Dacca fall and ‘Two Nations Theory’: Is there any Connection?

(I)
Dr Ayub Mehar

The notorious incident of Dacca fall cannot be considered a falsification of the Two Nations
Theory from any angle. Even, it was not a military surrender in its real sense. The historical
process and living realities have always been emphasizing the recognition of Bengal as a
separate entity. The good thing is that Bengali Muslims participated actively in the creation of
Pakistan. Bangladesh was historically a separate entity; not since its inception but even since
arrival of Islam in India. Bengal was not included in both the versions of Pakistan: one
described by Chaudhry Rehamt Ali and second mentioned by Allama Iqbal in his famous
address in Allahabad. Though, Bengali Muslims participated in Pakistan movement, because
this was a good strategy for them. They were unable to get freedom from gigantic India after
1947. Initially, they joined Pakistan, but their separation was quite obvious and logical.

The map of Muslim India drawn by Chaudhry Rehmat Ali was consists of six parts. Undivided
Punjab, Sindh, Baluchistan, Khyber PK, and Kashmir was included in Pakistan. Moenistan was
the suggested name of Muslim majority areas in Ajmer and its surrounding locations. Siddiqistan
and Farooqistan were the suggested independent segments of Muslim India in UP and Haryana.
He offered "Bang-i-Islam" for a Muslim homeland in the East Bengal (today’s Bangladesh), and
"Usmanistan" for a Muslim homeland in the Deccan mainly to cover the state of Hyderabad
Deccan. It is obvious that according to this model, Bengal was not included in ‘Pakistan’. The
suggested map of internally autonomous unions of states by British government had divided
India into three parts. The present Pakistan and Kashmir was included in group ‘A’, while
today’s Bangladesh was in group ‘C’. In his famous address in Allahabad Allama Iqbal predicted
the formation of a Muslim state in North West India (not in Bengal). All these models, have
suggested that Bengal was not a natural part of today’s Pakistan.

After independence of Pakistan, it was the declared strategic doctrine that the "defense of East
Pakistan lay in West Pakistan". And even, it was mentioned by M A Jinnah that a strong Pakistan
will ensure the security of Muslims in India. It may be right theoretically, but this doctrine is
based on the assumption of a “strong” Pakistan. In the absence of a strong Pakistan, the
autonomy of the Muslims in their majority segments including India and Bengal should be
supported by Pakistan. In this situation their affiliation with Pakistan may not be a right option.

Islam came in India from western boarders including Sindh. Afghanistan, Sindh, Punjab and
Northern provinces in India and even some South Indian provinces have been parts of Muslim
governments in India since Ghauri and Aiabak. However, Bengal was not a part of this Muslim
(or Indian government). It was included in 1592 in Emperor Akbar’s state and then again
separated when Mughal have weekend in India. So, historically it was not a political part of India
and their Muslims were culturally and historically were not integrated with the other Muslims in
India.

The religion of Islam was first introduced in the territory that is now called Pakistan in the early
8th century, when the Umayyad dynasty, led by Muhammad bin Qasim, defeated Raja Dahir, the
ruler of Sindh. The Umayyad Muslims conquered the northwestern part of the Indus Valley,
from Kashmir to the Arabian Sea, set the stage for the religious boundaries of South Asia that
would lead to the development of the today’s Pakistan. However, this rule of Umayyad was for
limited time only. The sustainable rule of Muslims in the region was initiated by Afghan Muslim
rulers - Ghaznavids, the Ghurids, and the Delhi Sultanate. Mughal from central Asia controlled
the region from 1526 until 1739. Muslim technocrats, bureaucrats, soldiers, traders, scientists,
architects, teachers, theologians and Sufis gathered the rest of the Muslim world to the Indian
subcontinent during the Mughal era.

The arrival of Islam in North Western India was not associated with the entry of Islam in
Bangladesh. Muslim Empire in Delhi was associated with the entry of Iranians, Afghanis
and Mughal from Central Asia, while Islam was entered in the East Indian part (Now
Bangladesh) through Arab traders and preachers. The Chittagong port was one of the major
ports for entering the eastern region including China, Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia. The
Arab merchants had been using this port since pre-Islamic period and continued to do so after
they embraced Islam. They used to preach Islam along with their business activities. Islam began
to spread in this region from that time. Similarly, King Cherumol Perumol of Tamilnadu coastal
kingdom Malabar embraced Islam during the lifetime of the Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). As a
result that area turned into a centre for preaching Islam. Preachers used to come to Bangladesh
from that region. It is proven from the narratives of Muhaddis Imam Abadna Marwazi that a
group of Sahabis including Abu Waqas came to Chittagong in the year 618. The history of
embracing Islam in Bangladesh is similar to Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, and Brunei
Darussalam. The Mughal Empire declined in the early 18th century after the Afsharids and the
Afghan Durrani Empire from the west came to take over what is now Pakistan. The history of
Islam is reflected the attitudes of the peoples of Pakistan, who are mush aggressive and
sentimental.

