The National Operations Council (NOC) or Majlis Gerakan Negara (MAGERAN) was

an emergency administrative body which attempted to restore law and order in Malaysia after
the May 13 Incident in 1969, when racial rioting broke out in the federal capital of Kuala
Lumpur. From 1969 to 1971, the NOC governed the country in lieu of the elected government. In
1971, the NOC was ended with the restoration of Parliament.

The May 13 Incident led to affirmative action policies, such as theNew Economic Policy (NEP),
after 1969 and the creation of Kuala Lumpur as a Federal Territory out of Selangor state in 1974,
five years later.
About NEP
The government formed aNational Operations Council (NOC), led by Tun Abdul Razak. The
implementation of the NEP was one of the NOC's first decisions, and the plan had the stated goal
of "eventually eradicat[ing] poverty...irrespective of race" through a rapidly expanding economy,
which would reduce the non-Malay share of the economy in relative terms, while increasing it in
absolute terms. The net "losses" of the non-Malays would go to the Malays, who held just 1.5%
of the economy at the time of the 13 May riots. In 1971, Parliament reconvened, and Tun Abdul
Razak officially became Prime Minister. That same year, Tun Razak also announced the NEP, as
well as some controversial amendments to the Sedition Act that prohibited discussion of
repealing certain articles of the Constitution, including Article 153, even in the Houses
ofParliament. The amendments passed, and remain in effect as of 2006. It should be noted that
Malay supremacy and affirmative action are two different concepts, affirmative is time-bound. [4]
NEP is DEB
GoalsThe NEP had the stated goal of poverty eradication and economic restructuring so as
to eliminate the identification of ethnicity with economic function. The initial target
was to move the ratio of economic ownership in Malaysia from a 2.4:33:63 ratio of
Bumiputra, Other Malaysian, Foreigner ownership to a 30:40:30 ratio. This was to be
done by redistributing the wealth to increase the ownership of enterprise
byBumiputras from the then 2.4% to 30% of the share of national wealth. The 30%
target for Bumiputra equity was proposed by Ismail Abdul Rahman after the
government was unable to come to a consensus on an appropriate policy goal.[5]

