Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
A Dissertation
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the
North Dakota State University
of Agriculture and Applied Science
By
Stephen Sturk
Major Department:
Music
May 2009
INFORMATION TO USERS
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy
submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations
and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper
alignment can adversely affect reproduction.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized
copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.
UMI
UMI Microform 3376715
Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
ProQuest LLC
789 East Eisenhower Parkway
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346
North Dakota State University
Graduate School
Title
DEVELOPMENT OF THE GERMAN PROTESTANT
By
Stephen Sturk
The Supervisory Committee certifies that this disquisition complies with North Dakota
State University's regulations and meets the accepted standards for the degree of
SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE:
Qi^y^JUL^^
8/25/2009 4AL
Date Signature
ABSTRACT
Sturk, Stephen, D.M.A., Department of Music, College of Arts, Humanities and Social
Sciences, North Dakota State University, May 2009. Development of the German
Protestant Cantata from 1648 to 1722. Major Professor: Dr. Jo Ann Miller.
Shortly after 1600, musical innovations from Italy were introduced in Germany and
combined with the German chorale to produce a unique repertory that eventually developed
into the Protestant church cantata. The combination of diverse compositional forms and
techniques with equally diverse text sources created a body of church music whose
character was constantly changing. This study presents a glimpse at some of these changes
North German composers who were active between 1648 and 1722. Compositional
techniques employed in the early cantatas are described in order to show their effects on
the cantata repertory inherited by J. S. Bach. The study includes works by four of Bach's
Johann Schelle and Johann Kuhnau, as well as cantatas by Franz Tunder, Dietrich
Buxtehude, and Johann Philipp Krieger. Political, religious, and social factors that
influenced the development of the German Protestant cantata in the late-seventeenth and
in
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT iii
LIST OF TABLES vi
INTRODUCTION 1
Pietism 30
IV
The last two seventeenth-century Thomaskantors: Sebastian Knupfer and
Johann Schelle 42
CHAPTER 5. CONCLUSIONS 59
BIBLIOGRAPHY 61
v
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
VI
LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES
Example Page
1. Johann Hermann Schein, Nun komm der Heiden Heiland, mm. 1-4:
Contrast of Modal and Tonal Feeling 35
2. Chorale melody, Ein 'feste Burg ist unser Gott, Verse3: FirstPhrase 38
3. Franz Tunder, Ein 'feste Burg ist unser Gott, Verse 3, mm. 1-14: Melodic
Fragmentation 38
4. Chorale melody, Christe der du bist helle Tag, with text of Verse 6 41
5. Dietrich Buxtehude, Befiehl dem Engel dass er komm, mm. 1-38: Melodic
Embellishment and Fragmentation 41
6. Sebastian Kniipfer, Machet die Tore weit, Movement 3, mm. 1-14: Dramatic
Recitative 44
7. Johann Schelle, Vom Himmel kam die Engel Schar, mm. 1-4: Concerted
Effects in Chorale Cantata 49
8. Johann Philipp Krieger, Rufet nicht die Weisheit?, Movement 4 (tenor aria):
Da Capo Aria with Neumeister Text 53
vn
INTRODUCTION
The church cantata compositions of Johann Sebastian Bach are widely known
today, thanks in part to several recent recording projects that have made available Bach's
complete extant works in this genre. Bach's cantatas are generally acknowledged as the
predecessors—even his contemporaries—have not enjoyed the same fate. What then was
"If the genesis of the German cantata is vague, the names that are applied to it
during its years of development are downright confusing."1 Motet, concerto, Kirchenstuck
devotion) are just some of the names composers used in the titles for their Lutheran church
music. More frequently, the composers simply titled their works with the first line of the
text, or with an indication of the particular feast day for which the music was intended. The
fact remains that German composers of sacred music, up to and including Bach, rarely used
the term "cantata" for their music. One of the first persons to use the term "cantata" in
connection with sacred music was the theologian and poet, Erdmann Neumeister (1671-
1756), in the title of his collection of texts for the church year, Geistlichen Cantaten
{Spiritual Cantatas). Although Neumeister called his libretti "cantatas" as early as 1700,
the name was not applied to the musical compositions until the editors of the Bach-
Gesellschaft compiled Bach's 200-odd surviving works in this genre in the nineteenth
century. However, the term "cantata" is now universally used to describe the main piece of
1
Elwyn A. Wienandt, Choral Music of the Church (New York: The Free Press, 1965), 231.
1
music that normally complemented the sermon in the German Protestant service of the
The purpose of this study is to explore the development of the German protestant
"church cantata" before J. S. Bach, as reflected through the works of several representative
musical centers. The years chosen to frame this study are 1648 and 1722—from the end of
the Thirty Years War to the death of Johann Kuhnau (1660-1722) in the year before Bach
assumed the Thomaskantorate in Leipzig. This study further proposes to investigate the
cultural, literary, religious and political climate in which these compositions developed.
2
CHAPTER 1
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Since the time of the Reformation, music centers in northern Germany tended to be
concentrated in noble courts, university towns, and merchant cities. Support of music in
these centers was, of course, dependent on the taste of the particular nobleman or town
council in power at the time. Among the courts, one of the most influential was that of the
Elector of Saxony at Dresden (and Torgau). The Dresden court probably moved to Torgau
in 1486, and remained there throughout the reign of Frederick the Wise, a lifelong Roman
Catholic and yet Martin Luther's staunch supporter and protector. The Castle's Kapelle at
Torgau was the first church built specifically as a Lutheran church after the Reformation.
With the Saxon court's return to Dresden, it would remain one of Germany's major
musical centers. But, while Dresden seemed tolerant of all religious factions, its rulers
The Saxon town of Leipzig was settled as early as the seventh century, gaining
municipal status in 1160. Located at a fortuitous juncture of trade routes, Leipzig was host
to three annual trade fairs—two of them begun in the twelfth century, with the third added
in 1458. These thrice-annual trade fairs contributed greatly to the city's growth and
prosperity. Leipzig was also home to one of Europe's oldest universities. Leipzig was
never the seat of a bishop or royalty, and was indeed semi-autonomous from the Electoral
Saxon court in Dresden. It was governed by its citizenry, especially its prosperous
3
property-owning merchants. Martin Luther brought the Reformation to Leipzig when he
preached in the Thomaskirche on Pentecost Sunday, 1539—the same year the town
officially embraced the Protestant religion. The principal churches and the Thomasschule
with its distinguished Kantors (see Table 1) made Leipzig a major center of church music
in Germany.2
* From the time of Knupfer onward, the Thomaskantor was also Director of Music for the city of Leipzig.
Very near Leipzig are the towns of Halle (birthplace of G. F. Handel) and
Weissenfels. Halle saw the establishment of a new university in 1694, founded in part by
followers of the Pietist movement who were expelled by the orthodox Lutherans in
Leipzig. One of Halle's most distinguished musicians was Samuel Scheidt (1587-1654),
Schein (1586-1630), and Heinrich Schiitz (1585-1672). In 1657 the court of the dukes of
2
George B. Stauffer, "Leipzig," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed May 10, 2009].
4
Sachsen-Weissenfels was established at Weissenfels, having moved from Halle, a short
distance to the north. Here the composer Johann Philipp Krieger (1649-1725)
labored at the court from 1680 until his death forty-five years later. Weissenfels was also
associated with Schiitz, who spent many of his later years in the town when not active in
Dresden. The town had been a boyhood home of Schiitz, whose father owned an inn there.3
boasted many towns and smaller courts with a glorious musical tradition—Eisenach,
Gotha, Erfurt, Weimar and Jena, to name but a few. Besides many members of the Bach
family, the most notable musician active in this area was Johann Pachelbel (1653-1706).
Other major musical centers to be discussed are the Hanseatic towns of Lubeck and
Hamburg. Lubeck was the home of organist Franz Tunder (1614-1667) and his successor
at the Marienkirche, Dieterich Buxtehude (1637-1707). The much larger nearby city of
Hamburg could also boast a thriving musical tradition. With its mid-seventeenth-century
population of over 70,000, including many foreign traders, Hamburg became a natural
musical center. To help fulfill the city's need for musical entertainment, Jacobikirche
organist (and former pupil of Schiitz) Mattias Weckmann (1619-1674) founded a collegium
musicum in 1660, inaugurating Hamburg's first public concerts. Hamburg was also home
to Germany's first public opera house (1678), where both Handel and Telemann worked in
These then are the major musical centers that are vitally concerned with the
development of the German Protestant church cantata. A few words need to be said about
the conspicuous absence of Berlin in this discussion. Martin Luther's Reformation, begun
would prove to be extremely divisive in Germany for at least another 150 years. The Peace
of Westphalia, which effectively ended the Thirty Years War, gave the first official
originally Lutheran after the Reformation, the Hohenzollern dynasty of Berlin converted in
1613 to Calvinism, a religion that did not prize music in its public services as much as
Martin Luther assigned music an important role in the new worship services
following the Reformation. ".. .Luther understood music as a donum dei, a gift from God,
rather than a human invention, and made frequent references to the interconnections
between music and theology."4 The importance of music is very clear in Luther's oft-
quoted statement from his Tischreden {Table Talks): "I place music next to theology and
give it the highest praise."5 Indeed, Luther not only gave the Reformation its theology, but
he also composed some of its first musical tunes and verses. Thus was born the "chorale,"
to monophonic congregational use, the chorale quickly replaced Gregorian chant as a basis
for the new German polyphonic church music, often acting as a cantusfirmus.
John Butt, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Bach (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1997), 40.
5
Ibid., 41.
