" with a pulse which is faster, slower, or the
same as that of "C".*8® Thus the traditional system of proportions,
which began to break down in the notation of solo instrumental music
during the middle of the 16th century, was eventually discarded in
Spanish mensural theory. The same process occurred in the rest of
western Europe during the 16th and 17th centuries.188
In the Spanish keyboard sources the notation of trip le meter
often agrees with that of "proporcidn menor" or "proporcidn mayor" as
defined by Lorente (1672). The keyboard sources employ a wide variety
of signatures for these mensurations (see Chart 22). The chief
discrepancy between theory and practice concerns the use of the sign
" (or a sim ilar stylization of the le tte r "C" with a slash,
followed by the le tte r "Z" or the number "3"). According to Lorente
CHART 21 - The*standard mensurations
according .to Lorente (1672)
Symbol Name Value and main beats of one measure3
C compasillo ii*i* i 1
. i t
compds mayor |U H |
i t
C3 or C/L
or ^ 2 / proporcidn menor | AW| = | i u |

IT 4T
41 proporcidn mayor 10 0 OI
i t
te rn a rio
1
10 0 o I
1k
43
sexquidltera menor |U U U | = IIU IU T

i t i t
sexquidltera mayor ■ |u u u u u u |= l i u u u u m l
i T I t
a The arrow pointing downwards ( " ^ " ) represents the main downbeat
(" d a r" ). The arrow pointing upwards ( " t " ) represents the main
upbeat (" a lz a r " ). •
k According to Lorente (1672) Bk. I I , chap. 20, p. 176, " te r n a r io 1* is

the same as "proporcidn mayor" except th a t under "ternario" three
movements are used to beat the measure. Lorente does not specify the
d ire c tio n of the middle movement. According to Nassarre vol. 1
(1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 4, p. 232, the th re e movements f o r " te rn a rio "
are as follow s: -
CHART 22 - Mensuration signs fo r "proporcidn menor'1
” ~ and "proporcidn mayor11 in some keyboard "sources
Source Symbol fo r Symbol fo r

"proporcidn menor" "proporcidn mayor"3
E E Ms 29 (Jb or ° 3 4>1 or
O
E Be M.387 0 H or £ i or V I or<f-3
1
E Mn M.1357 ^ o r ^ or ^
or b
E MD M.1359 ; ;
E Mn M. 1360 ^ or 4) 3
E Mn M.815 ^ -
a Some o f these symbol may represent "ternario" instead o f "proporcidn

mayor". As mentioned e a r lie r in Chart 21, the two mensurations are
the same except fo r the way one beats the measure.
■c
40 3 .
w
(1672) th is signature stands fo r "proporcidn menor", but in the
keyboard sources i t stands fo r "proporpidn mayor".
In both theory and practice three d is tin c tiv e features
characterize the Spanish notation of t r i p l e meter. F ir s t, white symbols

.s - *
fo r "corcheas", "semicorcheas", and "fusas" usually replace the normal
b la c k forms ( i . e . , <£ , £ , and in place o f - £ , £ , and ^
resp e ctive ly). These white symbols have the same value as th e ir black
counterparts. The use o f white notes may w ell represent an attempt to
m aintain a d is tin c tio n between hemiola (notated by coloratio n) and
sesquialtera (notated by proportional signs).19® However the Spanish
system is not e n tire ly consistent, p rim a rily because the symbol " I " may
represent e i t h ^ a normal "semfnima" or a coloured "mfnima". The
second d is tin c tiv e feature o f Spanish notation is th a t the context

*
sometimes determines the value o f p a rtic u la r note-symbols (often in a
manner resembling the old p rin c ip le o f im perfection). The th ird
d is tin c tiv e feature is th a t coloration is sometimes applied to
"semibreves" ( o ) and "breves" ( t j ) , which usually reduces th e ir value
by one th ir d .
Lorente (1672) refers to a l l three d is tin c tiv e features in his
discussion, o f "proporcidn menor" ("C3" or ,,c£," or " 4 £ " ). F i r s t , he
points out th a t there is not complete unanimity regarding the value of
the "semfnima": 1
When the "semfnimas" [4 ] come to four in number, they .

are lik e white "corcheas" [ £ ] in th is mensuration of
"proporcidn menor", according to some authors.191 Others
always leave them w ith the value of "semfnimas", which in
the said mensuration are lik e "mfnimas" .[4 ] , three being
worth one measure. This is how i t is in practice. And i f
the "semfnima" is accompanied w ith a dotted "mfnima" [<!>•]>'
i t serves as a "corchea" or "semfnima".192
Second, Lorente explains th a t an undotted "semibreve" (o .) can equal 2
or 3 "mfnimas" (A ), depending on the context. For instance, i f i t
f a lls on/the main downbeat and is followed by a note or rest worth at
le a s t s "mfnimas", then the undotted "semibreve" is worth a f u ll
m e a s u re .1^ Third, Lorente states th a t a blackened "breve" ( * ) equals
4 "mfnimas" (whereas a white "breve" equals 6 "mfnimas"), and a
backened "semibreve" ( ♦ ) always equals 2 "mfnimas" (whereas-a white
"semibreve" can equal 2 or 3 "mfnimas").^ 4
Lorente (1672) also refers to the same d is tin c tiv e features of
'Spanish notation in his discussion o f "proporcidn mayor" ( " £ i " ) .
F ir s t, he declares th a t under th is mensuration the composer can choose
to have the "semfnima" (1 ) equal to either'^-"m inim a" (A ) or a
"corchea" ( £ ) . * ^ Second, he e x p la in s th a t an undotted "breve" (h )
can equal 2 or 3 "semibreves" ( o ), depending on the c o n t e x t . ^ Third,
Lorente states th a t a blackened "breve" (w ) always equals 2
"semibreves" (whereas a white "breve" can equal 2 or 3 "semibreves"),
and a blackened "semibreve" ( ♦ ) equals a white "semibreve" . ^ A ll
.these notational features o f "proporcidn menor" and "proporcidn mayor"
occur in the keyboard manuscripts under consideration. The lack of
consistency w ith regard to the symbol " J " is e sp ecially s trik in g . It
usually equals "J ", but in sources such as E Mn M.1359 and 1360 the
value o f " J " sometimes altern ates between " J " and ".«/>" even w ith in the
same piece. \
%
■
By the second h a lf o f the 17th century there is no longer one
fixe d pulse fo r a l l signatures in Spanish theory. According to Lorente
(1672)
•*
"proporcidn menor" generally uses a fa s te r tempo than
.405.
"proporcidn mayor". -F o r th is reason one beats the measure under
"proporcidn menor" as | i T - | , rath er than l ^ - T | :
Be advised th a t in th is mensuration o f "proporcidn menor"

["C3" o r uc/i , n or "4£,"] 3 "mfnimas" [ i ] are sung in one
measure; The one is on the main downbeat and the two are on
/ the main upbeat. ;(Th is is unlike "proporcidn mayor" [ " 4 - f " ] ,
. . ' in which 2 "semibreves" [ o '] are sung on the main downbeat of
the measure, and one on the main upbeat.) This is done in
order th a t the singing w ill be m errier and quicker
[" lig e r a " ], inasmuch as o rd in a rily th is mensuration of
"proporcidn menor" is the one which is u tiliz e d most in
"villancicos" and musical works o f merriment and rejo ic in g .
This is according to common p ra c tic e ; . . . •
The use o f "proporcidn menor" fu rth e r reveals th a t there is no
one-to-one correspondence between, mensuration si-gns ^nd tempo. For
example, in E Mn M.1357 some o f the works under "c2 " carry d iffe re n t
verbal in stru ctio n s regarding tempo. One piece, (p. 159) is la b e lle d ’
, quick ("veloz"), another piece (p. 165) slow ("despacio"), and a th ird
piece (p. 173) solemn ("grave"). Nassarre (1723-1724) states th at fo r a
given work under "proporcidn menor" one can in fe r the appropriate tempo
from the p reva ilin g rhythmic pattern. In the f i r s t volume of his
encyclopedic tre a tis e Nassarre provides the follow ing explanation:
„ "Proporcidn menor" [ " C | "] has much d iv e rs ity o f rhythmic

patterns ["ayres"]. The same thing occurs ,in a ll the other '
mensurations. However there is more v a rie ty in th is one,
which is the reason why i t is used so much (and more than
"compas-illo" ["C"]) when one composes in the vernacular. For
i t is a su itab le mensuration fo r composing solemn, s p irite d
["airoso "], jo y fu l, and even profane works. "Compasillo" and
"compds mayor" ["<}:"] are mensurations f i t fo r composing
solemn, s p irite d , and modestly jo y fu l things. Therefore 1n
a l l music which is composed fo r the e c c le s ia s tic a l service
these are the ones which are practised most, fo r they are
most f i t fo r the g ra v ity which is required by the te x t and by
the sacred place. The prudent composer does not use
"proporcidn menor" in such c a n tic le s , unless i t is w ith the
most solemn rhythm ["ayre"] which can be given i t . It s being
more su itab le fo r jo y fu l things consists in it s being sung
under the unequal or ternary measure, and in the liv e lin e s s
o f it s measure and the quickness o f i t s notes. Among many .
406.
■V .
other rhythms which are seen in compositions under

"proporcidn" ["menor"], there are three which are the.most
frequent and usual. The f i r s t is when most of the
composition consists of "mfnimas" which are equal, in value,
as they frequently do not have dots [i.e ., most measures =
],...
This is a spirited manner in which one regulates the
music with the measure speeded up a l i t t l e . ' The second
manner 1s when, of the three "mfnimas" which go into
one measure, the second one usually has a dot [i.e ., most
measures = | A £• •£ | ] , ...
In this manner of singing, the measure does not go as
hurriedly as-in the preceding manner. I t is a rhythm more
suitable fo r a te x t which requires more gravity. The th ird ,
manner which I mentioned — i t used to be very common — is
* when the f i r s t "mfnima" of the measure is frequently found
with a dot [i.e ., most measures = |A- £ £ I ]. I t is a
rhythm which composers use with some frequency for a te x t of
j much gaity. . One beats the measure in a more spirited fashion
1n this type of song than in the others. Although such music
is not used fo r a text devoted to ecclesiastical worship,
nevertheless many people use i t fo r the v e rn a c u la r,^ ...199"
In the second volume of h is t r e a t is e Nassarre adds the fo llow ing
observations:
"Proporcidn menor" ["Ct "] is used very l i t t l e in

eccelsiastical compositions, because its rhythm ["ayre"] is
quicker and not as solemn as th a t of "proporcidn mayor"
[" 4 1 " ] and as that required by the text.... For compositions
in the vernacular i t is used a lo t by giving i t d iffe re n t,
rhythms, now beating the measure slowly, now more-quickly,
according to what most of the note-symbols indicate. Because
i f "semibreves" are used a great deal [ i . e . , most measures =
|o| ] , i t is usually fo r a slow " n g . I f most of the notes
are "mfnimas" [i.e ., most measures = | A £ £ I ] , one sings
with more speed; and with even more speed, i f the f i r s t
"mfnima" of the measure.usually has a dot [i.e ., most
measures = |£. ££"!■].
Thus Nassarre associates d iffe r e n t rhythmic patterns under "proporcidn
menor" w ith d iffe r e n t tempi. He ranks the patterns from slowest to
fa s te s t as follow s: | o | , | i ^ | , | i £ 1 1 , and j^ - £ i | .
According to Lorente (1672), two other standard mensurations are
"sexquidltera menor" ( " C l ") and "sexquidltera mayor" ("4+ "). He
explains that they employ the white symbols fo r small note-values ( i . e* . ,
and £ ), and th a t the "semfnima" ( i ) equals the. "mfnima" ( I ).201
Both mensurations have a binary accentuation pattern. Thus, fo r
example, "sexquitfltera menor" organizes .the "mfnimas" into 2 groups of
3, not 3 groups o f 2 as in "proporcidn mayor". These two Vsexquidltera"
mensurations are defined (w ithout th e ir signatures) in the same way by
-C ru z. Brocarte (1707).2®2 However in Nassarre (1723-1724) the
corresponding mensurations are somewhat d iffe re n t. Nassarre discusses
"sexquiciltera a seis" ( " £ " ) , whose measure equals , and

4, ?
''sexquiSltera a doze" ("'g " ), whose measure equals | I 4 4 4' I A |
■1, I T
They employ the black symbols fo r small note-values, w ith the
"semfnima" ( i ) equal to h a lf a "mfnima" ( i ).2®3 Of a ll these
"sexquiSltera" mensurations, only Nassarre’s "sexquidltera a seis"'

4
occurs r e la tiv e ly frequently in the keyboard sources. I t is esp ecially
prominent in E Be M.387, where i t appears under.the signature "6". Here

* '
th is mensuration retain s it s binary accentual framework, but the usual
measure o f | J J J J J J | is often syncopated as | J . J . J. J. | .

t ' «.
Other mensuration signs which occur in^the keyboard sources
under consideration include "*" (or "C* " or " 3 " ), " | " (or
" C | " ), " I " (o r "C | " ), " V " (o r " C l " ) , and " ‘82 " (o r "C1# " ) . These
signatures are modern in both appearance and meaning. They were adopted
in Spain as a re s u lt o f the in flu x o f French and Ita lia n secular music
during the e a rly 18th century (also see above, chap. 5, pp. 223-225).
In the keyboard sources they are used p rim a rily in, settings of foreign
types of.pieces. Thus these modern mensurations frequently appear in
E Mn M.1359, pp. 544-583; E Mn M.1360, f. 186r-243v; E Mn M.2262; and
E Mn M.815. Their novelty in Spain is illu s tr a te d by the fa c t that
E Mn M.815 contains a b r ie f verbal explanation of the value of the measure
under "^ ".204 Because of the prominence of foreign mensurations -in
Spain, Nassarre (1723) discusses some o f them in his encyclopedic
tre a tis e . He accurately gives th e ir modern meanings in terms o f the-
note-symbols which constitute one measure. At the same tim e he assigns

•
the signatures old-fashioned names based on the tra d itio n a l system of
p ro p o rtio n s . Nassarre r e fe r s to (*>r " 3 " or "3") as
"sexqultercla", " | " as "dupla superbiparciens tg r ita s [ i.e ., t e r tia s ] " ,
as "sexqultercla doble", and 11 g" as' "sexquioctava".
Ornaments> •
Ornament symbols occur in eig h t o f the Iberian keyboard soprces

• • ' '
under consideration, as shown in Chart 23. Unfortunately the precise
meanings o f the symbols are not certain . Six of the sources f a i l to
provide any explanations a t a l l . Only Correa de Arauxo (1626) w rites
out some re a liz a tio n s , w hile P B Ms 964 merely refers b r ie f ly to its
tr ills . Additional inform ation does survive in a few other Spanish
sources. They reveal th at the player normally employs ornaments in _
performance, even when they are not notated in the music. Furthermore .
some verbal explanations recommend p a rtic u la r fin g erin g patterns and
thereby in d ir e c tly indicate the succession of pitches in c ertain orna
ments. However, to reconstruct the intended re a liz a tio n s , one must make
some assumptions concerning rhythm and m etrical placement, since these
features are r a re ly specified. In lig h t o f other instrumental practices

. ;
throughout western Europe, I would suggest th a t most o f the Spanish
keyboard ornaments probably begin-on or a fte r the beat, not before i t .
CHART 23 - Ornament symbols in the keyboard sources
Source ' Symbol
Correa de Arauxo (1626) Q