British Empire in India was not come from Western side like Muslim rulers; it was from East
(Bengal). East India Company was formed in Calcutta, but ultimately it arrived in Delhi. This
was a cause of the merger of Bengal with the rest of India. It is notable that British rule covered
not only India, Pakistan and Bengal; it covered also Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Bhutan.
However, Bengal becomes a permanent Indian territory in British regime.

In the light of this historical background, it can be corroborated that the fall of Dacca neither was
a negation of the Two Nations Theory nor it was a surrender of an army which was defending its
homeland. Now, it should be admitted that East Pakistan (today’s Bangladesh) was not a
historical part of that Muslim society which emerged in West and North Indian provinces.
This multicultural Muslim society created a separate nation in West and northern parts of
India. About 1000 years history of this national change led the ‘Two Nations Theory’;
while majority of Bengali Muslims are belonged to those Muslim traders who have been
routing through southern India to Far East. They do not belong to Afghans, Mongol or
Iranian empires. The decision from the separation of India by the peoples of East Bengal does
not necessarily imply their merger with Pakistan. It was the strongest effect of the Two Nations
Theory which united all the Indian Muslim without their geographical locations, historical roots
and ethnic distribution.
The separation of East Pakistan cannot be considered as Indian success, in fact the decision of
separation was reflected in Mujibur Rehman proclaimed six-point plan titled “Our Charter of
Survival” at a national conference of opposition political parties in Lahore in 1966. It is
noteworthy that these six points were drafted by leading Bengali intellectuals Rehman Sobhan,
Govinda Chandra Dev, Munier Chowdhury and Kamal Hossain and majority vote of Awami
League was based on these points.

The winning of simple majority by Awami League in 1970 elections had accelerated the demand
for separation of East Pakistan. Though, Awami League won 167 of 169 seats in East Pakistan
and secured a simple majority in the 313-seat lower house of the Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament of
Pakistan), it did not have a single seat in West Pakistan. Similarly, the leading political parties of
West Pakistan have no seat in East Pakistan. This was an indicator of political separation
between the two parts of the country. This victory established the right of the formation of
government by Awami League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. However, repeatedly demand of
his six points’ agenda indicated his intention for the separation of East Pakistan. Bengalis were
not agreed to compromise on these points, while acceptance of these points would lead the
virtual division of Pakistan into two countries. The transfer of power to a group or party who
clearly mentioned its intention of the division of country could not be a rational decision. The
leader of the Pakistan Peoples Party, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, refused to yield the premiership of
Pakistan to Mujib, and President Yahya Khan called the military to control over the situation in
East Pakistan. Consequently, after several days of strikes and non-cooperation movements, the
Pakistani military cracked down on Dhaka and Mujib was arrested. This was the point which led
the unethical, unjustified and strange intervention by India.

‘Our Charter of Survival’ (Six Point Plan by Mujib)

1. The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense based on the
Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a
Legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.
2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: Defense and Foreign Affairs,
and all other residual subjects should be vested in the federating states.
3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if
this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective
constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to
West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established and
separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
4. The power of taxation and revenue collection should be vested in the federating units and
the federal centre would have no such power. The federation would be entitled to a share
in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two
wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the
two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty
between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade
links with foreign countries.
6. East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary force.
The 1971 war was not a cause of separation of East Pakistan; it was a consequence of historical
process and an indicator of Indian strange intentions. In fact it was not a war between India and
Pakistan. How it can be concluded that India had won a war against Pakistan in 1971? India had
not succeeded to occupy the land of Pakistan. It was East Bengal - historical part of India- which
was initially joined Pakistan in 1947 and then isolated from Pakistan but not merged with India.
Dacca was never included in the Muslim Empire of India, though Delhi and Kabul were
included in this empire.

Major General Hakeem Arshad Qureshi (in his book, “Indo-Pak War: A Soldier’s Narrative”)
summarized the tragic conclusion by stating: “It was not a Niazi, or a Yahya, even a Mujib, or a
Bhutto, or their key assistants, who alone were the cause of our break-up, but a corrupted system
and a flawed social order that our own apathy had allowed to remain in place for years. At the
most critical moment in our history we failed to check the limitless ambitions of individuals with
dubious antecedents and to thwart their selfish and irresponsible behavior. It was our collective
‘conduct’ that had provided the enemy an opportunity to dismember us."