Alongside this redistribution of wealth was the goal of increased economic growth. This
economic growth would allow the non-Bumiputra share of the economy to decrease, while
permitting the growth of non-Bumiputra business interests in absolute terms. In some quarters,
this was referred to as "expanding pie theory": the Bumiputra share of the pie would increase,
without reducing the size of the non-Bumiputra slices of the pie. This theory was first enunciated
in the Second Malaysia Plan. [6]
MAGERAN (National Operation Council)
On May 14, a state of Emergency was declared and Parliament was suspended
indefinitely. On May 16, Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman set up the National
Operations Council (NOC) to rule the country by decree with his deputy, Tun Abdul
Razak Hussein, as director of operations.
Sporadic small clashes continued after May 14 and they fizzled out only after about a
month. The last serious outbreak was between Malays and Indians on June 28 in Kuala
Lumpur in which five people were killed.
In January 1970, Tun Razak set up a National Consultative Council to find ways to
promote and strengthen racial harmony so that normalcy would return and Parliament
restored. On Sept 21, the Tunku retired as prime minister, depressed and sad that the
racial harmony he had devoted much of his political life to strengthen had collapsed
under his watch. Tun Razak succeeded Tunku as the country’s second prime minister,
and eventually the NOC came to an end after 21 months, and Parliament convened again
on Feb 23, 1971. Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia grants the Yang di-Pertuan
Agong (King of Malaysia) responsibility for “safeguard[ing] the special position of the
‘Malays’(see note) and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak and the
legitimate interests of other communities” and goes on to specify ways to do this, such as
establishing quotas for entry into the civil service, public scholarships andpublic
education. the scope of Article 153 is limited by Article 136, which requires that civil
servants be treated impartially regardless of race.
The government suspended Parliament and the executive branch governed on its own
through the National Operations Council (NOC) until 1971.[10][11] The NOC proposed
amendments to the Sedition Act that made illegal the questioning of, among others,
Article 153. These amendments were passed by Parliament as law when it reconvened in
1971.[12]
During the period of NOC governance, the Malaysian New Economic Policy (NEP) was
implemented. The NEP aimed to eradicate poverty irrespective of race by expanding the
economic pie so that the Chinese share of the economy would not be reduced in absolute
terms but only relatively. The aim was for the Malays to have a 30% equity share of the
economy, as opposed to the 4% they held in 1970. Foreigners and Chinese held much of
the rest.[13] The NEP appeared to be derived from Article 153 and could be viewed as
being in line with its wording. Although Article 153 would have been up for review in
1972, fifteen years after Malaysia's independence in 1957, due to the May 13 Incident it
remained unreviewed. A new expiration date of 1991 for the NEP was set, twenty years
after its implementation.[14]
The Federal Constitution of Malaysia is the supreme law of Malaysia.
Organisation
The Constitution is divided into 15 parts and 13 Schedules. Each part and schedule
contain relevant articles. There are 230 articles in the 15 parts, including those that have
been repealed.
Article 5
Clause 1 provides that no person may be deprived of life or personal liberty save in
accordance with law.
Clause 3 guarantees the rights of an arrested person to be informed of the reasons of his
arrest and to be legally represented by a practitioner of his choice.
Article 6
Article 6 provides that no person may be held in slavery. All forms of forced labour are
prohibited, but federal law may provide for compulsory service for national purposes. It
is expressly provided that work incidental to serving a sentence of imprisonment imposed
by a court of law is not forced to labour.
The National Service Act was drafted based on Article 6.
[Article 8
Article 8 by clause (1) provides that all persons are equal before the law and entitled to its
equal protection.
Clause 2 states: “Except as expressly authorised by this Constitution, there shall be no
discrimination against citizens on the ground only of religion, race, descent, gender or
place of birth in any law or in the appointment to any office or employment under a
public authority or in the administration of any law relating to the acquisition, holding or
disposition of property or the establishing or carrying on of any trade, business,
profession, vocation or employment.”
The exception in clause 2 is used to justify the reservations and special provisions for
the Malays and the Bumiputras of Sabah and Sarawakunder Article 153.
Article 10 of the Constitution of Malaysia guarantees Malaysian citizens the right
to freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom of association. Article 10
entitles citizens to such freedoms as are not restricted by the government, instead of
absolutely guaranteeing those freedoms. The Sedition Act 1948 makes it an offence to
engage in acts with a "seditious tendency", including but not limited to the spoken word
and publications; conviction may result in a sentence of a fine up to RM5,000, three years
in jail, or both.The Public Order (Preservation) Ordinance 1958 allows the Police to
declare certain areas "restricted", and to regulate processions or meetings of five persons
or more. The maximum sentence for the violation of a restricted area order is
imprisonment of 10 years and whipping.[2]Other laws curtailing the freedoms of Article
10 are the Police Act 1967, which criminalises the gathering of three or more people in a
public place without a licence, and the Printing Presses and Publications Act 1984, which
grants the Home Affairs Minister "absolute discretion" in the granting and revoking of
publishing permits, and also makes it a criminal offense to possess a printing
press without a licence.[3] The Sedition Act in particular has been widely commented
upon by jurists for the bounds it places on freedom of speech.
Article 11
Though Islam is the religion of the Federation, Article 11 provides that every person has the right to
profess and practice his own religion. Every person has the right to propagate his religion, but
state law and, in respect of the Federal Territory, federal law may control or restrict the
propagation of any religion, doctrine or belief among persons professing the Muslim religion.
There is, however, freedom to carry on missionary work among non-Muslims. Article 152

Article 152 states that the national language is the Malay language. However, the Constitution
guarantees the freedom of learning and using of other languages, except on official
purposes. Official purposes here means any purpose of the Government, whether Federal or
State, and includes any purpose of a public authority. To this effect, all court proceedings and
parliamentary documents and meetings are conducted in Malay.[citation needed]

The official script for the Malay language is determined by Parliament. The current orthography is
the Latin alphabet or Rumi; however, use ofJawi is not prohibited.

Article 153
Main article: Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia

Article 153 grants the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, or King of Malaysia, responsibility for safeguarding
the special position of the Malay and otherindigenous peoples of Malaysia, collectively referred to
as Bumiputra and the legitimate interests of all the other communities. The article specifies how
the King may protect the interest of these groups by establishing quotas for entry into the civil
service, public scholarships andpublic education.
Originally there was no reference made to other indigenous peoples of Malaysia (then Malaya)
such as the Orang Asli, but with the union ofMalaya with Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak in 1963,
the Constitution was amended so as to provide similar privileges for the indigenous peoples of
East Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak), grouping them with the Malays as Bumiputra.