6
The prevalent musical style throughout Europe at the launch of Luther's
Reformation in 1517 was Franco-Flemish (or Netherlandish) polyphony. Josquin des Pres
(c. 1450-1521) was undoubtedly the most famous composer of this period, and Martin
Luther knew and admired his music. The invention of printing, which was so important to
the spread of the Reformation, was equally important for music. Josquin was among the
first composers whose music was widely printed and disseminated. During the course of
the sixteenth century, Josquin became much admired for his mastery of polyphonic
Johann Walter (1496-1570) was among the young composers Luther enlisted to
help shape music for his new worship services. At age twenty-one, Walter had entered the
service of Saxon Elector Frederick the Wise as a chapel singer. Frederick was a lover of
music and the arts, and maintained a substantial number of chapel musicians who were
trained in the tradition of Josquin and Heinrich Issac (c. 1450-1517). This was the
formative environment of Walter, who would later become known as the first Kantor of the
Lutheran church. In 1524 Walter published (possibly with Luther's consultation) his
use in the new Protestant church services. In addition to motets in the polyphonic
Netherlandish motet style of Josquin, Walter also provided some simple homophonic
compositions with melody in the tenor.6 However, this influence of the German Tenorlied
on the early chorale would soon disappear. By the 1580s most four-part chorale settings
Carl Schalk, Music in Early Lutheranism: Shaping the Tradition (1524-1672) (St.
Louis: Concordia Academic Press, 2001), 29.
7
Transmission of Italian musical influence to Germany
Italian cities. First was the birth of opera, spawned by the Camerata in Florence, and
quickly developing in Rome, Naples, Venice and other centers. Perhaps more immediately
important for the development of church music were experiments of the composers
associated with San Marco in Venice, especially Adrian Willaert, Andrea and Giovanni
Gabrieli, and Claudio Monteverdi. Hence, Venice became a place of pilgrimage for church
The development of German music at the dawn of the baroque era was severely
affected by continued political and religious struggles, especially the Thirty Years War
(1618-1648), which some historians believe was responsible for cutting Germany's
population nearly in half. The cultural division continued to widen between the Protestant
central and northern parts of Germany and the Catholic south. As Manfred Bukofzer has
stated:
The wave of Italian influence that rolled over Germany in the first half of the
[seventeenth] century was followed in its wake by a French one, and the
assimilation and transformation of these stimuli gave German music its special
problems. While the Catholic composers adopted the Italian style without essential
changes the Protestant composers were faced with the task of bringing their
precious heritage, the chorale, in harmony with the concertato style. The result of
this fusion was the most original German contribution to the history of baroque
music.7
The first important German composer to study in Italy was Hans Leo Hassler
(1564-1612). Born in Nuremberg to a musical family, Hassler received early training from
Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era (New York: W.W. Norton, 1947), 78.
8
the Lutheran convert Leonhard Lechner, Nuremberg's most prominent musician of the
period. Lechner, who had served as a chorister under Orlando di Lasso in Munich, was
thoroughly grounded in the Franco-Flemish style. It would be Hassler's role to "begin the
century-long process of assimilating into German music the spirit and technique of the
developing Italian Baroque style."8 In 1584-85 Hassler was sent to study with Andrea
Gabrieli at San Marco in Venice, where he was exposed to a host of new musical
techniques, particularly the use of cori spezzati, echo effects, and a more progressive use of
developments in the madrigal and other secular forms that introduced Hassler to a "vitality,
exuberance, elegance, and lyric grace which were quite new to his Germanic background...
It was an experience which was to bear increasing fruit on his composition and would have
Upon his return from Venice, Hassler served the Fuggers, a wealthy banking and
business family at Augsburg that remained firmly Roman Catholic. Perhaps the Lutheran
Hassler was more prized by the Fuggers for his secular music. Even though he was freshly
exposed to the latest Italian trends, Hassler's church music of the period is decidedly in the
stile antico. After his patron's death in 1600, Hassler returned as organist to his native
Nuremberg (1601-04), then to Ulm (1605-1608), and finally as Dresden court organist
(1608-1612). During this period he composed some of his most important contributions to
the Lutheran repertory: two collections of "Psalms and Spiritual Songs" commissioned by
the Saxon Elector Christian II of Dresden. These collections include both straightforward
way, he built on the work of Johann Walter before him, and these two styles of utilizing
chorale melodies are Hassler's legacy to the next generation of Lutheran composers:
Praetorius and Schiitz are the other two major links in the early transmission of
Italian musical styles to Germany. Although he never visited Italy, Praetorius is important
for two reasons: first is his brilliant multi-volume encyclopedia Syntagma Musicum, in
which he catalogued every known type of composition and musical instrument of his day,
and second is the huge collection of his own musical compositions—more than 1,200
everything from simple chorale harmonizations to vast polychoral works in the Venetian
style. The only Italian innovation not practiced by Praetorius was the recitative, and this
fact places his output more in line with the style of the sixteenth than the seventeenth
century.
According to Bukofzer,
Heinrich Schiitz was surely the most influential German composer of the
seventeenth century. His two study trips to Italy are well documented, and his role in
10
Bukofzer, 84.
10
introducing the latest Italian musical trends to Germany cannot be underestimated. Partly
because of his long life of eighty-seven years, and partly because of his connection to the
Dresden court, Schiitz's shadow looms large over German music of the seventeenth
century. Most of the century's leading composers were fortunate to count Schutz as teacher
No one who listens carefully to this great word painter, this man who knew all the
secrets of rhythm and syncopation, this "modern" chromaticist and harmonist, this
master of the linear Gothic polyphony, of Venetian polychoral writing, of
Florentine melody, of the Italian madrigal, of the old German lied—not to mention
the many effects of the baroque period which he helped usher in—will fail to
realize that he is in the presence of one of music's mighty prophets. Schutz was no
mere volcano thrust up to imposing heights in the seventeenth century; he was and
is a primal mountain range.11
After being "discovered" for his fine voice by Moritz, Landgrave of Hessen, Schutz
was thereafter provided a courtly education at Kassel. Here the fourteen-year-old Schutz
worked as a singer in the court chapel choir under Georg Otto. Otto was born in 1544 in
Torgau where he "experienced at first hand the tradition associated with the original
evangelical cantor and friend of Luther, Johannes Walter. Thus we have a most important
artistic genealogical line running from Walter through Otto to Schiitz."12 It was Landgrave
Moritz, too, who suggested that Schutz continue his musical studies in Italy with Giovanni
Gabrieli. The Landgrave generously subsidized Schutz for most of his four years of study
in Venice. After Gabrieli's death in August of 1612, Schutz returned to Germany in the
spring of 1613. For a short period he resumed his studies in law at the university in
Leipzig, but Schutz was destined to make his mark in music. After a struggle to retain
Hans Joachim Moser, Heinrich Schutz: His Life and Work, 2nd rev. ed., trans. Carl F.
Pfatteicher (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1959), xiii.
12
Ibid., 28.
11
Schiitz in Kassel, the Landgrave Moritzfinallyacceded to the wishes of the Saxon Elector,
Schiitz's first published collection of sacred works was the Psalmen Davids (Psalms
of David, 1619), which contained large settings for two or more choirs. While this music is
clearly inspired by his experience in Catholic Venice, the spirit of the Reformation is also
present in his use of Luther's Bible translations. In 1628, nearly twenty years after his first
Italian sojourn, Schiitz again petitioned for leave to travel in Italy. This time Schiitz
encountered Monteverdi, the current musical star in Venice, and absorbed the many
changes that had taken place since his student days with Gabrieli. In 1629 Schiitz published
the Symphoniae sacre (Sacred symphonies, Part I), a collection of concerti and motets for
the Catholic service, which revealed the latest Italian trends. Music for one or two solo
voices with basso continuo, with thefrequentaddition of two violins, was now
emphasized.13
differed from most German composers of the day in his nearly total lack of interest in the
chorale. It is precisely for this reason that Schutz's music is excluded from this study of the
development of the cantata. But, his transmission of Italian practices would prove to be of
greatest importance to German composers who combined these innovations with the
11
Biographical information on Schiitz is from Moser's Heinrich Schiitz: His Life and
Work, previously cited.
12
Carissimi and the Roman School
Venice was not the only Italian musical center to export ideas to Germany.
Although he apparently never left Italy, the Roman composer Giacomo Carissimi (1605-
1674) had a major impact on northern European music in general, and German music in
simply as the German College), Carissimi exerted an influence that deserves much further
scrutiny.
Protestant lands. The idea was to educate priests at Rome, and then send them to Protestant
areas of Germany in order to re-convert the people to Roman Catholicism. By the 1570s,
under maestri di cappella such as the Renaissance master Tomas Luis de Victoria, the
German College developed a following for its music and musicians. By 1608, reports
Sant'Apollinare (the college's chapel) because of the fine music there, and this reputation
Carissimi was born in a suburb of Rome. Nothing is known of his early musical
training. He was engaged as a singer in the Tivoli Cathedral choir as a teenager, assuming
the position of organist there at age nineteen. After a brief appointment as maestro di
cappella at the church of San Rufino in Assisi (1628), Carissimi was offered a teaching
post at the German College at age twenty-four. In December 1629 he became maestro di
his life.
musician, it is surprising to learn of his equally extraordinary lack of ambition. During the
course of his career, Carissimi was known to have turned down at least three offers for
major posts elsewhere (including an offer to replace Claudio Monteverdi at St. Mark's in
Venice after the composer's death in 1643). But, the German College was a highly
desirable and stable post. In addition to his work at the German College, Carissimi was
named maestro di cappella to Queen Christina of Sweden, who had been living in Rome
since December 1655. Queen Christina was the daughter of King Gustavus Adolphus, the
staunch defender of Protestantism who perished in Germany during the Thirty Years War.
After reigning as a secret Catholic in Lutheran Sweden, Christina finally abdicated her
throne and moved first to Paris and then to Rome, where she set up a magnificent court.
Carissimi's great fame is also confirmed in the writings of two contemporaries: the
itinerant Englishman Charles Burney, and the German Jesuit scholar Athanasius Kircher.
Burney singled out Carissimi and Stradella as representing the best of seventeenth-century
Italian composers, and he devoted more space to Carissimi (with particular emphasis on his
cantatas) in his General History of Music than to any of his contemporaries. Athanasius
master of the Latin oratorio. Kircher identified Carissimi's Jephte as his finest work in this
form, claiming that the composer "surpasses all others in moving the minds of listeners to
whatever affection he wishes."15 Kircher's praise "epitomizes the high esteem in which
Dixon, 13.