Chronology of Events
(History Speaks Truth)
Period/ Year Event
600s AD Islam reached in Bengal (Chittagong) by a group of Sahabis including
Abu Waqas Ibn Ohaib in 618
700s AD Islam reached in Sindh by Muhammad Bin Qasim
1526-1739 Ghaznavids, Ghurids, and Mughal from central Asia controlled North
and Western part of India.
1592 Bengal was included in Empiror Akbar’s state and then again separated.
1700 East India Company in Calcutta and then merger with British Empire in
Delhi
1947 Formation of Pakistan including East Bengal
1966 Six point agenda introduced by Mujeeb-ur-Rehman
December 1970 Elections held and Awami League won 167 of 169 seats in East
Pakistan
7th March, 971 Mujibur Rahman declares that, "The current struggle is a struggle for
independence", in a public meeting attended by almost a million people
in Dhaka
25th March, 1971 After several days of strikes and non-cooperation movements, the
Pakistani military cracked down on Dhaka
26th March, 1971 Mujib was arrested and taken to West Pakistan
27th March, 1971 Ziaur Rahman, a rebellious major in the Pakistani army, declared the
independence of Bangladesh on behalf of Mujib
27th March, 1971 Bangladesh Force namely Mukti Bahini (consisting regular force and
Guerilla Force) was formed under the Commander-in-Chief General
Mohammad Ataul Ghani Osmany
27th March, 1971 India expressed full support for the independence struggle of the people
of East Pakistan
April 1971 Exiled Awami League leaders formed a government-in-exile in (India)
Baidyanathtala of Meherpur
September 1971 The public mood in West Pakistan had also turned increasingly
militaristic against East Pakistan and India
 October 1971 Other stickers proclaimed Hang the Traitor in an apparent reference to
Mujib
November 1971 War seemed inevitable
23rd November, 1971 Yahya Khan declared a state of emergency in all of Pakistan and told
the people to prepare for war
3rd December, 1971 Pakistani Air Force (PAF) launched a successful pre-emptive strike on
eleven airfields in north-western India, including Agra which was
480 km from the border
6th December, 1971 East Pakistan is recognized as Bangladesh by India.
9th December, 1971 Indian Navy suffered its biggest wartime loss when the Pakistani
submarine PNS Hangor sank the frigate INS Khukri in the Arabian Sea
resulting in a loss of 18 officers and 176 sailors
14th December, 1971 Systematic elimination of Bengali intellectuals is started by Pakistani
Army and local collaborators
16th December, 1971 Lieutenant-General A. A. K. Niazi, supreme commander of Pakistani
Army in East Pakistan, surrenders to the Allied Forces
20th December, 1971 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was sworn-in as President and as the (first civilian)
Chief Martial Law Administrator in Pakistan
12th January,1972 Mujibur Rahman comes to power in Bangladesh
 Dacca fall: Was it really Army Surrender? (II)

Dr Ayub Mehar

To think ‘Dacca Fall’ as a military surrender is mere a misperception of the Two Nations Theory
and a denial of the historical process. In fact, Bangladesh was not an historical part of Muslim
Empire of India or Pakistan. A peaceful separation of East Pakistan was a logical way to fulfill
the historical requirement. But, the unhistorical and illogical decisions have been imposed by
aggressive illogical ways. The then rulers of Pakistan have failed to understand the nature of
conflict, which neither was based on ethnicity nor on ideology. Sentimental political decisions
have involved the army to control over the country and peoples who have no longer been part of
Pakistan. So, it was not a military surrender from any aspect. It could be considered a military
surrender, if military failed to defend the homeland. In fact Pakistan Army has been asked to
secure a region which was not a sustainable part of Pakistan. The Muslims in this region got their
freedom not in fact from Pakistan; they got their freedom form British Empire and Hindu
secularism in 1947. At that time, they fairly decided to fight their freedom movement by joining
Muslim League under the umbrella of Two Nations Theory, although they were not part of the
North and West Indian Muslim society. So their decision to join Pakistan was not sustainable.
Historically, Bengalis were part of gigantic India and developed their separate identity after
conversion into Muslims. Their conversion has no connections with the migration and invasion
of Muslim soldiers and rulers from Iran and Afghanistan. They do not have the racial and
cultural associations with Arabs, Pathans or Mughal.

According to Indian history they were part of India (and not Pakistan or Sindh). From 1947 to
1971, Pakistan army and federation have been fighting to save them from India. In 1971, they
decided finally to leave partnership from Pakistan. It corroborates that Pakistan army was
considered as invader in Bangladesh after March 1971. It was a great achievement and
consequence of ‘Two Nations Theory’ that Bengal has never rejoined its motherland- India. The
credit for this achievement goes mainly to Bengali leadership.

On 27 March 1971, Ziaur Rahman, a rebellious major in the Pakistani army, declared the
independence of Bangladesh on behalf of Mujib, and Bangladesh Forces namely Mukti Bahini
consisting of Niyomito Bahini (Regular Force) and Gono Bahini (Guerilla Force) was formed
under the Commander-in-Chief General Mohammad Ataul Ghani Osmany. The Chittogong and
other radio stations repeated Ziaur Rehman's declaration of independence in the name of
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. It is noteworthy that this major Ziaur Rehamn was the same
person who served in the Khemkaran sector in Punjab as the commander of a Pakistani
company unit of 300–500 soldiers during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. The sector was
the scene of the most intense battles between the rival armies. The Pakistani government
awarded Zia's unit with the highest numbers of gallantry awards for heroic performances
during the war. Ziaur Rahman himself won the distinguished and prestigious Hilal-e-Jurat
medal, and his unit won 2 Sitara-e-Jurat medals and 9 Tamgha-e-Jurat medals from the
Army for their brave roles. He was graduated from the D. J. Science College, Karachi and
trained in Pakistan Military Academy Command and Staff College. There are several
other examples where thousands of the Bengali soldiers and officers of Pakistan army had
been fighting against their own institution. How, this war can be recognized as a war
between India and Pakistan?