The scope of Article 153 is limited by Article 136, which requires that civil servants be treated
impartially regardless of race. Clause 5 of article 153 specifically reaffirms article 136 of the
constitution which states: All persons of whatever race in the same grade in the service of the
Federation shall, subject to the terms and conditions of their employment, be treated impartially.

Clause 9 of article 153 states Nothing in this Article shall empower Parliament to restrict business
or trade solely for the purpose of reservations for Malays.

The Reid Commission suggested that these provisions would be temporary in nature and be
revisited in 15 years, and that a report should be presented to the appropriate legislature
(currently the Parliament of Malaysia) and that the "legislature should then determine either to
retain or to reduce any quota or to discontinue it entirely."

Under Article 153, and due to the 13th May 1969 riots, the New Economic Policy was introduced.
The NEP aimed to eradicate poverty irrespective of race by expanding the economic pie so that
the Chinese share of the economy would not be reduced in absolute terms but only relatively.
The aim was for the Malays to have a 30% equity share of the economy, as opposed to the 4%
they held in 1970. Foreigners and Chinese held much of the rest.[7]

The NEP appeared to be derived from Article 153 and could be viewed as being in line with its
wording. Although Article 153 would have been up for review in 1972, fifteen years after
Malaysia's independence in 1957, due to the May 13 Incident it remained unreviewed. A new
expiration date of 1991 for the NEP was set, twenty years after its implementation.[8]

However, the NEP was said to have failed to have met its targets and was continued under a new
policy called the National Development Policy.

Article 160 of the Constitution of Malaysia defines various terms used in the Constitution. It has
an important impact on Islam in Malaysia and the Malay people due to its definition of a Malay
person under clause 2. he article no longer applies to Singapore, as it declared independence
from Malaysia in 1965; however, it does affect the legal status of Singaporean Malays when they
enter Malaysia. The article defines a Malay as a Malaysian citizen born to a Malaysian citizen
who professes to be a Muslim, habitually speaks the Malay language, adheres to Malay customs,
and is domiciled in Malaysia or Singapore. As a result, Malay citizens who convert out
of Islam are no longer considered Malay under the law. Hence, the Bumiputra privileges afforded
to Malays under Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia, the New Economic Policy (NEP), etc.
are forfeit for such converts.

Likewise, a non-Malay Malaysian who converts to Islam can lay claim to Bumiputra privileges,
provided he meets the other conditions. A higher education textbook conforming to the
government Malaysian studies syllabus states: "This explains the fact that when a non-Malay
embraces Islam, he is said to masuk Melayu (become a Malay). That person is automatically
assumed to be fluent in the Malay language and to be living like a Malay as a result of his close
association with the Malays."

It is interesting to note that a Malay from Sabah or Sarawak is listed as a Bumiputra of Sabah and
Sarawak in the Constitution, separate from Malays of the Peninsular.

he Election Commission of Malaysia (Malay: Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya Malaysia (SPR)) is a

commission set up for the purpose of regulating and conducting elections in Malaysia. Its
establishment is mandated byArticle 114 of the Constitution of Malaysia. he Election Commission
(EC) was formed on Sept 4, 1957, under Article 114 of the Constitution of Malaysia, which
empowers it to conduct elections for the Dewan Rakyat and state legislative bodies.

At its establishment, the EC only consisted of a chairman and two members – Datuk Dr Mustafa
Albakri Hassan together with Lee Ewe Boon and Ditt Singh.

Malaysia's predominant political party, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), has
held power in coalition with other parties since Malaya's independence in 1957. In 1973, an
alliance of communally based parties was replaced with a broader coalition — the Barisan
Nasional — composed of fourteen parties. Today the Barisan Nasional coalition has three
prominent members — the UMNO, MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) and MIC (Malaysian
Indian Congress). The Prime Minister of Malaysia has always been from UMNO.

In the November 1999 general election, the Barisan Nasional was returned to power with three-
fourths of the parliamentary seats, but UMNO's seats dropped from 94 to 72. The opposition
Barisan Alternatif coalition, led by the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS), increased its seats to 42.
PAS retained control of the state of Kelantan and won the additional state of Terengganu.

The current Prime Minister is Dato' Seri Mohd. Najib Tun Abdul Razak. He took office following
the retirement of Dato' Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (colloquially known as "Pak Lah") on April,
2009.