14
Carissimi was held during his lifetime. Reports of compatriots and visitors spread
Carissimi's fame, as did the peregrinations of musicians from the Collegio Germanico."16
Indeed, it was his good fortune to be employed by the German College because of its direct
Carissimi's reputation and influence in that part of Europe. Considering Carissimi's great
fame, it is odd that little of his music was published during his lifetime. Upon his death in
1674, Carissimi left all of his music to the German College, and the manuscripts were so
valued that school officials obtained a papal decree that forbade their removal from the
German College. This proved to be an unfortunate move, because after the Jesuit order was
dissolved in 1773 and Napoleon's troops sacked Rome some thirty years later, the German
College's collection of Carissimi manuscripts was completely destroyed. Today the lack of
original manuscripts has made it difficult to authenticate many of Carissimi's works, and to
assign a specific chronology to them. Much of Carissimi's music is known only through
copies made by his numerous pupils, who helped disseminate the works throughout
Europe.17
In addition to his pupils at the German College, Carissimi also taught a number of
private students. Marc-Antoine Charpentier was probably Carissimi's most gifted student,
and he was primarily responsible for introducing Carissimi's works to France. Kaspar
Forster (1616-1673) was a pupil at the German College from 1633 to 1636. He later held
positions in Copenhagen and Danzig and had an influence on Buxtehude and Johann
Andrew V. Jones, "Carissimi, Giacomo," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com. n.d. [accessed May 10, 2009].
I7
Additional information concerning the influence of Carissimi and his pupils appears in:
Geoffrey Webber, North German Church Music in the Age of Buxtehude (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1996).
15
Philipp Krieger. Krieger himself studied in Italy, and although he almost certainly knew
Carissimi, it is not known if he was a pupil. Another German, Philipp Jakob Baudrexel
(1627-1691), studied composition with Carissimi from 1644 to 1651, and soon afterward
was ordained a priest. He subsequently held musical posts in Augsburg, Fulda and Mainz.
He was possibly responsible for the German translation of Carissimi's treatise on singing,
Ars cantandi. Unfortunately, the original Italian text is lost, and the treatise has survived
only in the German translation. An Italian musician who would later be active in Dresden
was Vincenzo Albrici (1631-1690?). Albrici was a student at the German College from
1641 to 1646. He was one of many Italian musicians employed in Stockholm at the court of
Queen Christina until her abdication in 1654. When, under Saxon Elector Johann Georg II,
Italian musicians were preferred in Dresden, Albrici found a position there, and eventually
rose to the rank of joint Kapellmeister with Schutz. After the Italians were dismissed from
Dresden in 1680, Albrici was engaged briefly as organist at Leipzig's Thomaskirche before
assuming similar posts in London and Prague. Two other musicians with connections to
Schutz and Dresden were also possibly students of Carissimi: Christoph Bernhard (1628-
1692) and Marco Gioseppe Peranda (c. 1625-1675). Bernhard first went to Dresden as a
student of Schutz, and soon became an assistant to him in the Kapelle there. The Elector
twice sent Bernhard to Italy for study and to scout for Italian musicians for the Saxon court.
It was in Rome that Bernhard became acquainted with Marco Gioseppe Peranda (c. 1625-
1675), another possible student of Carissimi. Bernhard sent Peranda to Dresden as a singer,
but Peranda soon rose through the ranks, becoming Kapellmeister in the last few years
before his death. Bernhard was embroiled in a controversy between the Italian and German
16
collaborated with another Schiitz pupil, Matthias Weckmann. However, the Elector
summoned Bernhard to return to service at Dresden in 1674. Following the dismissal of the
Italians in 1680, Bernhard was named sole Kapellmeister at Dresden, a position he held
In Carissimi's hands, both the Italian solo cantata and the Latin oratorio reached a
certain maturity, and these were among the compositions that were widely disseminated
musicians traveling to Italy for study, we can see that an extension of the Counter-
exchange of musicians between Italy, Germany and Scandinavia. This exchange and
melding of musical cultures had a major effect on the development of the German
The history of the cantata begins in Italy in the early 1600s. By 1650, the term
referred to a secular vocal form—usually for a solo voice and continuo—comprised of two
or three pairs of recitatives and arias. But this Italian model was not imitated in Germany;
in fact, the secular cantata was almost non-existent in baroque Germany. Instead, the
cantata was developed primarily as a sacred genre in Germany. Also, German composers'
use of texts from diverse sources, and their use of a wide variety of musical structures
17
In his monumental study of the Bach cantatas, Alfred Diirr gives a succinct history
of the cantata before Bach. In discussing its Italian origin as a dramatic piece closely
At the heart of Luther's new Protestant service was the "Word of God," embodied by the
sermon. Diirr explains that:
Church musicians were naturally interested in those parts of the divine service best-
suited to assuming a sermon-like character. Up to the Reformation, the Ordinary of
the Mass had for centuries stimulated composers to ever-new settings. But now
Bible readings came to the fore: sometimes the Epistle, but more often the Gospel,
which had long been prescribed for clerics as the obligatory text of the sermon at
the main service.19
Thus, the German cantata soon found its place in the Protestant service defined as music to
enhance understanding of the Gospel or other biblical readings. "Here we reach the
the end, however, it was called 'cantata', and this name alone has survived for posterity as
Musicologists have long struggled to label the various emerging types of cantatas in
the second half of the seventeenth century. Early twentieth-century German musicologist
Georg Feder attempted to classify the compositions by textual sources. According to Feder,
Alfred Diirr, The Cantatas of J. S. Bach, rev. and trans. Richard P. Jones (New York:
Oxford University Press, Inc., 2005), 3.
19
Ibid., 4.
18
"Biblical cantatas" were based strictly upon biblical sources; "Chorale cantatas" were those
based upon a chorale; "Ode cantatas" were those based upon other types of strophic poetry;
and other types were identified based on combinations of text sources. Because it was
based solely on textual sources, Feder's classification of the various types of cantata has
been deemed inadequate by musicologists of later generations.21 But, whatever names are
used to describe them, the fact remains that these compositions were extremely varied in
their construction. For, as Friedrich Blume observed, "Because it kept up with the times
and satisfied the needs for all occasions in and out of the worship service, the cantata was
the most active species of church music."22 Blume further notes that:
The later 17th century strove for a musical equivalent of preaching and exegesis.
The Word of God as proclaimed in the liturgy and interpreted in the rhetoric of a
sermon was now proclaimed and interpreted musically in the cantata (especially by
Bach). This musical dress (with some more or less important restrictions) was
tailored from remnants of an older German tradition and from contemporary secular
chamber cantatas and opera seria... Here we can see that the cantata lived up to the
original goal of Protestant church music: to keep pace with the general musical
style. It cannot be considered apart from opera of the time.23
Thus, because of the diversity of textual sources as well as the variety of musical
styles employed in these early church compositions, it seems best to accept Diirr's rather
broad definition of the cantata, which is based on its function: the main piece of music
19
CHAPTER 2
At the beginning of the seventeenth century there was deep concern for the reform
of the German language. Luther's translation of the Bible and other liturgical texts were in
wide circulation and proved to be a major source of words for early Protestant musical
Luther's appeal, reaching across the outward barriers of territorial particularism, put
fresh life into the disjointed body of Germany. His translation of the Bible gave
common currency to the new form of the German language, which—springing up in
the colonial east, where settlers from all parts of Germany were mingled—had
slowly found its way into the chanceries of Vienna and Saxony and Brandenburg, at
the same period as a common tongue was gaining ascendancy in England over the
provincial dialects. Through Luther's Bible, with its vigorous, positive vocabulary,
the bond of common language, replacing provincial dialects, became a factor of
unity in Germany; the same result was achieved by his treatises addressed to the
people in their thousands which (like the subsequent controversial writings of his
partisans and adversaries) propagated far and wide a speech common to all
Germans.24
Still, some scholars contend that Luther's Bible translation and other writings did not
completely uproot the German dialects, particularly in North Germany. While Luther's
language was well suited to religious expression, it was found too rich in imagery and
metaphor to serve as the instrument of learning. Besides, Latin and French words were
abundant in the German language at this time. Historian Hajo Holborn writes that:
Geoffrey Barraclough, The Origins of Modern Germany (New York: W.W. Norton &
Company, 1984), 369.
20
A general deterioration of all literary expression was the consequence. What
Germany, in contrast to France and England, did not possess was a capital in which
a differentiated society created standards of taste and forms adequate to express the
full scale of human experiences. The active guardianship of the language lay in the
hands of small groups of intellectuals thinly spread over the Empire.25
One such group was The Fruitbearing Society (Die Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft), a
literary society founded at Weimar in 1617 by German scholars and nobility for the express
purpose of standardizing German, thus ensuring its importance as a scholarly and literary
language. The German nobility, however, was widely attracted to French and Italian
civilization, particularly when it came to the arts. And Latin was still the preferred
language of scholars; instruction in the German universities was given exclusively in Latin
until the end of the seventeenth century. "In these circumstances the struggle for the
growth and revitalization of the German language lasted well into the late eighteenth
century."26
The conception of the literary artist, responsible only to his aesthetic sense and
creative urge, is a comparatively recent one. The German baroque writer was not in
this position at all; had he been so, he would have died of starvation even earlier
than the expiry of the short life-span which seems to have been allotted to many of
his kind. Patronage was erratic; royalties non-existent. Payment for publication was
ridiculously small, and in any case, few of the important writers produced enough to
live by.27
Most writers of religious lyrics at this time were clergymen, church musicians or
gifted amateurs. But by the early seventeenth century, many authors tried their hand at
25
Hajo Holborn, A History of Modern Germany 1648-1840 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1964) 164-65.
26
Ibid.
27
James Day, The Literary Background to Bach's Cantatas (London: Dennis Dobson,
1961), 4.