India expressed its full support for the separation movement of the people of East Pakistan.
However, this support was not based on the world recognized diplomatic ways. The Indian
leadership under Prime Minister Indra Gandhi quickly decided to take armed action against
Pakistan. Exiled East Pakistan army officers and members of the Indian Intelligence immediately
started the recruitment and training of Mukti Bahini guerrillas. Indian actions were absolutely
unnecessary and unethical. Indian action was not backed by UNO. United States of America,
China, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Libya and Jordon have shown their support in favor of Pakistan.
However, Soviet Union used its veto power in favor of India and provided military support to
India and East Pakistani fighting forces against Pakistan. This political turmoil become a war
between Pakistan Army and Soviet led Bengali militants trained either by Pakistan Army during
their services in Pakistan or by Indian Army in the training camps nearing East Pakistan.

It is quite obvious that unable to resolve a political problem by political means, the then Martial
Law regime resorted to military action in East Pakistan. In the first week of April, personnel of
two infantry divisions and civil armed forces were airlifted in Pakistan International Airlines
(PIA) planes with a 6000-mile non-stop route via Sri Lanka - the longest operational air move by
the army. Consequently, peaceful environment had been almost restored in May 1971.

India exploited the situation to gain psychological benefits to create confidence in its people to
show its competency to fight against those Muslim forces, which have been defeating it Rajas for
more than one millennium. In reaction of the Indian strategy to involve in the home affairs of
Pakistan, the public in West Pakistan was in absolute favor of a war with India and they pushed
the leaders to attack on India. The stickers proclaiming ‘Crush India’ and ‘Hang the Traitor’ have
become a standard feature on the rear windows of vehicles in all major cities of Pakistan. By
November 1971, war seemed inevitable. Consequently, President Yahya Khan declared a state of
emergency in all of Pakistan and told the people to prepare for war. On the evening of 3
December 1971, Pakistani Air Force (PAF) launched a strike on eleven airfields in north-western
India, including Agra which was 480 kilometers from the border. No major offensive or success
by Indian forces was noted in West Pakistan. The strikes were targeted against the Indian
Airbases of Amritsar, Ambala, Agra, Awantipur, Bikaner, Halwara, Jodhpur, Jaisalmer,
Pathankot, Bhuj, Srinagar and Uttarlai as well as against air defense radars at Amritsar and
Faridkot. The primary objectives set for the Operation were the runways and air defense radars.
The Indians would later deny any engagement on the Western Front. However, the Indian air
defense radars failed to detect the approaching formations. These missions went unopposed since
the Indian Air Force had not scrambled any interception. All the Pakistani aircraft deployed in
this first wave were recovered safely. Within forty-five minutes of these strikes, Pakistani troops
had shelled India's western frontier and were reported to have crossed the border at Punch in the
state of Jammu. The third wave of the PAF counter air strikes were directed to strike Ambala,
Agra and Halwara. In total, the Pakistani Air Force dropped 183 bombs over 12 target runways
and 120 hits were reported by the pilots. The PAF certainly achieved surprise. The Indian Air
Force was unable to offer any resistance to the first waves other than ground fire. According to
and Indian Flight Lieutenant (Harish Sinhji): “After one of PAF’s night bombing strikes on our
airfield, we were all grounded for six hours. The runway had been cratered in many places. The
following morning our Wing Commander Sawardekar, took us all to the runway to show us the
Pakistani pilot’s bombing accuracy. Pointing to the craters on our runway he said ‘this is the kind
of bombing accuracy the Indian pilots should achieve against Pakistani targets.’’

