Structure of the universe

in the Norse and Slavic

beliefs

By

Dominika Czop

Dissertation submitted as a part of the final examination for the

degree of M.A. with Honours in Archaeology at the University

of Aberdeen, 16th December 2011

1
 Declaration

I declare that this dissertation has been composed by myself and that the work of which

it is a record was performed by myself. The dissertation has not been admitted in any

previous application for a degree at this or any other university. All sources of

information have been specifically acknowledged.

Signed:

Date:

Word count: 9804

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Abstract

Pre-Christian Scandinavians and Slavic people shared similar views about structure of the
universe. Their beliefs were represented in material culture and organisation of sacred space.
This research aimed to identify and compare these beliefs and explore how this structure is
visible in the archaeological record of the sacred space and material culture. The centre of the
world and its axis were presented in many different ways in the beliefs of the pagan Slavs and
Norsemen. Their cosmological beliefs seemed to be rather fluid and a homogenized picture of
the universe structure could not be provided. In Scandinavia, the image of the universe in the
mythology was represented by an ash tree Yggdrasill. In Eastern Europe as well as in
Scandinavia, trees, mountains, poles and islands could substitute for the world centre and the
axis mundi, they also had special importance in ritual practice. There are many different
examples of the cosmological beliefs recorded in archaeological evidence, historical sources,
folklore of these two groups of people who were in close cultural contact in the Early Middle
Ages. Evidence for these beliefs was retrieved from Polish and English literature, which
concentrated on archaeological sites in Scandinavia and Eastern Europe. This research gave an
opportunity to enrich understanding of pre-Christian cosmology in the Northern and Eastern
Europe, which is a crucial part of any religious beliefs.

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Contents

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION 7

CHAPTER 2

CONTEXT AND CONCEPTS 9

Previous research 9

Old Norse religion 9

Slavic religion 11

Evidence for interaction between the Norse and Slavs 13

CHAPTER 3

METHODS

Archaeology of religion 16

CHAPTER 4

RESULTS AND DISSCUSION 19

The Norse 19

The Slavs 27

CHAPTER 5:

CONCLUSION 36

REFERENCES 38

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List of Figures

Figure 1 Lӓbro Stora Hammars picture stone (from Flickr) 21

Figure 2 Oseberg tapestry (from MardallarWordpress) 22

Figure 3 Ash tree seeds (from Kremer 2006:254) 23

Figure 4 Triangular monument in Sweden (from Andrén 2005:125) 24

Figure 5 Ismantorp fort (from Andrén 2005:128) 25

Figure 6 Światowid in the Archaeological Museum in Cracow (Photo by D. Czop) 27

Figure 7 Światowid top row (from Matela 2005:52) 28

Figure 8 Światowid second row (from Matela 2005:53) 28

Figure 9 Światowid third row (from Matela 2005:53) 29

Figure 10 Stone figure of Asian origin in the Archaeological Museum in Cracow (Photo by D.
Czop) 30

Figure 11 Mount Saint Lawrence (from TurystykaTorun) 31

Figure 12 Mount Ślęża (from Buko 2008:488) 32

Figure 13 Krak's Mound (from Buko 2008:151) 33

Figure 14 Wawel Hill (Photo by B. Jamróz) 34

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Acknowledgements

This research project would not have been possible without the support of many people. I
wish to express my gratitude to my supervisor Prof. Neil Price and Dr. Peter Jordan who
offered assistance and guidance throughout the process of writing my dissertation. I also
would like to thank Dr. Leszek Gardeła and Dr. Włodarz Konrad who helped me find
literature relevant to my research. I also wish to express gratitude to my friends and
family, who purchased books needed to complete my dissertation and provided the
financial means to allow me to travel to Poland.

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Chapter 1 Introduction

It is significant to explore how the Norse and the Slavic people understood the structure of the
universe, because cosmology is an important part of any religious beliefs. Beliefs concerning
the way the world is ordered are manifested in material culture and recreated in sacred space
and rituals. This dissertation will make a contribution to the understanding of how cosmological
ideas were expressed in material culture and archaeological record. Developing insights into the
worldviews of both the Slavic and the Scandinavian people is important because they were in
close cultural contact in the early Middle Ages. It is interesting to compare how a similar view
of the universe was represented in many different ways, as a tree, a pole, a mountain or even an
island. Moreover these objects and features of the landscape were not merely representing the
universe axis, they were also its centre, often associated with political powers (Słupecki
1994:185). This dissertation will make a contribution in the area of study of the Slavic beliefs in
particular, because archaeologists in Western Europe often do not have access to books and
journals published in Poland and are not translated into English. My research will be of
particular interest to archaeologists studying beliefs of the Norse and the Slavic people, as well
as to anyone interested in the pre-Christian beliefs of the Northern and Eastern Europe. The
outcomes of my research will also be interesting for the archaeologists investigating religious
beliefs and ritual practice in the archaeological record.

This research aims to identify and compare structure of the universe in Norse and Slavic pre-
Christian beliefs, and investigate how this structure is visible in the archaeological record of the
sacred space and material culture. Archaeological and historic sources suggest similarities in
presenting the universe in sacred spaces, sacred objects and mythology of the heathen Slavs and
Norse. In many cultures and throughout different historic periods structure of the world is
represented in a similar way—as a cosmic tree, mountain or a pole. Quite often this axis mundi
was surrounded by the waters of an ocean, sea or a lake like an island. The axis mundi
connected every realm of the world, whether there are nine in the Norse mythology, as
described in the Poetic Edda, or three in the beliefs of the Polabian Slavs as mentioned by Ebbo
of Rheims (Szyjewski 2003:69-70). Such a structure of the universe also showed the opposing
forces of chaos and order, which remain in balance. Both the Norse and Slavic cultures, that
were in close contact in the early Middle Ages, imagined the universe in a similar way. My
research focused on different sites In Scandinavia, Eastern and central Europe, dating from the
Iron Age up to the Early Middle Ages.

7
Exploring the cosmology of the Slavic and the Norse required review of academic literature in
English and Polish. There is a wide range of literature concerning the Old Norse religions and
the pre-Christian beliefs of the Slavs. My literature review consisted of looking at historic
written accounts, which provided information about the pre-Christian beliefs from the point of
view of outsiders. Therefore these written accounts had to be interpreted with caution, as they
are often biased and hostile to the heathen beliefs of the Northern and Eastern Europe.
Academic literature allowed to get an overview of archaeological evidence for the Slavic and
Old Norse beliefs, as well as majority of the academic literature also concerns with the
interpretation of historic sources. Overview of archaeological evidence for interaction between
the Scandinavians and the Slavs was also explored. The preliminary research for my dissertation
started before the summer 2011. During the summer I carried out my literature review, mainly
on the Slavic beliefs and contact between the Scandinavians and Slavs, at the Jagiellonian
University Library in Cracow, as well as in the town library in Jaworzno.

The following chapters will focus on the review of studies of the Old Norse and the Slavic
beliefs. Chapter 3 will discuss the archaeology of religion, its issues and how religion is
recognized in the archaeological record. Archaeological evidence as well as written evidence for
the structure of the universe will be reviewed in chapter 4, as it is the main focus of the
dissertation to investigate this evidence. Chapter 5 contains the conclusions.

8
Chapter 2 Context and concepts

Understanding of cosmology is crucial to understanding the Norse and Slavic mythology, which
provided models for social behaviour and ritual practice, as well as it was often used to
legitimise social order and its institutions (Hultgård 2011:214). Andren at al. (2006:13) argued
that cosmology can sometimes be more clearly seen from the archaeological record than in the
written sources. Therefore, with some limitations studies of material culture give another great
possibility for insights into the heathen Old Norse and Slavic religions and their cosmology.
Quote by Peregrine (1996:322) illustrates how comparative studies of religion is relevant to
archaeology:

There are areas where further cross cultural research would be helpful. (...) cosmology, to help
us get into the minds of the people archaeologists study, or at least to understand their
worldview. This may seem an impossible task although (...) there must be material behaviours
associated with it, and the task is to discover them.