21
translating individual books of the Bible, like the Psalms and the Song of Songs (or, Song
of Solomon). The Psalms had been the source of the vast majority of liturgical texts since
the earliest days of Christianity. Composers were naturally drawn to these texts because of
The Song of Songs was one of the most popular sources of texts amongst Italian
composers of the seventeenth century. The text was highly prized in Germany as
well, where it was frequently printed in German translation in the course of the
seventeenth century: at least thirteen different translations are known, many of
which were reprinted several times. The most popular version was that by the
Dresden court preacher and poet Martin Opitz. First published in Breslau in 1627, it
was printed eight times within the next twenty years, including twice at the north
German city of Danzig. The popularity of the text rested on the suitability of its
highly emotional love poetry for expressing the yearning for mystical union
between the individual soul and Christ.28
Martin Opitz (1597-1639) was an influential Silesian Protestant poet whose verses
were set by many leading seventeenth-century German composers. He was well known in
his day as a librettist and literary theorist who introduced important reforms. He is
sometimes called "the father of German poetry." He traveled widely to avoid conflicts
during the Thirty Years War. Although he was a Protestant, most of his patrons were
Roman Catholic. The Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II made Opitz his court poet for
writing a requiem poem on the death of his brother, Archduke Charles. He was later
ennobled with the title Opitz 'von Boberfeld.' "Opitz inaugurated the modern era of
German poetry by writing in High German, avoiding false rhymes and regularizing metres
and strophic forms."29 Among the composers who set his texts were Hammerschmidt, C.C.
In his Buck von der teutschen Poeterey, of 1624, Opitz introduced new formal
patterns and meters that were generally accepted by baroque writers. Opitz, however, was
"more important as an example to other poets rather than for what he achieved himself."30
His reforms did not aim at banishing exaggerations and vulgarisms, but at
producing formal models for learned poets to imitate, and anyway, despite the
numerous societies formed in Germany in the seventeenth century for the
preservation and improvement of the German language, the lack of a central
administration deprived German literary reformers of any impetus such as the
Academie Francaise was to provide from Paris. Opitz really brought up to the
surface of the German language the learned humanistic current which had been
flowing underground, as it were, in the scholarly Latin lyric of the sixteenth
century.31
Roy Pascal has noted that religious verse of the seventeenth century adheres to the same
stylistic and metrical principles as secular verse, except that in general, classical mythology
feeling is to be found in the hymn."33 The chorale was, of course, a driving force in the
Protestant Reformation. And it should be remembered that Luther himself supplied some of
the Protestant church's earliest hymn texts and tunes. "Since Luther there had been no lack
of evangelical hymn-writers, but it was late in the seventeenth century before religious
31
Day, 5-6.
Roy Pascal, German Literature in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Vol. II of
Introductions to German Literature (London: The Cresset Press, 1968), 94.
23
poetry reached its highest development. The greatest of German hymn-writers is Paul
Gerhardt (1607-76)."34 Gerhardt's chorales achieved great popularity, and were viewed as
chiefly for his 134 surviving chorale texts, including O Haupt vollBlut und Wunden (O
sacred head, sore wounded). He spent most of his career in Berlin, where the Nikolaikirche
Heermann (1585-1647), Martin Rinckart (1586-1649), Johann Rist (1607-1667) and Paul
Fleming (1609-1640), all of whom are represented in the later cantatas of J. S. Bach.
century was the introduction of Pietism in several areas of Germany. Pietism was a
movement that arose within the Lutheran church around 1675, and flourished through the
middle of the eighteenth century. It sought to combine the Lutheranism of the time with the
Reformed (Calvinist) emphasis on individual piety and a vigorous Christian life. The
movement seemed a natural outcome of the mysticism and religious emotionalism that was
prevalent throughout the seventeenth century, and its effects were certainly evident in the
religious poetry of the period. With increasingly pietistic poetic accretions, the cantata
libretto gradually changed from "proclaiming the Word" to "interpreting the Word." Thus,
Ibid., 222.
Pascal, 95.
24
by 1700 the German baroque church cantata could truly be described as a "sermon in
song." (For more discussion of the Pietist movement, see Chapter 3.)
While authors of many chorale texts are known, identification of specific cantata
librettists is difficult to find in the seventeenth century. It is possible that the composers
themselves compiled their own cantata librettos, which typically came from biblical verses
and chorale stanzas, sources readily available to them. It is also possible that earlier
librettos were compiled with the help of clergymen. After all, many of the early hymn
writers were Lutheran pastors and theologians. With the interpolation of madrigalian poetry
in the cantata text beginning in the eighteenth century, the names of specific librettists
began to be known. "Such interpolations first appeared after 1700 (beginning with
Erdmann Neumeister), when poets prepared cantata texts. Neumeister, in particular, shifted
the emphasis from direct quotations of biblical texts to their poetic interpretation."36
Erdmann Neumeister (1671-1756) was a poet, theologian and pastor, who after studying at
the Leipzig university between 1689 andl695, delivered a series of lectures on poetry
there. His importance to the development of the genre lies in the nine cycles of cantata
texts that he wrote between 1695 and 1742, each containing texts for all the Sundays of the
church year and many extra feasts. He specifically called his texts 'cantatas,' and "they
consisted entirely of madrigalesque poetry for recitative and aria in the manner of the
25
Italian secular cantata or, as he put it in the 1695 lectures, 'a piece out of an opera'." Both
Kuhnau and Bach wrote a small number of cantatas with Neumeister librettos, but it was
probably Georg Philipp Telemann (1681-1767) who used Neumeister's texts the most.
Telemann's lifetime output includes an astounding 1,700 church cantatas, at least 350 of
Other librettists who achieved prominence in the first half of the eighteenth century
included the following: Salomo Franck (1659-1725), Georg Christian Lehms (1684—1717),
Johann Christoph Gottsched (1700-1766), Christiane Mariane von Ziegler [nee Romanus]
(1695-1760), and Christian Friedrich Henrici (1700-1764). All of these poets contributed
libretti set by Bach. Henrici, who wrote under the pen name Picander, was probably Bach's
most frequent collaborator. During the two decades of their friendship, Bach set no less
than thirty of his cantata librettos. In addition, Picander provided the text for the St.
Librettists for many of the cantatas by Kuhnau and Bach are still unidentified, but it
would not be inappropriate to speculate that they might be clergymen. In his 1970 study of
liturgical life in Leipzig Gunther Stiller proposes that since the authors of three-fourths of
the extant Bach cantatas are still unknown to us, it would seem Bach's Leipzig clergy
might come into consideration. Superintendent Salomon Deyling and Christian Weiss were
the two chief pastors in Leipzig during Bach's time, and Bach was known to have close
collaboration with them on selection of appropriate cantata texts. Deyling was Leipzig's
that there is no reason to doubt the report that "Bach 'regularly at the beginning of the
Kerala J. Snyder. "Neumeister, Erdmann," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed May 10, 2009].
26
week sent' to the superintendent 'several (usually three) texts of his church cantatas
[Kirchenstucke] arranged for the day' and Deyling chose one."38 Stiller also notes that
Deyling was the author of a number of hymns in the Eisleber Gesangbuch, and that he
"therefore possessed poetic talents and also exercised them in this way."39
10
Gunther Stiller, Johann Sebastian Bach and Liturgical Life in Leipzig, trans. Herbert J. A.
Bouman, Daniel F. Poellot, and Hilton C. Oswald, ed. Robin A. Leaver (St. Louis: Concordia
Publishing House, 1984), 219.
39
Ibid.
27
CHAPTER 3
Fought mainly on German territory, the Thirty Years War was a conflict involving
most of the European powers between 1618 and 1648. It began as a religious conflict
between Protestants and Catholics in the Holy Roman Empire, but eventually drew much
of Europe into a broader war that was not necessarily concerned with religion. Any cause
assigned to the origin of the Thirty Years War must begin with the failure of the Peace of
Augsburg (1555). The terms of the Peace of Augsburg essentially gave recognition to two
religious nationhood in Germany was made worse by the fact that by 1600 Calvinism had
Lutherans as to Catholics."40
Although historians and other commentators cannot agree on numerical losses, the
devastation in Germany caused by the Thirty Years War should not be underestimated. In
addition to battle casualties, the ensuing famine and disease were responsible for even
The traditional German view was that Germany lost two thirds of her population
and suffered massive economic damage in the war, which set her back a hundred
years, excluded her from the race for colonies and commercial expansion and kept
40
John G. Gagliardo, Germany Under the Old Regime, 1600-1790 (New York: Addison
Wesley Longman, 1991), 13.
28
her weak and disunited when other states were carving out places in the world for
themselves.41
Musical establishments in courts and churches were also affected by this conflict.
Composers and musicians were either dismissed from service altogether, or retained in
very small numbers. Even the most eminent German musician of the age, Dresden
Kapellmeister Heinrich ScMtz, was severely affected by the war, a situation he chronicled
in the preface to his published compositions. His second study trip to Italy in 1628-29 was
occasioned by the war, as were two visits in the 1630s and 1640s to Copenhagen, where
Schiitz acted as Kapellmeister to the royal Danish court. Schutz's compositions of the
period also reflect the austerity imposed by the war. The Kleine geistliche Concerte (Small
The effects of the war were also felt in literary pursuits, especially the composition
of hymns:
.. .the strongest influence on early 17th-century chorale texts was the Thirty Years
War, which produced an outpouring of chorale poetry by laymen as well as
professional poets. The destruction of German churches and schools during the war
also encouraged private devotions rather than formal church services. This in turn
heightened the personal and subjective tone of the chorales, which suggested the
term 'Ich-lied' for 17th-century chorale poetry in contrast to the 'Wir-lieder' of the
16th century. It is symptomatic that the works of the most outstanding chorale poets
of the time - Paul Gerhardt, whose 134 texts are the greatest in the tradition next to
Luther's, Johann Heermann, Johann Franck and Johann Rist - appeared first in
collections of home devotions and not in hymnbooks.42
4
Robert L. Marshall and Robin A. Leaver, "Chorale, §11: Baroque era, cl600-75," Grove
Music Online. Oxford Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed May 10,
2009].