After failing India's immoral covert armed intervention in East Pakistan, it had concentrated in
over 400,000 armed soldiers and officers supported by five regiments of tanks, about 50,000
activists trained and equipped by Indian Army. This was not Indian armed forces only, more than
100000 well trained Bengalis and Soviet equipment and aggressive diplomatic support were
included in this anti Pakistan adventure. On 21 November 1971, Eid day, when Pakistani soldiers
had been operating in the most hostile environment for almost ten months, including a month of
fasting, the Indian army launched a full scale invasion at over twenty fronts in the east, west and
north of East Pakistan (It is interesting that since Ghazav-e-Badar every war in the history
against a Muslim army was initiated or accelerated either during the Ramazan or on Eid Day).
Indian Armed forces joined with the Mukti Bahini to form the Mitro Bahini ("Allied Forces")
under the command of Indian Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora. The Indian aggressors
could not capture a single town except Jessore, which was not defended for strategic reasons.
Before any counter offensive could be launched in West Pakistan, India asked for cease-fire in
the United Nations. On 4 December 1971, the United States moved a draft resolution calling for
cease-fire and withdrawal of Indian forces, which was vetoed by Soviet Union. Thereafter,
another six resolutions including one by China were introduced calling for cease-fire and
withdrawal of forces, some of which were accepted by Pakistan. The United Nations passed the
resolution for ceasefire, however, due to behind the scene political machinations by India and her
allies (mainly Soviet Union) their passage and implementation was stalled till Dhaka fall on 16
December 1971 and the cease-fire had been perfidiously converted to surrender. It is quite
obvious that this was a surrender of that Pakistan Army which was not now in its homeland. It
was the surrender in front of a Bengali Army (previously a part of Pakistan Army trained
in Quetta, Jhelum, Abottabad and Rawalpindi), commanded by an Indian General and
materially equipped and supported by the Soviet Union. It is absolutely wrong and a deep
rooted conspiracy to create doubts in the capability and sincerity of the Pakistan military
forces to recognize the rebellion and bifurcation of Pakistan Army as a surrender of an
institution as a whole. General Niazi along with a sizeable number of Pakistani soldiers were
taken prisoners. India took approximately 90,000 prisoners of war, including Pakistani soldiers
and their East Pakistani civilian supporters. This was the largest number of prisoners of Wars
since World War II and included some government officials. The Hamoodur Rahman
Commission report instituted by Pakistan lists the Pakistani prisons of wars as follows:

Branch Number of
captured
Pakistani POWs
Army 54,154
Navy 1,381
Air Force 833
Paramilitary including police 22,000
Civilian personnel 12,000
Total: 90,368
 The Surrender Document
"The PAKISTAN Eastern Command agree to surrender all PAKISTAN Armed Forces in
BANGLA DESH to Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA, General Officer
Commanding in Chief of the Indian and BANGLA DESH forces in the Eastern Theatre. This
surrender includes all PAKISTAN land, air and naval forces as also all para-military forces and
civil armed forces. These forces will lay down their arms and surrender at the places where they
are currently located to the nearest regular troops under the command of Lieutenant-General
JAGJIT SINGH AURORA. The PAKISTAN Eastern Command shall come under the orders of
Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA as soon as the instrument has been signed.
Disobedience of orders will be regarded as a breach of the surrender terms and will be dealt with
in accordance with the accepted laws and usages of war. The decision of Lieutenant-General
JAGJIT SINGH AURORA will be final, should any doubt arise as to the meaning or
interpretation of the surrender terms. Lieutenant-General JAGJIT SINGH AURORA gives a
solemn assurance that personnel who surrender shall be treated with dignity and respect that
soldiers are entitled to in accordance with provisions of the GENEVA Convention and
guarantees the safety and well-being of all PAKISTAN military and para-military forces who
surrender. Protection will be provided to foreign nationals, ethnic minorities and personnel of
WEST PAKISTAN origin by the forces under the command of Lieutenant- General JAGJIT
SINGH AURORA."
(Signed by J.S. Aurora and A.A.K. Niazi on 16 December 1971).

It is still a mystery that how a cease fire recommended by the United Nations Organization
was converted into the surrender document. Even, Indian Generals have been shocking to
read the word “surrender”. According to Lieutenant General J.F.R. Jacob, Chief of Staff,
Indian, and Eastern Army “I took a careful look at the documents and was aghast to see
the heading – which read Instrument of ‘Surrender'……”.

Read the document of surrender again and again. Except the inserting the word of ‘surrender’,
which was perfidiously pasted to show the Indian victory to encourage the centuries' old
depressed Hindu nationalists, there is nothing against the capacity, faith, honor, loyalty, group
cohesion, unlimited liability, and above all, the spirit of Jihad in Pakistani forces. Obviously,
General Arura signed this document not only as an Indian General but as joint commanding
officers of India and that Bangladesh Army (which was initially a part of Pakistan Army). How
can it be considered a surrender of Pakistan Army in front of Indian Army? Simply, it was a
consequence of a tragic civil war and rebellious or accepting the ‘right of the separation’ of
Bengalis in a wrong way.
 Dacca fall: Long-term Consequences in Global Politics (III)