Federal Land Consolidation Authority (FELCRA), Federal Land Development Authority

(FELDA) and the Rubber Industries Small Holders Development (RISDA) These
organizations are in charge of land development and improving the livelihood of the rural
population. The government encourages the setting up of co-operatives in these land schemes
with the main objective to encourage co-operation amongst the settlers and to improve their
socio-economic condition. 5. The Farmers' Organization Authority (FOA) was set up in 1973
to undertake the supervision of all agro-based co-operatives. The Fisheries Development
Authority (FDA) was established by the government in 1971 under the Malaysia Fisheries
Development Authority Act 1971. Both authorities are under the Ministry of Agriculture and
Agro based Industries. FDA is responsible for the registration, monitoring and the
fishermen's co-operatives and fishermen‟s associations.

The post-war period saw the establishment of agricultural co-operatives as part of the
government plan to develop the rural economy. This was done through the creation of the
Rural and Industrial Development Authority (RIDA) in 1950 through which credit, marketing
and processing projects were undertaken. Capital for carrying out business and research loans
could be obtained from RIDA through co-operatives. RIDA was in close co-operation with
the DCD in its effort to help farmers. It was expected to achieve the objectives of self-help
and integrated approach to rural development. The role of RIDA in supplying credit to
farmers however faced with problems when the demand for loan far exceeded the amount
allocated. The role in supplying short-term credit was eliminated in 1955 and subsequently its
role in the development of the co-operative movement was reduced
. Farmers Association Act was passed for the purpose of forming Farmers' Associations
(FOs) which could undertake multipurpose commercial activities. FOs were also granted
legal exemption from profit tax, stamp duty relevant sections of trade union laws and
company acts to put them on par with co-operative societies. Under the 1967 Act, the single
purpose Farmers' Associations whose functions were to provide credit, input supplies,
transportation, extension services and marketing facilities. Unfortunately the presence of
these two types of organisations within the same locality caused confusion among 10
farmers and serious conflicts and rivalries. In view of this, two new Acts were enacted, viz.
(I) Act No. 109 Farmers Organization Act 1973 and Act No. 110 Farmers Organization
Authority (FAO) Act 1973.8 The FOA was vested with power to amalgamate agro-based co-
operative society and the farmers' association into one organisation known as Farmers'
Organisation (FO). The FOA had more or less the same powers and the responsibilities as the
registrar and the director general of co-operatives in respect of farmers' organizations. The
DCD thereafter did not have any power and responsibility vis-à-vis co-operatives in the rural
areas. No agricultural co-operatives were to be promoted by the Co-operative Department. In
1975, the Fisheries Development Authority (FDA) was set up to oversee the development of
the fisheries co-operative.
The rapid growth of Farmers‟ Association in the post-1967 era coincided with a
rationalization and consolidation programme for the agro-based co-operatives. This
programme had the effect of reducing the numbers of mono-functional societies and the
creation of a rapidly expanding network of multi-purpose societies. This latter process results
in major membership and functional duplication between the two types of producers‟
organizations. Their parallel development also led to an intra-ministry, inter-divisional
conflict, which was finally to be resolved by integrating both organizations and placing them
under the responsibility of the newly formed Director-General, Farmers‟ Organization
Authority (FOA) in 1973. The position of co-operatives in term of co-operative numbers,
members, capital and assets after the take-over is as shown in the Table 1.1. This move
towards specialization was to bring about a greater consolidated effort by each of the three
agencies to channel their resources towards continued promotion and development of co-
operatives in Malaysia. Societies from all these three agencies, however are united under and
represented by a national apex organization, ANGKASA. Since the majority of the co-
operatives are under the DCD, it has always been held responsible for the development of co-
operatives in general, especially so with the inclusion of co-operatives from Sabah and
Sarawak after the formation of Malaysia. ABDULLAH DECLARES TUN DR
MAHATHIR AS "BAPA PEMODENAN MALAYSIA

The flag of Malaysia, also known as the Jalur Gemilang (Malay for "Stripes of Glory"),
comprises a field of 14 alternating red and white stripes along the fly and a blue canton bearing
acrescent and a 14-point star known as the Bintang Persekutuan (Federal Star). The 14 stripes,
of equal width, represent the equal status in the federation of the 13 member states and the
federal government, while the 14 points of the star represent the unity between these entities[1].
The crescent represents Islam, the country's official religion; the blue canton symbolizes the unity
of the Malaysian people; the yellow of the star and crescent is the royal colour of theMalay rulers.
[2]