29
The Peace of Westphalia ended the Thirty Years War in 1648, after which "religion
slowly declined as a major factor in German politics and toleration spread, largely for
pragmatic reasons."43 More spiritual trends began to appear in both Catholic and Protestant
churches. This was especially seen in the Lutheran Church in a powerful movement called
Pietism.
Pietism
The rise of the Pietistic movement in Germany has already been mentioned in
connection with its effect on poetry and cantata libretti of the late seventeenth century. The
movement was begun in 1675 by Philipp Jakob Spener (1635-1705), a Lutheran pastor in
Frankfurt am Main. Spener felt that the orthodox Lutheran church and its pastors had
become corrupt by placing too much emphasis on sacramental worship and theological
disputation. His object was to reform Lutheranism from within. Spener advocated private
Bible study and devotions in the home to achieve a more personal spiritual fervor and a
deeper social consciousness. Spener believed that true and adequate service to God could
not be offered through the sacramental worship in the orthodox Lutheran church alone; he
taught that a personal change of heart was required to achieve this aim.44
preacher and supervisor of all the pastors in Frankfurt. During his twenty years in Frankfurt
he developed and wrote about his principles for reforming the church. In 1686 Spener was
43
Hughes, 134.
30
called to the prestigious position of court chaplain to Saxon Elector Johann Georg HI at
Dresden. During his five years in Dresden, Spener was publicly critical of the Elector's
lifestyle. Although he refused to dismiss Spener, the Elector was able to arrange for
Spener's move to his next position. The final fourteen years of his life were spent as pastor
was vigorously opposed by orthodox Lutheran theologians and clergy. Until the end of his
life, Spener was subjected to vicious attacks, especially by the faculty of Wittenberg
University, who deemed his ideas on obtaining salvation as too simplistic. Another Saxon
town that resisted the advance of Pietism was Leipzig. Saxony was the birthplace of
Luther's Reformation, and Leipzig's clergy, politicians, and scholars remained committed
to Lutheran orthodoxy, despite the challenge from some local Pietists. When they could not
get a foothold in Leipzig's university, many of the Pietists moved to nearby Halle, where a
Much has been written about Pietism's influence on poets and writers (including
cantata librettists) of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. There is evidence
that some of the composers of the period, including Schelle and Bach, were somewhat
sympathetic with the Pietistic movement. (Schelle contributed some of the melodies for
Der anddchtige Student, a 1682 collection of Pietistic devotional hymns.) But, their
sympathy generally was limited to their preference for the more personal religious poetry
that grew out of the movement. Pietism rejected the "trappings" of what was considered the
rigid, formal worship of orthodoxy, and that included elaborate musical performances in
31
church. For this reason alone, church music composers would more likely have aligned
With barely more than thirty years to recover from the Thirty Years War, a
devastating plague swept over Saxony and Thuringia in 1680, killing thousands of
inhabitants. For the second time in the century, some towns saw their populations cut in
half. The death and destruction caused by the Thirty Years War and the 1680 plague
probably touched the life of every German during the seventeenth century. It is no wonder
that poets and composers of this period seem to have a preoccupation with the subjects of
death, sin, the transitory nature of earthly life, and the hope of a better life to come. The
heightened religious emotionalism that pervaded the German territories throughout the
century was probably a result of these catastrophic events. Thus, Pietism was not the only
influence on the more personal texts created by poets and used by composers of the period.
32
CHAPTER 4
The present chapter will attempt to demonstrate the development of the German
Protestant cantata through a brief survey of representative works by select composers (see
century can be seen in the music of Johann Hermann Schein, who was Thomaskantor in
Leipzig about one hundred years before Bach would hold the same position. Among
Schein's important compositions is his 1618 collection entitled Opella Nova (New Little
33
Works), containing thirty chorale-based concertos for three, four or five voices with basso
continue Schein's little concertos serve as an example of the compositional style from
which the cantata would soon develop. Nun komm, der Heiden Heiland (Now come,
Savior of the nations) is a typical piece from this collection, for two sopranos and tenor
with continue 45 The tenor voice sings the first stanza of the Advent chorale Nun komm,
der Heiden Heiland with the original tune in its entirety, but broken up phrase by phrase.
Between the chorale phrases in the tenor, the two soprano parts weave an interesting
counterpoint based on fragments of the same melody. Schein probably learned much about
the technique of melodic fragmentation from the works of Michael Praetorius. But,
Vespers of 1610 only eight years before. The only substantial difference is that Monteverdi
used plainsong for his cantus firmus, whereas Schein used the chorale. Nonetheless, it
shows how quickly Italian practices were imitated and adapted in Germany.
The melody and text of Nun komm, der Heiden Heiland represent some of Luther's
earliest work. He translated the ancient Latin hymn Veni, Redemptor Gentium by St.
Ambrose, and adapted his new German words to the traditional Latin plainchant.
Schein's setting also reveals the combination of Renaissance modal use and the
incipient tonal (major-minor) harmonic technique of the baroque era. The original chorale,
based on Gregorian chant, is modal, and Schein retains the modal feeling of the chorale
tune in the tenor part of his concerto. But, a more modern tonal harmony is introduced by
Adam Adrio, ed., Opella Nova I, 1618. Vol. 4 oiJohann Hermann Schein: Neue
Ausgabe samtlicher Werke (Kassel: Barenreiter, 1963), 3-7.
34
the two sopranos in the second measure when they change the tenor F-natural to F-sharp
(Example 1). This struggle between modal and tonal is heard throughout the piece.
Example 1. Johann Hermann Schein, Nun komm der Heiden Heiland, mm. 1-4:
Contrast of Modal and Tonal Feeling.
Canto
Canto II
Hei - den Hei - land. nun komm. der Hei - den Hei - land,
Nun komm. der Hei - den Hei land, nun komm, der Hei - den Hei
Two other important composers from this early period are Samuel Scheidt and
was Samuel Scheidt, who spent his entire career in Halle, a town not far from Leipzig.
Scheidt is notable for his introduction of the chorale concerto or motet, in which he set all
35
works is a definite antecedent of the cantata of future generations. Hammerschmidt was a
Bohemian composer about twenty-five years younger than Schein and Scheidt. Like
Schutz, Hammerschmidt did not make as extensive use of the chorale as did his
contemporaries. Many of his compositions are in the style of Schutz, but his importance in
the development of the cantata lies in his cultivation of the aria. Most of Hammerschmidt's
sacred vocal works are considered concertos, but the insertion of extended aria passages
almost gives the impression of separate movements.46 While most sacred music in this
period was composed on chorale texts and Biblical passages, Hammerschmidt utilized
additional texts by poets such as Martin Opitz and others. This pioneering use of poetic
texts in the arias is a practice that would be become standard in later cantata works.
Two important composers from the North German town of Liibeck were Dietrich
Buxtehude, and his predecessor as organist of the Marienkirche, Franz Tunder. Although
they were both organists, whose main duty was not the composition of vocal music, Tunder
and Buxtehude were more active as composers than the Liibeck Kantors at this time. As
such, both were important contributors to the cantata genre. The surviving compositions of
Tunder, who possibly studied in Italy with Frescobaldi, show that he was very acquainted
with the Italianate style. In his organ works, Tunder frequently combined a florid Italian
toccata style with the conservative German chorale. He composed vocal works in both
Latin and German, and of the German works, most are chorale-based.
Johannes Gunther Kraner and Steffen Voss, "Hammerschmidt, Andreas," Grove Music
Online. Oxford Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed May 10,2009].
36
An exact date cannot be assigned for the composition of Tunder's cantata on the
famous Reformation chorale, Ein 'feste Burg ist wiser Gott (A mighty fortress is our
God).47 However, it can be placed in the twenty-year period between 1646 and 1666. The
cantata is scored for two violins, three violas, violone and organ, plus a four-voice chorus.
The opening sinfonia includes all three viola parts, and the first verse uses one viola part,
after which the violas are completely omitted for the remainder of the composition. Thus,
the instrumental forces required for the bulk of this cantata are two violins and continuo.
While not explicitly marked in the score, it can be assumed that some of the florid vocal
passages are intended for soloists. The cantata sets all four verses of Luther's hymn.
Although the work is divided into distinct sections, they sometimes overlap and are not
always marked by the beginning of a new text stanza. The music frequently alternates
between duple and triple meter. An interesting feature of this cantata is the fact that the
chorale tune is never presented in its original form. The opening stanza set for soprano solo
does have all the notes of the melody, but they are set in strict triple meter, not the duple or
mixed meter of the original. In the other movements, fragments of the melody are always
seen at the beginning of Verse 3, where the bass sings a "devilish" melisma on the word
"Teufel (devils)". After a clear reference to the opening of the chorale tune (Example 2) in
the bass, fragments of the melody are passed between other choral voices (Example 3).
Max Seiffert, ed., Franz Tunders Gesangswerke: Solokantaten und Chorwerke mit
Instrumentalbegleitung, Vol. 3 oiDenkmdler deutscher Tonkunst, rev. by Hans Joachim Moser
(Wiesbaden: Verlag Breitkopf &Hartel, 1957), 142-57.
37
Example 2. Chorale melody, Ein' feste Burg ist unser Gott, Verse 3: First Phrase.
J J
$*"* r r r J r C t r
3. Und wenn die Welt voll Tcu - fcl war'
'* r r r
und wollt' uns gar
r J^LJ
vcr-schlin gen
Example 3. Franz Tunder, Ein 'feste Burg ist unser Gott, Verse 3, mm. 1-14: Melodic
Fragmentation.