Previous research

Old Norse religion

Availability of written sources that shed light on the beliefs of the Vikings allowed the Old
Norse religion to be seen as ‘one of the best-known non-Christian religions in Europe’ (Andrén
2005:105). Like pre-Christian Slavic religion, Old Norse religion was not a static set of the
same beliefs. Both religions varied throughout time and differed locally, and they were both
influenced by Christianity before the Christianization. Despite the spatial and temporal
variations, there were some common features of the Old Norse and Slavic religions. Searching
for these similarities led scholars to develop theories about patterns which apparently appeared
in the pre-Christian European religions. Georges Dumezil developed theories about division of
the society and the gods into three categories (Davidson 1993:153-155) although this was a very
problematic division and was based on the artificial concept of a common indo-european
ancestry of the European peoples. It is very important to not to create a homogenised picture of
the Old Norse beliefs, because evidence regarding it comes from different places and periods
(Andrén 2005:106).

Unlike the Slavic mythology, which will be discussed below, echo of the Norse myths was
preserved in historic sources written not just by the foreigners but by the Norse themselves.

9
Incorporation of the historic sources into the body of evidence for Old Norse beliefs was
initiated by the post-processual archaeologists in the 1990’s. Despite raising critical concerns if
medieval sources can be used to study Norse religion of the pre-Christian era, written sources
can still be used with caution to support archaeology (Hedeager 2011:9, 21-22, Andrén
2005:106). Although some argue (McKinnell 2005:48) that archaeological evidence regarding
religion can only be trusted if it comes from a period which has historic sources to assist it,
archaeology on its own can be used to investigate the Old Norse religion. Andrén (2005:106-
107) points out that availability of written sources initiated studies of the Norse beliefs and
archaeological evidence was used as passive material fitted into the narratives obtained from the
historic sources. Research of Germanic religions, including the Old Norse beliefs, began in the
nineteenth century after translations of the Poetic Edda and Snorri’s Edda. Until the middle of
twentieth century study of the Germanic beliefs was supported with study of folklore. Twentieth
century scholars also began using other evidence such as place-names, pictorial evidence as well
as archaeology (Simek 2007:148-149).

Skaldic and Eddaic poetry, Snorri Sturluson’s Prose Edda and Icelandic Sagas are the
indigenous written sources for the Old Norse religion. Unfortunately they provided information
about the mythology itself, but very little about religious practice (Andrén 2005:106-108).
Place-names are also used as evidence of Old Norse religion in Scandinavia. Apparently
patterns of distribution of certain place-names which were associated with certain deities reveal
regionality of the cult of different gods. Religious practices associations of a site can also be
revealed from the toponomy. Geographical variations of distribution of theophoric place-names
also shows the spatial variability in Old Norse religious practice (Abram 2011:60, Brink
2011:63, Roesdahl 1998:148-149). Runic inscriptions are another ‘written’ sources of
information about the Old Norse mythology. Picture stones, which are iconographic sources,
sometimes show mythological scenes which regard cosmology (Abram 2011:8-10). This varied
range of sources that dates to different periods and regards different places, which was
presented by people with different views on the culture and beliefs of the Norse, seems to
provide somehow confusing picture of the Old Norse worldviews (Roesdahl 1998:149). Despite
all of the limitations, different evidence allows to ‘build up at least a partial picture of the old
religion of the north-western Europe’ (Davidson 1993:1).

Snorri Sturluson’s handbook for skalds written in the thirteenth century Iceland is usually
regarded as a reliable source of information on the Norse mythology. Although credibility of
the myths in the his Prose Edda was often questioned by scholars because Snorri Sturluson
lived three hundred years after the Christianization of Iceland. He was a Christian scholar and

10
this influence is visible in his work. Snorri’s handbook was also criticized as his own
interpretation of the Norse myths which he tried to present in a systematic way. In the
seventeenth century bishop Sveinsson found a medieval manuscript of what is now known as
The Poetic Edda. These poetic songs were probably written down in Iceland around 1200AD
and then copied into Codex Regius manuscript later in the same century. Skaldic poetry is also a
source of information about the Norse beliefs and linguistic methods can be used to roughly
estimate the period in which the poem was created. Many sagas mention some details of the Old
Norse religious practices. All of these written sources, which before they were written down
were part of the oral tradition, contain similar stories to the myths written down in Snorri’s
Edda. This strongly suggested Snorri’s Edda reliability as a written source for the Norse
mythology and his knowledge of the heathen religion of his Norse ancestors. Although, in the
interpretation of these sources the Christian influence has to be taken into account. It is also
worth noting that the poetry belonged to the oral tradition (Abram 2011:11-27, Hedeager
2011:23, Simek 2007:287-288, 295, McKinnell 2005:37-47, Nӓsstrӧm 2003:1-3, Maciszewski
2002:8-12, Roesdahl 1998:13, 148).

People who encountered the Norse in Scandinavia and elsewhere in Europe in the early Middle
Ages and before also provided information on the beliefs of the Norse. The oldest historic
source is Tacitus’ Germania, dating to around 100 AD, which compiled knowledge about the
Iron Age Germanic tribes, gained through came from these regions of Europe or travelled there.
In the eleventh century Adam of Bremen described the heathendom of the Norse in
Scandinavia, and provided description of the worship at Uppsala temple from his Christian,
antagonistic towards the pagans, point of view. Another medieval work, thirteenth century
Gesta Danorum by Saxo Grammaticus also provides information about the heathendom of the
Norse. An Arab traveller Ibn Fadlan provided a description of a funerary ritual and beliefs of the
Norsemen living in the Rus (Hedeager 2011:29, Nӓsstrӧm 2003:3-5, Abram 2011:27-30). These
four authors provided information about the Slavic beliefs and religious practice in their
writings too.

Slavic religion

Investigation of the heathen Slavic religion is considered to be quite problematic. The least is
known about the beliefs of the Southern Slavs as they were Christianized the earliest. Scarce
and biased historic sources, folklore, linguistic data and recently also archaeological evidence
are used in the study of the pre-Christina Slavic beliefs. In addition to the their biases written
sources mainly provide information on the Slavic religion from the end of the pre-Christian era,
unlike archaeology, which can provide evidence also for earlier periods (Leciejewicz 1990:574-

11
575). Early medieval historic sources focused on the Western and Eastern Slavs, which created
a picture of a not very sophisticated mythology and religious beliefs. It might even seem that the
Slavs had a less developed mythology than their northern or western neighbours. Medieval
historic sources that provide the biggest amount of information about the beliefs of the Slavs
concentrated on the Western Slavs living on the Baltic coast and in Polabia, who were
Christianized only in twelfth century. Although these sources are very biased as they were
written by Christian priests hostile to the pagan Slavs or by foreigners. These sources either
look at the pagan Slavic religion through their Christian views or compare them with the
Classical religions of the Mediterranean (Vana 1985:100, Leciejewicz 1990:136,574-580).
Ahmed Ibn Rustah, John Malalas, bishop Thietmar of Merseburg, Adam of Bremen,
archbishop of Rheims Ebbo, bishop Herbord, Saxo Grammaticus and Helmold of Bosau
provided information about beliefs of the Eastern and Western Slavs, mainly Polabians, in their
writings. The Russian Primary Chronicle, which is also called Chronicle of Nestor or Tale of
Bygone Years is another historic source which recorded characteristics of the pre-Christian
Eastern Slavic religion (Wyrozumski 1992:55-56).

