Janusek, John TIWANAKU AND ITS PRECURSORS 2004 PDF

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Journal of Archaeological Research [jar] pp1095-jare-479711 April 12, 2004 10:30 Style file version Nov 28th, 2002
Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 12, No. 2, June 2004 (

C 2004)
Tiwanaku and Its Precursors: Recent Research

and Emerging Perspectives
John W. Janusek1
The Lake Titicaca Basin provides a fascinating case study for examining the pre-
historic rise of complexity and archaic state development. The development of
the Tiwanaku state and preceding polities involved conjunctions of regional en-
vironmental, socioeconomic, and ideological transformations. Significant social,
economic, and ideological diversity characterized each major phase, indicating
that the creation of inclusive domains of shared values, practices, and identities
was critical to the formation of polities in the region. Tiwanaku and its precur-
sors were, in great part, incorporative sociopolitical phenomena in which social
diversity remained vital throughout their histories.
KEY WORDS: archaeology; Andes; Tiwanaku; sociopolitical development.
INTRODUCTION
Until recently, Tiwanaku and its environs, located in the southern Lake
Titicaca Basin of the Andean altiplano, were a mystery. The young “Chronicler of
Indians” Pedro Cieza de Leon, who visited the ruins in 1549, considered Tiwanaku
“the oldest antiquity in all Peru” (von Hagen, 1959, p. lv). In the 19th century trav-
elers and archaeologists, puzzled by the incongruous location of monumental ruins
in a seemingly desolate landscape, interpreted Tiwanaku as a ceremonial center
(Squier, 1878, p. 773). Later excavators supported this idea on the basis of the re-
covery of “beds of ash” and residues of “ritual meals” rather than clearly definable
ancient houses (Rydén 1947, pp. 158–159; see also Bennett, 1934; Bennett and
Bird, 1964, p. 138). Cited heavily by later researchers, these early studies deeply
affected Andean archaeology and still form a viable framework for understanding
the Andean Middle Horizon. According to many, Tiwanaku was the center of a
1 Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University, Box 6050, Station B, Nashville, Tennessee 37235;
e-mail: john.w.janusek@vanderbilt.edu.
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122 Janusek
prestigious religious cult that zealot warriors from Wari, in the Ayacucho Basin
of Peru, spread by military force across the Andes (Menzel, 1958, 1964; see also
Lumbreras, 1974, p. 151, 1981; Schaedel, 1988; Wallace, 1980).
Supported by many Peruvianists, this interpretation helped polarize the views
of Bolivian archaeologist Carlos Ponce Sanginés (1961, 1978a,b). In 1957–58, on
the heels of a turbulent political revolution, Ponce and a group of dedicated col-
leagues (among them Maks Portugal and Gregorio Cordero) drew up agendas for
a profoundly nationalistic archaeology that targeted Tiwanaku as Bolivian cultural
patrimony. Ponce and his colleagues sought to demonstrate that rather than simply
a ceremonial center, Tiwanaku was the densely populated center of an imperial
state that extended its control over much of the Andes via military conquest. On
the basis of excavations in the Kalasasaya, one of Tiwanaku’s principal monu-
mental complexes, he estimated that Tiwanaku evolved over successive village,
urban, and imperial stages (Ponce, 1980, 1981). In the final stage, correspond-
ing with Tiwanaku V, Tiwanaku was a city of 4.2 km2 with as many as 100,000
people, many engaged in specialized occupations (Ponce, 1981, 1991). In this pe-
riod, Ponce argues (1981, pp. 84–85) Tiwanaku expanded outside of the Titicaca
Basin and established imperial control in present-day Bolivia, Peru, Chile, and
Argentina, ultimately conquering Wari, which he considers an “architecturally in-
ferior” Tiwanaku regional center. Though steeped in an ideology of hard-boiled
nationalism that inspired exaggerated claims regarding Tiwanaku’s expansion and
character (including, for example, that Tiwanaku conquered Wari; see below),
Ponce effectively placed Tiwanaku on the map as an urban center at the head of
an imperial state.
Here I synthesize recent and ongoing research bearing on the long-term devel-
opment of social complexity in the Lake Titicaca Basin, focusing on the emergence
of early interaction networks and polities and the rise, consolidation, and collapse
of the Tiwanaku state. I discuss processes of long-term sociopolitical development
that outline a unique regional case study with implications for archaeological in-
terpretation globally. The trajectory of cultural development in the region, viewed
from a perspective that emphasizes local groups and communities in broader so-
cial networks and polities, raises questions about conventional notions regarding
the development of social complexity and the rise and fall of states. It provides
comparative insights into the role of ritual and ceremonial centers, the organi-
zation of craft production and productive enterprises, the character of political
organization, and the agency of local groups and communities in the process of
state development, expansion, and collapse. For each successive phase in the Lake
Titicaca Basin I pull together diverse lines of evidence to suggest that rather than
single prime movers, conjunctions of productive strategies, economic networks,
ritual practices, and ideological systems were mutually interwoven determinants
in processes of cultural continuity and change.
Further, we find significant social, economic, and ideological diversity in
each major phase of cultural development in the region. In any period, the basin
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Tiwanaku and Its Precursors: Recent Research and Emerging Perspectives 123
incorporated diverse social groups, overlapping economic and ideological net-