Dr Ayub Mehar

The Dacca Fall was a psychological setback and humiliation for Pakistan not because of the
separation of East Pakistan which was not a part of the proposed Pakistan neither by Allama
Iqbal nor by Chaudhary Rehmat Ali. Even it was not the part of A, B, C plan of Indian federation
proposed by British rulers before 1947. All these three plans of independency of Pakistan have
not included the map of Bangladesh in Pakistan. In fact, the separation of East Pakistan with the
help of Indian conspiracy and insurgency and then surrender by Eastern command of Pakistan
Army was not acceptable to the peoples in Pakistan by any way. This event has changed the
attitude, thinking and the way of planning by Pakistani institutions. The issue of East Pakistan
could be settled in a much better way without Indian intervention. However, India played a
dirty rule with the sentiments of the Muslims in sub continent, and its intervention
converted the civil war and political issue among the Muslims into a cold and long ended
war between India and Pakistan. The Pakistani people were not mentally prepared to accept
defeat, so when the surrender in East Pakistan was finally announced, mass protests erupted on
the streets of major cities in West Pakistan. General Yahya Khan surrendered power to Zulfiqar
Ali Bhutto and Pakistan launched Project-706, a secret nuclear weapon development program, to
defend itself from India. The extremism in Pakistan, acquisition of nuclear power, anti Indian
public sentiments, aggressive support of Jihad by religio-political parties and activities by non
state actors are in fact the long-term consequences of Indian military intervention in East
Pakistan, while Kashmir issue added the fuel in these reactions. Steve Coll (in his famous book
‘Ghost Wars’) argues that the Pakistan military's experience with India influenced the Pakistani
government to support jihadist groups in Afghanistan even after the Soviets left, because the
jihadists were a tool to use against India.

Though, the creation of Bangladesh is a part of historical process; it was neither a negation of the
‘Two Nations Theory’ nor a defeat of Pakistan Army. Bangladesh -a member of UNO and OIC-
should remain a strong, prosperous and sovereign country; however, the strange role of India in
1971 has become an unforgettable chapter of the history. There are sufficient evidences to
believe that acquisition of nuclear technology by Pakistan, rise of militancy in tribal areas,
accelerated supports by the public in favor of Jihadists, and several guerrilla organizations
and militancy activities by non state actors are the reaction of India’s involvement in East
Pakistan in 1971.

This event has also changed the patterns of diplomatic relations and global politics. Before, this
event Pakistan has always been supporting the solution of Kashmir issue through the United
Nations Organization. In 1972, Pakistan had to sign the Simla Agreement to release its 90000
prisoners of wars from India. These prisons of wars have been captured by Indian forces in
Bangladesh, when the surrender document had been signed. It was their right to move or migrate
to Pakistan after recognition of Bangladesh and ceasefire announcement. There was no
justification for a surrender document or imprisonment of those Pakistanis who have agreed to
go back their homeland. It was like to compel the Pakistanis who are at abroad to sign at a
surrender document. In addition to repatriation of prisoners of war also, the agreement
established an ongoing structure for the negotiated resolution of future conflicts between India
and Pakistan. Simla Agreement bound the two countries "to settle their differences by peaceful
means through bilateral negotiations". The accord converted the 1949 UN "Cease-fire Line" into
the Line of Control (LOC) between Pakistan and India which however did not affect the status of
the disputed territory. The document states that "In Jammu and Kashmir, the line of control
resulting from the ceasefire of December 17, 1971, shall be respected by both sides without
prejudice to the recognized position of either side. Neither side shall seek to alter it unilaterally,
irrespective of mutual differences and legal interpretations."

Another consequence of the Dacca fall is the exposition of the adverse role of so called human
right organizations and NGOs. It is part of the record that the Nixon administration has supported
the Pakistani version in the United Nations and it introduced a resolution in the UN Security
Council calling for a cease-fire and the withdrawal of armed forces by India and Pakistan;
however it was vetoed by the Soviet Union. The human rights organizations and NGOs
favored the Indian version in 1971. These events indicate that the most powerful factor in
separation of East Pakistan was not India, Awami League or America; they were Soviet
Union, and the so called champions of human right organizations who cried on Bengalis
right and completely ignored the rights of the families of armed officers, Urdu and Punjabi
speaking peoples, and the Memon businessmen in East Pakistan. The human right
organizations and NGOs had presented the civil war in East Pakistan as genocide action.
Though, Nixon Administration ignored the reports it received of the "genocidal" activities of the
Pakistani Army in East Pakistan, this prompted widespread criticism and condemnation both by
Congress and in the international press. Bias version of the human rights organization can not
only mislead the justice, it may also accelerate the crisis. Bias attitude and thinking of the NGOs
workers cannot be isolated from their own ethnic background and vested interests.
Unfortunately, it was happened in case of Dacca Fall.

Though, fall of Dacca does not affect the ‘Two Nations Theory’ from any aspect, it
provided an opportunity to criticize the ideology, institutions and particularly the armed
forces of Pakistan. Now, it has become a fashion to exploit the ideology, institutions and
armed forces of Pakistan. To justify the irrational and inappropriate demands, the ethnic
groups and regional political parties in Pakistan always indicate the Dacca like
consequences. They do not understand that history and nature of conflict was entirely different.
Except a few years, Bengal was never a part of Delhi Muslim Empire, while Pakistan is the
continuation of that Muslim empire. Geography of Pakistan is not divisible. The history of Islam
in the region from Muhammad Bin Qasim to fall of Mughal empire, the direction of rivers in
Pakistan, the scripts and languages, the customs and cultures, patterns of clothing and cuisines,
arts and attitudes, and many other things indicate that today’s Pakistan is different from
Bangladesh.