J J
Basso
continue
"y- *n % " | f' r 1r J J 1r r ft* 1" =1
X X X X X X X X
38
Dietrich Buxtehude is well known for his Abendmusik concerts in Lubeck. The
fame of these concerts is related many times in accounts of the youthful Bach's visit to hear
them in the winter of 1705-06. However, it was Buxtehude's predecessor, Franz Tunder,
who is credited with initiating Liibeck's Abendmusik concerts as early as 1646. Tunder
supposedly seized upon the idea of performing organ recitals for businessmen who
gathered in the Marienkirche while waiting for the stock exchange to open. These
businessmen eventually came to finance the performances of vocal and instrumental music,
Buxtehude contributed some 120 works in the cantata genre, encompassing many
different styles and utilizing texts in four different languages. Another variable is the length
of the compositions: some were four- or five-minute settings of one or two chorale stanzas,
while others were multi-movement works lasting a half hour or longer. The great variety in
these works is probably due to the many different occasions for which they were
composed. Most of Buxtehude's extant vocal works were composed between 1680 and
1685. Befiehl dem Engel dass er komm (Command thine angel that he come) is an example
of one of Buxtehude's shorter chorale-based cantatas.49 The text, which refers to "angels
guarding us while we sleep," is drawn from a vespers hymn. In contrast to all of the other
cantatas in this survey, which were intended for performance at the Lutheran church's main
Sunday morning service, this work was for an evening service. Thus, we can assume that
this little cantata was likely composed for one of Buxtehude's Abendmusik concerts. The
text is a translation of the ancient vespers hymn for the Advent season, Christe, qui lux es
der du bist Tag undLicht. Buxtehude, however, used the 1536 adaptation by Erasmus
Alber, with the words Christe, du bist der helle Tag. The difference of German text is
significant because each translation is associated with a different chorale tune. Buxtehude's
cantata uses Verses 6 and 7 of Christe, du bist der helle Tag. The cantata is for four-voice
chorus with no soloists, accompanied by two violins and continuo. The first of the two
verses set is in duple meter, while the final verse and concluding "Amen" are in triple
meter.
Buxtehude's method of setting of this chorale tune is worth mention. The first line
of the melody appears unadorned in the soprano, but in subsequent phrases the chorale
Buxtehude presents the first line as a clue, and then dares the listener to find the rest of the
melody. This technique was also evident in the work of Tunder, whose compositions were
The original chorale melody {Christe, du bist der helle Tag) is shown in Example 4,
but with the words of Verse 6 {Befiehl dent Engel dass er komtri). This is followed by the
opening measures of Buxtehude's setting of the soprano voice (Example 5), showing
40
Example 4. Chorale melody, Christe der du bist helle Tag, with text of Verse 6.
T\ 0 m T\
6.Bc - fichl dcm En-gel, daB cr kommund uns be - wach,_dcin ci - gen-tum; gib
/TV
Example 5. Dietrich Buxtehude, Befiehl dem Engel dass er komm, mm. 1-38: Melodic
Embellishment and Fragmentation.
X X XX
4 - h p p p r > h p p P r * u r r r-r&ri
und uns be-wach, und uns be-wach, und uns be -
/9 X X X X X X
x x x x O x x x
x x x 0 0 x x x
JS 0 X X X X 0 X X X
j«£jj,JRun,
[jciriiu^rjPi^
ha ben Run.
41
The last two seventeenth-century Thomaskantors:
Sebastian Kniipfer and Johann Schelle
The transition from concerto to cantata was completed in the works of three Bach
predecessors as Thomaskantor: Sebastian Kniipfer and Johann Schelle, the last two
Thomaskantors of the seventeenth century, and Johann Kuhnau, the first Kantor of the
eighteenth. Kniipfer, Schelle and Kuhnau held the post in succession from 1657 through
When Kniipfer was elected to the post in 1657, he was charged with rebuilding
Leipzig's musical reputation, which had deteriorated considerably during the Thirty Years
War (1618-1648). Along with his appointment as Thomaskantor, the Leipzig city fathers
also named Kniipfer the first civic director of music, thus formalizing a relationship that
had already tacitly existed under previous Thomaskantors. As music director for the city,
he was expected to supply compositions to celebrate town council elections and official
visits by nobility. This arrangement also gave the Thomaskantor supervisory powers over
the town's professional musical guilds: the Stadtpfeifer (wind players) and Kunstgeiger
(string players). These guilds were, after all, the main suppliers of instrumental players for
the town's church music. And Kniipfer seems to have made good use of them. Many of the
compositions he wrote for Leipzig use unusually large forces, both instrumental and vocal.
This can certainly be viewed as a sign that Leipzig was recovering from the austerity
imposed by the Thirty Years War. During his nearly twenty-year tenure, Leipzig was able
to regain its position as an important music center, thus setting the stage for a period of
musical excellence that would find flowering in the work of his three successors, Schelle,
42
Not much is known of Knupfer's early life and training, but he arrived in Leipzig as
a twenty-year-old, and seems to have established himself very quickly in the city's musical
life. We can assume that he was an extremely gifted musician, for he was only twenty-three
years old when appointed Thomaskantor, having prevailed over several candidates who
were already Kantors of no small reputation. Even though he was never officially
connected to the university in Leipzig, Kniipfer was active in the university community and
was considered one of the city's leading intellectuals, especially in the fields of poetics and
philology.50
Knupfer's surviving musical output is almost completely sacred. His works are
mostly in the style of the traditional seventeenth-century vocal concerto, but they contain
some compositional techniques that can be identified with the cantata, particularly the use
of dramatic recitative and the organization of distinct movements. He wrote works in both
Latin and German. The Latin works include masses, motets and Magnificats, and the
German works include a variety of pieces drawing texts largely from the Psalms and
hymns. Because of their use of both chorale text and melody, a number of his compositions
can be classified as chorale cantatas.51 Knupfer's use of large forces has already been
counterpoint, of which he was a master. Kniipfer was also recognized for his brilliant
instrumentation, as well as imaginative scoring for voices, and his setting of Machet die
David William Krause, "The Latin Choral Music of Sebastian Kniipfer with a Practical
Edition of the Extant Works," 2 vols. (PhD diss., University of Iowa, 1974), 14.
George J. Buelow, "Kniipfer, Sebastian," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed May 11, 2009].
43
Tore weit (Psalm 24, verses 7-10) serves as an excellent example. This cantata is scored
for two cornetti, three trombones, an expanded string section of two violins and four violas,
recitative. Sung by pairs of solo voices, the question is heightened by repetition of the first
word, "Wer, wer, wer ist derselbe Konig der Ehre? (Who, who, who is this King of
Glory?)." This is followed by the bass's emphatic answer, "Er ist der Herr, stark, machtig
im Streit (He is the Lord, strong and mighty)," in which the listener cannot help to feel the
Example 6. Sebastian BCniipfer, Machet die Tore weit, Movement 3, mm. 1-14: Dramatic
Recitative.
Arnold Schering, ed., Sebastian Kniipfer, Johann Schelle, Johann Kuhnau: Ausgewdhlte
Kirchenkantaten. Vols. 58 and 59 ofDenkmaler deutscher Tonkunst, rev. by Hans Joachim Moser
(Wiesbaden: Verlag Breitkopf & Hartel, 1957), 104-5.
44
Example 6. (Continued).
m WE f f
^ P u
FOUR VIOLAS
* * * f f f r
J J.J
m
a^ J J J I r r i" I J J J ^
7 #6
tig, dcr Hcrr, mach-tig, mach-tig im Strcit, mach-tig. mach-tig im Strcit. mach-tig. mach tig im Strcit.
4 It t
45
In the work of Knupfer's successor, Johann Schelle, the cantata continued to
evolve. Schelle received his early training as a member of the Dresden court chapel choir
under Schutz. He continued his education in Leipzig, first at the Thomasschule under
Knupfer, and later at the university. Schelle succeeded Knupfer as Thomaskantor in 1677,
winning the post over eleven other candidates. His duties were similar to Knupfer's, and
included the title of civic music director.53 It was during Schelle's tenure that Leipzig
Schelle's output consists mostly of sacred works with German texts, but relatively
few have survived. His importance in the development of the cantata lies in his preference
Like Knupfer, his predecessor, Schelle showed a special affinity for brilliant
orchestral techniques. He delighted in huge, massed homophonic effects, and his mastery
of counterpoint was also evident in the choral fugues with which he liked to conclude his
cantatas. These larger gestures are balanced by solo sections with much more delicate
writing.
Schelle's cantata, Vom Himmel kam der Engel Schar (From heaven came the angel
At the same time, this work can be seen as an unmistakable model for future cantatas by J.
S. Bach. The use of chorale melody as cantus firmus and the fragmentation of chorale
53
Murray, 6-7.
A. Lindsey Kirwan and Peter Wollny, "Schelle, Johann," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music
Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed May 10, 2009].
55
Schering, 167-206.
46
melody in both voices and instruments show clear imitation of techniques pioneered by
Praetorius and Schein. The vocal concerto principle prevalent throughout the seventeenth
century is still very much present in Schelle's work. Schelle set all six verses of the chorale
(a technique known as per omnes versus), with each verse as a separate movement, thus
Schelle used Luther's hymn text for Vom Himmel kam der Engel Schar, but set it to
another melody which shares the same meter, Vom Himmel hoch da komm ich her. Both
are texts by Luther, but the six verses of Vom Himmel kam der Engel Schar (1543), are
thought to be a shortened version of the original fifteen verses of Vom Himmel hoch da
komm ich her (1534). The tune of Vom Himmel hoch da komm ich her used by Schelle is
The rich scoring is for two clarinos, tympani, two cornettos, two trombones, two
violins, two violettas, five-voice choir (SSATB, with frequent alternation between soli and
tutti), plus organ and continuo. Although there are some passages for soloist(s)
accompanied only by two violins and continuo, the full instrumental ensemble takes part in
every movement. There is no introductory sinfonia. The opening movement begins with a
brief instrumental fanfare, and the chorale melody is introduced by a solo soprano in the
second measure. This is followed by a richly harmonized five-voice chorale setting, with
instrumental episodes between each chorale phrase. The second movement is introduced by
a solo soprano with a decorated version of the chorale melody, imitated by two violins. But
the full ensemble soon enters to complete the verse with melodic fragmentation. The third
verse, now in triple meter, is a motet-like setting in which all five voices sing in imitative
fashion, alternating between soli and tutti. The tutti sections are accompanied by the full
47
instrumental ensemble, and the chorale melody is always clearly present in the top soprano
voice. The fourth movement again has alternation between soli and tutti, but the chorale
melody appears as a cantus firmus in the bass voice. The fifth movement is similar in
construction to movement two, and the sixth movement is mostly a repeat of movement
The concerto principle is apparent from the opening measures (Example 7) of this
cantata, where the contrast between the three groups of instruments is immediately evident.
time of great change and upheaval. In his early years, Schelle made some controversial
changes to the Leipzig worship services, most notably his substitution of German-texted
works where Latin motets had been traditional. Even after the Reformation, when more
emphasis was placed on music and worship in the vernacular, Latin still maintained a
stronghold in Lutheran services. But Schelle's preference for presenting music in German
won in the end, and this would have important consequences for the development of the
48
Example 7. Johann Schelle, Vom Himmel kam die Engel Schar, mm. 1-4: Concerted
Effects in Chorale Cantata.