- R
E Mn M.1357 (or /"VL/ )

t
t*
t : (or t<*)
t : - (or t - ' - )
E Mn M.1358 ( f . lr - 8 0 r ) +
+ \
\
E Mn M.1359 (pp, 544-583) ✓V
E Mn M.1360 ( f . 199v-243v) A/
E Mn M.2262 tr
P B Ms 964 ( f . 216r-230v . '

and 253rr259r) . t .
E Mn M.815 +
^ ' The two keyboard co llectio n s published in the second h a lf o f the
16th century do not contain any ornament symbols. Nevertheless in th e ir
prefaces both sources do discuss ornaments ("quiebros"). Venegas de
Henestrosa (1557) emphasizes the importance o f "quiebros" as follow s:
You are also to p ractice to gain f a c i l i t y in the "quiebro"',

which w ill be in th is manner. With the r ig h t hand play the
key you wish w ith <the middle fin g e r, then play w ith the second
e r, return to the middle fin g e r, s trik e w ith the fourth
fin g e r, and continue "breaking" ["quebrando"] w ith the th ird
and fourth fing ers. F ir s t d o .th is slow ly and then a l i t t l e
fa s te r, u n til you are doing i t nimbly. The "quiebro" o f the
/ l e f t hand-is to begin w ith the th ird fin g e r, move up to the
thumb, and then continue-"breaking" w ith the,second and f i r s t
fin g e rs * u n til another ensuing movement o f the measure
occurs.206
• This passage reveals t h ft his "quiebros" are t r i l l s with prefixes.
Perhaps the accent 1s sirpp^sed to f a l l on the main note. For the rig h t
hand the re a liz a tio n would accord w ith the given
-v fin g erin g (32343434 . • . . ) . ^For the l e f t hand S T f ) 'if f l’
would agree w ith the given fin g erin g (3212121 ...). Hd’rnando de
’ Cabezdn discusses a d iffe r e n t type of "quiebro" in the preface to
Cabezdn (1578):
^ «, • ■ t
^ The "quiebros" are to be played w ith the rig h t hahd with

the th ird and fo u rth , and w ith the second and th ird fing ers;
and w ith the l e f t hand w ith the th ir d and.second, and wj$h.
the second and f i r s t fing ers. They should "break"
["quiebren"] w ith the p art above [i.e * , the upper neighbour-
note] as fa s t as.possible; I t sjiould not be long, but rather
?' as short-as possible., w hile always ex e rtin g ’ force on [ i.e .,
accenting] the key which the note o f the ta b la tu re indicates,
o wherever i t seems proper to play a "quiebro". 07
This passage im plies th a t his "quiebros" are inverted mordents. . For '
both hands the re aliza tio n .J ^ ja . would f i t the given description.
Another important source fo r keyboard ornaments of the second h a lf of
the 16tn century ife-the tre a tis e by TomSs de Santa Marfa (1565).2®®
He discusses various types of "quiebros" and "redobles", and w rites out
re a liz a tio n s fo r some of them. However he does not furnish any symbols
■ i
fo r the o rn a m ^ s . Furthermore TomSs reveals that th e ir m etrical
placement is not uniform. In his examples most o f the re a liza tio n s
begin on the beat, but one o f them begins a fte r the beat. Tom£s also
alludes to new forms o f ornaments which, from his verbal description,
seem to begin on the upper note before the b e a t./ I have not encountered
any other reference to these new types o f embellishments in the Spanish
sources. 9
In the e a rly 17th century Correa de Arauxo (1626) discusses two
types o f "quiebros" and two types o f " re d o b le s " .^ In the theo retic al
section he does not mention the symbol "Q". However i t occurs twice 1n
one o f his "tientos" and almost c e rta in ly stands fo r " q u ie b ro " .^ In
the th e o re tic a l section he does state e x p lic it ly th at the symbol "R"'
stands fo r "redoble". These ornament symbols appear only ra re ly in his
pieces. Nevertheless Corrda provides guidelines so th at the player may
appl^ the ornaments to good e ffe c t even where they aje not notated Jn
the music.211 For the ornaments themselves Correa gives d etailed
descriptions. He subdivides the "q\iiebro" in to the "senzillo" and
"reiterado" types. He defines them as follow s:
"Quiebro" is (" in c lirfa tio , e t e re c tio , duobus, vel trib u s

signis con tinuis, facta v e lo c ite r") a descent and ascent
played ra p id ly on two or three notes.' This is a "quiebro"
and i t exists in two forms. The f i r s t is th a t which is
played on two notes. This is played with two fin g e rs , th at
is, ^.ith the th ird and the second o f the rig h t hand, and 1t
returns to fin is h witIT the th ird fin g er. It s solmTzation 1s
" re ", " u t", "re"; and h ig h er up, "m i", " re ", "mi"; and h ig h e r
up, " fa " , "m i", "fa "; and h ig h er up, "s o l", " fa " , "s o l"; and
l a s t l y , " la " , " s o l" , " la " . Each one o f these is a "quiebro"
done on a ll the notes. The second "quiebro" is th at which is
played on three notes and with three fin g e rs , by beginning
412.
from a note higher than in the previous type and w ith the
fourth fin g e r o f the rig h t hand, and by continuing in
everything lik e the f i r s t type. I t s . solm ization, on a ll the
notes miere i t can be performed, is as .follows: "mi", "re",
"u t", "re"; and h ig h er up, " fa " , "m i", "re ", "m i"; and h ig h er
up, "s o l", "fa ", "m i", " fa "; and h ig h e r up, " la " , "s o l",
"fa", "sol". The f i r s t type is called "quiebro se n zillo ",
and the second type "quiebro reiterado" . . .
The l e f t hand plays the "quiebro s e n zillo " w ith the second
and th ird fin g e rs , and fin ish e s on the setond. I t plays the
"reiterado" w ith the thumb, second, and th ird fin g e rs , and
finishes on.the second. 12
" Thus the "quiebro sen zillo " is a mordent (involving a tope or a
semitone). A re a liz a tio n as would accord w ith his remarks. Thq
"quiebro reiterado" is a turn (w ith the in te r v a llic pattern tone-tone,

. ' ' r 3 -i
semitone-tone, or tone-semitone). The re a liz a tio n f i l l . would
f i t his description. For the "redoble" Correa also distinguishes
between a "sen zillo " and "reiterad o" type. He defines them as follow s:
"Redoble" 1s ("re d u p lic a tio , vel repercussio duorum

^ signorum propinquorum, cum in c lin a tio n e , e t erectione in fin e ,
( facta v e lo c ite r") a repercussion of two adjacent „notes w ith a
"quiebro se n zillo " (th a t is , an "in clin atio n e" etc.) a t the
end.
This-^1so e xists in two forms: ' one "sen zillo " and the
other "reiterado". In tab latu re the "senzillo" is as
follow s. I t is played w ith the second, th ir d , and fourth
fing ersso f the rig h t hand:
The "reyterado" is d iffe r e n t only in th a t a t the beginning

one adds one note plus the thumb. One begins on the thumb
and continues as fo llo w s. A ll th is is fo r the rig h t hand:
... [The l e f t hand plays] the "redoble s e n zillo " by

sta rtin g w ith the th ir d , secondhand f i r s t fin g e rs , and
fin is h in g w ith a "quiebro". I t plays the "reiterado" by
s ta rtin g w ith the fourth fin g e r and continuing w ith the same
fingers. "Quiebros", as w ell as "redobles", "senzillos" and
. "reiterados" o f th is hand have the same solm ization as those
jS o f the rig h t hand.
I am accustomed (sometimes) to indicate these "redobles"
by placing an "R" above, which means "redoble", 1n order to
avoid w ritin g them out in ta b la tu re .
Some "maestros" have invented other "redobles", and those
I leave to fcbeir good in stru ctio n . For now these are
s u ffic ie n t.^ 13
Thus both his "redobles" are t r i l l s w ith a p re fix and term ination. The
opening rests in the above examples indicate th at the "redoble" begins
a fte r the beat. Unfortunately, since Correa does not include any
durational symbols, i t is unclear whether the accerrt is supposed to f a ll
on the main note or the a u x ilia ry note. Correa does state th at "in
'quiebros' and 'redobles' there is no fixe d number of notes.
Perhaps the rhythm and accent are fle x ib le , as w e ll. In his discussion
of the "redoble" Correa adds that the t r i l l i n g notes should always be a
semitone apart. He also reveals th a t the names o f the ornaments vary
among his contemporaries:
... (my advise i s ) j e v e r use a "redoble" between two tones

(such as " u t"-"re ", " re " -" m i", " fa "~ "s o l", and " s o l" -" la " ),
but only in a semitone ("mi"-"fa" or a sharp). For only in
th is way do a l l e x istin g singers and wind players use i t ; so
that, between tones there is not a "redoble", but a "quiebro".
Be advised th at others c a ll i t "trinado" and "trin o "* and
singers c a ll i t "quiebro", but we c a ll i t "redoble". 15
Much less inform ation survives concerning the keyboard ornaments
used on the Iberian peninsula during the remainder o f the 17th and ea rly
18th centuries. The two Portuguese sources contain only b r ie f remarks.
P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 does, not employ any ornament symboTs, but i t does
discuss "quebros" as follow s:
The rig h t hand plays "quebros" w ith the th ir d and fourth

fin g e rs , w ith the second and th ird fin g e rs , or w ith the
sec'ond fin g e r and thumb.
The l e f t hand plays "quebros" w ith the second fin g e r and
thumb, or w ith the second and th ird fing ers. Both hands
always exert greater force on [ i.e ., accent] the sustained
key which the symbol indicates [ i . e . , the given note].'21”
The order in which the fingers are mentioned suggests th a t these -
"quebros" consist o f Inverted mordents ( J» ) as w ell as mordents
( ). " In the manuscript, the above excerpt is an exact
Portuguese tra n s la tio n o f a paragraph in the anonymous Arte de canto
lla n o , <5rgano, y c ifr a (1649), which in turn resembles a passage in
Cabezdn (1578) quoted e a r lie r in th is Chapter (see above, p. 410).217

' T ^
The second Portuguese manuscript under consideration, P B Ms 964, uses
the ornament symbol " I - " in it s two It a lia n sections (i.e ., f . 216r-
230v and 253r-259r). The copyist states th a t ,"on^ t r i l l s w ith the top
key above the note where they are notated."21® Perhaps th is simply
means th a t the t r i l l s are to be executed w ith the upper neighbour-note,
rather than w ith the lower neighbour-note. I t does not preclude the
p o s s ib ility th at the t r i l l s are supposed to begin on the main note.
The other keyboard sources in th is study (€ 'Mn M.1357, 1358,
1359, 1360, 2262, and 815) employ ornament symbols w ithout any
explanations a t a l l . The signs themselves suggest some sort o f t r i l l or
mordent. The,ornaments may w ell be the same as those which Nassarre
(1723) describes in his encyclopedic tre a tis e under the names "trin o "
and "aleado". Although Nassarre does not provide any symbols or w rite
out any re a liz a tio n s , his verbal explanations c le a rly in d icate the -
succession o f pitches tn each ornament. Both types begin on the main
note. Nassarre does not specify t h e ir m etrical placement, but both
types probably begin on the beat. This assumption is- strengthened by
the s im ila r it y between, Nassarire's ornaments and the main-beat harp
ornaments described by Ferntfndez de Huete (1702). Nassarre does im ply
that his keyboard ornaments are also used on the harp. Moreover his
"trino" and "aleado" resemble the "trin o m£s largo" and "trino" as
defined fo r harp by Fernindez de Huete (see above, chap. 6, pp. 318-
323). Nassarre describes the "trin o " as follow s:
"Trino" is when there are a t le a s t fiv e successive sounds,

and "aleado" when there are only three: . . .
On harpsichords, harps, and other s trin g instruments i t is
important th a t the "trino" lasts a ll th a t tim e which the note
has as it s value; because when i t is concluded', the sound
ceases w ith .it . However on the organ i t matters l i t t l e 1f
it s duration is h a lf the value o f the note, fo r the sound
does not cease as.long as the fin g e r does not move from the
key.
The execution of the "trino" when i t is to be fo r the
rig h t hand is usually to be w ith the th ir d fin g e r and with
the fin g e r next„to the l i t t l e one [ i.e ., w ith the fourth
fin g e r]. The one which is to s ta r t and fin is h should always
■ be the th ird fin g e r, and i t should be on the key correspond
ing to the compulsory note. I say "compulsory" because the
key above, which the fourth fin g e r plays, is voluntary, since
i t is not played when there is no "trino".
In order to t r i l l [" trin a r" ] properly, i t is im portant-to
move the fing ers ra p id ly by moving both fingers
simultaneously, one up and one down, so th a t the sounds are
d is tin c t without overlapping each other.
The fingers o f the l e f t hand w ith which one usually t r i l l s
are the thumb and the index fin g e r. The l a t t e r is the one
w ith which one s ta rts and fin is h e s , by always s trik in g the
key of the main note w ith i t . Although in both hands the
fingers w ith which the "trinos" are commonly played are as I
have sadd, i t w il l serve as a great b e n e fit to practise
t r i l l i n g w ith a l l the other fingers. The purpose is to make
them iagile, as w ell as to avoid changing fingers (when the
occasion presents i t s e l f o f performing some short "trino" in
the course o f the'music which is being played) by performing
the "trino" j i i t h the fingers which come to I t in
succession.
Thus his "trino" is a main-note t r i l l . On the organ the re a liz a tio n
J.J J W.J would accord w ith his explanation. For the "aleado" Nassarre
provides the fo llow ing description:
The other V ariatio n o f "trino" is c a lle d "aleado" on

account o f the resemblance which i t has in the movements of
the fing ers w ith the movements o f the wings of birds. I t is
* ' . 416.
a metaphorical term , as I have already said in chapter 10.22®

There are two ways, o f executing i t , and i t qonsists o f only
three sounds. One way is^by s trik in g the p rin cip al key
[ i.e ., the main note] with the th ir d fin g e r , and the key
below w ith the index fin g e r, and again s tr ik in g w ith the
th ird fin g e r on the main note (which is the key i t played
f i r s t ) . The other way is th a t, a fte r having played the
[main] key w ith the th ird fin g e r, you play the key above w ith
the fin g e r next to the l i t t l e one I i . e . , ' w ith the fourth
f in g e r ], and again play the former key w ith the same th ird
fin g er. Everything th a t has been said is intended fo r when
the "aleados" are played w ith the rig h t hand. When they are
w ith the l e f t hand, the main note is always played w ith the
Index fin g e r, the note above w ith the thumb, and the note
. below with the th ir d f in g e r .221
Thus his "aleado" is. e ith e r a mordent or an inverted mordent.
Realizations as - m • and would seem appropriate.
Three problems remain unresolved concerning the ornament symbols
found in the keyboard sources of^tfie e a rly 18th century. F ir s t, i t is
not certain which symbols represent t r i l l s and which represent mordents,
1 f indeed such a distinctnon is intended. Second, in E Mn M.1357 and
1358 i t 1s not clear whether the dots are s ig n ific a n t (as they are in
the harp signs' used by FernSndez de Huete). E Mn M.1357 includes the
symbols " t" , " t * " , " t : 1 (o r " t * - " ) , and " t : - " (o r " t - - - "). Sometimes
several o f them occur n the same piece'.222 Consequently the number of
dots probably a lte rs th \m ea n in g o f "t". However since the various
symbols occasionally appear in th e NSame durational and melodic contexts,
i t is not evident how th e ir intended re a liz a tio n s are supposed to d if f e r
from one another. .E Mn M.1358 ( f . lr - 8 0 r ) employs the symbols
"H:", and 'V * ". No two o f them ever occu W fl^ th esam e p ie c e .223
Thus in th is manuscript a ll three symbols may have the same meaning. -
The th ird problem concerns the possible influence o f\fo re ig n musical
p ractice. In the Spanish keyboard sources the ornament symbols often
occur in French or Ita lia n types o f pieces. Perhaps some of the t r i l l s
are supposed to be executed in the French manner by beginning on the
. upper note. On the other hand, even in the foreign pieces a ll the
symbols may represent main-note ornaments as described by Nassarre
(1723). Spanish sources o f the period make no mention o f upper-note
t r i l l s fo r keyboard.
*
Notes to Chapter Seven '
1. "Ycomo diximos tambidn que era la mdsica una a rte dedicada a