The increasing numbers of movements by non representative small groups of peoples in

Pakistan to blackmail the federation and military forces of Pakistan, making complication
in the history by negating the two nations theory, lingering on the decision of the arrival of
Pakistanis from Bangladesh, criticizing Punjab for its share in civil service, considering
Urdu language as a cause of Dacca Fall and questioning on the capability, loyalty and
sincerity of Pakistan army in literary writings and public debates are the consequences of
Dacca Fall, though these much debated hypothesis have been falsified by scientific
research.

It is a misperception that majority of Punjabi population in military, bureaucracy and public

sector services was a cause of the separation of East Pakistan. In the thousands years history of
the subcontinent including Aryans arrival, Delhi Empires, Mughal regime, British rule, and even
post partition period in India and Pakistan it was always observed that peoples from North and
West – Punjab, UP, Haryana, Kashmir, and Pakhtoonkhwa - have a natural tendency to work as
soldier or administrator. They were not good businessmen and traders. To join civil services and
military are their “historical” preferences. This tendency cannot be changed suddenly during one
or two decades.

‘Pakistan Military Incorporated’ by Aisha Siddiqa, ‘Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military’ by
Hussain Haqqani and hundreds of the articles written by former left arm supporters, so called
nationalists, and anti ‘Two Nations Theory’ writers are examples of anti military thoughts in
Pakistan. According to Haqqani, “army had failed to fulfill its promises of fighting to the last
man. The eastern command had laid down arms after losing only 1300 men in battle. In West
Pakistan 1200 military deaths had accompanied lack luster military performance." It is not
understandable that why the role of ethnic politics, Indian conspiracies based on Chankia’s
philosophy and role of Soviet Union have been ignored by these ‘intellectuals’. In considering
the ethnic bias by Pakistan Army as a cause of the separation, it should be remembered that
administration, governance, investigation of criminal activities by civilians, and managing the
law and order situation is not the primary responsibility of armed forces. It is a worldwide
phenomenon that in case of civil war military always plays a neutral role by use of power. It was
not only East Pakistan, the armed forces use the power to impose curfews in affected areas, and
their official attitude does not allow them to provide justice. If someone break the curfews or
disobey the military orders it will be treated in the same manner in Karachi, Lahore, FATA and
Islamabad like Dacca in 1971. This attitude cannot be considered as their ethnic bias.

Similarly, it is also a misleading theory that Urdu language was a main cause of the separation of
East Pakistan. In fact, Urdu was adopted by choice by all Muslim states in India. Even in today’s
India Urdu is considered a ‘Muslim’ language in Kashmir, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, UP and Bihar.
It was a chosen language in Punjab and NWFP (present Pakhtoonkhwa) before Pakistan. To
consider the movement of Bangladesh as ethnic war is absolutely a misleading thought. Not a
single event of violence against Bengalis was recorded in West Pakistan during the Bangladesh
Movement. Many Bengalis in West Pakistan have decided to live in Pakistan even after
recognition of Bangladesh. It was mere a separation movement in East Pakistan only and that
movement was not relevant with ethnic tension or economic inequalities it was purely based on
the historical roots of a separate region. It is hard to accept that ‘Bengla language’ issue was a
main cause of the separation of East Pakistan (Bengal) from Pakistan. The language issue was
not a cause; it was the effect of cultural and historical variation between the Bengalis and other
Muslims of Subcontinent. If for the sake of arguments, it is accepted that Bengla language was
the only issue then it is a known fact that this demand had been accepted by the West Pakistan
and much before the fall of Dacca, Bengla was one of the two official languages of Pakistan.
Equal space was provided to both the languages –Urdu and Bengla- in all official documents,
stationery, correspondence, postal stamps, and currency notes. Quaid-e-Azam had categorically
mentioned that Urdu will be the only language at federal level, while Bengla may be a provincial
language for East Pakistan. However, later on Bengla was declared as one of the two official
languages at federal level by the statesmen of Pakistan after the death of Jinnah. What was
happened after that? Now, Urdu is still a widely spoken language in urban areas of Bangladesh.
Moreover, Bengla language is spoken in both the parts of Bengal: East Bengal (or today’s
Bangladesh) and West Bengal, one of the largest states in India. However, Indian Bengalis have
never demanded for recognition of their language at federal level. It is a clear indicator that
Bengalis are not bias in favor of their language. They have adopted and recognized other cultures
and languages. Language was not a basic issue in consideration of Dacca fall. Reasons are
deeply rooted in the history. If for the sake of argument the language issue is recognized as a
valid justification for the separation of East Pakistan, the falsification of the statement would be
confirmed by considering Indian Bengal, where no such issue was raised by the same ethnic
group. West Bengalis have never demanded for recognition of Bengla as a national language for
entire India; while in case of Pakistan Bengla was recognized as one of the two official and
national languages. Pakistan had become a bilingual country much before the separation of East
Pakistan. Urdu and Bengla had been appeared in equal space in all postal stamps, currency notes
and all official documents of federal government in the same patterns as French and English in
case of today’s Canada. Provinces in Pakistan have always been independent to choose the
language for their official correspondence. This choice of language is not limited up to provincial
departments it is applied for the offices of federal institutions serving in the respective provinces.
However, Bengla had been adopted as one of the two national languages for all the five
provinces. So, it was not a question of language at all. The question was not even economic or
political, which have been mentioned as an apparent reason of the isolation of East Pakistan. The
question has been rooted in the history of the region.