Due to the biases in these sources, a debate about their usefulness began in the nineteenth
century. In the beginning of the twentieth century Slavic philologist Aleksander Brückner was
very critical of historic sources. Brückner pointed out biases in the writings of foreigners who
were not sympathetic with the pagan practices among the Slavs whom they were trying to
Christianize. He believed that lack of reliable information about the Slavic religion does not
indicate that the Slavic mythology was less complex than other pre-Christian mythology
(Brückner 1980:29-30,218). Scholars who tried to reconstruct the Slavic beliefs and mythology
from the historic sources alone often came to the conclusions that unlike other European groups
the Slavs did not have a coherent mythology nor highly developed religious beliefs. This is a
probable reason why Dumezil divided the Indo-European people into groups with well formed
religious beliefs and less developed religious beliefs, and believed that the Scandinavian
religious beliefs were more developed than the Slavic beliefs (Łowmiański 1979:38). All
information about the Slavic pre-Christian beliefs in historic sources were provided by
foreigners: Germans, Greeks, Arabs and few Christianized Slavs. In addition these information
regarded the time when the Slavs were in contact with Christianity already and must have been
influenced by Christianity in some ways (Urbańczyk 1991:11).

Studies of the Slavs originated in the need of finding origins of the Slavic nations of the Eastern
Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. However, even the medieval writers were
interested in the history and culture of the Slavs. In the eighteenth century information on the

12
Slavic mythology, ethnography and archaeology began to be collected. Jozef Dobrovski is
regarded the father of the Slavic studies. Most of the Slavic studies used linguistic and
ethnographic studies, and some scholars incorporated them together with archaeological
evidence. In the nineteenth and in the beginning of the twentieth century studies of the Slavic
beliefs formed a separate field of study which interested not only Eastern European scholars
such as Aleksander Brückner, but also scholars of Germany and France. Only after the World
War II archaeology took over in the studies of the Slavs, although even extensive archaeological
studies during the rule of Socialism in Eastern Europe left many unsolved problems in the study
of Slavic culture (Leciejewicz 1990:642-654).

Urbańczyk (1991:12-13) argued that scholars relied too heavily on the ethnography as a source
of information on the pre-Christian beliefs among the Slavs, because folklore was not
completely free of foreign influences. Ethnographic studies in Eastern and Central Europe were
not carried out in a systematic way and sometimes collected data was falsified. Although it
needs to be emphasised that the studies of modern folklore helped in generating knowledge
about the pre-Christian Slavic mythology and beliefs. Another author arguing in favour of the
studies of folklore as a source of information on the pre-Christian Slavic beliefs was Uspieński.
He suggested (1985:15) that comparative studies of indo-european religions and studies of
folklore can help the reconstruction of the Slavic beliefs. Uspieński (1985:15-115) used an
example of a Christian saint Nicholas, who took on pagan and Christian characteristics and
substituted for the Slavic chthonic deity Wołos. He incorporated different evidence from
folklore, historic sources, Christian iconography and linguistics.

Evidence for interaction between the Norse and Slavs

Different archaeological examples as well as examples from written sources were chosen as
case studies to present the way in which the structure of the universe was understood by the
Slavs and the Norse. Majority of the archaeological evidence for the Slavic cosmology comes
from the Western and Eastern Slavic areas, which include Poland and Russia. These were
chosen due to the intensive culture contact between the Norse and Slavs in the early Medieval
period in the Rus and Western Pomerania. There is a range of archaeological data available on
the interaction of the two cultures in north-western Poland and Russia.

During the Viking Age cultural relations with the Eastern Europeans intensified mainly through
economic activity (DuBois 1999:10). Evidence for the culture contact between the people living
in the Eastern Europe comes from long before the Viking Age (Roesdahl 1998:279). Before the
Slavic people settled in Eastern Europe, Scandinavians, Germanic tribes and other groups of

13
people were in culture contact with the Eastern European people. Scandinavian bracteates
dating to the fifth or sixth century AD, were found in Wapno in Central Poland. Roman and
byzantine coins were found in Pomerania, which indicates trade with the Germanic tribes before
and during the arrival of the Slavs in Poland in the second half of the fifth century AD
(Dolukhanov 2001:160, 174, Kozłowski 1998:330-339). The exchange of goods also worked
the opposite way. For example, iron ingots from Poland were found in Lundeborg in Denmark
(Hedeager 2011:158).

During the Viking Age, the Scandinavians were involved in a major trade and craft activities in
the Baltic region (Gerds 2006:153). The Norse set up trading towns along the Baltic coast.
These included Truso, Wolin, Stettin, Gdańsk, Kolberg, Bartin-Zwillip in north-western Poland
and Ralswiek on Rugen in Mecklemburg area. In their travels into Eurasia, Scandinavians set up
their trading posts in the Rus’ region. Staraya Ladoga by the river Volkhov, and Novgorod by
the lake Ilmen were the most important (Jagodziński 2010:111-112, Roesdahl 1998:277-281).
These trade towns of Rus had in fact a multi ethnic population of Slavs, Scandinavians and
Finns. Although apparently cultural impact of the Norse on the Slavs was not strong, or at least
it was not visible in the Slavic languages neither in toponomy of the Rus region (Dolukhanov
2001:184, 190-191). Impact on the burial practices of the southern Baltic shore is apparently
visible in ship burials. Small boat graves on a Slavonic cemetery in Western Pomerania, dating
to the eleventh and twelfth century, are examples of native burials which were influenced by the
Scandinavian funerary customs (Gerds 2006:156).

A well known example of a town where the Norse and Slavs closely interacted was Truso,
which was first mentioned by an Anglo-Saxon sailor Wulfstan, who provided information about
its location. Although it was not until 1982 that remains of Truso were found. It was situated by
the Drużno, in the Vistula’s lower course in northern Poland. Truso’s spatial layout and
archaeological finds point to the Danish origin of the town establishment (Chrzanowski
2007:103-105, Jagodziński 2010:9-44,142, 2004:55-63). The earliest finds from Truso are
brooches from the end of sixth century. In the beginning Truso was only a seasonal trading
place. The port-town developed since the seventh to the tenth century, when it went into decline
(Jagodziński 2010:99-109). It is an interesting place for the archaeologists as it was a settlement
with dominating Scandinavian characteristics but set up in a Slavic culture area (Jagodziński
2010:98-110). Trading character of Truso was clearly suggested by the archaeological finds of
silver coins, metal weights, folding balances and steelyards. Blacksmithing activities and metal
working were also carried out on site, which was suggested by presence of anvils, hammers,
iron ore and crucibles for gold. Techniques and style of the metalworking were clearly of

14
Scandinavian origin. A silver artefact interpreted as Valkyrie with a horse was an example of
the Norse metalworking. Raw amber and amber jewellery, as well as glass of a byzantine
provenance were found in Truso. Pottery used in Truso also suggested an interaction of the
Norse and Slavs with the Prussians (Jagodziński 2010:132-191).

Slavic and Scandinavian cultures did not exist in vacuum. They were in close cultural contact
during the Viking Age, and even before some form of cultural contact was present. Although it
cannot be forgotten that there was also a flow of goods and cultural idea between the peoples of
the Western and Eastern Europe, Baltic and the Sami peoples. In addition, Scandinavians
certainly came in contact with not only Christianity but also Judaism, Orthodox Christianity and
Islam in the Rus (DuBois 1999:15).