Dios y al culto divin o , mds particularm ente que ninguna de las
o tra s , y'quanto era q u a lificad a por este respectp, assf es el
drgano un instrumento, no solamente mds dedicado al culto
divino que los otros, pero el que solo entre e l l os de ta l manera
lo es, que no se ocupa ni destrahe" en otra ninguna cosa."
Antonio de Cabezdn, Obras de mdsica para tec!a arpa y
v ih u ela, . . . Recopiladas y puestas en c ifr a por Hernando de
Cabecdn su h ijo (Madrid, 1578) “Proemio al le c to r en loor de la
.mdsica", f . *5v; modern e d itio n by Higinio Anglds, MME 27
(Barcelona, 1966), p. 21.
2. "Es mds universal el exercicio de organista [que el de maestro

de c a p illa ] , porque son mucho mds las ig le s ia s que no tienen
congrua para tener c a p illa , suplidndola con el drgano,
alternando dste con el coro de vozes que exercitan el canto
e c le s id s tic o , . . . " Pablo Nassarre, Escuela mdsica, segdn
la prdctica moderna vo l. 2 (Zaragoza, 1723) Bk. IV , chap. 15
“ExpHcacidn de las reglas mds importantes que ban de hazer
observar los maestros de drgano* a los que enseflan en los
p rin c ip io s ", p. 456.
3. "Hdllanse tre s classes de puestos para los organistas; y segdn

la que fu e re , ha de ser e l examen de e llo s . Uno es el de las
Ig le s ia s cathedrales; otro el de algunas c o le g ia le s , o
parroquiales donde no ay c a p illa de mdsica, y tienen dedicada
alguna racidn, b en eficio , o capellanfa para dicho o fic io ; y el
terc e ro , el de algunos lugares que les dan algdn s a la r io , con
la obligdcidn de ser sacristd n , o cuydar de ensenar a los
ninos a le e r , u otras pensiones semejantes; . . . " Nassarre
v o l. 2 (1723) Bk. IV , chap. 20 "De el orden que se ha de. guardar
en los exdmenes de toda especie de mdsico", p. 489.
4. Arte de canto lla n o , drgano, y cifra^ Junto con el de cantar

sin mutancas, altamente ftlndado en principios de a rith m d tica,
y mdsica (Madrid, 1649) chap. 3 "Arte de canto de drgano",
f . 17v-20r; and chap. 4 "Arte de c if r a " , f . 20r-22v. An exemplar
is preserved at E Mn R.26582. I t is described..in H iginio
Anglds and Josd Subird, Catdlogo musical de la B ib lio teca
Nacional de Madrid vo l. 2 (Barcelona, 1949), p p . 235-236. My
thanks to Arthur Levine f o r lending me his m icrofilm copy of
th is exemplar.
5. " • • • una de las partes inescusables, y prin cip ales en el o fic io

del coro, es el drgano; y una de las mayores f a lta s que se
padecen, es la de organistas: y aunque los prelados sean
zelosos, y los sdbditos obedientes, no es possible aprender con
fundamento, tocar a compds, ni entender la c ifr a sin el canto
de drgano. Y siendo tanta la necessidad deste e x e rc ic io , tan
grave el inconveniente de ad m itir a la c o g u lla , y drdenes,
puros organistas (como otros a r t if ic e s ) sin gramdtica, y tan
pocos los gramdticos que vienen organistas, es precisso proveer
de medio, para que aprendan, y aprovechen los que por
obediencia, o genio se aplicaren a s e rv ir a Dios, y a la
re lig id n , en ocupacidn de tanto m drito, y c u lto ." Arte de
canto lla n o , drgano, y c ifr a (1649) chap. 3, f . 18r.
6. Almonte HowelV, "The elusive 'Reformacidn del canto lla n o 1 of

Thomds Gdmez", ANUARIO MUSICAL 30 (1975 ), pp. 59-65. The same
.. a ttrib u tio n is suggested by Franciso Josd Ledn T e llo , La
te o rfa espaftola de la mdsica en los siglos XVII y X V III
(Madrid, 1974), pp. 453-454.
7. These features are b r ie fly discussed by Josd Ldpez-Calo,

H is to ria de la mdsica espanola, general e d ito r Pablo Ldpez de
Qsaba, v o l. 3 Siglo XVII (Madrid, 1983), pp. 123-131. I have
not had the opportunity of consulting the study by Louis
Jambou, "El drgano en la peninsula ibdrica entre los siglos
XVI y X V II. H isto ria y e s td tic a " , REVISTA DE MUSIC0L0GIA 2
(1979 ), pp. 19-46.
8. According to Santiago Kastner, "Organos antiguos en Espana y

v Portugal (sig lo s X V I-X V II)" , in Misceldnea en homenaje a
monsenor H iginio Anglds (Barcelona,. 1958-1961) vo l. 1, p. 437.
9. "Las teclas negras del drgano unas son bemoles, y otras

sustenidos, excepto las dos primeras de mano izquierda que son
'D la s o lre 1, y 1El ami1, . . . " Arte de canto lla n o , drgano, y
c ifr a (1649) chap. 4, f . 20v.
10. Juan Bermudo, Comienca e l lib r o llamado Declaracidn de

in stru m en ts musicales (Osuna, 1555; facsim ile e d itio n , Kassel,
1957) Bk. IV , chap. 3, f . 6 2 r . .
Luis Venegas de Henestrosa, Libro de c ifr a nueva para te c la ,
harpa, y vihuela (Alcald de Henares, 1557), f . 9 r ; modern
e d itio n by H iginio Anglds, MME 2 (1944 ), p. 160.
Tomds de Santa Marfa, Libro llamado Arte de taher
fa n ta s fa , assf para tecla~como para v ih u ela, y todo
instrumento, . . . aprovado por el eminente mtisico de su
maqestad Antonio de Cabecdn, y por Juan de Cabectfn, su
hermano (V a lla d o lid , 1565; facsim ile e d itio n , n .p ., 1972) p t. I ,
chap. 20, f . 56r. •
Pedro Cerone, El melopeo y maestro. Tractado de mdsica
thedrica y p rd tic a; en oue se pone por extenso, lo que uno
para hazerse perfecto musico ha menester saber (Naples, 1613;
facsim ile e d itio n , Bologna.,'1969) v o l. 2, Bk. XVI, chap. 29,
p. 932. . -
Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz, y norte m usical, para caminar
por las c ifra s de la g u ita rra espahola, y arpa, ta n e r, y cantar
a compds por canto de drgano (Madrid, 1677; facsim ile e d itio n ^
Geneva, 1976), p. 145. v.
420.
Joseph de Torres y Martfnez Bravo, Reqlas generales de

acompaflar, en drgano, c la v ic o rd io , y harpa, con sdlo saber
cantar la parte, o u n baxo en canto fiqurado (Madrid, 1702)
Bk. I ; chap. 1, p. 3. :
11. . According to M.A. Vente and W. Kok, "Organs in Spain and

Portugal", THE ORGAN 35 (1955-1956), p. 59; and Kastner (1958-
1961), p. 437.
12. ZARAGOZA, Archlvo H istdrico P ro v in c ia l, Notario Cristdbal

Navarro, f . 456 (dated July 26, 1567); as transcribed in Pedro
Calahorra Martfnez, La mdsica en Zaragoza en los siglos XVI
y XVII vo l. 1 (Zaragoza, 1977), p. 233. -
13. "Sfguese otro nuevo orden de tien to s de medio re g is tro , cdlebre

Invencidn, y muy versada en los reynos de C a s tilla , aunque en
otros no conocida; . . . " Francisco Correa de Arauxo, Libro de
tie n to s -y discursos de mdsica p rd c tic a , y thedrica de ofqano,
in titu la d o Facultad orgdnica (Alcald de Henares, 1626) "Tiento
de medio re g istro de tip le .d e sdptimo tono", f . 65r; modern
ed itio n by Santiago Kastner, MME 6 (Barcelona, 1948), p. 140.
14. "Contentdvanse los antiguos con menos execucidn que los

modernos, porque a menos trabajo consegufan el executar la
mdsica segdn la disposicidn de Ips drganos. No se usava el
tenerlos partid os, coifio se inventd despuds; disponidndolos de
modo, que los reg istro s no’ fuessen mds que lo que la mitad del
teclado, divldiendo en dos los que antes era sdlo uno;
dispuestos ass f, para que la una mano pudiesse tocar con el '
lleno del drgano, y la otra con el flau tad o: y a dicha
invencidn se sig id el inventar los ..organistas las obras
p artid as, tanto de una mano como de o tra ; disp'oniendo, que una
voz que avfa de tocar en el lle n o , fuesse toda glossada [my
. emphasis]; para la mano derecha era ." t ip le 1, ^ para la izqyierda
era ’ baxo1; y la o tra mano llevava las tre s vozes, sirviendo
como de acompahamlento a la que llevava la glossa." Nassarre
vo l. 2 (1723) Bk. IV , chap. 17 "De el orden que se ha de
guardar en la execucidn de la mdsica en el drgano, assf en
el saber executar, como en el acto", pp. 472-473.
15. "Y en caso que glose la una voz, (y glosa se entiende corcheas y
semicorcheas, y sesquidlteras; y a veces, aunque pocas,
semfnimas) se a de dexar la ta l voz para una mano, y las otras
tres para la o tra , aunque todas qiiatro vozes comiencen dentro de
ocho, o dlez puntos (como queda dicho y se d ird adelante) la
razdn es: porque siempre que pudiere s er, se a de dexar lib r e
la mano que glosa, para que mejor, y con mds fuerga, toque,
velocidad, y Hm pieza, forme la glosa." Correa de Arauxo (1626)
chap. 6 "Del modo de disponer los dedos, para poner en el
drg an o ,cu alq u ier obra con perfeccidn", f . 17v; modern e d itio n
by kastner, MME 6 (1948 ), p. 56. The Spanish theory concerning
"glosas" is investigated below, chap. 13, pp. 876-884.
16. Some e a rly instances are mentioned by Ldpez-Calo (1983),
pp. 127-128.
17. "Practfcanse en los 'ofganos modernos' algunos registros de

'e c o s ',. como son 'c o rn e ta s ', y de lengua, 'c la r f n ', y
'b a jo n c illo '. Estos ordinariamente se elevan del 'secreto'
p rincipal en 's e c re tilT o ' aparte, recibiendo el ayre por
conductos, tantos como puntos lle v a el re g is tro . Hdzese una
area toda cerrada, la qua! 1,ncluye en sf toda la canuterfa. ^
Esta se ha de haze con a r te , que invite en la forma al prden con
que estS assentada la canuterfa. Ha de ser espaciosa, tanto
que tenga un palmo de a ltu ra su concavo, o poco menos mds que
los cahos, y d ilatad a quatro dedos mis, para que estando
cerrada, no desafine lo s ,re g is tro s que van dentro. Ha de tener
su piierta muy capaz, de modo que ab ierta tengan todo el cuerpo
de voz possible los registro s que estdn dentro. Se ha de
disponer con ta l a r te , que con fa c ilid a d pueda el organista
c e rra rla y a b r ir la , para que se pueda im ita r bien el 'e c o '."
, Nassarre v o l. 1 (1724) Bk. IV , chap. 20 "En que se tra ta de la
afinacidn de los drganos en toda especie de cafluterfa",
pp. 499-500. .
18. "Entre todos los_,instrumentos milsicos de cuerda, aue ha discurrldo

la in d u stria humana.es el manocordio [ s ic ] el mis essenclal, y
provechoso, aunque no es de los mis resonantes; . . . Es muy
essencial, porque los que aprenden a tocar el drgano, no pudieran
comodamente hazerlo sin £1; porque el drgano es instrumento
propiamente para las ig le s ia s , y no para estudiar en dl en casa."
Nassarre vo l. 1 (1724) Bk. IV , chap. 16 "De las proporciones que
deven observar los a r tffic e s en los instrumentos de clavldrganos,
clavico rd io s, clavicfm balos, espinetas, manocordios, y c fta ra s ",
p. 471.
19. Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Modo de templar el monacordlo", f . 25v-

26r; modern ed itio n by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), pp. 66-67. A
discussion and English tra n s la tio n of th is section is given by
Barbara Brewster Hoag, "A Spanish clavichord tuning o f the
Seventeenth century", JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSICAL INSTRUMENT
SOCIETY 2 (1976), pp. 86-95.
20. "Es impossible ser uno consumado tanedor, sin tener primero
complida n o tic ia , y c ie rta in te llig e n c ia del juego del
monacordio, . . . " Tomis de Santa Marfa (1565) p t. I , chap. 7,
f . 12r.
21. For example: "Es impossible que uno sea perfeto y consumado
maestro de c a p illa fmy emphasis], sin tener primero <^»mplida
n o tic ia y c ie rta in te llig e n c ia del juego del nionachordlo; . . . "
Cerone (1613) v o l. 2, Bk. XVI, chap. 26, p. 927.
22. "Mudstrase tambidn la magestad y senorfo deste instrumento

„ [ i . e . , el drgano] en eT apparato y servicio que solo dl tiene
entre todos los demds, y no consent!r ser tocado de manos rudas
y p rln c ip ia n te s , ni exercitarse en dl la gramStica del
ensefiar, ni 1a molestfa del deprender y e s tu d la r, teniendo
otros Instrumentos menores a quien tien e cometido'esto, que son
los que llaman monacordlo y clavlcordi’ o . " Cabezdn (1578)
"Proemlo al le c to r en loor de la mdsica", f . *5v; modern ed itio n
by Anglds, MME 27 (1966), p. 21. ' y
23. "De todas estas especies d§ cla v ic o rd io s , que he tra ta d o , no $y

duda en que son los de mds gusto los que menos se practican,
como son los clavidrganos, y los que llevan dos, o tre s drdenes
de cuerdas. Son mds costosos de tra b a ja r; y sin duda serd la
caUsa de no- usarse tan to . y por aver en Espana pocos a r t if ic e s ,
; y aun esto me ha motivado, para dar estas breves reg las, con las
quales, y lo que pueden ver en o tro s, se pueden fa b ric a r con
a c le rto . Tengo por mejor esta especie de instrumentos, para los
que s<51o por su deporte quieren e x e rc ita r la mdsica, que el de
la arpa; porque sobre ser el clavico rd io mds resonante, y
claras las vozes, es mds permanente; porque es mds constante
la a fin acid n , y no se rompen con tanta frequencia las cuerdas."
Nassarre v o l. 1 (1724) Bk. IV , chap. 16, p. 471. Also see the
excerpt quoted above, chap. 3, pp. 94-95 note-23. •
24. Instrumentos de milssica tassa(?os por Juan de Rojas C arridn,

v lo lero en Madrid a 13 de mayo de 1602; copied by B arbieri in
E Mn Barbieri Mss 14017/6; tran slated in to English by Martin
McLeish, "An inventory o f musical instruments a t the royal
palace, Madrid, in 1602", GALPIN SOCIETY JOURNAL 21 (1968 ),
pp. 116-121.
'25. "Tres, como se ha dicho, son los drdenes o registro s de este

instrumento.
Todos tre s unisones, pero con diverso sonido entre s f
mlsmos, de v o c e s .... este [cfmbalo] con una sola te c la y una
simple forma de cuerpo contiene tre s unisones de diversa voz en
el mlsmo punto.
Vanse despuds estos registros. repartiendo entre e lio s de
modo, que con la misma te c la y movimiento de e llo s se viene en
el Instrumento a d iv e r s ific a r s ie te maneras de armonfa o
concierto de voces, desde aquf, finalm ente, procede aquella tan
deseada y nunca crefda invencidn de todos los tafiedores de
te c la s , de poder lle g a r con la alterada e in d ire c ta percuîdn
de las plumas a la suspenddn, mancamiento y acrecimiento de
las voces con la mds fd c il operacidn que se pueda im aginar."
Bartolomd Jovenardi, Tratado de la mdssica, E Mn Mss 8931,
f . 43v-44v; as transcribed by Santiago Kastner, "Le ’ clavecin
p a r f a i t ’ de Bartolomeo Jobernardi [ s ic ] " , ANUARIO MUSICAL 8
(1953 ), p. 208.
• - I *
26. A b r ie f survey o f keyboard sources and Spanish organists o f the

17th century is given by H iginio Anglds, "Supervivencia de la
mdsica de Cabezdn en los organistas espafioles del sig lo X V II" ,
ANUARIO MUSICAL 21 (1966), pp. 87-104. I have not had
the opportunity of examining the study by Josd Marfa
Llordns, "L ite ra tu ra organfstica del sig lo X V II.
Fuentes, concordancias, autores, transcripciones
musicales, estudios, comentarios y s fn te s is " , CONGRESO
NACIONAL DE MUSICOLOGIA 1 (Zaragoza, 1981), pp. 29-131.
27. Juan Sessd y Balaguer, Seis fuqas para drgano y clave

(Madrid, n .d .) ; modern e d itio n by Almonte Howel1(Madrid,
1976).
28. The forms and styles of Iberian keyboard music are

surveyed by W illi Ape!, The h isto ry of keyboard music to
1700, translated and revised by Hans T ls c h le r
(Bloomington, Indiana, 1972), pp. 129-140, 188-196, 263-
270, 509-548, and 771-780; and by Ldpez-Calo (1983),
pp. 131-156.
29. Domenico S c a r la t t i, Complete keyboard works in facsim ile

from the manuscript and printed sources, edited by Ralph
K irk p a tric k , 18 vo l. (New York and London, 1972).
30. Libro de t'ocatas para cfmbalo repartidas por todos los puntos
de un diapasdn . . . compuesto por m[osdn] Visente Rodrfguez
presbftero. Organista p rin cip al de la metropolitana yglesia
de Valencia. Afio 1744, unnumbered Ms in BARCELONA, B iblioteca
Orfed Catalci.
31. \ Luis Venegas de Henestrosa (co m p iler), Libro de c ifr a nueva

' para te c la , harpa, y v ih u ela, en el qua! se enseiia brevemente
cantar canto lla n o , y canto de drgano, y algunos avisos para
contrapunto. Compuesto por Luys Venegas de Henestrosa.
D iriq ido al illu s trfs s im o sefior don Diego Tavera, obispo de
Ja&i (Alcalcf de Henares, 1557). I have not had the
opportunity o f examining an exemplar o f the o rig in a l. A modern
ed itio n is given by H iginio Anglds, MME 2 (Barcelona, 1944).
32. Venegas de Henestrosa (1557 ), f . 2v-12r; modern e d itio n by Anglds