Fall of Dacca has provided an opportunity also to Indian politicians and Hindu nationalists to
encourage their peoples by showing a false victory and exaggeration in their short successes in
the field, though the event cannot change the nature of 1000 years’ history of Indo-Muslim
relations. Dacca fall cannot be considered as more than the victory of Pirthivi Raj against Sultan
Ghori. The defeat of Ghori forces by Pirthivi Raj was the initiation of the formation of Delhi
Muslim Empire. Indian generals and media persons have been threatening to mention that
another meeting like Dacca Race Course Ground should be held between the generals of India
and Pakistan armies. In this non sense threat, they ignore the meetings between the Muslims and
Hindu generals in Debil, Ajmer, Delhi, Jhelum, Panipat, Agra, and innumerous locations in
North and South India. Kashmir and Dacca fall are not sufficient factors to describe the relations
among India and Pakistan. The deep rooted complicated relations among the two countries in
fact are originated in the history of ‘Muslim India’ which was started from Muhammad Shah
Ghori and Qutubuddin Aibak. The victory of Muhammad Bin Qasim and successful attacks by
Mehmood Ghaznavi can be considered as shadows of Muslim rule in Delhi before the formation
of a Muslim Empire in India.

Soviet Union was a major player against Pakistan during the civil war in East Pakistan. By
repeatedly use of its veto power, global political influence, and supplying advanced defense
equipment and technology to Indian forces it had disturbed the balance of power in the
region. The role of Soviet Union in 1971, created extreme anti Soviet sentiments in Pakistan
and these sentiments led the aggressive favor to Afghan militants against Soviet Union in
1979. It was a turning point in the history that fall of Dacca reached at the fall of Soviet
Union by an Afghan war led by Pakistani Generals, and USSR has become a history in the
international politics. It is not important that who was behind this war, Mullahs, Afghans, USA,
Arabs or Pakistan army, but the role of anti Soviet sentiments in Pakistan behind the collapse of
Soviet Union cannot be ignored. Since Dacca Fall, the Islamists parties in Pakistan have been
predicting that now Soviet Union would have to leave Tashkent and Bukhara. This was
materialized in 1991.

What was happened with the ideology of ‘Bengali nationalism’ after Dacca Fall? Surprisingly,
history had reached at the turning point after assassination of Mujeeb ur Rehamn. On 15th
August, 1975 (when India was celebrating its Independence Day) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
and his family were killed by a group of military officers in Dacca. One of Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman's cabinet ministers Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad was appointed the president and,
subsequently, Major General Ziaur Rahman was appointed as the army chief after
removal of Major General Shafiullah. This Zia-ur-Rehamn was the same person who
announced the formation of Bangladesh on behalf of Mujeeb during the tragic civil war in
East Pakistan. Later on Zia became the 7th President of Bangladesh on April 21, 1977. Zia
moved the nation in a new direction, significantly different from the ideology and agenda of
Mujib. By several amendments in the constitutions, he redefined the nature of the republic from
the secularism laid out by Mujib and his supporters. Islamic religious education was introduced
as a compulsory subject, with provisions for non-Muslim students to learn of their own religions.
He issued a proclamation order amending the constitution, increasing the direct influence and
role of Islam on the government. In the preamble, he inserted the salutation "Bismillahir-
Rahmaanir-Rahim" ("In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful"). He replaced the
words “commitment to secularism” by "absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah"; socialism
was redefined as "economic and social justice". Zia further introduced provisions to allow
Muslims to practice the social and legal injunctions of the Shariah and Sunnah. He introduced in
the constitution that '"the state shall endeavor to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal
relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity." Zia was criticized for ruthless
treatment of the supporters of the Awami League and veterans of the Mukti Bahini.
Consequently, he was assassinated by a group of army officers.

Another consequence of the separation of East Pakistan is propaganda against the economic
development of Pakistan. There is no doubt that Pakistan is passing through a difficult period of
economic crisis. This crisis has no relation with the separation of East Pakistan. The economic
problems of Pakistan are mainly an outcome of ill planning and misleading strategies developed
by its policy makers. Pakistan is a developing country and its GDP, per capita income, stock
market and many other macroeconomic variables are much better than Bangladesh. The higher
growth of Bangladesh in the exports of some commodities is mainly because of its support by the
industrialized countries because of its classification as a least developed country (LDC).
Pakistani is (and should) not a least developed country.