works, and multiple political and religious centers. Prehispanic sites traditionally
considered primary centers were not the only influential settlements, and in some
cases not necessarily the most influential settlements at a given time. Many poli-
ties cultivated their own distinctive and prestigious ritual practices and elegant
ideological systems. Even before and during the Tiwanaku hegemony, multiple
centers interacted and competed, and pan-regional ritual traditions such as the
Yayamama and even Tiwanaku were internally diversified, syncretic interaction
networks rather than uniform religions or societies. Analogous to interregional sys-
tems in other world regions–such as the Olmec Horizon, the “Chaco phenomenon,”
and the Uruk world system–early interaction networks formed, among other di-
mensions, inclusive domains of social identification and cultural affiliation for
diverse groups, communities, and centers. Tiwanaku, the first state in the south-
central Andes, was predominantly an incorporative organization, characterized in
its own heartland, at least for much of its history, by sociopolitical strategies that
resonate with Blanton et al.’s corporate power (1996) and Luttwak’s hegemonic
imperialism (1976). As important as emergent political structures, socioeconomic
networks, and environmental shift in the formation of polities such as Tiwanaku,
was the creation of an inclusive domain of shared views and practices, a vast imag-
ined community with which groups with diverse ideologies, productive practices,
and social affiliations identified. Throughout the history of Tiwanaku and earlier
polities, local identities remained vital elements of more encompassing religious,
economic, and political systems.
For lack of research, archaeologists have traditionally thought of cultural de-
velopment in the Lake Titicaca Basin in terms of two poles of cultural influence:
Chiripa followed by Tiwanaku in the southern basin, and Qaluyu followed by
Pukara to the north. Recent research in the Lake Titicaca Basin encourages criti-
cal consideration of this perspective and significant refinement of others. Because
research and publication in the southern basin has been fast and furious, while in
the northern basin it has just begun (Cohen, 2001; Klarich, 2002; Stanish, 2003), I
concentrate here on the southern basin and adjacent areas. I discuss regions where
research has been most intensive, including Island of the Sun, Copacabana, Santi-
ago de Huata, Katari, Taraco, Tiwanaku, Machaca, Oruro, Ccapia, and Juli-Pomata
(Fig. 1). These areas either border the southern part of Lake Titicaca, a body of
water known as Lake Wiñaymarka, or are located near its primary drainage system,
the Desaguadero River. I concentrate on three local phases of cultural development
in the basin, Early-Middle Formative (1500–100 B.C.), Late Formative (100 B.C.
– A.D. 500), and Tiwanaku (A.D. 500–1150) (Fig. 2). These phases correspond,
roughly, with the Initial period—Early Horizon, Early Intermediate period, and
Middle Horizon of the central Andean chronology. Before synthesizing cultural
changes, I summarize recent advances in the study of past climate shifts in the
region, since changes in climate form a central focus for current debates regarding
Tiwanaku and the long history of the Lake Titicaca Basin.
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124 Janusek
Fig. 1. The Lake Titicaca Basin (A), showing regions and sites mentioned in the text, and the Tiwanaku
Valley, Katari Valley, and Taraco Peninsula (B) showing major sites mentioned in the text.
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Fig. 2. Chronological chart for the southern Lake Titicaca Basin.

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126 Janusek
PREHISPANIC ENVIRONMENTAL SHIFT
In a precarious environment such as the Andean altiplano, human societies and