15
Chapter 3 Methods

Religious beliefs are expressed in ritual actions, which leave some visible archaeological traces.
Although some archaeologist believe that religious beliefs and practice cannot be easily
recognised in the archaeological record (Insoll 2001:2). Recognising and interpreting religion in
the archaeological record becomes problematic when modern Western understanding of religion
is applied by archaeologists. Scholars studying the Old Norse religion are bound to the
interpretation of it through the Western perception of religion. For the Norse, their heathen
religion was referred to as forn siðr which means ‘old custom’. This indicates that it was rather
a way of life not just ‘religion’ as it is understood now. In addition written sources are translated
into modern languages (Słupecki 2008:42, Andrén et al. 2006:12).

Religion has been treated in archaeology as a separate category in the past social life until quite
recently. Such perception of religion came from the Christian background of the Western
Europe, where sacred and profane are seen as separate entities (Słupecki 2008:39-40). In fact
there is not a clear boundary between the sacred and profane, as religious beliefs often have
influence on mundane activities. Use of utilitarian objects in rituals illustrates that the material
culture itself does not necessarily carry any symbolic connotations and it is rather the context in
which it is used that can associate it with religious beliefs and ritual practice. Another problem
in archaeology of religion is lack of adequate definition of a ritual, which leads to identifying
anything ‘unusual’ in the archaeological record as evidence for religious practice (Brück
1999:313-314). Whitley (2005:551) argues against the irrationality in ritual and beliefs. Instead
he suggests that religious symbolism is logical and often regarded some natural phenomena.
Archaeologists should also be aware that subsistence, settlements and technology can often
reveal some evidence regarding past beliefs, because in the past they were influenced by the
religious beliefs (Słupecki 2008:41). Another source of information on religious beliefs are
funerary practices. Although archaeologists should consider the funerary practices in wider
archaeological context, because funerary practices did not only reflect on the beliefs about death
and afterlife (Insoll 2004:67), they also often reflected on the social relations between the living,
as well as their relationships towards the deceased. Sometimes ethnographic analogies, as well
as direct historical approach are used by archaeologists to investigate beliefs of the people in the
past.

Despite different approaches within archaeology of religion, there is a lack of a consistent and
coherent framework for identification of religious beliefs and ritual practice from archaeological

16
evidence. Indicators which help in identification of the ritual place include: boundary enclosing
the sacred space, focus of attention, manifestation of supernatural powers as well as material
traces of ritual practice in the archaeological record (Renfrew and Bahn 2006:416), which in
turn are interpreted as such remains if the other indicators are present. Unfortunately not all sites
have these indicators. Sacrificial deposits are examples of sites of ritual practice. Archaeologists
usually recognise sacrificial burial deposits through their unusual characteristics. A mass burial
of animals which had a special place in the mythology or deposition of animal bones in places
which are already identified as sites associated with ritual activity, may indicate the sacrificial
function of the deposit (Abram 2011:71). It is harder for archaeologist to recognise human
sacrifice. Evidence of violent death in an individual accompanying another person in a burial
sometimes indicates the sacrifice, although not necessarily. Archaeological examples of such
sacrificed individual include bound and decapitated man at Lerje, Denmark and a man with a
broken neck buried with a female at Gerdrup, Denmark (Abram 2011:71-72).

In the archaeology of Slavic beliefs issue of identification of sacred or ritual sites is often
appearing. Cult associated sites on natural and artificial hills are recognised on the basis of
analogy with other sites that were recognised as ritual associated. Although there no clear
criteria set for recognising these. Sometimes presence of any cultural activity and lack evidence
for settlements is considered as a criteria for recognising a site with a sacral function. Any stone
or soil structures as well as ditches are treated as means of separating the sacred and the profane
space. Evidence of fire, stone structures, animal and human bones are also seen as evidence of
heathen rituals. ‘Central’ position of the site is considered as another possible criteria for the
sanctity and ritual use of space (Cieślik 2010:62-74). Historic records also are used to help with
locating cult associated sites. These sites are either mentioned by Christian missionaries coming
into contact with heathen Slavs as well as they include later recorded folk legends that remind of
places associated with pre-Christian practices. Quite often historic records also states that
churches and monasteries were built in sacred places of the heathen Slavs, which in some cases
can be attested archaeologically. Ethnographic evidence should be treated with caution and it is
always worth considering, because sometimes it does echo pre-Christian cult activities in certain
places (Cieślik 2010:66-69). Toponomy and linguistics are also used by archaeologists of the
Slavic religion. However, this field of study is often separated from archaeology (Cieślik
2010:70-71).

It is easier for archaeologists of the Old Norse beliefs to interpret the archaeological record, as
there are written sources as well as other sources of information on the past beliefs and rituals of
the Norse. Unlike the historic sources, archaeology can go back further in time. When it regards

17
the same period as the written sources, it can confirm, contest or add evidence to them
(Davidson 1993:11). Archaeology often provides more evidence than the historic sources,
because the historic sources only focused on certain elements of religious beliefs and practices.
Like some written sources archaeology can provide dating methods. Despite the advantages of
providing material evidence, archaeology of religion cannot always provide information on the
beliefs behind religious practices. Archaeologists of religion have to be especially careful of
trying to fit evidence into their theories. Clearly archaeology of religion has its limitations, but it
can provide evidence of how the past beliefs were represented by material culture. However the
best understanding of the past beliefs can be achieved by incorporating a variety of different
evidence (Hultgård 2011:212-213, Davidson 1993:35-36).

18
Chapter 4

In many cultures the universe has a tree, a mountain or an island as its axis. Such
representations are found in the heathen beliefs of the Norse and the Slavs. Archaeological
evidence, historic sources, as well as toponomy and folklore suggest how these beliefs about the
universe structure were materialized in sacred space and material culture. As the centre of the
universe is symbolising its structure, often this centre of the world had ritual functions. Cult
places in Scandinavia included natural and artificial higher points of the landscape, water
bodies, islands, groves and funeral barrow as well as other places, often where ritual
constructions were built, including stone altars and shrines (Hultgård 2011:217). Written
sources regarding the Slavic beliefs do not show the same coherent and clear picture of the
universe in mythology as the Poetic Edda or Snorri’s Prose Edda. Although these historic
sources, studies of Slavic folklore and archaeology suggest that the Slavic cosmology was
familiar with similar image of the universe. Trees, mountains and islands had special place in
the pre-Christian beliefs of the Slavs and the Norse. Different evidence provides clues on how
the universe and world was imagined in the pre-Christian northern and eastern Europe.
Although these scattered ideas should not be used to create one static image of cosmology,
because it is unlikely that there was one rigid structure of the universe for the beliefs of the
Norse and the Slavs in pre-Christian period.

The Norse

In the Old Norse mythology Yggdrasill is the world-tree that holds the nine worlds (Simek
2007:20, 375-376). This evergreen ash tree reaches to the sky and touches all of the nine worlds
with its branches and roots. It creates the axis of the universe in the Old Norse cosmology. Place
where the Yggdrasill grew from marks the middle of the human and god’s worlds. There are
also giants living under the roots of Yggdrasill. Hel, which is the dead reside, is located under
the World Tree. Dwarves and elves also dwell within the Yggdrasill (Hedeager 2011:150-151,
Słupecki 2006:51, Kure 2006:68, Davidson 1993:68-69, Davidson 1988:168). Yggdrasill is
associated with beliefs about the world structure, its beginning and end. The World Tree is also
associated with ideas of place and time, death and destiny, because it connects every realm of
the universe and everything happens within its roots and branches (Andrén 2005:15). Davidson
(1988:170) proposed similarities between the central position of Yggdrasill and function of a
pillar inside of a temple. They both represent the world axis and its centre, as well as they are
the place of ritual action. Hedeager (2011:151-152) suggested that Asgard, the abode of the Asir

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gods, in fact was the sacred centre of the world where the ritual practice took place. The well of
destiny—Urðr is situated under the roots of Yggdrasill.