49
The pre-Bach generation:
A major episode in the development of the cantata took place around 1700 with the
so-called "Neumeister Reform," when the poet and theologian Erdmann Neumeister
has already been discussed in Chapter 3. His new format (libretti consisting of recitatives
and arias) was embraced by a number of composers who produced solo church cantatas by
the thousands. The solo cantata was perhaps a more attractive vehicle for composers who
wrote in the emerging galant style, which placed more emphasis on pure melody with
verses for choruses, which produced the "mixed cantata" that would become standard by
the time of Bach's Leipzig years. Bach used Neumeister libretti in five of his cantatas.
Neumeister had served as a deacon in Weissenfels from 1704 to 1706, at which time
Krieger was court Kapellmeister there. Krieger was possibly the first composer to set
Krieger received early musical training in his native Nuremberg, but soon went to
Copenhagen to study composition with Kaspar Forster. Forster had been a pupil of
Carissimi in Rome, and was responsible for introducing the Italian style to the Danish
court. Krieger subsequently took the position of Kapellmeister in Bayreuth, but was soon
granted leave to study in Rome and Venice. Upon his return to Germany, he accepted the
organ post at the Halle court in 1677. After the death of the duke three years later, the court
50
was relocated to nearby Weissenfels. Here Krieger was made Kapellmeister, a post he held
until his death forty-five years later in 1725. As a court composer, Krieger was responsible
for both church music and secular entertainment. An extremely prolific composer, Krieger
wrote eighteen German operas and over 2,000 church cantatas, including at least 250 on
Neumeister's libretti.56 Unfortunately all of Krieger's Neumeister cantatas are lost with one
exception, Rufet nicht die Weisheit? (Does not wisdom call out?), which dates from before
1699.57 (Incidentally, one of the most valuable documents Krieger left was a meticulously
We have already seen that in the middle-seventeenth century cantata, texts were
composed from either biblical passages or chorales. With poetic accretions by the end of
the century, the cantata gradually changed from "proclaiming the Word" to "interpreting
the Word." This is plainly evident in Krieger's setting of Neumeister's text ofRufet nicht
die Weisheit? The cantata's five discreet movements (plus a final "Amen") form an arch:
chorus, aria, recitative, aria and chorus. Most of the text is drawn from biblical passages,
and Neumeister's only original contribution to the libretto is found in the addition of the
two da capo arias. But it is in these arias that one can clearly see the poet (and composer) as
preacher. A comparison of the aria texts reveals a rather simplistic rhetorical expression. In
the first aria, the soprano announces that "God calls us." Separating the two arias is a brief
Harold E. Samuel, "Krieger, Johann Philipp," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music
Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed May 10, 2009].
en
Max Seiffert, ed., Johann Philipp Krieger 1649-1725: 21 Ausgewdhlte
Kirchenkompositionen. Vols. 53 and 54 of Denkmaler deutscher Tonkunst, rev. by Hans Joachim
Moser (Wiesbaden: Verlag Breitkopf & Hartel, 1958), 275-290.
Ibid. The extensive Vorwort (in German) to this edition gives a complete catalog of
Krieger's own compositions, as well as a list of the works by other composers performed by
Krieger.
51
bass recitative, which preaches that "God's call has been rejected." The second aria (see
Example 8) is set to the same music as the first aria, but now assigned to a tenor, who sings
the words "God complains that no one hears him" and that the people are too worldly to
accept his mercy. The final chorus is a hopeful-sounding plea for salvation, which would
52
Example 8. Johann Philipp Krieger, Rufet nicht die Weisheit?, Movement 4 (tenor aria):
Da Capo Aria with Neumeister Text.
Cont
bf
' r * J J- i11 r r r pi r * f J- pi ^ ^
klagt. Gottklagt. daB ihn kein Mensch nicht hort, daB ihn, daB ihn kein Mensch_
nicht hort. daB ihn. daB ihn kein Mensch. kein Mensch nicht
S 6
SE J J* HiJ J ' ^
hort. Kr findt vor sci - nc Gii - tc ein wclt-ge - sinnt Gc-
mil - tc, das sich an kci - n c _ Gna - dckohrt. cr findt vor sci - nc Gii - tc
ein welt-ge - sinnt Ge-mil - te. das sich an kei - ne Gna - de kehrt.
^ m
IF mm 6>>
4
I II I f kf 'T 11 J J
53
Johann Kuhnau, who succeeded Schelle as Thomaskantor in 1701, is one of those
musicians who had a parallel career as a literary figure. Kuhnau had been organist of the
Thomaskirche while still a law student at the Leipzig university. Fluent in several
languages, Kuhnau had already published an original novel, as well as German translations
of several books from French and Italian, all before being appointed Thomaskantor. He
was greatly esteemed by Germany's foremost musicians and was the last of the multi-
faceted Thomaskantors, a man who mastered music, law, theology, rhetoric, poetry,
mathematics and foreign languages.59 Alongside Handel and Telemann, he was considered
one of the major German composers of his day. However, Kuhnau's lasting fame as a
composer lies almost completely with his published keyboard works, especially the
Biblical Sonatas. Only one of his sacred vocal works was published in his lifetime. There
are references to at least eighty-five cantata compositions, but the vast majority of them are
now lost. Kuhnau is one of the few composers of this period who can be positively
identified as the author of both text and music of some of his cantatas.
the eighteenth centuries. Throughout his life, Kuhnau tried to maintain a standard of church
music worthy of his predecessors. He strongly resisted using the operatic style in his
church music. In order to combat the suspicion of writing "theatrical music," Kuhnau
avoided using recitatives and da capo arias in his church compositions until fairly late in
his career. In the end, however, Kuhnau adopted the use of secco recitative and the da capo
aria, thus giving them a secure position in the Leipzig church cantata.60
George J. Buelow, "Kuhnau, Johann," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed May 10,2009].
Bach in some of his cantatas for Leipzig. Kuhnau's setting of Wie schon leuchtet der
Morgenstern (How brightly shines the morning star) is a cantata for Christmas, scored for
two horns, two violins, two violas, continuo and five-part chorus with soloists.61 Its
opening and closing movements for chorus use the first and last verses of Philipp Nicolai's
chorale, both text and tune. The inner movements have no relation to the chorale tune, and
include three recitatives and two arias for tenor, another chorus, plus a duet for two
sopranos. These inner movements relate and reflect upon the familiar Christmas story.
Some words are taken from Gospel sources, but others are the poetic text of an unknown
author. It is possible that the librettist was Kuhnau himself. This format (the use of first and
last chorale verses, with free text for inner movements) is a feature of Bach's chorale
The first part of the recitative is in secco style. But, the last line of text introduces an arioso
style with descending scale passages at the words "die ganze Erde neiget (the whole earth
bows before him)." The combination of secco recitative and concluding arioso passage
becomes a frequent feature in the Leipzig cantatas of Bach just a few years later.
Schering, 292-320.
55
Example 9. Johann Kuhnau, Wie schon leuchtet der Morgenstern, Movement 4 (tenor
recitative): Secco Recitative with Concluding Arioso.
Jl
Tenor
t > r c i r T O p p p p p'p J i»pLL£/r
Doch leuch tet in dcr Nied-rig-kcit ein Strahl von
jpp R ^
sei-ner Gott-lich-keit,
Cont.
S r M
S P^P s
m ^ ' Pll Mj
" 6 8 6 6 8 6 6 6 6 6
5 5
r J^ r
ci - gen, wie sol It' sich
r inM^^u
nicht vor ihm die gan - zc Er - dc nci
c r ^ i ^S
f \ j * r r= r f * J — «* »* f 3 1 1 1 ^
6 7 6 6
56
The Telemann factor
One last composer in the development of the church cantata needs mention: Georg
Philipp Telemann (1681-1767). Baroque scholar George Buelow has argued for a thorough
reassessment of Telemann and his music. After all, Telemann was one of the most prolific
composers of all time, and so little of his music is available or known today.62 Telemann
arrived in Leipzig in 1701 as a twenty-year-old law student at the university. That he was
unquestionably a capable and talented musician is witnessed by the fact that within a year
of his arrival, Telemann left the university for a musical career, beginning with his
appointment as director of the Leipzig opera in 1702. In his first months in Leipzig,
Telemann's musical talents came to light when a roommate of his is said to have
accidentally discovered one of his manuscripts. The story is that his fellow students
arranged for the work to be performed at the Thomaskirche.63 The performance was
attended by the recently appointed mayor of Leipzig, one Franz Conrad Romanus, who in
turn commissioned Telemann to compose (and probably perform) a cantata for the
Thomaskirche every fourteen days. Because the Thomaskantor presided over the music at
the Thomaskirche and the Nicolaikirche on alternate Sundays, this arrangement could have
been possible, although it would still seem to be an insult to the Thomaskantor, Johnann
Kuhnau, who had only been in office since April 1701. Romanus assumed the office of
mayor on August 29, 1701, so his commission of Telemann had to be after that date.
Romanus was installed as mayor specifically at the order of August the Strong, Elector of
Richard Petzoldt, Georg Philipp Telemann, trans. Horace Fitzpatrick (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1974), 15-16.