MME 2 (1944), pp. 150-165.
33. The concordances are lis te d in John Ward, "The e d ito ria l
methods o f Venegas de Henestrosa", MUSICA DISCIPLINA 6
(1952), pp. 111-112.
34. According to archival records transcribed in Jaime Moll Roqueta,

"Mdsicos de la corte del card[enal] Juan Tavera (1523-1545):
Luis Venegas de Henestrosa", ANUARIO MUSICAL 6 (1951), pp. 157-
160.
35. Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) "Al muy ill u s t r e y reverendfsslmo

senor, ei sefior don Diego Tavera, obispo de Jadn", f . lv ;
modern e d itio n by Anglds, MME 2 (1944), pp. 149-150.
36. According to Josd Ldpez-Calo, La mfisica en la Catedral de
Grenada en el siqlo XVI (Granada, 1963) vo l. l , . p . 207
note 138. , *
■f.-,
37. According to Anglds,, MME 2 (1944 ), p. 172. Further information

is given by Josd Romeu Figueras,.* "Notas a la b ib lio g ra ffa del
mdsico Pere Alberch V ila " , ANUARIO‘ MUSICAL 26 (1971 ), p p .'75-92.
. 38. According to archival documents transcribed and summarized by

Anglds, MÎE 2 (1944), pp. 35-139f Macario Santiago Kastner,
Antonio^fhd Hernando de Cabezdn1 Eine Chronik d a rg e s te llt
am Leben zweier Generationen von Organisten (Tutzinq, 1977),
p. 270; and Santiago Kastner, "Palencia, ericrucijada de los
organistas espafioles del sig lo XVI", ANUARIO MUSICAL 14 (1959),
pp. 139-140.
39. Antonio de Cabezdn, Obras de mdsica para te c la a r p a y vihuela,

de Antonio de Cabecdn, mdsico de la cdmara ,y capilla&del rey •
don Philippe nuestro sefior. Recopiladas y puestas en?cifra por*
A
Hernando de Cabecdn su h ijo . Ansimesmo jndsico de cdmara
a p illa de su maqestad. D irig id as a la s[acraj c la td lic a
e a ll mfaqestadl del rey don Philippe nuestro sefior (Madrid,
a
1578). I .have not had the opportunity o f examining an exemplar
of the o rig in a l. An inventory is given in Howard Mayer Brown,
Instrumental music printed before 1600. A bibliography
(Cambridge* Massachusetts, 1965), pp. 290-294. 4 modern ed itio n
of th e -p refa to ry m aterial and 87 of thd. 129 pietees is given by
Higinio Anglds, MME 27-29 (Barcelona, 1966). Some o j the works
by Antonio.de Cabezdn, found in Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) or
in Cabezdn (1578), fcre given in modern e d itio n by Charles
Jacobs, The co llected works of Antonio de Cabezdn 3 v o l. (New
York* 1967, 1972, and 1976-fc I was unable to consult the study
by Hoyle Carpenter, "The works o f Antonio de Cabezdn" (Ph.Dl
d is s e rta tio n , U n iversity o f Chicago, 1957).. The contract
between Hernando de Cabezdn and the p rin te r Francisco Scinchez
fo r the publication of.Cabezdn (1578) is discussed above,
chap.,4 , pp. 118-1)
40. Cabezdn (1578) and * 8 r - * l l r ; modern e d itio n by

Anglds, Ml ~ 14-23 and 25-29.
‘41. According to archival documents transcribed and summarized by

Anglds, MME 2 (1944), pp. 29-139; and by' Kastner (1977),
pp. 119-298. ■ •
42. According to archival documents transcribed by Anglds, MME 2

"(1944), p^v 98-138; and by Kastner (1977), pp. 171 and 301. •
43. According to archival documents transcribed and summarized by

Louis Jambou, "Organiers e t organistes ci la Cathddrale de
Siguenza au .XVIe s [i& c le ]" , MELANGES DE LA CASA DE VELAZQUEZ 13
425.
,3 (1977), pp. 192-193 and 212; and by Kastner (1977), pp. 270,
278-280, 298-299* and 321-361. An excerpt from one document has
already been quoted above, chap. 4, pp. 140-141 note 22.
~ ' 44. Francisco Correa de Arauxo, Libro de tien tos y dlscursos de

mdsica p rd ctica, y thedrica de drgano, 'in titu la d o Facultad
orgdnica: con el qua!, y con moderado estudio y perseverancia,
qualquier mediaho taffedor puede s a lir aventajado en e l la ,
sabiendo diestramente cantar canto de drgano, y sobretodo '
teniendd^buen n a tu ra l. Compuesto por Francisco Correa de Arauxo,
cldrig o presb ftero, organista de la iq le s ia c o lle g ia l de San
Salvador de la ciudad de S e v illa , recto r de la. Hermandad de
los sacerdotes d e lla , y maestro en la fa c u lta d , &c. (Alcalcf de
Henares, 1626). I have not had the opportunity of examining an
exemplar o f the o r ig in a l. A modern e d itio n is given by Santiago
Kastner, MME 6. and 12 (Barcelona, 1948 and 1952). >—
45. Correa de Arauxo (1626), f . lr - 2 6 r ; modern e d itio n by Kastner,

, MME 6 (1948), pp. 36-67. % "
C * . 46. " . . . quiero hazer en la mils.ica, lo que muchos doctores procuran

hazer en sus.sciencias y facultades, que es augmentarlas,
a m p lific a rla s , y e'stenderlas: . . . " Correa de Arauxo (1626)
- "Punto" 1, f . 2r; modern e d itio n by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 38.
.j
' . 47. AQcording to archival documents transcribed and discussed by
Robert Stevenson’, "Francisco Correa de Arauxo. New lig h t on his
.* c a re e r^ iE V lS T A MUSICAL CHILENA 22 (1 9 6 8 ), pp. 9-42; D1onis1o
Preciado,. "Cuando Francisco Correar de Araujo er'a organista de"Ta
Catedral de Jadn (1636-1640)", TES0R0 SACRO MUSICAL 57 (1974),
pp. 50-56; and Dionisio Preciado, "FlranciscO'Correa de Araujo,
organista de la Catedral de Segovia (1640 - +1654)", TES0R0 SACRO
^ MUSICAL 55 (1972), pp. 67-79.
' >■ '
48. I have îot had the opportunity of examining th is exemplar. The
- manuscript additions are described by Dionisio Preciado, "Un
’ nuevo ejemplar de ‘ Facultad org£nicaL de Francisco Correa de
Araujo. El tercero conocido en Espana", TES0R0 SACRO MUSICAL 58
(1975), pp. 10-17. ~
' ‘
49. E E Mdsica instrumental Ms 29 (2 .1 8 6 ). An inventory and l i s t
o f musical in c ip its are given by Samuel Rubio, Catj[loqo del .
Archivo de mdsica del Monasterio de SanLorenzo El Real -de
El Escorial vo l. 1 (Cuenca, 1976), pp. 625-629; and vo l. 2, by
Samuel Rubio and-Josd S ierra Pdrez (Cuenca, 1982), pp. 27*7-283.
50. E E Ms.29 "[Laetatus sum a 4 ] " , f . 3 v -5 r; "Dixit-Dominus a 4"

(incom plete), f . 5v; "Ay sacro febo" (incom plete), f . 9 r; and "Qud
t r is t e que vibe el hombre", f . 125r-127r.

Luis V illa lb a Munoz, "Un manuscrito de mdsica del Archivo del
Eseorlal (Apuntes para la h is to ria del gdnero orgdnico en los
siglos XVI, XVII y X V II I) " , LA CIUDAD DE DIOS 40 (1896),
pp. 341-346. "• . f .
*• '*
52. According to archival documents transcribed and summarized b y
Samuel Rubio, "La c a p illa de mdsica del Monasterio de El
E seo rla l", LA CIUDAD DE DIOS 163 (1951 ), pp. 96-100; and
Rubio (1976), pp. 648-649. , .
53. According to Eusebio Julian Zarco-Bacas y Cuevas, Los jerdnimos

de San Lorenzo El Real de El Escorial (E s c o ria l, 1930), p. 91;
as quoted by Rubio (1 976 ), p. 648.-

Lothar Siemens Herndndez, "La Seo de Zaragoza, destacada
escuela de drgano en el sig lo X V II" , ANUARIO MUSICAL 21 (1966),
pp. 151-157; ahd Calahorra Martfnez (1977 ), pp. 25-41. A
modern e d itio n 0 ^ 1 7 g f his keyboard works is given in W illi
Apel (e d tto r),' Spanish orqan masters a f te r Antonio de Cabezdn,
CORPUS OF EARLY KEYBOARD MUSIC 14 (1971 ), pp. 50-121.

Siemens Herndndez (1 9 6 6 ), pp. 157-167; and Calahorra Martfnez
(1 9 7 7 ),'pp. 41-45. A modern e d itio n o f 22 o f his keyboard works
is given by W illi Apel ( e d ito r ) , Joseph Jimdnez. Collected
orqan compositions, CORPUS.OF EARLY KEYBOARD MUSIC 31 (1975).
56. E Be M.387 (form erly 8 8 8 ). A b r ie f description is given in

Felip P e d re ll, CatSlech de la B iblioteca Musical de la ,
Diputacid de Barcelona v o l. 2 (Barcelona, 1909), pp. 88492. An
. inventory is given by H iginio Anglds ( e d ito r ) , Johannis*
CabaniTles (1644-1712). Opera omnia, BPSM 4 (Barcelona, 1927),
. pp. x l 111- x lv i i i . ”•
57. E Be M.387 "2 tocata y ta lia n a de Francisco Fogia", f . ,224r-225v;

"Tonada’y ta lia n a " , f . 226r; "3 tocata y ta lia n a de Francisco
Fogia", f . 393r-393v; "4 tocata y ta lia n a " , f . 393v-394v;-and "Duo
y ta lia n a de Francisco Fogia", f . 395r-395v.
58. E Be M.387 "Tocata y ta lia n a de vôlfn y v io ld n ", f . 223r-223v.
59. E Be M.387, f . 62r ("ano 1695"), f . 113v (" a b r il 16$4"), f . 118r

("anyo 1694 en el mes agosto"), f . 174r ("ano 1695"), f . 188r
("ano 1695"), f . 197r ("ano 1695"), f . 203r ("20 de febrero de
.1696"), f . 207r ("tiltim o de enero 1697"), f . 261v ("ano 1694"),
f . 265r ("1694"), and f . 348r ("ano 1695").
60. According*to archival documents transcribed and discussed by

Anglds, BPSM 4 (1927^, pp. x iv -x x x ix ; Josd Climent,
"Organistas valencianos de los siglos XVII y X V III. Organistas
d e .la C atedral", ANUARIO MUSICAL 17 (1962 ), pp. 188-194; and
Arsenio G arcfa-Ferreras, Juan Bautista C abanilies. Sein Leben
und Werk (Die Tientos fu r Orgel) (Regensburg, 1973), pp. 7-38.
A modern ed itio n of 96 o f his keyboard works is given by
Anglds, BPSM 4 (1927), 8 (1933), 13 (1936)* and 17 (1956). The
musical s ty le ofHhese. pieces 1s examined by Mary Jane Corry,
* "The keyboard music of.Juan Cabanllles: a s t y lis t ic analysis of
the published works" (Ph.D. d is s e rta tio n , Stanford U n iv e rs ity ,
1965); and by Garcfa-Ferreras (1973).
61. According to Giuseppe B a in l, Memorie s to ric o -c ritic h e d e lla

v ita e d e lle opere di Giovanni P ie rlu ig i da P alestrina (Rome,
, 1828) v o l. 2, p-.4 5 note 486.
62. Forcadell, "S ile n cio , que duerme mi amado", in E Be M.786; as

lis te d in Pedrell vol: 2 (1909), p. 48.
6 3 .* According to archival documents trahscribed in Juan Mujal

E lfa s , Ldrida. H isto ria de la mils lea (Ldrida, 1975),
ppi. 100-101; and Josd Ldpez-Calo, "Corresponsales de Miguel de
I r f z a r " , ANUARIO MUSICAL 20 (.1965), p. 221..
64. According to Anglds (1966), p. 95, who does not provide any
supporting documentation. • '
65. "Carta de don Joseph Sol ana, organista,. y racionero de la santa

ig le s ia de Toledo, al au to r", in Diego Ferndndez de Huete, ■
Compendio numeroso de z ifr a s armdnicas, con th ed rica, y =
p rd c tic a , para harpa de una orden, de dos drdenes, y de
drgano v o l. 1 (Madrid, 1702), f . *4 v -* 5 r .
66. Flores demdsica obras y versos de varios organistas escrjptas

por fra y Antonio Martfn Coll organista de San Diego de Alcald
ano de 1706, E MnJM.1357. The title -p a g e 1s engraved. An
inventory is given by Anglds and Subird vot. 1 (1946),
pp. 295-299. The 117 "versos" in th is manuscript are discussed
and transcribed by.The.odore McKinley Jennings, J r . , "A study of
503 'versos' in the f i r s t and second volumes o f Antonio Martfn
y C o ll's ^ 'F lo re s de mdsica'" 2 v o l. (Ph.D. d is s e rta tio n ,
Indiana U n ive rs ity, 1967).
67. . E Mn M.1357 "Dios te salve M arfa", pp. 199-201.
68. E Mn M.1357 "He% p. 110.
69. E Mn M.1357 "Fuga", pp. 109-110 appedrs in a shorter version as

Diego Xarava, “Tiento acc id e n ta l", in BARCELONA, In s titu to
Espanol de Musicologfa, unnumbered Ms (form erly preserved at
JACA, Archivo de la C a te d ra l), p. 80; modern e d itio n in Higinio
Anglds ( e d ito r ) , A n tologfade organistas espanoles êl
• sig lo XVII v o l. 2, BPSM 21 (Barcelona, 1966), pp. 8 ^ 8 9 . This
concordance is pointed out by H iginio Anglds, "La mdsica
espanola para drgano de los siglos XVI-XVII conservada en la
B iblioteca Nacional de Madrid", ANUARIO MUSICAL 21 (1966),
p. 143. An Inventory o f the Barcelona Ms is given by H iginio
Anglds, "Manuscritos desconocidos con- obras de C abanilles",
ANUARIO MUSICAL 17 (1962), pp. 106-111.
70. Anglds and Subird v o l. 1 (1946), p. 297; and Anglds, ANUARIO

MUSICAL 21 (1966), p. 144. The piece which he a ttrib u te s to
Cabanilles Is E Mn M.1357 "Obra de fals as de 6 tono,", pp. 210-.
213. I have been unable to v e r ify his claim .
71. E Mn M.1357 "Tocata y ta lia n a 1° tono mui despacio", pp. 136-138;