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I know that an ash-tree stands called Yggdrasill,

a high tree, soaked with shining loam;

from there come the dews which fall in the valley,

ever green, it stands over the well of fate

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From there come three girls, knowing a great deal,

from the lake which stands under the tree;

Fated one is called, Becoming another—

they carved on wooden slips—Must-be the third;

they set down laws, they chose lives,

for the sons of men the fates of men.

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She knows that Heimdall’s hearing is hidden

under the radiant, sacred tree;

(Voluspa)

From the well of Urðr Odin gained his knowledge. The well and the tree were apparently
associated with the sacrifice by hanging and drowning, as well as they represent the universe
(Nӓsstrӧm 2003:118-120). Yggdrasill was most probably the tree on which Odin sacrificed
himself to himself by hanging to gain knowledge from the dead. However, it is not clearly
stated that it was Yggdrasill that Odin hang on, although it is rather argued that it was the case.
Odin hanged on Yggdrasill, wounded with his own spear, for nine days and nights to access
wisdom and knowledge of magic from the dead in the underworlds (Abram 2011:76, Hedeager
2011:7-8, Słupecki 2006:115-120, Kure 2004:68-71).

138
I know that I hung on a windy tree,

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 nine long nights,

wounded with a spear, dedicated to Odin,

myself to myself,

on that tree of which no man knows,

from where its roots run.

(Havamal)

The World Tree was not a static and fixed axis, as well as connecting the different worlds,
Yggdrasill also served as the point of entry into the ‘other world’ or even a mean of transport.
Indeed Yggdrasill is often translated as ‘Odin’s Horse’ (Simek 2007:375, Słupecki 2006:118).
Odin’s self sacrifice reminds of shaman spirit quests. Shamanistic functions of Yggdrasill were
proposed as the central world tree appears in the beliefs of the Siberian shamans. It was used by
the shaman like a ladder to travel into the Other world (Davidson 1993:69).

Figure 1 Lӓbro Stora Hammars picture stone (From Flickr)

The passage of Havamal concerning Odin’s self sacrifice as well as Gautreks saga, which
mentions a king wounded with a spear and hanged for Odin, implied Odin’s association with
cases of human sacrifice by the Norse (Abram 2011:75-76). Human sacrifice by hanging on a

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tree, which possibly is Yggdrasill, is portrayed on picture stones from Gotland, Sweden. One of
them is Garda Bota stone. Also Lӓbro Stora Hammars picture stone from Gotland (Figure 1) is
thought to show a sacrifice to Odin. The stone shows different things including warriors and a
longship, as well as a man hanging from a tree and a person held down by a man with a spear
are shown on the stone. The person held down was possibly supposed to be sacrificed to Odin.
Part of the Oseberg tapestry (Figure 2) is also thought to contain a scene of human sacrifice by
hanging (Abram 2011:77, Grӓslund 2011:255, Davidson 1993:31). On the Oseberg tapestry the
tree on which the victims are hanged, has horse heads on its top. Perhaps these imply that it is
Yggdrasill, which in Old Norse means ‘Odin’s Horse’ (Hedeager 2011:103). Davidson
(1988:170) suggested that perhaps ash tree seeds reminded the Norse of hanged people (Figure
3). Historic sources including the sagas mentioned human sacrifice too. Ibn Rustah described
human and animal sacrifice in Rus among the Norse where people were chosen to be hanged on
a pole (Hedeager 2011:100-103), which perhaps substituted a tree. Perhaps the human sacrifice
by hanging derived from the Bronze and Iron Age bog bodies from North Germany and
Denmark as many of them were hanged, like the Elling woman and the Tollund Man, as a
probable sacrifice (Nӓsstrӧm 2003:28-30, 42, 166-168).

Figure 2 Oseberg tapestry (From MardallarWordpress)

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 Figure 3 Ash tree seeds (From Kremer 2006:254)

Trees seemed to be important not only in the ritual practice of human sacrifice. Single trees
were also treated as sources of good luck and fortune. It seems that until the nineteenth century
special function of trees was maintained in Scandinavia. In western Norway, offerings were still
given to a large birch tree located on a mound until it fell in 1874 (Davidson 1988:170). Sacred
groves were important in the Old Norse beliefs as well. Tacitus mentioned in his Germania a
holy grove in Denmark, which was sacred to Nerthus. Adam of Bremen also claimed that there
were human and animal sacrifices performed in a sacred grove in Uppsala every nine years.
These were apparently hung on trees and probably sacrificed to Odin (Abram 2011:71,
Hedeager 2011:102-103, Simek 2007:340-341, Roesdahl 1998:153, Davidson 1988:24, 59),
although Nӓsstrӧm (2003:107-109) proposed Freya as the probable receiver of this sacrifice.
Similar sacrifice, carried out in Lejre, Denmark, is mentioned by Thietmar of Merseburg and
also Procopius states in his De bello Goth that the Norse perform human sacrifice (Hedeager
2011:108, Simek 2007:341). Trees on which people and animals were sacrificed were most
probably representing Yggdrasill. There are also archaeological examples of sacred groves and
trees.

In Sweden, a site of Frӧsӧ in Jӓmtland, and Lunda in Sӧdermanland were interpreted as places
which served as holy groves. Place-name ‘lunda’ means a’ grove’ (Grӓslund 2011:252). Lunda
is a small moraine hill which in the past, due to its low location, was surrounded by water and
became an island. Irregular stone settings were built on the hill, as well as burnt domesticated
animals bones and clay were scattered on the site. From the seventh to ninth centuries knives,
arrowheads and beads were deposited in the grove. Also three bronze and gold phallic statues
were found in the remains of a great hall at Lunda. Radiocarbon dates suggested that ritual
activity was carried out in the grove for an extended period of time, probably since the Late

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Bronze Age/Early Iron Age up to the Middle Ages (Andersson 2006:195-199, Fabech 2006:27,
Andrén 2005:110). Feet of the gold figurine from Lund had its toes pointing downwards, which
perhaps suggested that it as a victim of hanging (Abram 2011:70, Grӓslund 2011:251). In Frӧsӧ,
under the altar of a church there were remains of a large birch tree found. Around the tree bones
of different wild and domestic animals were found. These animals including five bears, were
hanged in the tree. The site dates to between eight and eleventh century AD (Grӓslund
2011:253). The birch tree at Frӧsӧ, was surrounded by a burial ground and mounds. It took the
central position as well as it was focus of the ritual practice, therefore it probably represented
the World Tree (Andrén 2005:110). In the site of Uppåkra in Sweden, which dates between
sixth and eleventh century AD, there were also human and animal bones found together with
weapons including spears. This was interpreted as a sacrificial site as well (Hedeager 2011:103).

Figure 4 Triangular monument in Sweden (From Andrén 2005:125)

Andrén (2005:125-126) suggested that the concept of the World Tree was present in
Scandinavia long before the Icelandic written sources recorded it. Triangular stone settings
(Figure 4) represented three roots of the World Tree. Stone placed in the central position of this
monument represented the trunk of the World Tree. These triangular monuments date from the
third to the tenth century AD. These monuments were representations of Yggdrasill and
gateways into the other world (Kure 2006:69). Andrén (2006:33-37, 2005:127-128) also
interpreted an Iron Age ring-fort of Ismantorp (Figure 5) on Öland island, Sweden as
representation of the universe. The ring fort consisting of ninety five houses was built in third
century AD. A wooden pole in the middle was interpreted as the World Tree, which connected
the nine worlds represented by nine gates of the fort. Ismantorp fort became a material
representation of the cosmological Old Norse beliefs. There was apparently a strong correlation

24
between the cosmology and warfare, as the military command ‘must have been legitimated
through divine or cosmological sanction’ (Andrén 2006:36). This particular structure created a
sense of being settled in the reality and at the same time having a connection with the sacred. It
represented the order and reflected the structure of the universe for this community; at the same
time it maintained this order (Kuczkowski 2008:100).