57
Saxony, in what was the first Electoral intervention in the administration of the city of
Leipzig.64 Only three weeks after Romanus was installed, on September 19, a decree was
issued from the sovereign, demanding that "the standard of church music be improved, on
account of foreign visitors who came to Leipzig, particularly during the fairs."65 The
annual Michaelmas fair would start at the end of September, but it is not known whether
Telemann fulfilled his commission from Romanus at all, since none of his extant cantatas
can be verified as dating from his Leipzig years. (Incidentally, Mayor Romanus, who was
the father of Bach librettist Mariane von Ziegler, was arrested for financial impropriety in
Telemann wrote some 1,700 church cantatas in all, including many complete annual
cycles with libretti written especially for him. Of the 1,400 extant cantatas, 350 were
composed on libretti by Erdmann Neumeister. Both Telemann and Erdmeister served the
principal churches in Hamburg as composer and preacher, respectively, for more than thirty
years together.
64
Butt, 20.
65
Ibid., 32.
58
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSIONS
The German baroque church cantata developed from a wide diversity of textual
sources, including biblical quotations, chorale verses, and madrigalistic poetry. The
musical styles used to set these texts were equally diverse, incorporating the motet, vocal
concerto, Italian secular cantata, and opera. Choruses, recitatives, arias, duets and other
vocal combinations were all present to varying degrees in the early cantatas. The variety of
vocal forms was matched by a dazzling array of instrumental styles and accompaniments.
fashions in music. The large number of Italian musicians and composers employed at
German courts is an indication of the nobility's craving for foreign entertainment. For the
growing middle-class, however, the weekly church cantata provided access to some of the
latest musical styles. Church music was obviously a matter of civic pride, especially in the
larger trade cities like Leipzig, Hamburg and Liibeck. In Leipzig the three annual trade
fairs coincided with the major church holidays of New Year's, Easter and Michaelmas—all
three holiday periods demanding large-scale festival cantatas from the Kantor. In Liibeck,
church music was so valued by the public that organ recitals came to be sponsored by local
Disasters of war and disease during the seventeenth century had a marked effect on
the literary development of the period. These events promoted a religious fervor—also later
embraced by Pietism—that contributed to the highly emotional and personal lyric poetry
59
that was prevalent at the end of the century. With the inclusion of more poetic texts,
particularly in the arias, cantata libretti assumed a more exegetical role. The main Sunday
Lutheran service music turned from mere "proclaiming" the Word to actually
"interpreting" it through the lyrics of the poet and sounds of the composer. This is where
the genius of Bach shines—the reason his cantatas are considered the pinnacle of the genre.
We know that Bach was familiar with the compositions of many of his
Neumeister Reform went a long way toward creating a more uniform cantata style, Bach
seems to have admired the diverse styles of music and text sources that characterized the
cantata's developmental period between 1650 and 1700. Composers like Telemann and
Krieger embraced the new Neumeister style and produced thousands of cantatas—the vast
majority composed for solo voices, which is probably what Neumeister intended. Bach,
however, retained an important role for the chorus in his cantatas, and created a stunning
60
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adrio, Adam, ed. Opella Nova I, 1618. Vol. 4 oi Johann Hermann Schein: Neue Ausgabe
samtlicher Werke. Kassel: Barenreiter, 1963.
Baron, Carol K., ed. Bach's Changing World: Voices in the Community. Rochester,
NY: University of Rochester Press, 2006.
Barraclough, Geoffrey. The Origins of Modern Germany. New York: W.W. Norton &
Company, 1984.
Blume, Friedrich. Protestant Church Music: A History. New York: W.W. Norton &
Company, 1974.
Bukofzer, Manfred. Music in the Baroque Era. New York: W.W. Norton, 1947.
Butt, John, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Bach. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1997.
David, Hans T. and Arthur Mendel, The New Bach Reader: A Life of Johann Sebastian
Bach in Letters and Documents. Revised by Christoph Wolff. New York: W.W.
Norton and Company, 1998.
Day, James. The Literary Background to Bach's Cantatas. London: Dennis Dobson, 1961.
Dickinson, Edward. Music in the History of the Western Church. New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1931.
Durr, Alfred. The Cantatas ofJ.S. Bach. Rev. and trans, by Richard P. Jones. New York:
Oxford University Press, Inc., 2005.
61
Frandsen, Mary E. 'The Sacred Concerto in Dresden, ca. 1660-1680." PhD diss.,
University of Rochester, Eastman School of Music, 1997.
Forkel, Johann Nikolaus. Johann Sebastian Bach: His Life, Art, and Work. Trans. Charles
Stanford Terry. London: Constable and Company, 1920.
Fosse, Richard C. "Nicolaus Bruhns" in The Musical Heritage of the Lutheran Church,
Vol. V, Theodore Hoelty-Nickel, ed. St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1959.
Gagliardo, John G. Germany Under the Old Regime, 1600-1790. New York: Addison
Wesley Longman, 1991.
Hill, John Walter. Baroque Music: Music in Western Europe, 1580-1750. New York: W.
W. Norton & Company, 2005.
Holborn, Hajo. A History of Modern Germany 1648-1840. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1964.
Hoist, Robert Inar. "Toward a Stylistic History of the North German 'Cantata' in the
Second Half of the Seventeenth Century." PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1995.
Janson, Peter. "Explicatio Textus or Dramma per Musica? The Function of the Church
Cantatas by Georg Friedrich Kauffmann." PhD diss., University of Victoria
(Canada), 1992.
Jones, Andrew V. "Carissimi, Giacomo." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com. n.d. [accessed May 10, 2009].
Kevorkian, Tanya. Baroque Piety: Religion, Society, and Music in Leipzig, 1650-1750.
Aldershot, England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2007.
Kilian, Dietrich, ed. Dietrich Buxtehudes Werke, Vol. VIII. New York: Broude
International Editions, 1958.
Kirwan, A. Lindsey and Peter Wollny. "Schelle, Johann." Grove Music Online. Oxford
Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed May 10, 2009].
Kraner, Johannes Gunther and Steffen Voss. "Hammerschmidt, Andreas." Grove Music
Online. Oxford Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed
May 10, 2009].
62
Krause, David William. "The Latin Choral Music of Sebastian Knupfer with a Practical
Edition of the Extant Works." 2 vols. PhD diss., University of Iowa, 1974.
Lewis, Anthony and Nigel Fortune. Opera and Church Music 1630-1750. Vol. V of New
Oxford History of Music. London: Oxford University Press, 1975.
Marshall, Robert L. and Robin A. Leaver. "Chorale, §11: Baroque era, cl600-75." Grove
Music Online. Oxford Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d.
[accessed May 10, 2009].
Moser, Hans Joachim. Heinrich Schtitz: His Life and Work. Trans, from the 2nd rev. ed. by
Carl F. Pfatteicher. St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1959.
Murray, Robert Alan. "The German Church Cantatas of Johann Schelle." PhD diss.,
University of Michigan, 1971.
Palisca, Claude. Baroque Music. 3rd ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1991.
Pascal, Roy. German Literature in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Vol. II of
Introductions to German Literature. London: The Cresset Press, 1968.
Petzoldt, Richard. Georg Philipp Telemann, trans. Horace Fitzpatrick. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1974.
Praetorius, Michael. Syntagma Musicum II: De Organographia, Parts I and II. Trans, and
ed. by David Z. Crookes. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986.
Praetorius, Michael. Syntagma Musicum III. Trans, and ed. by Jeffery Kite-Powell. New
York: Oxford University Press, 2004.
Rimbach, Evangeline Lois. "The Church Cantatas of Johann Kuhnau." Vol. I and Vol. II, 5
parts. PhD diss., University of Rochester, Eastman School of Music, 1966.
63
Sadie, Julie Anne, ed. Companion to Baroque Music. New York: Schirmer Books, 1991.
Samuel, Harold E. "Krieger, Johann Philipp." Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com, n.d. [accessed May 10, 2009].
Schalk, Carl. Music in Early Lutheranism: Shaping the Tradition (1524-1672). St.
Louis: Concordia Academic Press, 2001.
Schering, Arnold, ed. Sebastian Knupfer, Johann Schelle, Johann Kuhnau: Ausgewdhlte
Kirchenkantaten. Vols. 58 and 59 of Denhnaler deutscher Tonkunst, rev. by Hans
Joachim Moser. Wiesbaden: Verlag Breitkopf & Hartel, 1957.
Schmidt, A. W., ed. Andreas Hammerschmidt: Dialogi I, oder Gesprdche einer gldubigen
Seele mit Gott. Vol. 16 of Denhnaler der Tonkunst in Osterreich. Graz,
Austria: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 1959.
Schulenberg, David. Music of the Baroque. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.
Seiffert, Max, ed. Franz Tunders Gesangswerke: Solokantaten und Chorwerke mit
Instrumentalbegleitung. Vol. 3 of Denhnaler deutscher Tonkunst, rev. by Hans
Joachim Moser. Wiesbaden: Verlag Breitkopf & Hartel, 1957.
Smither, Howard E. The Oratorio in the Baroque Era: Protestant Germany and England.
Vol. 2 of A History of the Oratorio. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina
Press, 1977.
64
Stiller, Gunther. Johann Sebastian Bach and Liturgical Life in Leipzig. Trans, by Herbert
J.A. Bouman, Daniel F. Poellot, and Hilton C. Oswald. Ed. by Robin A. Leaver. St.
Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1984.
Taruskin, Richard. The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. Vol. 2 of The Oxford
History of Western Music. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.
Unger, Melvin Peter. "The German Choral Church Compositions of Johann David
Heinichen." DMA thesis, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1986.
Webber, Geoffrey. North German Church Music in the Age ofBuxtehude. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1996.
Weinandt, Elwyn A. Choral Music of the Church. New York: The Free Press, 1965.
Wolff, Christoph. Bach: Essays on his life and music. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1991.
Wolff, Christoph. Johann Sebastian Bach: The Learned Musician. New York: W.W.
Norton & Company, 2000.
Wolff, Christoph, ed. The World of the Bach Cantatas: Johann Sebastian Bach's Early
Sacred Cantatas. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1995.
65