"Otra tocata [y ta lia n a ] de 7° tono", pp. 138-139; and'"Otra
to c lta y ta lia n a de 7° tono", pp. 139-140. '
S '
72. Ramil!ete oloroso. Suabes flo re s de mdsica para drgano

compuestas' por fra y Antonio Martyn, E Mn M.2267. An
Inventory 1s given in Anglds and Subird v o l. 1 (1946),
pp. 407-410. . —'
73. Antonio Martfn y C o ll, Arte de canto lla n o , y breve resumen

de sus principales re g las, para cantores de choro; d ivid id o en
dos lib ro s ; en el primero, se declara lo que pertenece a la
th ed rica; y en el sequndo, lo que necessita para la p rd c tic a ,
y las entonaciones de los psalmos con el drgano. Dispuesto
por f r [ a y l Antonio Martfn y C o ll, h ijo de la santa provincia
ae C a s tilla , de la regular observancia de nuestro pLadre] ~
Stan] Francisco, y organista del real convento de Madrid.
Dedicado al glorioso San Diego d e .la ciudad.de Alcald de
Henares (Madrid, 1714). The revised e d itio n (1719) and the .
abridged e d itio n (1734) were also published in Madrid. I have
not had the opportunity o f examining th is tr e a tis e . An exemplar
o f each ed itio n is preserved a t E Mn; as lis te d by Anglds and
Subird v o l. 2 (1949), pp. 137-143.
74. Louis Jambou, "Andrds Lorenter compositeurv Essai

d *id e n tific a tio n de la ta b la tu re du Ms. M.1358 de. la
B ib l1othfeque Nationale de Madrid", MELANGES DE LA CASA DE
VELAZQUEZ 12 (1976), pp. 251-252 note 4. Jambou does not
—--------- —provfde-any substantiating 'evidence.— Not e--tha t on t he t i t le -
page o f the plainsong tre a tis e (1714) Martfn describes hijpSelf
as a native o f C a s tile , not C atalonia. >
75. Martfn y Coll (1719) "Al reverendfssimo padre fra y Joseph ' /
Sa'nz"; as quoted and discussed by Jambou (1976), pp. 251-252
note 4. •
76. " . . . se f id a la cortedad de mis anos, el grande y nunca bien

encarecido drgano de tu choro." Martfn y Coll (1714) "Al
glorioso S[an] Diego^ple A lcald , lego sabio"; as quoted in
Anglds and Subird v o l. 2 (1949), p. 137.
429.
Archival documents concerning his career are transcribed and

summarized by Nicolas A .;S olar-Q uintes, "Nuevos documentos para
la biograffa del,compositor Sebastidn Durdn", ANUARIO MUSICAL
10 (1955), p. 138; Michel Antoine, Henry Desmarest (1661-1741).
Bioqraphie c ritiq u e (P a ris , 1965), p. 96; Pedro Calahorra
M artfnez, "Pablo Bruna, 1El Ciego de Daroca' ", ANUARIO MUSICAL
22 (1967), p. 193; Lothar Siemens Herndndez, "La Seo de
Zaragoza, destacada escuela de drgano en el slg lo X V II",
ANUARIO MUSICAL 23 (1968 ), p. 144; Yvonne Levasseur de Rebollo,
"L ife and works o f Joseph de Torres y Martfnez Bravo" (Ph.D.
d is s e rta tio n , U n ive rs ity o f P ittsb urg, 1975), p. 30 note 21; and
Calahorra Martfnez ,(1977), pp. 65-70. • '
78. "Aprobacidn de Diego Xarava y Bruna, mdsico de cdmara de s[u]

a [lte z a ] [ i . e . , Juan de A u stria] y organista de la santa ig le s la
de Nuestra Senora del P ila r de Zaragoga" (dated Zaragoza,
November 19, 1674), in Gaspar Sanz, Instruccidn de mdsica
sobre la q u ita rra espaffola; y mdtodo de sus primeros
rudimentos, hastfi ta fle rla con destreza*(Zaragoza, 1674;
facsim ile e d itio n , Zaragoza, 1952), f . 5r.
79. "Aprobacidn de don Diego Xaraba, y Bruna, organista principal

de la real c a p illa , y cSmara de su mag[estad]" "(dated Madrid,
February 20, 1702), in Torres y Martfnez Bravo (1702), p. ix .
80. "Don Diego Xarava, organista mds antiguo de la real c a p illa de

vuestra majestad, puesto a sus reales p ies, dice tju ed e tre in ta
y ocho arios que estd sirviendo en la real c a p illa de vuestra
majestad ha logrado por habilidad la honra de ser- maestro de
clavicordio de tre s majestades; y habiendo s1do servido la reina
nuestra seffora (que estd en g lo r ia ) interceder con vuestra
majestad se hiciese merced junto con don Francisco de la Raz, de
que gozasen diez dob!ones cada mes, por el real b o ls illo de
vuestra majestad, los cuales gozd^hasta el ano de s e is, . . . "
Unspecified document in E Mp, dated 1715; as transcribed in
Calahorra Martfnez (1977 ), p. 69.
p. 96 note- Sr^wtthifut supporting documetrtationr
"Aprobacidn de don Diego Xaraba y Bruna, organista p rincipal de

la real c a p illa , y cdmara de su magestad, y maestro de’
clavicordio de la*reyna nuestra seflora [ i . e . , Mariana of -
Neuberg]" (dated Madrid, March 30, 1700), in Pa&lo Nassarre,
Fraqmentos mdsicos, repartidos en quatro tratad&s en que
se h all an reglas generales, y muy necessarias para canto lla n o ,
canto de drgano, contrapunto y composicidn (Zaragoza, 1683;
revised e d itio n , Madrid, 1700)^fpp. v i - v i i .
83. Pensil deleitoso de suabes flo re s de mdssica recogidas de . ,

varios organistas por fLray] Antonio Martfn organista de S[an]
Diego de la ciudad de Alcald ado 1707 Estevan de Yusta Calvo,
E Mn M.1358. The title -p a g e is engraved. An inventory is given
by Anglds and Subird v o l. 1 (1946), pp. 299-303. The 386
"versos" In th is manuscript are discussed and transcribed by
Jennings (1967). I have not had the opportunity o f examining
the study by Charles S,. Blank, "The tie n to s o f the Coll
• manuscript, volume II" ,(M .A . th esis. In d ia n a 'U n iv e rs ity , 1961).
84. E Mn M.1358 ”V[ersos] 38-41 para el hymno Ave maris S te lla " ,
f . 101r-106r; modern e d itio n by Jennings (1967) vo l. 2, pp. 385-
395. These pieces are concordant with Cabezdn (1578) "[4
hymnos:] Ave marls S te lla " , f . 21r-23r; modern e d itio n by
Anglds, MME 27 (1966 ), pp. 70-77.
85. Jambou (1976), pp. 251-269; and Louis Jambou, "Composiciones de

[Andrds Lorente, 1624-1703]", TESORO SACRO MUSICAL 60 (1977),
pp. 3-5 and musical supplement, pp. 1-20.
86. Huerto ameno de varias flo re s de mdssica recoqidas de muchos

organistas por fra y Antonio Martfn afio 1708, E Mn M.1359. The
title -p a g e is engraved. In the o rig in a l the words "recogidas de
muchos" and "por" are backwards. An inventory is given in
Anglds and Subird v o l. 1 (1946), pp. 303-306.
87. Huerto ameno de varias flo re s de mdssica recoqidas de varios

organistas por fra y Antonio Martfn afio 1709 de Estevan Yusta
CaTvo, E Mn M.1360. The ^title-pag e is engraved. An inventory
1s given in Anglds and Subird^vol. 1 (1946 ), pp. 307-309. As
, mentioned above in the discussion o f H Mn M.1358, nothing is
known about Estevan de Yusta Calvo. ’ ' 11 '
88. Anglds, BPSM 4 (1 927 ), p. l i x - l x ; Anglds, ANUARIO MUSICAL 21

. (1966), pp. 145-146; and Anglds, BPSM 23 (1968 ), p. 10. -
89. According to archival documents transcribed and discussed

/ by Calahorra Martfnez (1 967 ), pp. 174-189.
90. According to archival documents transcribed and discussed by

------------------ Carmelo Erdozain, "Bernardo C lavijo del C a s tillo . Estudio
Biogrdflco de este cdlebre mdsico", ANUARIO MUSICAL" 21
(1966), pp. 190-207.
91. E Mn M.1360 "[3 ] Tocatas alegres de C o re li" , f . 186r-199r; and

"[29] Minuetes a l v io lfn " , f . 232v-243v. In ad d itio n the top of
f . 199v bears the heading "Otras tocatas alegres para v io lfn , y
_ drgano". I t is not c le a r how many o f the subsequent pieces
belong to th is category,
92. Many, but not a l l , o f the concordances which I mention here have
been pointed out by Bruce Gustafson, French harpsichord music
of the 17th century. A thematic catalogue o f the sources with
commentary (Ann Arbor, 1979) v o l. 2, p p . 262-266. : “ ~
\
s
o
93. . F irs t, E Mn M.1360 "Corrent", f . 231r-231v, is concordant with '
Girolamo Frescobaldi, "Corrente prima", in his Toccate e partite
d'intavolatura di cimbalo ...,L ib ro primo (4th edition, Rome,
1637; facsimile edition, ARCHIVUM MUSICUM vol. 3, Florence,
1978), p. 66; modern edition by Etienne Darbellay (Milan, 1977),
p. 84. Second, E Mn M.1360 "Otro corrent", f . 231v-232r, is
concordant with Frescobaldi (1637) "Corrente seconda", pp. 66-
67; modern edition by Darbellay (1977), p. 85.
94. Libro de cyfra adonde se contem varies joqos de versos, e

obras, e outras coHosidades, de varios autores, P Pm Mi~1577
Loc. B,5. I have not had the opportunity of examining this
manuscript. A detailed study and complete transcription is
given by Barton Hudson,,"A Portuguese source of seventeenth-
century Iberian organ music. Manuscript no. 1577, Loc. B,5
Municipal Library, Oporto, Portugal" (Ph.D. dissertation,
Indiana University, 1961) 2 vol. *
95. P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 "Arte da s ifra ", f . lr-7v . An EngllpLi

translation is given by Hudson (1961) vol. 2, pp. 1-18.
Excerpts from f . 3r, headed "Modo de por as maos em o orgao",
are quoted by Santiago Kastner, "Tres libros descon'ocidos con
mdsica org£nica en las Bibliotecas de Oporto y Braga", ANUARIO
MUSICAL 1 (1946), p. 146. Facslmiles^TDf-fv-lr and 2v are ,
published in Gerhard Doderer, Orgelmusik und Orgelbau 1m
Portugal des 17. Jahrhunderts. Untersuchunqen an Hand des
Ms 964 der Biblioteca Pdblica in Braga (Tutzinq, 1978),
pp. 266-267.
96. P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 "Arte de s ifra ", f . lr -3 r , is a Portuguese

translation of Arte de canto llano, drqano, y c ifra (Madrid,
.1649) chap. 4 "Arte de c ifra ", f . 20r-22v. The last paragraph in
the Spanish treatise,.consisting of praise for Cabezdn (1578),
is absent in the Portuguese version.
97. P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 "Minuet de 5° tom", f. 191v - modern

edition by Hudson (1961) vol. 2, p. 588 - is concordant with
E Mn M.1360 "Otro [minuet]", f . 209r.
98. Hudson (1961) vol. 1, pp. 6-7.
S9. Doderer (1978), p. 53.
100. E Mn Barbieri Mss 14043; according to Stevenson (1968), p. 12.
101. Baltasar Saldoni y Remendo, Diccionario biogrdfico-

biblioqrcffico de efemdrides de musicos espaholes vol. 4
(Madrid, 1881), p. 232. ' ;/ ' .
102. According to an archival document (dated January 24, 1710)
transcribed by Josd Ldpez Calo, "Fray Josd de Vaquedano,
maestro de capUla de la Catedral de Santiago (1681-1711)",
ANUARIO MUSICAL 10 (1955), p. 203.
103. The controversial passage is discussed above, chap. 3, pp. 75-77
104. Joaquin Martinez de la Roca, Elucidacidn de la verdad, con

que dfonl Joachfn Martinez, organista principal de la santa
iqlesia cathedral de Palencia, interita desvanecer las sombras,
con que pretende obscurecerlas: el m[aest]ro don Francisco
Vails, presvitero, maestro de capilla de la santa iqlesia
cathedral de Barcelona, en defensa de la entrada de el sequndo
tip le , en el "Miserere nobis", de la missa, in titu lad a, "Scala
aretina" (Valladolid, n .d .h as described by Pedrell vol. 1
(1908), p. 64, and by Lothar Siemens Hernindez, "Contribucidn
a la bibllografia de las fuentes de la cuestidn Vails",
ANUARIO MUSICAL 31-32 (1976), pp. 215-216.
105. "Don Joseph de Urroz, organista principal de la santa iglesia de

Avila, en el parecer que did a la Elucidacidn de don Joachin
Martinez de la Roca, dize estas formales palabras; le [ i . e . ,
Pablo. Nassarre] tengo por santo padre en la mtfsica." Nassarre
vol. 1 (1724) "Aprobacidn de Tos muy reverendos p[adres] fr[ay]
Lorehzo Sanz, . . . y fr[ay] Joseph 01ivan, . . . " (dated Zaragoza,
May 20, 1722), p. x i.

D1on1sio Preclado, "Antonio Brocarte, organista en la Catedral
de Segovia. Primer periodo: 1655 (15, VI) - 1661 (27, IV )",
TES0R0 SACR0 MUSICAL 57 (1974), pp. 74-82; Dionisio Preciado-,
"Antonio .Bn>carte, organista en la Catedral de Segovia. Segundo
periodo: 1661 (18, X) - 1676 (7, X II)" , TES0R0 SACRO MUSICAL 57
(1974), pp. 105-115.; Dionisio Preciado, "Antonio Brocarte,
organista en la Catedral de Salamanca (del 2-XII-1676 al 21-
V III-1 6 9 6 )", TES0R0 SACRO MUSICAL 59 (1976), pp. 38-51; and
Dionisio Preciado, "El organista Antonio de Brocarte. Primeros
aflos (1629-1654). (Con una biografia del organistalCrist<5bal de
Brocarte, su padre)", TES0R0 SACRO MUSICAL 61 (1978), pp. 38-44.
Siemens Hern^nddz (1966), pp. 164-165 and (1968), pp. 130-143;
and by Calahorra Martinez (1977), pp. 45-50.
108. Documents of the period concerning Marin's death are printed in
Saldoni y Remendo vol. 2 (1880), pp. 81-82. Marin began his
service in the royal chapel as a tenor ("cantor thenor") on
December 11, 1644; according to E Mp legajo M.26, as transcribed
in NIcolSs Alvarez Solar-Quintes, "Panorama musical desde
Felipe I I I a Carlos I I . Nuevos documentos sobre m inistriles,
organistas y 'Reales CapilTas flamenca y espafiola de mdsica' ",
ANUARIO MUSICAL 12 (1957), p. 190. . ;
109. Este lib ro es de d[on1 Miguel Martin mtisico de su maqestad
en el qua! se incluyen los tonos siguientes escHtos por fr[ay]
Martfn Garcfa de Plaque, religiosso de la Santfssima
Trinidad y horqanista insiqne de dicho combento y. compuestos por
d[o]n Joseph Marfn, CAMBRIDGE, Fitzwi11iam Museum MU. 4-1958;
as cited by J.E. Varey and N.D. Shergold, Introduction to their
modern edition of Los cel os hacen estrellas by Juan Vdlez de
Guevara (London, 1970), p. xciv. — . ,
110. . According to Varey and Shergold (1970), p. xciv note 229.

Le'vasseur de Rebollo (1975), pp. 15-31.
112. E Mn M.2262. An in v e n t o r y is given in Angles and Sub1r£

vol. 1 (1946), pp. 328-329. /
113. E Mn M.2262 "Cantata con v io lin o d i Giuseppe Draghi Cardlnalino",

f . 13v-24r and "Cantata con vio lin i di G[1useppe] D[raghi]
C[ardinalino] . . . aprile 1718", f . 25v-41v. Note that Angles - O
and Subirci vol. 1 (1946), p. 329, have mistakenly transcribed
the composer's name as "Braghi". '
114. "Haviendo muerto aquf en Madrid los dfas passados don Joseph
Draghi Cardinalino, que servfa de ensehar al prfncipe [Luts] a
tocar el clavicordio, y hazer unos conciertos de mdsica, y de
instrumentos, de los quales su alteza gusta mucho en los ratos
que no e s ti aplicado a sus estudios; y habi^ndome informado
qud sujeto hay, para sucederle en este empleo, hallo que don
Jayme Faco, que presenta el memorial adjunto, es hombre de mucha
haviliâd para dsta professidn; . . . " Document in E Mp written
by the duque de Popoli to Joseph Rodrigo, dated February 9,
1720; as transcribed in Jos^ SubirS, "Jaime Facco y su obra
musical en Madrid", ANUARIO .MUSICAL 3 (1948), pp. 112-113,
115. Livro de obras de orgao, P B Ms 964. I have not had the

opportunity of examining this manuscript. A detailed study Is
given by Doderer (1978). A modern edition of 74 of the" 208
pieces is given by Gerhard Doderer, PORTUGALIAE MUSICA 25
(1975).
116. According tolarchival documents summarized by Jos6 Augusto

Ferreira, His\tiria abreviada. do Semin^rioConciliar de Braga
e das ascolas"eelesiSsticas. precedences (Braga, 1937), p. 202.
117. "Fr[ey] J0A0 DE CHRISTO natural de Lisboa monge Cisterciense

cujo hibito vestio no real convento de Santa Marfa de Alcobaga
a 8 de janeiro de 1614 e professou solemnemente a 10 do dito mez
do anno seguinte. Foy insigne tangedor de orgao, e dos c^lebres
professores de mOsica do seu tempo como testimunhao as obras
que deixou desta armonica faculdade, . . . Falleceo no convento de
Alcobaga a 30 de julho de 1654." Diogo Barbosa Machado,
434.
Bibliotheca lusitana histtfrica, c rftic a , e cronoldqica.