Figure 5 Ismantorp fort (From Andrén 2005:128)

Water had a special place in the Norse mythology. Spring of Urðr located under the Yggdrasill
roots was a place where norns decided men’s fate and the gods held council (Simek 2007:342).
Water was also a place of ritual sacrifice, as well as it was associated with the forces of chaos.
The child of Loki and a giantess, the serpent Midgardsormr, who was mentioned in Snorri’s
Edda as well as in the Poetic Edda, lied in the ocean surrounding the world. He threatened the
order in the universe and represented the forces of chaos, as he will fight against the gods in
Ragnarok. In two slightly different versions of the myth Thor caught the serpent while fishing,
although he did not kill it. This myth also appeared on picture stones at Hørdum in Denmark
and at Altuna in Sweden (Abram 2011:31-48, Hedeager 2011:85-86). Site of Skedemosse in
Öland, Sweden showed the ritual importance of water bodies in the Old Norse beliefs. Deposits
of animal and human remains, as well as gold objects and weapons were found in the lake at
Skedemosse. The site was used since the Iron Age until the tenth century AD (Andrén
2005:110). For the Norse, lakes, wetlands, artificial mounds, hills and other similar places were
used as places of hoard deposition. Through such a deposition objects were kept under gods’

25
custody or given to the ancestors (Fabech 2006:29-31). Which clearly indicates that these places
served as gates between the other worlds and the world of the humans. Spirits also resided in
holy groves, trees and even rocks (DuBois 1999:50). Another example of large hoard deposition
comes from a lake at Illerup Ådal in Jutland, Denmark. The site was used since the Bronze Age,
although the largest hoard of weapons was deposited in the third century AD. Tradition of hoard
deposition in water bodies declined in the fourth and fifth centuries, when ritual buildings
started appearing (Andrén 2005:130).

Like in the pre-Christian Slavic beliefs, natural and artificial hills were associated with the Old
Norse cosmology. This is attested in the historic sources and archaeological evidence, as well as
place-names. In Icelandic sagas people believed that the dead dwelt in burial mounds or even
inside of mountains (Simek 2007:49). In modern art Yggdrasill was often presented with the
abode of the dead- Hel beneath its roots. Although this interpretation of the written sources
should not necessarily imply that the Norse believed that the underworld was located under the
ground. According to Snorri and Poetic Edda some of deceased stayed with Odin, Freya or
goddess Ran in the sea if they drowned and others travelled downwards to Hel, located
somewhere in the north (Simek 2007:137, Andrén 2005:116). Burial mounds of kings in Old
Uppsala were built over burial mounds from the Migration Period. Such burial mounds, were
considered as places where one could meet the dead (Davidson 1988:13-16). Therefore the dead
were under ground as well as they were also present in the world of the living on earth. These
mounds were usually associated with the political power, and as sacred centres of the world
were often associated with creation myths. The Icelandic saga Eyrbyggja Saga mentioned that
an early Norse settler in Iceland, Thorolf of Mostur chose a rock outcrop of Helgafell as a holy
place. Helgafell overlooks the landscape around it. By choosing this place Thorlof made a claim
over the land. After their death Thorolf and his son left to reside in the family hill where their
ancestors dwell. Landnámabók also mentioned that other Icelanders who refused Christianity
worshipped ‘holy mountains’ on which temples were built (DuBois 1999:5,76).

Toponomy suggested another sacred site associated with hills. Archaeological site of Gudme,
which is located on an island Funen in Denmark, was probably a pre-Christina cult site. Place-
names of the hills located in the vicinity of the site called Albjerg and Galbjerg, which mean
‘sacred mountain’ and ‘sacrificial mountain’, suggest their function as sacred places
(Kuczkowski 2008:8). Hedeager (2011:152-163) saw Gudme as a ‘symbolically constructed
place that represented cosmological order’. A great hall excavated in Gudme, abundance of
items made of gold, silver and iron, as well as a lake connected with the Gudbjerg and Galbjerg
with a stream and a cemetery were supposed to reflect on the cosmology of the Norse myths.

26
The great hall represented Odin’s residence in Asgard. Lake and stream were probably
associated with Urðr spring. The Iron Age to early Viking Age cemetery at Gudme was
supposed to serve as the abode of the dead.

The Slavs

Figure 6 Światowid in the Archaeological Museum in Cracow (Photo by D. Czop)

Almost three meters high, dating to ninth or tenth century AD limestone statue of Światowid
from river Zbruch, Ukraine (Figure 6) is probably the most associated with the pre-Christian
Slavic religion. It was interpreted in many ways, although it is thought to represent the structure
of the universe in the Slavic beliefs. Some scholars questioned the Slavic provenance of
Światowid. Szafrański (1979:337-347) suggested Dacian origin. Aleksander Brückner
(1980:47) suggested that the early Slavs came to the residence of the deity in the forest, where
from the sacred tree they would make a pole, which represented the god. To be able to see his
worshippers the deity had faces carved on it. He rejected Światowid’s Slavic origin on the basis
of this theory, because Światowid from Zbruch is made of stone and not wood. Although horn,
horse and a sabre appearing on the statue were mentioned in historic sources as emblems of the
Western Slavic deities (Gieysztor 2006:231-232, Leciejewicz 1990:378, Szafrański 1979:339).
Scientific analyses showed that it was painted with red paint in the past. It shows four persons

27
who wear long robes and their heads are covered with one hat. These persons are sometimes
recognised as all men or two females and two males. One figure holds a horn, the other a bowl
or a ring, the third figure is portrayed with a sabre and a horse (Figure 7). Under these deities
there are smaller individuals shown, whose palms are facing outwards, who were sometimes
interpreted as dancing figures (Figure 8). A probable chthonic deity is portrayed in the lowest
part of the sculpture. It is shown from three sides as it is kneeling down and holding the two
other levels above it (Figure 9) (Tyniec-Kępińska 2007, Gieysztor 2006:231-232, Szyjewski
2003:87-89, Słupecki 1994:215-216, Leciejewicz 1990:378, Szafrański 1979:339).

Figure 7 Światowid top row (From Matela 2005:52)

Figure 8 Światowid second row (From Matela 2005:53)

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 Figure 9 Światowid third row (From Matela 2005:54)

Światowid did not represent the same deity as the four faced statue of a god standing in the
temple in Arkona, which was described by Saxo Grammaticus (Leciejewicz 1990:581,
Szafrański 1979:337-339). The statue in Arkona also had four faces, held a sword, drinking
horn and there was a horse tack in his temple and a sacred white horse used for fortune telling
was kept there too. This deity was apparently also referred to symbolism of the world tree.
Statue of a very similar deity, but with three faces, was described by Ebbo of Rheims. Statue of
Trigelav stood in one of the heathen temples in Stettin. The deity also had a sacred horse, which
was used in fortune telling, however, the horse was black. Priests of his temple claimed that his
three faces looked at the earth, underworld and the sky. Ebbo mentions a sacred oak in his
description of the Stettin’s three-faced deity, although he does not explain to which deity it was
sacred to (Gieysztor 2006:121-123, 148-151). There are many theories why and where ideas of
these multiheaded deities originated. Their Middle Eastern or even Indic origins were proposed,
and were supposed to be brought in together with cremation burials by the Huns. Funerary stone
statues of the Turkic Mongols (Figure 10), which are presented with the attributes of sabres and
drinking horns like the Slavic deities, were proposed as the prototypes for Światowid and other
Slavic gods’ representations (Leciejewicz 1990:575-80).