the environments they inhabit coexisted in dynamic interaction. Sediment cores
in Lake Wiñaymarka (Abbott et al., 1997; Binford et al., 1996, 1997; Binford
and Kolata, 1996) and ice cores in the Quelccaya glacier (Thompson et al., 1985;
Thompson and Moseley-Thompson, 1987) together outline significant long-term
fluctuations in precipitation in the altiplano, and thus major shifts in lake level in
the 5000 years or so of human occupation in the Titicaca Basin. First, there was
a significant rise in lake levels, on the order of 15–20 m, at about 1500 B.C., the
beginning of Early Formative in the region (Abbott et al., 1997; Binford et al.,
1997). A long-term drop in lake levels of 10–12 m in 400-200 B.C. corresponds
with the last half of the Middle Formative. Lake and ice cores mark a wet period
of high lake stands in A.D. 750–1050, the Late Tiwanaku IV and Early V periods,
and then the onset of a long-term drought, from A.D. 1050 to 1500, corresponding
with the post-Tiwanaku Late Intermediate period. Long-term changes in precip-
itation would have profoundly altered local biotic systems and human societies.
Floodplains in the Titicaca Basin, such as the Koani Pampa in the Katari Valley
(Fig. 1(b)), in many cases slope so gradually that a drop in lake level of 1 m causes
the lakeshore to migrate 5-km inland (Binford and Kolata, 1996, p. 38). With a
drop of 10–15 m, which apparently occurred during the Middle Formative, Lake
Wiñaymarka would have essentially disappeared.
THE EARLY AND MIDDLE FORMATIVE PERIODS
Background
Less than 10 years ago archaeologists could assert that “there has been lit-
tle archaeological investigation of the Formative Period” (Bermann and Estevez,
1995, p. 389). Quite suddenly, the past decade has seen an explosion of research
and publication focused on early phases of development and a vast amplification
of our knowledge pertaining to the formative periods. For many areas we can now
speak confidently of an Early, Middle, and Late Formative phase of cultural de-
velopment (Fig. 2) (Hastorf et al., 2001; Janusek, 2003a; Lemuz, 2001; Stanish
et al., 1997; Steadman, 1995a, 1997; Whitehead, 1999a). For the Early and Mid-
dle Formative phases, the best documented cultural complexes are Qaluyu in the
northern basin (Rowe, 1963), Chiripa in the southern basin, and Wankarani farther
south. Although little is known of Qaluyu, ongoing research in Qaluyu-affiliated
occupations promises to explode our understanding of this enigmatic early com-
plex (Cohen, 2001; Steadman, 1995a). At the moment, however, we have a much
better idea of cultural developments in the south.
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By the 1940s archaeologists realized that Tiwanaku, though clearly pre-Inca,

was not the oldest “antiquity” in the Andes (Kroeber, 1944; Tello, 1943), and
Ponce Sanginés among others sought to understand earlier cultures in the Bolivian
altiplano. Such cultures included Chiripa, presumably centered at a site of the same
name on the north edge of the Taraco Peninsula, and Wankarani, a culture of small
mounded villages farther south in Oruro (Ponce, 1970, 1980). Early excavations at
Chiripa exposed various sections of a major platform mound some 5 m high that
incorporated a trapezoidal ring of rectangular structures with interior bins (Fig. 3)
(Bennett, 1936; Browman, 1978a,b, 1980; K. L. M. Chávez, 1988; Kidder, 1956;
Portugal, 1992). The building complex witnessed successive phases of construc-
tion, indicative of three successive cultural phases at the site (Browman, 1978b,
1980; K. L. M. Chávez, 1988, p. 18). In final plan, the building complex was trape-
zoidal, and each of its 14 buildings had clay floors, plastered and painted walls,
and internal bins around its interior walls. Under one building Bennett located
13 human burials, some with sumptuary gold and copper items (Bennett, 1936,
pp. 432–433). For K. L. M. Chávez (1988), mortuary associations, architectural
elaboration, and the associated remains of tubers, quinoa, fish, camelids, and bas-
ketry indicate that the Chiripa platform was a planned temple-storage complex.
In a relatively late phase, a sunken court, faced with sandstone stelae depicting
carved mythical imagery, was built into the platform.
Chiripa was the center of a regional complex marked by fiber-tempered pot-
tery, including most notably a range of reddish-brown slipped decorated serving
wares including flat-bottomed bowls. Presumably, Chiripa-affiliated sites balanced
cultivation and pastoralism with a subsistence economy focused on lacustrine re-
sources, including fish, waterfowl, and aquatic plants (Kolata, 1983, p. 248, 1993,
p. 69). Chiripa was considered to date from about 1300 to about 100 B.C., reaching
its cultural apogee during the Mamani phase (∼700 to 100 B.C.) (Browman, 1978b;
K. L. M. Chávez, 1988).
Farther south, in drier regions northeast of Lake Poopo, a distinct cultural
development coexisted with Chiripa. Far less well defined, Wankarani villages are
distinguished by their nondecorated ceramics, basalt stone hoes, and stone effigy
llama heads (Kolata, 1983, 1993, pp. 59–63; Metraux and Lehmann, 1937; Ponce,
1970, 1980, pp. 13–21; Walter, 1994; Wasson, 1967). Many village clusters of
houses, circular in form, were encompassed by compound walls, bounding living
spaces of kin-based groups. At some sites slag from copper smelting was recovered,
but until recently little else was known of Wankarani culture. In contrast with
Chiripa, Wankarani appears to have focused on pastoralism.
A broader dimension of Early–Middle Formative prehispanic altiplano culture
was acknowledged in 1975 when Sergio Chávez and Karen Mohr Chávez first
noted a pan-Titicaca style of stone sculpture. Termed Yayamama, or Pa-Ajanu
(Pajano) by many Bolivianists (Browman, 1978a, 1997b; Portugal, 1998a), later
refinement of the style has led to its general acceptance as an expressive part
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128 Janusek
Fig. 3. Chiripa mound showing excavations conducted by various projects in the 20th century
(adapted from Bandy, 1999).
of a potent, ecumenical religious tradition (K. L. M. Chávez, 1988). Associated