Na. qual se comprehende a noticia dos authores portuquezes, e
das'obras, que compuserao desde o tempo da promulqac3o da Ley
de Oraca ate o tempo prezente vol. 2 (Lisbon, 1747; facsimile
edition, Coimbra, 1966), p. 636.
118. P B Ms 964 "Versos p[ar]a se cantarem ao orgao ou arpa em tip le

ou tenor", f . 147r-161v.
119. P B Ms 964, "f. 162r-208v; as discussed in Dodererv.(1978),

pp. 26-27 and 33-46.
120. "Estrangeiras ou italianas p[ar]a orgao,-ou arpa. Os fez hd

para se trln a r com a tecla de cima sobre o punto aonde elles
estiverem/" P B Ms 964, f . 216r.
121/' "Continuam os passos estrangeiros que vieram da Roma . . . "

P B Ms 946, f . 224r.
122. A facsimile of P B Ms 964, f . 253r, is printed in Doderer (1978),

p. 260. /
123. Doderer (1978), p. 16.
124. Doderer (1978), pp. 16, 59, and 231.
125. Libro de mdsica de clavicfmbalo del s[efio]r d[o]nFrancisco

de Tejada. 1721, E Mn M.815. An inventory is given by Angles
and Subird vol. 1 (1946), pp. 330-333.
126. In the manuscript, four of these arrangements name Corelli while

two do not. I have not counted the work entitled "Piesa de
Coreli" (E Mn M.815, f . 19v-20v) because I have not found a
concordance for i t in C orelli's compositions.
’I??,. Archival documents concerning his tenure are transcribed by

T Preciado (1976), p. 49.
128. Âccording to Alberto Garcfa Carraffa and Arturo Garcfa Carraffa,

Diccionario herSldlco .y qenealdgico de apellidos espafioles y
americanos vol. 84 (Madrid, 1961), p. 114.
129. Libro de obras de drqano. Compuestas por el grande maestro

Joan Cabanillas, pre-sbftero, y organista de la s[an]ta iglessia
y cathedral de Valencia siendo del licenciado en la misma
facultad Estevan Maronda, siendo uno de los menores dicfpulos
del qLran.lde maestro Joseph Elfas, presbftero, .y organista
de la parroquial de S[anto.ls Justo, y Pastor de Barzelona dfa
12^de 8bre del aflo del sleflolr 1722, E Be M.386 (formerly 887).
I have not had the opportunity of examining this manuscript. A
description and inventory are given by Pedrell vol. 2 (1909),
pp. 75-88; and by Angles, BPSM 4 (1927), pp. x l i - x l i i i .
130. According to Pedrell vol. 2 (1909); p. 88. ' / ';
131. Archival documents concerning his career are transcribed and

discussed by Josd Marfa Llorens, "La obra orgdnica de Josdc
Elfas, discfpulo de Juan B. Cabanilles", ANUARIO MUSICAL 17
(1962), pp. 127-129; and Josd Marfa Llorens (e d ito r), Josd
Elfas. Obras completas, BPSM 24 (Barcelona, 1971), pp. 11-12
and BPSM 26 (Barcelona, 1981), pp. 9-12.
132. Tomefs de Santa Marfa (1565) pt. I I , chap. 53 "Del modo de

templar de monacordio y la vihuela", f . 122v.
133. Cerone (1613) vol. 2, Bk. XXI, chap./12 "Del modo de templar
el monochordio, arpycordio, clavicdmpalo, y e lc’drgano, &c.",
pp. 1048-1049. ' v V
134. Francisco Salinas, De musica lib r i septem (Salamanca, 1577;

fdtesimile edition, KasSel, 1958) Bk. I l l , chap. 15-26, pp. 143-
164. This material is discussed and explained by. Arthur Michael
Daniels, "^Fhe 'De musica 1ib ri »V II' of Francisco de Salina^'
(Ph.D. dissertation, University of Southern California, f§62),
pp. 239-280; slightly revised in Art|ur Daniels,-^Microtonallty
and mean-tone temperament in the harmonic system of Francisco
\ Salinas", JOURNAL OF MUSIC THEORY 9 (1965), pp. 254-278.
135. E Mn M.2267 "Modo de templar el drgano, clavicordio, y arpa",

pp. 407-410. '
■» *
136. "La razjjn que ay para que las quintas que dexamos referidas pn
la afinacidn del flautado, clavicordio, y arpa han de ser
descabezadas, y no/ finas; y otras algo subidas y no
descabezadas, es porque al tiempo de las pruevas . . . las
terceras mayores que se cogen en medio de Ta consonancia, en
medio del unisonus, y la quinta, y se huvieren aflnado en las
quintas muy finas se hallar^n en la consonancia algo subidas, y
disuenan; y quedSndose un poquito remisas, se experimenta, que
hacen consonancia agradable at ofdo, que es^quien j’uzga la
sonoridad de e lla ." E Mn M.2267, p. 409.
137. "Y todas las octavas' de los tiples 'conviene estbn muy finas, y
tiradas todo lo posible a la parte a lta , para aue las quintas
que con ellas se ponen en consonancia, hagan fina armonfa."
E Mn M.2267, p. ^07. ^
'138. "Todas las quintas desde oesolfaut con puntillo asta el fin'del
<5rgano han de ser muy finas, y subidas todo lo posible . . . " .
E Mn M.2267, p. 409.
13,9. Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. IV, chap. 20 "En que se trata de la
afinacidn de los drganos en toda especie de cafiuterfa",
pp. 497-498. .
7 436.
140. E Mn M.2267, pp. 408-409 and 410.'
. v 141. "Nota que muchas vezes se hall a en los acompanamientos un #

[ I . e . , sustenldo] y un bemol que no los tiene el drgano
cavales, que son el # de delasolrre, y el bemol de alamire,
istos se suplen en el irgano, poniendo quando se halla e l # de
delasolrre, el bemol de el ami; y por el bemol de alamire el # de
gesolrreut; los quales no son cabales, porque la tecla que sirve
para el # tiene una coma mis; y la que sirve para el bemol una
menos, y la razin es; porque el semitono cantable, que es la
distancia de ml a fa , tiene cinco comas; y la del semitono-
Incantable, es de quatro comas, que es de fa blando, a fa
sustenldo; luego el bemol de elami, que sirve de # a delasolrre
tiene una coma mis, aviendo de ser de quatro el semitono
Incantable, segtfn lo escrlto: el bemol de alamire es al
yy ' contrario, porque sirve el # de gesolrreut de d-icho bemol de
alamire, iste no dista mis que quatro comas, que es distancia
de semitono incantable, aviendo de ser cinco, que es deTYJ
distancia de semitono [Cantable], segCin lo escrito;’ luegoile >
fa lta una coma." Tbrres y Martfnez Bravo (1702) Bk. I , chap. 3
"De Tos signos de la segunda orden que pertenecen al ginero
.enarmdnico", pp. 6-7.
142. " . . . ay un abuso introducido especialmente e.ntre los organistas,

que.es contra toda buena prictica; sucede, que pulsando el
drgano quieren hazer sustenido, donde no lo ay, o bemol en
tecla donde carece de i l , y lo quieren suplir el sustenido con
bemol, y el bemol con sustenido, no teniendo la quantidad qQe
deve tener, porque quando el sustenido se suple,con bemol esti
una coma mis alto , y quando el bemol se suple con sustenido,
esti una coma mis baxo, de-donde\resulta disOnancia en .
semejantes posturas: y quando se ]les haze este cargo a
■ semejantes pricticos, responden que no suena mal; y es, que
tfenen ya los ofdos habituados w semejantes disonancias por tan
uâdas, y se les convierte por Al uso lo amargo en dulce; pero
esto lo mis es en fuerga de .la/aprehensi(5n, que en la
realidad. Pudieran'suplirlo de otros modos, pero como iste es
menos trabajoso quieren i r por el atajo aunque sea mis aspero
el camino." Nassarre vot. 1 (1724) Bk. I , chap. 15 "De la
■ melodfa, y qui sea?", pp. 60-61. ' '
143. These transpositions are described in Nassarre vol. 1 (1724)

Bk. I l l , chap. 17 "De los tirminos^ por donde se pueden
transportar los ocho tonos accidentalmente en el irgano",
pp. 325-330.
' .
^ 144. "...■ el 'bemol' de que puede usar particularmente, el lugar que
tiene por este tirmino [ i . e . , el primer-tono por cesolfaut], es
en 'alam irre', y no ay tecla, que cprresponda a i l ; suplendo
muchos organistas con la tecla negra, que esti para sustenido
de 'gesolreut', aunque su '£ono' esti una.'coma' mas baxo, que
- lo que es necessario *para 'bemol', y suena desapacible al ofdo,
a que deben atender, usdndolo con poca detencidn, y quando la
huviera de aver, es mejor echarla fuera; pues de este modo, n1
suena bien, ni mal. Con qualqulera voz, que no sea el baxo, es
fd cil el echarlo fuera, y quando el baxo lo ha de usar.se
puede disponer la 'milsica' de otro modo, que no necessite ddl,
menos en los casos forgosos de los acompanamientos, de que d1rd
en su lugar, c<5mo se deben suplir. Todo lo dlcho acerca del
'bemol' se ha de observar por qualquier otro tdrmino,' donde no
se hallare en el drgano, assf para el 'prlmero', como para
todos los demds 'tonos'." Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l ,
chap. 17, pp. 325-326.
145. "Quando viniere algdn sustenido [en el baxo], donde no lo ay en
el drgano, se ha de suplir poniendo el acompanamlento tercera
abdxo, como si el sustenido viniere en 'delasolre', que no le
ay, se ha de suplir en 'befabemi'; pero no poniendo ninguna voz
en tercera, ni decena, sf sdlo en quinta, y octava. .Quando
algdn 'bemol' viniere en lo escrito, que no lo ay en eT
drgano, como en 'alam irre', u dtra parte, se ha de suplir
tercera arriba, como estando en 'alamirre' el 'bemol', se ha de
'subir el 'baxo' a 'cesolfaut', con la advertencia, de que no
ponga vozes en otra especie,. que en octava." Nassarre vol . 1
(1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 20 "En que se dan’ las reglas mds
principales para acompafiar en el drgano, y arpa, para los que
no son compositores", p. 357.
146. "No dexa de causar mucha admiracidn, el que siendo tan comdn
la guitarra, no se aya puesto su temple en el drgano.... no
huviera yo.pensado mds en la'materia, sino se huviera ofrecido
la ocasidn de renovar el. drgano de la capllla real de vuestra
magestad y el primer dfa dixe al a r tific e , que avia de hazer
un drgano pequeno con esta disposlcidn para vuestra magestad.
En este tiempo- vino don Fdlix de Valencia, y traxo el
tetrachordo, que puse en manos de vuestra magestad y me dixo,
que le avia ya puesto en prdctica en Valencia el ano passado,
con mucho aplauso de los mdsicos de aquella ciudad. Y tengo por
cierto, que ha sido el primero que se ha valido desta
disposlcidn. Delante de vuestra magestad se ha hecho tambidn
la experiencia con aprovacidn de los mdsicos de la capilla
real. Lo cierto es, que las conveniences, que trae conslgo
esta disposlcidn son tan grandes.que se puede to le fa r, si tiene
algdn defecto que no causa notable disonanci^ al oido." Joseph
Zaragoza, Fdbrica y uso de varios instrumentos mathemdticos
con que sirvid al rey n[uestro] sCejiorl d[on] Carlos Sequndo
' (Madrid, 1675), pp. 212-213. , • :.
147. Thomas Vicerê-Tosca, Compendio mathemdtico en que se contienen

todas las materias mds principales de las ciencias que tratan
de la cantidad vol. 2 (Valencia, 1709) Bk. II., chap. 4. ——
438.
148. "Esta d.ivisi<5n de el 'diapasdn' [en doze partes iguales] que

es la que observa la guitarra espanola, y que, segCin se dize,
con aplaudido successo de inteligentes, se ha puesto en
'prSctlca repetidas vezes en los drganos, y que si es assf
.como se assegura, sin d ificu ltad t/b inconveniente pudiera
transferirse a los clavicordiosy'narpas de dos drdenes &c. es
un harmonioso mapa de.la mdsica, que oi se usa." Pedro de
Ulloa, Mdsica-universaT, o principios universales de la mdsica
(Madrid, 17171, p. 15.
' 149. (a) Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) "Comienga la declar&cidn de la

c ifra ", f . -6r-12r; modern edition by Anglds, MME 2 (1944),
pp. 156-165. p
(b) Cabezdn (1578) "Declaracidn de la cifra que en este libro
se usa", f . * 8 r - * l lr ; modern edition by Anglds, MME 27 (1966),
pp. 25-29.
. (c) Correa de Arauxo (1626) "SvTguese el arte de poner por
c ifra ", f . 13r-25v; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948),
pp. 50-66. \ .
(d) P Pm Ms 1577 Loc^B,5 "Artp da s ifra ", f . lr -3 r ; English
translation by: Hudson\l96jJ—W)l. 2, pp. 1-6.
150. « Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 19 "Dei provecho, y

utilid ad , qOe sirve en el arpa la trasportacidn de los tonos,
de los modos que se figura la mdsica para e ll a, y del modo de
templarla", pp. 350-351. He describes keyboard tablature but he
does not write out any examples. Except for a few mindr
details, his description does accord with the notation actually
found in the extant keyboard sources.
151. Arte de canto llano, drgano, y cifra (1649) chap. 4 "Artede

c ifra 1*, f . 20r-22v. •
152. "La cifra impressa de Antonio Cabezdn tiene duos^y tercios

para prihcipiantes, y obras de primor, para hazer consumados
organistas.- Importarfa mucho al servicio de Dios, que la „
huviesse en todos los monasteries, o»papeles de cifras
' equivalentes". Arte de canto llano, drgano, y c ifra (1649)
chap. 4, f . 22v.
153. "Item, que guarde con observancia inviolable, el no levantar uh

ndmero hasta que se siaue otro, o pausa en la misma raya,. . . "
Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 10, f . 24v; modern edition by
Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 65.
154.° P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 "Arte da s ifra ", f . lr ; facsfmile of this

page printed in Doderer (1978), p. 266. The same expanded range
is given in Arte de canto llano, drgano, y cifra (1649)
chap. 4, f . 20v.
155v According to Hudson (1961) vol. 1, p. 10.
-439.
156. "Los signos del gdnero enarmdnico blando, ascendente: son el

bemol de alamire, y el bemol de delasolrre, y por carecer el
drgano de ellos no los.pongo aquf." Correa de Arauxo (1626)
chap. 3, f . 14r; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 52.
Nevertheless Correa does use "3b" ( i . e . , "ab") in his "Cancidn
glosada Dexaldos mi madre" (D-64); modern edition by Kastner,
MME 6 (1948), pp. 201-212 measures 126 and 130. Perhaps one of
his organs did have separate pipes and keys for the pitch "a1” 1.
157. Hudson (1961) vol. 1, p. 11.
158. Cabezdn (1578), f . *9r; modern edition by Anglds, MME 27