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 Figure 10 Stone figure of Asian origin in the Archaeological Museum in Cracow (Photo by D. Czop)

The special place of mountains and artificial mounds in the Slavic pre-Christian religious beliefs
were discussed by many (Cieślik 2010, Chudziak 2010&2003, Buko 2008:107-132 Słupecki
1993). There are many examples of higher points of the landscape which were linked with the
cosmology. Usually these are recognised on the basis of cult associated sites present on the hill
top, its slopes or its vicinity. Most of these hilltop sites were recognised in north-western and
southern Poland (Buko 2008:132) Chudziak (2003:28-42, 115-118) argued that sacred places
are always linked to cosmology and they are supposed to mirror the cosmological order. A
mountain mirrors this order by being located on the earth and at the same time connecting the
sky and the underworld. A mountain is therefore the axis mundi. In the same way ‘holy
mountain’ is similar to the ‘world tree’ which stands in the middle of the universe. It is
apparently natural human tendency to look for the centre. Cosmic mountain appears in many
cultures throughout time. They usually descended from the primeval ocean in mythology.
Perhaps not surprisingly mounts sacred to the pagan Slavs later became Christian sacred
centres. Christian churches or monasteries were build on Bald Mountain, Ślęża (Leciejewicz
1990:582) and Mount Saint Lawrence. Even the Christian saints often overtaken the functions
of the Slavic deities (Leciejewicz 1990:587, Uspieński 1985).

Located in northern Poland, near village of Kałdus, Mount Saint Lawrence (Figure 11) has the
entities associated with sacred space mentioned in historic sources, such as trees growing on the
mount, water gathering in two artificial ponds as well as an erratic stone. Excavations on the
mount and in its vicinity uncovered a number of animal bones and cult associated artefacts on

30
the western side of a Christian basilica. Tenth century AD stone construction near the basilica
was interpreted as an altar. Associated sand layers contained bones of domesticated animals and
humans, both bearing chop marks, charred cereal grains, charcoal and remains of black elder
Sambucus nigra, which is associated with the underworlds. A human skull was found on top of
the altar, which could be associated with a possible human sacrifice like the neonate burial
found on top of the unfinished basilica foundations. Other bones excavated on the mount
included birds, fish, paws of a bear and horse burials. Two water basins and a metallurgy
workshop with an iron furnace dating to the second half of twelfth century AD were also
interpreted as suggesting sacral functions of the mount. In many cultures iron smelting and
blacksmithing are associated with the underworlds and are carried out in places where the
borders of the two worlds meet such as mountains or caves (Cieślik 2010:53-54, Buko
2008:120-121, Chudziak 2003:16-19). The blacksmith has a special knowledge how to change
ore into iron, which is seen as almost supernatural powers of transformation (Hedeager
2011:139). Despite the earlier occupation in the seventh and eight century AD, it was not until
the tenth century AD that the sacred function of the Mount Saint Lawrence developed
(Chudziak 2003:58-118).

Figure 11 Mount Saint Lawrence (From TurystykaTorun)

Another mountain considered as axis mundi in the pre-Christian beliefs is Mount Ślęża (Figure
12), southern Poland, mentioned by Theitmar (VII, 59) in eleventh century AD as a centre of
pagan cult and the most important mount of the region (Rosik 2010:179-191, Buko 2008:110,
Leciejwicz 1990:581). Lower hills of Radunia, Wierzyca and Gozdnica neighbour with Mount
Ślęża. 718 meters high Ślęża is visible from few kilometres away and is the highest point of the
landscape of Central Silesia. Two kilometres long lose stone walls on Radunia, which starts at
its peak and comes down the slope to form an oval space and similar construction found on

31
Wierzyca mount were subjects to investigation since the eighteenth century (Korta 1988:20-50,
Buko 2008:110-114). Different theories on the function of these structures emerged. Although
their defensive role was rejected by archaeologists, and they are considered to have had a
function of enclosing the sacred space (Cieślik 2010:28-32). Worked blocks of stone, columns,
anthromorphic and zoomorphic granite sculptures found on Mount Ślęża and its vicinity,
including sculptures of a bear, sphinx and lions, also became a focus of the academic debates.
Some of these were often found built into the walls of a church in a village nearby. Many of
these sculptures have x-marks carved on them. These were interpreted as possible medieval
border markers. The zoomorphic sculptures were sometimes associated with the Celts on the
basis of their artistic similarity, although their dating and provenance are still not certain as well
as these animals were also important in beliefs of Slavs. Similar stone sculptures are also
found in the Pomerania and Mazovia regions. Some of which portray men holding swords or
sabres and drinking horns (Buko 2008:110-Szafrański 1979:213-217, Korta 1988:6-20, 55-220,
Leciejewicz 1990:577).

Figure 12 Mount Śleza (From Buko 2008:488)

Control over the ‘cosmic mountain’ representing the axis mundi legitimizes one’s power over
the land in its vicinity. Wawel hill in Cracow which is associated with cosmological legends
about the beginning of the city can be considered ‘cosmic mountain’ (Kuczkowski 2008:106-
107). Polish medieval chronicler Jan Długosz mentions Wawel hill (Figure 14), after Łysiec in
the Holy Cross mountains, as the most important hill in Poland. In a legend recorded by him
Krak becomes a legendary king of Poland and resides in Cracow, which at the time was
terrorised by a dragon living under the Wawel hill. The beast was killed by Krak’s sons.

32
Although after, one of the brothers commits fratricide and is exiled from the city. Their sister
Wanda takes over the throne after Krak’s death and a town is built around the Wawel hill.
According to the local tradition burial mounds were built to commemorate Krak (Figure 13) and
his daughter (Leciejewicz 1990:91, Slupecki 1993:4-8). Excavations of Krak’s mound showed
that these artificial hills in fact were not burial mounds. They probably date to the seventh or
eighth century AD (Buko 2008:150-153, Hiżycka 2006:1, Wyrozumski 1992:52, Słupecki
1993:15-16). It is worth noting that the excavations in the 30s found a child skeleton and roots
of a 300 years old oak and remains of a birch on top of Krak’s mound (Buko 2008:152).

Figure 13 Krak's Mound (From Buko 2008:151)

Both the dragon and the fratricide were important elements of the legend. In mythology and
legends dragons, serpents and snakes have sacred functions. In the legend the dragon demanded
human heads or cattle, which are noted in historic sources and archaeology as objects of
religious sacrifice. Legendary foundation of Cracow reminds of myths of the world beginning
or end, when battle with forces of chaos sets up a new order. The dragon lives under the Wawel
hill that lies by the river Vistula. This reminds of a ‘cosmic mountain’ or island in the primeval
ocean threatened by a serpent or a dragon in mythologies. Defeating the beast, which is the
chaos allows for Cracow to be set up or flourish (Słupecki 1993:10-14). Banaszkiewicz
(1998:57-61, 65) sees fratricide in the legend as a sacrifice which allowed foundation or
flourishing of the city when the world was restored from chaos after the killing of the dragon.
Cracow was a political centre of Poland as its capital city and even before it was an important
medieval city. Archaeological evidence from the Wawel hill proves that there was a settlement
on the hill in the ninth century AD. A century later there was already some stone architecture
there and in the eleventh century a cathedral was also built on the Wawel hill, which strongly
suggests its great political importance in the early Middle Ages. Perhaps beneath the building
of the royal castle on Wawel there are also some remains of an early medieval pagan cult place

33
since according to Długosz the Rotunda of the Blessed Virgin Mary was a sacred pagan place
(Słupecki 1993:10-14).