(1966), p. 26. . "
159. " . . . advirtiendo tambidn que de la manera que se evita deponer

bemoles, en todos los puntos que se an de tocar en befabemi negro,
con solamente poner una B capital, y redonda, al principio de la
obra, assf se evitarfa el dicho inconviniente, y pesadumbre:
juzgud. por cosa 'consentdnea, poner tan solamente en las obras
acidentales de be quadrado, y que uviessen *de passar por un> sustenido
una 4 quadrada ca p ita l, la qua! habla con todos los unos, que son los
sustenidos de fefaut. Y si uviesse de passar por los de, cesolfaut
poner dos *=» ^ ...... Y si huviessen de passar por losde gesolrreut poner
tres’ 4 4 4 . . . " Correa cfe Arauxo (1626) "Punto" 5 and 6, f . 3v;
modern edition by Kastner-, MME 6 (1948), p. 40.
160. "Encontrards tambidn discursos accidentales puntados con be

quadrada [ i . e . , . ' 4 ' ] , o be quadradas [i . e . , 14 4 1 o r ' 4 4 4 1]
despuds del tiempo, por evitar de poner sustenidos en todos los
mies, y parecerdte cosa tan nueva que yo soy el primero que la hago.
Hallards assf mesmo las obras naturales, a quien llarno, y
se an de llamar diatdnicas, puntadas sin be quadrat, ni serial
de accidente." Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Advertencias", f . lr ;
modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 37.
16L. ‘ "Hallards tambidn unos discursos puntados Con el tiempo

imperfecto [ 'C '] , y otros con el partido ['4-'3. Unos con el
perfecto de-por medio [ '4 '] y otros con el mismo impartible '
C10 1]: todo lo qua! se haze para distinguir las diferentes
tardangas que a de aver en el lle var del compds." Correa de
Arauxo (1626) "Advertencias", f . l r ; modern edition by Kastner,
MME 6 (1948), p. 37.
162. Summarized from Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Punto" 7, f . 4r-4v;

modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), pp. 40-41. Most of
this section is translated into English by Charles Jacobs,
Tempo notation in Renaissance Spain (New York, 1964), pp. 45-47.
In his pieces Correa employs a total of eight mensuration
signatures. In addition to the fiv e which he discusses in the
theoretical section, hie uses the signs "42."* "Cj", and " 0 i "
.without explanation. SeeyCharles Jacobs, Francisco Correa de
Arauxo (The Hague, 1973)/pp. 5r9. —
163. "Muchas obras de muy g'randes maestros e visto puptadas, ya con
tiempo imperfecto, ya con el partido,indiferentemente. Y no es
razdn, que teniendo estos dos tiempos entre sf tan grande
dlsparidad usen de e ll os sin diferencia alguna. Contdntome el
modo de usar de 61, del padre Manuel Rodrfguez Coello [sic] en
« el libro que escriyid en canto de dtâno para tanedores de
tecla etc. -por quanto usa del imperfecto en obras de a diez y
seis semicorcheas al compds, sin mexcla de otro tiempo; y assf
considerando yo esto mismo, y que propriamente el oficio de el
de por medio, es hazer de dos compases uno, y que esto se puede
mejor hazer en obras de a ocho a1 compds: determind a t r i b u ir ^
el tiempo partido a las de a ocho por la dicha razdn, y el
imperfecto a las de a diez yseis como de jure se le deve: p < g /
dar a entender, la diferencia que a de aver, en llevar el ^
compds en uno, y en otro." Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Punto" 7 ,
f . 4r; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), pp. 40-41. The
English translation is taken from Jacobs (1964), pp. 45-46,
to which I have made some changes.
164. The few' exceptions are i" ussed in Jacobs (1964), pp. 30-34.
165. Cabezdn (1578) "De las proporciones y tiempos", f . *9v-*10r;

modern edition by Anglds, MME 27 (1966), pp. 26-27.
166. Jacobs (1964), pp. 37-52.
167% "Puddese cantar este tiempo [ i . e . , ternario menor] debaxo .de

los dos modos de ’ compds1, o igual, u desigual, si se canta
debaxo del 'compds1 igual, tendrdn todas las figuras el valor,
que he dicho [ i . e . , valen la mdxima doze compases, la Tonga
seis, la breve tres, la semibreve uno, dos mfnimas un compds,
quatro semfnimas, ocho corcheas, y diez y seis semicorcheas];
pero si es debaxo del 'compds' desigual,.se incluyen las
figuras de tres 'compases'. en uno, valiendo la 'mdxima.' quatro,
la 'longa' dos, la 'breve' uno, tres 'semibreves' enun
'compds', seis 'mfnimas', doze 'semfnimas^, ve in te ^ quatro
'corcheas', y quarenta y ocho 'semicorcheas'." Nassarre vol. 1
(1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 7 "En que se explican los tiempos de
proporcidn mayor, ternario menor, y ternario mayor", p. 250.
168. "Este 'tiempo' [ i . e . , ternario mayor] se puede cantar del mismo

modo, que el otro [ i . e . , ternario menor], assf con; el 'compds'
igual, como con el desigual. Si se canta con el 'compds'
igual, vale la figura 'mdxima' seis 'compases', la 'Tonga'
tres, la 'breve' uno y medio, entran en el 'compds' dos
'semibreves', quatro 'mfnimas', ocho 'semfnimas', diez y seis
'corcheas', y treinta y dos 'semicorcheas', . . . pero se puede
. cantar tambidn debaxo del 'compds' desigual, y en este caso no
tienen mds, ni menos valor las figuras, que seqdn dixe en la
] 'proporcidn' mayor, . . . " Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , '
cnap. 7, p. 251
169. Andrds Lorente, El porqud de la mdsica, en que se contlene
los quatro artes~de e lla , canto llano, canto de drgano,
contrapunto, y composicidn (Alcalcf de Henares. 1672) Bk. I I ,
chap. 3 "Exemplo de los tiempos que oy se usan en canto de
drgano, donde se verd como han de ser serialados", p. 148.
170. Under "4" the value of the measure is | J J J J | in E Mn

M.1358 ( f . lr-8 0 r),.b u t in Lorente (1672). I t
should be noted that in E Mn M.1358 the distinction between the
signs "C" and "4" is not always clear. The slash runs from the
highest to lowest, tablature line and thus may simply be an
introductory barline.
171. Arte de canto llano, drgano, y cifra (1649) chap. 3 "Arte de

canto de drgano", f . 19r-20r.
172. Venegas de Henestrosa (1557), f . 6v; modern edition by Anglds,

MME 2 (1944), p. 157.
173. Cabezdn (1578), f . *8v; modern edition by Anglds, MME 27

(1966), p. 25. Correa de Arauxo (1626), chap. 10, f . 24v;
modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 65.
174. "Ansimismo han de saber que en cada espacio de los que estdn
entre las rayas que atraviessan las reglas de alto a baxo, vale
un tompds, el qual, si no uviere mds de una letra al
principio, serS semibreve, y si dos, uno en e l-princlpio y otro
en el medio, serdn mfnimas, y si uviere quatro letras, serdn
semfnimas, y ansf secutivamente, conforme a la tabla, que para
demonstracidn de cdmo se puntan todas las figuras de canto
^d'drgano y algunas glosas fdciles, se pone: . . .
Porque algunas vezes hallardn las figuras tan mezcl/adas unas
con otras que con dificultad se podrfa poner bien en tpdas las
partes donde uvierd estas dificultades, hallardn puestdsel ayre
encima del ringldti." Cabezdn (1578), f . *8v-*9r; moderrr
edition by Anglds:, MME 27 (1966), pp. 25-26.
'Venegas dd Henestrosa (1557), f . 6r-6v, modern edition by

AngTds^WME 2 (1944), pp. 156-157; Correa de Arauxo (1626)
chap. 4, f . 15r, modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948^, p. 53;
Arte de canto llano, drgano, y cifra (1649) c h a ^ ^ fr r . 21r-22r;
and P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5, f . 2v, facsimile in [(oderer (1978),
p. 267.
176. Explained in Cabezdn'(1578), f . *10r; modern edition by Anglds,

MME 27 (1966), p. 27. 1
177. According to Jacobs (1973), p. 9.
178. Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Punto" 10, f . 6r; modern edition by

Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 43.
442.
179. "En glosa de sesquidltera de seis figuras al compos, si fuere

notada con el ayre de -proporcidn menor, que es con un tres
encima, da el compds enla primera, alga en la quarta, y '
buelve a dar el compds siguiente eh la sdptima. Y si fuere^
notada con el ayre de proporcidn mayor, que es con un dos
encima, da el compds enla primera alga en la quinta y'buelva a
dar el compds siguiente en la sdptima." Correa de Arauxo
(1626) chap. 7, f . 18r; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948),
p. 57.
Tomds de Santa Marfa (1565) pt. I , chap. 19 "Del modo de tafier

buen ayre", f . 45v-46v. Thischapter is translated into
'ish and discussed by Charles Gilbert Jacobs, "The
:o>ânc^racfTce'of Spanish Renaissance keyboard music"
v . . . . D . dissertation, New York University, 1962) vol. 1, pp. 100-
104 and 108-109. Another English translation of this chapter is
given by Diana Poulton, "How to play with good style by Thomds
de Santa Marfa", LUTE SOCIETY JOURNAL 12 (1970), pp. 24-26.
181. "De dos modos diferentes se pueden tafier unas mismas figuras en
ndmero, de la que llamamos proporcidn sexquidltera, que es de
seys, o doze figuras al compds, y de la de nueve, y de diez y
ocho figuras al compds tambidn. El primer modo y mds fd c il,
es tafierlas yguales, y lianas, esto es, sin detenerse mds en
una que en otra, y este ayre es como de proporcidn mayor, en la
qua! van tres semibreves, y seys mfnimas, y doze semfnimas al
compds yguales, y sin ayrezillo. El segundo modo es, tafierlas
algo desiguales, y con aquel ay re zillo , y graciosidad de
proporcidn menor, y dste (aunque dificultoso) es el mds usado
de los organistas, y es detenidndose nids en la primera figura;
y menos en la segunda y tercera: y luego detenidnddse en la
quarta,. y menos en la quinta y sexta. Y es (casi) como haziendo
la primera mfnima, y la segunda y tercera semfnimas, o por la
mi tad, una semfnima y dos corcheas, y assf prosiguiendo por
todas las figuras de cada compds. Supuesta pues esta
disparidad (la qua! puede suceder en qualquier tiempo entero, o
partido) razdn serd que tambidn la aya en las senales que las
denotan; de modo, que se pueda saber quando sean de tafier las
tales figuras o ndmeros, con ayre ygual, o conayrev
desigual.... Y assf queda assentado: que el tres eriAima de las
dichas figuras (en canto de drgano) y ndmeros (en c ifra )
signlfica el dicho ayresillo de proporcidn menor, y ndmero
ternario, y el dos, ygualdad.de figuras como en el, binario."
Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Punto" 11, f . 6r-6v; modern edition by
Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 43.
182. "Aunqueade las tres partes que tiene el compds ternario, cada
parte en sf (respecto la una a la otra) es ygual, con todo
esso el compds no es ygual, si no desigual; siendo el dar al
dob!ado mds largo, que el alâr: por quanto se cantan de las
tres, las dos partes, en el golpe que hiere enbaxo, y una en el
alto; assf, un dos en el dar, tres en el algar." Cerone (1613)
vol. 1', Bk. VI," chap. 19 "Del compds ternario, que es el menos
usado", p.* 495.
•183. " . . . aunque de las tres partes que tiene el compds ternario, u
de proporcidn, cada parte en sf, respeto la una a la otra es
igual; y con todo esso el compds no es igual., s£nodesigual, por
quanto el uso comdnmente ha introducido, el quesebanten de las
tres partes las dos (especialmente en la proporcidn nrayor ['< £ 1 '])
en el golpe del dar,-que hiere en baxo, y una en alto , assf, un
dos en el dar, y un tres en el algar; . . . " Lorente (1672) Bk. I I ,
chap. 4£ "Compds en canto de drgano, qudsea?", p. 220.
184. The use of score notation in E Be M.386 is mentioned by Anglds,

BPSM 4 (1927), p. 1xv..
185. The notation in the Ita lia n sectVqns of P B Ms 964 is b riefly

described by Doderer (1978), p. 4 6 ^ \
186. Lorente (1672) Bk. I I , chap. 3, p. 148 a vd chap. 15-24,
pp. 155-187.
187. " . . . este compds [ i . e . , '<£] se canta mds despacio, y por esso
se llama compds mayor, en cmtraposicidrv<deJ compds menor, o
compasillo [ 'C '] , que poT’fcaiitarSe-'efp rfS ay ligeramente. se
llama, y se denomina assf." Lorente (1672) Bk. I I , chap. 12
"El tiempo menor, porque tiene diferencia’de nombres?", p. 154.
"En Espaha le [ i . e . , '4.'] llamamos compds mayor, o largo,
por quanto se haze con movimiento tardo: . . . " Lorente (1672)
Bk. I-I, chap. 43, p. 220.
188. " . . . assf en un tiempo, como en otro es a rb itrio del compositor

el echar el compds mds,- o menos acelerado, y de tal modo puede
echar el de compasillo [ 'C '] , que sean iguales en la
acceleracidn las figuras, como las del compds mayor'[,4>,]» y
puede ser mds, y puede ser menos." Nassarre vol. 1 (1724)
Bk. I l l , chap. 5 "En que se explica.el tiempo imperfecto,
cantado debaxo del compasillo, y compds mayor", p. 239.
189. Two practices illu s tra te the gradual collapse of the traditional
mensural system throughout western Europe. F irs t, there was no
consistent relationship between "C"-and Second, musicians
began to employ signs of trip le proportion to represent
sesquialtera relationships. See the discussion by Curt Sachs,
Rhythm and tempo. A study in music history (New York, 1953),
pp. 217-225, 228-231, and 269-271.
. 190. Throughout western Europe a confusion between hemiola and

sesquialtera led to many inconsistencies in the notation of
trip le meter during the 16th and 17th centuries. See the study
by Michael B. Collins, "The performance of coloration, -■
sesquialtera, and hemiola (1450-1750)" (P h .d is s e r ta tio n ,
Stanford University, 1963), especially chap. 4.
191. For example: "Si las semfnimas [4 ] llegam-a-auatro, sin
medlar otra figura, valen lo mismo que las (corcheas [ £ or £ ]; y
siendo menos de quatro, valen lo mismo que^mfniiias [ 4 ] . " Arte'
de canto llano, drgano,y cifra (164S^chap. 3, f . 20r.
192. "En llegando las semfnimas a quatro, son como corcheas blancas
*en este tiempo de proporcidn menor? segCin algunos authores:
otros Tas dexan slempre en el valor de semfnimas, jgue en dicho
tiempo son como mfnimas, valiendo tres un compds; esto es
cdmo estd en uso: y si la semfnima se acompafia con mfnima
con puntillo, sirve como corchea, u semfnima." Lorente (-1672)
B k ..II, chap. 18 "Proporcidn menor", p. 167.
193. "Para valer el semibreve [o '] en proporcidn menor un compds,

ha de venlr al dar, y tener despuds de sf figura mayor, que
por lo menos valga dos partes del compds; esto es, que tenga el
valor de dos mfnimas [4 ] , o mds, o pausa equivalente, o
puntillo:-no teniendo lo referido, su valor no excederd dos
mfnimas; . . . " Lorente (1672) Bk. I I , chap. 18, p. 166.
194. "Los breves negros [» ] valen en este tiempo [de proporcidn

menor] quatro mfnimas [ A ] (repdtase por compds. y medio
[s ic ]) y el semibreve negro [♦■] vale dos mfnimas; . . . " Lorente
(1672) Bk. I I , chap. 18, p. 167..
195. "Las semfnimas [ I ] , unos practican, que su vaWr sea igual con
el de las mfnimas [4 ] ; y otros, que su valor sea como el de
las corcheas [£ ] » esto se gueda a eleccidn del maestro que
hiziere la obra." Lorente ‘(1672) Bk. I I , chap. jl9 "Proporcidn
mayor", p. 172. -
'
196. "El breve [w ] vale un compds, quando viene al dar, y tiene

despuds de dl figura, o pausa, que valga dos partes de un •
compds, u mds, o puntillo de augmentacidn: . . . " Uorente
(1672) Bk. I I , chap. 19, p. 171.
197. ’t1Los%breVes negros [ w ] , vale cada uno dos semibreves [ o ] ; los

semibreves negros [> ] valen lo mismo que.si fueran blancos; • •
II
Lorente (1672). Bk. I I , chap. 19, p. 172.