Figure 14 Wawel Hill (Photo by B. Jamróz)

Historic sources and archaeological evidence suggests that cult places and centres of political
power were located nearby. The early medieval settlement of Kiev had a structure interpreted as
a sanctuary in its centre. There were animal bones and skulls, and burned clay and ash
associated with it. Another cult associated sites was identified in the settlement of Porost. This
site was apparently associated with cult of the Slavic thunder deity Perun. Like Perun’s
sanctuary in Kiev and Novogorod it was mentioned in the Rus’ chronicles (Dolukhanov
2001:187,194-193, Leciejewicz 1990:580). In the Western Pomerania, written sources mention
a temple in Rhetra-Riedegost. Adam of Bremen locates the temple on a lake, and Thietmar
states that there was a sacred lake near the temple. They both stress the political power of the
priests of the temple. They held the war trophies in the temple, and political decisions were
made on the basis of a divination in which a sacred horse or lots were used (Andrén 2004:224-
227). In the highest location of Wolin timber structure remains were interpreted as remains off a
pagan sanctuary with an area for the sacred horse, as there was a significant layer of horse
manure found within the structure. Four an three headed wooden statutes were also found there
(Cieślik 2010:45-46, 63). Remains of another pagan sanctuary, dating to the eleventh century
AD, were found on the island of Ostrów Tumski (Cieślik 2010:47), which is the oldest part of
Wrocław, South-western Poland. All of these places show that pre-Christian religious and
political power centres were often located together.

Islands are also known to represent the centre and axis of the universe in mythology. An island
is like a mountain in the primeval ocean (Chudziak 2010:311). The sacral function of water is
mentioned in the historic sources. Sanctuary in Wolin was surrounded with marshes, on which

34
the water level was often so high that a bridge was required for crossing. Adam of Bremen
stated that the sanctuary in Riedegiost is surrounded by a lake. According to Thietmar the same
sanctuary was located near a lake, in which a monstrous boar lived (Chudziak 2010:291-292).
In Western Pomerania there are around twelve islands which were considered as possible early
medieval Slavic sacred sites. An island on lake Zarańskie has a wooden structure dating to
around eleventh century, which was interpreted as a building with cult function. Around the
island different utilitarian objects, including weapons were deposited together with skeletons of
two horses. Another eleventh century island with similar deposits of objects at its shores, a
wooden bridge and a wooden structure is located on dried lake of Parsęcko. Similar deposits
were also found around the inselberg island on lake Klasztorne. Its top was surrounded by tenth
to eleventh century ditches and walls, inside of which there was a well and cobbled pavements
(Chudziak 2010:302-308).

Historic sources mention importance of trees and sacred groves in the early Middle Ages. One
of the first historic sources which mention Slavs, stated that they worshipped thunder god, other
minor deities, nymphs, demons, rivers and sacred groves (Leciejewicz, 1990:44, Łowmiański
1979:81-83). Herbord mentioned a sacred oak, located in Stettin, with a spring under it. The
spring was considered the deity’s home. Herbord also wrote about a walnut tree which bishop
Otton wanted to cut down (Chudziak 2010:291, Gieysztor 2006:149, 219, Labuda 1999:174).
Szafrański (1979:356-358) argued for the association of the Perun with and oak tree. Origin of
the name is supposed to be in Latin name of oak- perqus from quercus. Apparently association
of the thunder deity with oaks was due to the high frequency with which the thunder hits this
particular tree. However, the sanctity of oak Quercus robur might be also associated with its
biological characteristics, such as growth up to 40 or even 50 m, very wide boughs and ability to
reach age of 1000 years (Kremer 1996:138). Also folklore of the Eastern and Southern Slavs is
familiar with sacred trees (Gieysztor 2006:218-220).

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Chapter 5 Conclusion
Cosmology is a crucial part of any religious beliefs, therefore it is significant to understand it
when dealing with any religion. Beliefs regarding structure of the universe create a background
for mythological stories and rituals. They are represented in material culture and ritual practice
which leaves material traces behind for archaeologists to study. However, as my research
suggested it is important to incorporate historic sources, as well as other evidence such as place
names with archaeology. Using different evidence shows a rather confusing picture of religion,
although it is due to non-homogenous nature of the pre-Christian religions of the Northern and
Eastern Europe. In the case of the beliefs of the Slavs historic sources are scarce and biased, in
addition they only deal with certain regions of the Slavic area, as well as the written sources tell
archaeologists nothing about the mythology. This led scholars who studied the historic sources
with use of archaeological evidence to assume that the Slavic religious beliefs and practice were
less developed than other pagan religions of Europe. Different scholars support different
sources, however as long as biases of each source of evidence are acknowledged, all sources of
knowledge on heathen religions of the Northern and Eastern Europe should be incorporated
together to create a better picture of the past. At the same time archaeologists should not aim at
creating one static image of cosmology.

Features of the landscape used for ritual practice, represented the universe axis and its centre.
Very often they were located in close association with centres of political power, and were used
to legitimize particular social order. In Southern Poland, an example of such a power centre is
Wawel Hill in Cracow, which according to local folklore was associated with a legend of the
town foundation. Wawel Hill mirrored the universe, as it could be seen as an island surrounded
by waters of the river Vistula, threatened by forces of chaos represented in the legend by a
dragon. The universe structure was represented in many different ways in the Old Norse and
Slavic beliefs. It could be a tree, an island, an artificial or natural hill or it could be substituted
by an artefact reminding of these landscape features. In the Old Norse written sources the
universe is described as an ash tree Yggdrasill, which holds the nine different worlds and is
surrounded by an ocean. Yggdrasill is the ritual and symbolic centre of the world, as well as its
axis. It is the source of knowledge, nourishment and place where it grows from is where the
gods and norns meet to decide the fate of the people. Yggdrasill is also associated with Odin’s
self sacrifice by hanging, which is also known from iconographic and historic sources. There are
also archaeological examples of sacrifice of humans and animals by hanging. Archaeological
and historic evidence also shows that single trees and sacred groves were important in the
beliefs of both the Norse and the Slavs.

36
Water bodies such as streams and lakes had an importance in cosmology too. They were often
places of ritual deposition for the gods or ancestors. Also Yggdrasill is described as surrounded
by an ocean, which reminds of an island located in primeval ocean present in many world
mythologies. Also islands themselves find their place in the beliefs of the Slavs. In north-
western Poland there are few examples of early medieval ritual deposition in the water around
the islands.

Hills are another feature of the landscape that join realms of the universe, stand for its axis and
its centre at the same time. In the Norse mythology burial mounds and natural hills were places
where the dead lived. The Slavs used hills as ritual centres, which were often associated with
political power and were used to legitimise it. Slavic sanctuaries were often built on higher
points of the landscape, and according to historic sources, they were very often associated with
water.

Although there are also other ways in which the structure of the universe was presented.
Ismantorp fort was supposed to reflect on the Old Norse cosmological beliefs, as well as
triangular monuments from Scandinavia were interpreted as representing the World Tree. In
Eastern Europe Światowid found in river Zbruch, Ukraine was interpreted as a figure of deities,
which at the same time showed the Slavic structure of the universe.

Different evidence shows that the Norse and the Slavic beliefs varied spatially and temporally,
although they had some common features. In the Slavic and Old Norse cosmology there was
something that connects the different realms of the universe and stands for its axis and centre. It
is possible that by marking the centre of the world, they also gave a point of entry into the
‘other’ world. Perhaps choosing a tree, a pole, or a mountain as a representation of the universe
structure does not imply its verticality with the gods living in the sky, people in the centre and
the underworld underneath. It would be a very oversimplified image and biased by our
Eurocentric views. The Norse believed that the underworld was located under the ground, below
the human world. At the same time they believed that the deceased resided in their burial
mounds or inside of hills and could easily access the realm of the living. The dead also joined
Freya and Odin or reside with Niflheim in Hel (DuBois 1999:77-80). This implies that perhaps
it was not so contradictory to imagine the universe and its structure as something more fluid.

37
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