198. "Advirtiendo, que en este tiempo de proporcidrrîihor, se cfentan
tres mfnimas, en .un compds; la una es al da^J»y las dos al '
alâr (esto a diferencia de la proporcidn$|§yor, que en e lla se
contan dos semibreves al dar del compds, y uno al algar) porque
sea la cantorfa mds alegre, y ligera, por quanto de ordinario
este tiempo de proporcidn menor, es el que mds se exercita en
los villancicos, y musicas de alegrfa, y regozijo;. esto es
segdn el comiin uso; . . . " Lorente (1672) Bk. I I , chap. 18,
pp. 165-166.
199. i "Tiene la ‘proporcidn menor' mucha diversidad de ayres, . . . Lo
mismo sucede en todos los demds 'tiempos': pero con mds
variedad en dste, siendo el motivo de1usarSe tanto, y mds que
el 'compasillo', quando se comnone en lengua vulgar; porque es
'tiempo' acomodado, para componer grave, ayroso, alegre, y aun
profano. El 'compasillo' y 'compds mayor' son 'tiempos'
propios para componer cosas graves, ayrosas, y alegres modestas,
por esso en toda 'mtisica', que se compone para el oficio
divino, son los que mds se practican, por ser mds propios para
.la gravedad,. que pide la le tra , y el lugar sagrado; y el
pru'dente compositor no usa de la 'proporcidn menor' en
semejantes cdnticos, sino es con eT-ayre mds grave, que se le
puede dar; y el ser mds a propdsito para cosas alegres,
consiste en cantarse debaxo del 'compds' desigual, o ternario,
y en la viveza de d l, y velocidad de las figuras. Entre otros
muchos ayres, que se ven en las camposiciones de la
'proporcidn' ['menor'], son tresHos md? frequentes, y ‘
ordinarios: el primero es, quando son 'mfnimas' la mayor parte
de la composicidn, iguales en valor, por no tener puntillos
frequentemente, . . .
Este es un modo ayroso, en que se govierna con el compds un
poco accelerado. El segundo modo es, quando de las tres
'mfnimas', que entran en un compds, de ordinario es la segunda
con 'p u n tillo ', . . .
En este modo de cantar no va el compds tan apresurado, como
en el antecedente, y es ayre mds propio para le tra , que pida
mds gravedad. El tercer modo, que dixe (era muy ordinario) es
V quando la primera 'minima'del compds se halla frequentemente
^ con puntillo, y es un ayre, que lo usan los composltores con
alguna frequencia para letra de mucha alegrfa. Echase mds
ayroso el 'compds' en esta especie de'canto, que en los otros;
y aunque semejante'mdsica' no se usa en letra dedlcado al
culto eclesidstico; pero en la lengua vulgar lo usan muchos, . . . "
.Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 6 "En que se trata del
tiempo de la proporcidn menor", pp. 245-246.
200 . "La 'proporcidn menor' se usa muy poco en las composiciones

eclesidsticas, porque es el ayre de e l l i mds veloz, y no tan
grave como el de la mayor, y como pide la l e t r a . . . . para las
composiciones de lengua vulgar, se usa mucho, ddndole
diferentes ayres; ya echando a espacio el compds, ya mds
veloz, segdn lo indican la mayor parte de las figuras: porque
J si se usa mucho de-'semibreves', ordinariamente es para cantada
a espacio; si la mayor,parte son mfnimas, se canta con,mds
velocidad, y con mds, si la primera de el compds fuere'de
ordinario con p u ntillo." Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I l l ,
chap. 13 "De la variedad de ayres, que se practican en las
composiciones", pp. 335-336.
201. Lorente (1672) Bk. I I , ciap. 21 "Sexquidltera menor", pp. 177-

178 and chap. 22 "Sexquidltera mayor", pp. 179-180.
446.
202. Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte, Medulade la mdsi'ca^thedrica

(Salamanca, 1707) Bk. I I , chap. 10 "De la sexquidltera menor, y
mayor", pp. 135-136. *
203. Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I l l , chap. 9 "En que se explican las
proporclones sexquidltera, dupla, trip !a , sexquitercia, y
sexquiquarta", pp. 263-264; and vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I l l , chap. 13,
pp. 337-339.
204. "Compels de dos por 4 [ i . e . , '>*''] entran 1 mfnima [J ] , o 2

semfnimas [J ] 4 corcheas [J4] o 8 semicorcheas [J*] 16 fusas
[JS] 38 [ i . e . , 32] semifusas [ £ ] . " E Mn M.815, f . 65v.
205. Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I l l , chap^ 14 "D ela explicacidn de

otras proporciones, y ayres, de que usan muchos compositores, assf
estrangeros, como espanoles, en sus composiciones", pp. 343-344.
206. "Tambidn se ha de hazer dbito en el 'quiebro' que serd en

Jesta manera: con la mano derecha, tocando en la tecla que -
quisiere con el dedo mds largo, y luego con el segundo': y
tornar al de enmedio, y dar con el quarto, y quedar quebrando
con los dos dedos, tercero y quarto: y esto haga primero a
espacio,yy luego un poco mds apriessa, hasta hazerlo
sueltamerrte. El quiebro de la mario yzquierda se ha de comengar
con el tercero dedo, y llegar hasta el pulgar: y itrego quedarse
quebrando con el segundo y primero,. hasta que venga otro
movlmiento del compds que se sigue." Venegas de Henestrosa
(1557), f . 8r; modern edition by Anglds, MME 2 (1944), p. 159.
- 207. "Lqs quiebros se han de hazer con la mana derecha, con tercero y
quarto, y con segundo y tercero dedos; y con la mano yzquierda,
con tercero y segundo, y con segundo y primero dedos. Y
quiebren de la parte de arriba lo mds apriesa que pudieren; y
no ha de ser largo, sino lo mds corto que pudiere, haziendo
siempre fuerga en la tecla que la figura de la cifra
demonstrare, donde a dl Te’ pareciere hazer quiebro." Cabezdn
(1578), f . * l l r ; modern edition by Anglds, MME 27 (1966), p. 28.
208. Tomds de Santa Marfa (1565) pt. I , chap. 19^ "Del modo de hazer •
los redobles y quiebros", f . 46v-52r. The entire chapter is trans
lated Into English and discussed by Jacobs (1962) vol. 1, pp. 152-
161. I t is also discussed in Charles Jacobs, La interpretacidn
de la mdsica espanola del siqlo XVI para instrumentos de teclado
(Madrid, 1959), pp* 56-68. Another English translation of only
part of the chapter is given f)y Poulton (1970), pp. 26-30.
209. A careful investigation of a ll keyboard ornaments in Spanish

sources up to and including Correa de Arauxo (1626) is given-by
Dionisio Preciado, Los quiebros y redobles en Francisco Correa
de Araujo (1575/77 - 1654). Estudio sobre los adornos de la
mdsica de tecla espahola de principios del s fig lo l■XVII
(Madrid, 1973),
447.
210. Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Quinto tiento de medio registro de

tip le de siptimo tono", f . 75v-77r; modern edition by Kastner.
MME 6 (1948), pp. 161-171 measures 29 and 41^
211. Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 4-5, f . 15r-16v; modern editfiori by

Kastner, MME 6 (1948), pp. 53-55. Excerpts 1n English
translation are given by Jacobs (1962) vol. 1, pp. 167-170; and
repeated in Jacobs (1973),,pp. 21-24.
. r .
212. "Quiebro es: (in c lin a tio , et erectio, duobus, vel tribus signis
continuis, facta velociter) una baxada y subida hecha, con
velocidad en dos o tres signos, esto es quiebro, y es en dos ^-pv
maneras, el primero es el que se haze en dos signos,.y iste se
haze con dos dedos, esto es, con tercero y segundo de la mano
derecha, y buelve a acabar con tercero, y dize su solfa: re, ut,
re, y mis arriba, mi. re, mi, y mSs: fa , mi, fa , y mcfs: sol,
fa , sol, y dltimamente: la , sol, lajj^cado uno destos es quiebro
. hecho por todos los signos. El segundo quiebro es, el que se
haze en tres signos, y con tres dedos, comengando tfende Un signo
•mis arriba que el passado, y con el dedo quarto de la mano
derecha, y prosiguiendo en todo como el primero: su solfa es
como se sigue, en todos los signos que puede hazerse: mi, re,
ut, re: y mis arriba: fa , mi, re, mi, y mis: sol, fa, mi, fa:
y mis, la , sol, fa , sol. El primero se llama quiebro senzillo,
y este segundo quiebro reiterado . . .
La mano izquierda haze el quiebro senzillo con el segundo y
tercero, y acaba en segundo, y el reiterado con pulgar, segundo,
y tercero, y acaba en segundo." Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 5,
f . 15v-16r; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 54.
213. "Redoble es, (reduplicatio, vel repercussio duorum signorum

propinquorum, cum inclinatione, et erectione 1n fin e, facta
velociter) es una repercusi<5n de dos signos propinquos con
quiebro senzillo a la postre, esso es inclinatione etc.
Y iste es assimesmo en dos maneras: uno senzillo, y otro
reiterado: el senzillo en cifra es como se sigue. Y hizese con
segundo tercero, y quarto dedo de la mano derecha.
' i- ^ -6-7i--7l'-^-K- 7 +: 7-r 7-6-7 | K----- i—
9
El reyterado, ..s<51o se diferencia en que se le anide al
principio un nimero, y mis el dedo pulgar, comengando en i l y
prosiguiendo como se sigue: istos todos son de la mano
derecha. ‘
: \ ^ 5 -&7-V 7-F-7 1- 7 ^-7 -t-- 7-6 7- f H ----
t •
. . . [La mano izquierda haze] el redoble senzillo comengando

con tercero, segundo, y primero, y acabando con quiebro, y el
reiterado .comengando con quarto y prosiguiendo con los mlsmos
dedos, y assf quiebros como redobles senzillos y reiterados, de
esta mano tienen la misma solfa que los de la derecha.
Estos redobles los acostumbro (avezes) senalar poniendo una
R: encima, que quiere dezir redoble, por evitar de puntarlos por
c ifra . -
Otros redobles an inventado algunos maestros, y dssos los
remlto a su buena ensenanga: de dstos basta por agora."
Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 5, f . 15v- 16r; modern edition by
Kastner,. MME 6 (1948), p. 54. The in itia l barline and rest in
each of the two tablature examples are not shown in the modern
edition, by Kastner.- However they are present in an exemplar o ff
the original preserved at E Mn, according to Preciado (1973),
p. 81 note 1 and p. 91 note 1.
214. "Advlerto que en quiebros y redobles- no ay ndmero determinado

de figuras, . . . " Correa de Arauxo (1626) "Quinto tiento de medio
reglstro de tip le de sdptimo tono", f . 75v; modern edition by
Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 166.
215'. " . . . nunca usdys de redoble (de mi consejo) entre dos tonos,
como son: ut, re; y re, mi; y fa , sol; y sol,- la ; sino en
semitono, mi, fa , o sustenido, porque en dste solo lo usan
quantos cantores ay, y m inistriles, de modo que entre tonos no
ay redoble, sino quiebro, y advertid que dste le llaman otros:
trinado, y trino y los cantores: quiebro, pero nosotros
redoble." Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 5, f . 16r; modern
edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), p. 55.
216. "A dereita faz quebros com terceiro e coarto, com index e
tercelro ou com index e polex. .
A esquerda faz -quebros com index e polex ou com index e
terceiro; e ambas as maos sempre fazem a maior forga em a tecla
sustenlda, que a le tra asinelar." P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 "Arte
da s ifra ", f . 3r; as quoted in Kastner (1946), p. 146.
217. "La derecha haze quiebros con medio y quarto, con index y medio,
o con index y polex. La izquierda, con index y polex, o con
index y medio; y ambas hazen siempre la mayor fuerga en la tecla
sustenida, que senala la le tra ." Arte de canto llano, drgano,
y cifra (1649) chap. 4, f . 22v.
218. "Estrangeiros ou italianas p[ar]a orgao ou arpa. Os fez h€

parade trin a r com a tecla de cima sobre o punto aonde elles
estlverem." P B Ms 964, f . 216r.
21^. " 'Trino' es, quando a lo menos ay cinco sonidos successivos-; y

'aleado',“quando solos tres: . . .
En los cjavicordios, arpas, y demis instrumentos de cuerda,
conviene, qfue sea el trino todo, aquel tiempo que tiene de valor
la figura; porque conclufdo con £1 cessa el sonido: pero en el
-drgano, aunque sea la detencidn de dl la mitad de el valor de
la figura, importa poco, pues no cessa el sonido no moviendo el
dedo de la tecla.
La execucidn de el trino ha de ser quando es con la mano
derecha regularmenlje con el dedo tercero, y con el inmediato al
— -pequeno: el que ha de comengar., y acabar, ha de ser siempre el
tercero, y en la tecla correspondiente al punto forgoso. Y digo
forgoso, porque la tecla de arriba que pulsa el dedo inmediato,
es voluntaria, pues no aviendo trino , no se pulsa.
Para trin a r pon propriedad, importa mover los dedos con
velocidad, de'modoi que los sonidos sean con distincidn, sin
alcangar uno-a otro, moviendo a un mismo tiempo los dos dedos,
uno arriba, y otra abaxo. *
Los dedos de la mano izquierda con que sd trina regularmente,
son el pulgar, y el fndice, siendo dste con quien comienga, y
acaba, hiriencto siempre con dl la tecla principal de el punto.
Y aunque de una, y otra mano son los dedos que he dicho con los
que comdnmente se hazen los trinos, le servird de gran provecho
, el exercicio de trin a r con todos los otros; assf por
agil.itarlos, como por no mudar de dedos quando se ofreclere
hazer algdn trino breve en e4 continente de la mdsica que
fuere tocando, hazidndolo con los dedos que le vienen
successivos." Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 17, p. 470.
220. Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 10, p. 433; translated
below, chap. 13, pp. 879-880. In this e a rlier passage Nassarre
uses the term "aliado" to designate an arpegglation, not-a
mordent.
221. "La otra diferencia de ‘trin o 1, se llama ‘aleado’ , por la

Similitud que tiene e'n los movimientos de los dedos con las de
las alas de las aves, y es voz metaphdrica, como ya dixe en el
capftulo 10. Su execucidn, es de dos modos,' porque tres
sonidos de que consta tan solamente, de un modo.es hiriendo la
tecla principal con el tercer dedo, y con el fndice la de mds
abaxo, bolviendo a herir con el tercero dedo en el' punto
principal, que es en la tecla que pulsd primero. El otro ijiodo
es, que despuds de aver pulsado la tecla con el dedo tercero,
toca la de mds arriba con el inmediato al pequeho, bolviendo a
pulsar la tecla de antes con el mismo tercero: todo lo dicho se
entiende, quando se hazen con la.mano derecha. Que quando son
con la mano izquierda, el punto principal, s.iempre se pulsa con
el dedo index, el de mds arriba con e f pulgar, y el de mds
abaxo con el tercero." Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 17,
p. 470. • ;
222. For example, the symbols "t", " t* “, " t : “, " t - - “, and " t:-" ~
a ll occur in E Mn M.1358 "Minud francds1. . . " , pp. 51-52.
223. The symbol "H;" occurs only in E Mn M.1358 j^Canzidn" (D-32),

f . 76v-77v and "Passaxes para hazer las manqs", f . 77v-78r. The
symbol "+••" occurs only in E Mn M.1358 "ObrKde 8° tono",
f . 78v-80r. \

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s > -.. !••,••:•...-.V. ■ ,v « v , v - .• ■'•..•.' - j ■■■..

■ * ■ National Library Bibliothlque nationale

Canadian Theses Service Service des theses canadiennes

IL*339 (,. 68/04) C S I l S d c l

A Thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements

The author (copyright owner) L ‘auteur' (titulaire du ,droit

(a) Lssiediate publication in sticrofor? by the National Library is authorized'.

Author’s signature s.................. 'Date ..............

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This restriction i3'authorized for. reasons which s e a ts me, as Head of the

Signature of borrower Address: Date

RT/ISSD AUGUST 1973

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

1:00 p.m. ,'y October 10, 1986

Room 205,_ Victoria College

Dance and Instrumental "Diferencias" in

Spain during the’17th and 18th Centuries

Professor P.J. Perron, Chairman

Dance and Instrumental variations ("diferencias") are intim ately

early 18th centuries. This study (divided into 6 parts) investigates

these complementary phenomena by drawing upon a wide range, of primary

Part I (chapters 1-4) places the project in i ..wide historical

rest of Western Europe, the musical environment in Spain, and the

constraints which, impeded music publishing. ' * ' v,

C* Part I I (chapters 5-8) examines each oft the ‘$4.' instrumental

sources which contain dance pieces and "diferencias". This section is

organized'by instrument: guitar ("rasgueado" and ""punteado"),"harp,

keyboard, and other-instruments ("vihue!a", "bandurria", vio lin , and

Spain, th e ir tuning and temperament, and th e ir notational systems

Part I I I (chapters 9-13) is devoted fo dancing. I t investigates

the'extensive use of dancing at a ll levels of Spanish society, the

^diverse contemporaneous attitudes, the dance-names, the musical models

(especially the harmonic-metric scheme), and the techniques of musical

- afpproximately 75 dance-types fo r which Instrumental "diferencias"

Part V provides the bibliography. The sources are divided Into

Part V I presents an Inventory and transcription of a ll the

"pasacalles"). The l is t 1s organized'in a hierarchical order: f ir s t ,

alphabetically by given dance-title; second, by instrumentation; and

th ird , by chronology. (The "pasacalles" are treated separately and are

represented by incipits only.) Much of this music is transcribed here

fo r the f i r s t time. In numerous settings the original notation is

incomplete, incorrect, or unclear in meaning. The problematic pieces

have been reconstructed by assuming that most settings of a particular

dance-type employ the same or sim ilar harmonic-metric scheme.

PUBLICATIONS AND PAPERS n =r~-

LIST OF CHARTS . ................................... ......................... . v

PART I . THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT

1. DANCE AND VARIATION ......... 1

2. SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE ............. . .C ~ 7 7 . . . . . . . . ------- 10

3. THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENTINSPAIN ................ 61

4. PUBLISHING AND MUSlC PRINTING IN SPAIN ........ 113

PART IT. THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES

INTRODUCTION ............ ................. . . . v. . . . . . . . ; . . . . . . . . . . . 154

5. FIVE-COURSE GUITAR ...................................................................158

6. HARP .............. 270

8. OTHER INSTRUMENTS ............... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 450

PART I I I . THE DANCE

9. THE USES OF DANCE IN SPAIN ............ 502

10.' CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES ..........:. 624

11/ DANCING MASTERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ______ 735

12. ATTITUDES TOWARDS DANCE AND DANCE MUSIC ...................... 784

13, DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS ........... 830

A lb a rillo . Alemana. Alonch. Amor. [A ria]. Babau. Baylete.

A. SOURCES BEFORE 1800 (p,lus la te r facsimile publications and

PART VI. THE MUSIC

1. EDITORIAL POLICIES ............ 1217

1. Guitar sources of dances and "diferencias" ............... 160