with Late Chiripa and Late Qaluyu, the tradition is considered to “represent the
first widespread unification of diverse groups . . . who used different pottery styles”
(Burger et al., 2000). In addition to stone sculpture, Yayamama is characterized
by temples with sunken courts, ritual paraphernalia including ceramic trumpets
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and burners, and elaborate mythical iconography (Burger et al., 2000; K. L. M.

Chávez, 1985, 1988; S. J. Chávez, 2002; S. J. Chávez and K. L. M. Chávez, 1975;
Steadman, 1997). Out of Yayamama emerged later sculptural styles, including the
Pukara style in the northern basin and what I term the Khonkho style in the south.
Chiripa: Recent Research
Members of the Taraco Archaeological Project (TAP; Hastorf, 1999a), who

worked at Chiripa throughout the 1990s, have defined Early (1500-1000 B.C.),
Middle (1000-800 B.C.), and Late Chiripa (800-100 B.C.) phases for the Chiripa
chronology (Whitehead, 1999a). Excavations confirmed that the main platform
was a major temple complex built over many successive phases, from at least
Middle through Late Chiripa (Bandy, 1999, 2001, pp. 126–133; Hastorf et al.,
2001, p. 86). In the second sequence of superimposed buildings, floors and in some
cases entire structures were ritually interred approximately once every generation
(Bandy, 2001, p. 127). The buildings may represent intimate ritual chambers,
perhaps at least as much for guarding ancestral mummy bundles as for other
ceremonial or comestible goods (Steadman and Hastorf, 2001).
Excavation outside the platform, although intended to locate domestic houses
and middens (Hastorf, 1999b, p. 123), revealed at least two large, trapezoidal
sunken courts. The Choquehuanca structure, located north of the platform and
closer to the lake, dates to Middle Chiripa (Dean and Kojan, 1999; Hastorf et al.,
2001, p. 85). Llusco, just south of the platform, was built during Late Chiripa,
when Choquehuanca was covered with domestic midden (Bandy, 2001, p. 126;
Paz, 1999). Apparently dedicated to communal gathering and ceremonial activity
(Hastorf et al., 2001, p. 85), these trapezoidal sunken courts, made of cobbles in
mud mortar on prepared, clean clay floors, are the earliest known in the Titicaca
Basin.
Still, Chiripa was not the only major center on the Taraco Peninsula. Bandy
(2001) posits that occupations here during Early Chiripa consisted of several well-
spaced, autonomous, relatively large permanent villages, which increased in both
number and average size and population during Middle Chiripa. Beck’s excava-
tions at Alto Pukara, just 4 km from Chiripa (Fig. 4(a)), revealed an early raised
platform supporting a red-clay plaza bordered by two buildings for ritual activity
that were similar to the Middle Chiripa buildings in the Chiripa platform (Beck,
2001, 2002). Dating to Middle Chiripa, the complex was ritually interred and
capped at the beginning of Late Chiripa, just when the last and most elaborate
building complex was constructed on the Chiripa mound (Beck, 2002). During
Middle Chiripa, it appears, such platform complexes were foci of ritual life for
autonomous villages on Taraco. During Late Chiripa ritual on the Taraco Peninsula
may have concentrated on Chiripa itself (Beck, 2002).
Chiripa-affiliated settlement extended throughout the Tiwanaku–Katari–
Taraco region. By Late Chiripa, Taraco supported a two-tier settlement hierarchy
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130 Janusek
Fig. 4. Maps of the Taraco peninsula showing Middle Formative (A) and Late Formative 1 (B)
settlement patterns, as well as the location of sites mentioned in the text (adapted from Bandy, 2001).
with 10 sites of 3–8 ha, each with smaller sites clustered around them (Fig. 4(a)).
Three other sites were as extensive as Chiripa (T-130, T-232, and T-394), Bandy
notes (2001, pp. 133–136), and two of these as well as several smaller sites had
sunken courts and monumental platforms. The adjacent Katari Valley maintained
the same two-tier settlement pattern and included one large site, Qeyakuntu, with
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built platforms (Fig. 1(b); Janusek, 2001, p. 116; Janusek and Kolata, 2003). The
Tiwanaku Valley also maintained several site clusters, some focused on midsized
sites of about 3 ha (Albarracin-Jordan et al., 1993; Albarracin-Jordan and Mathews,
1990, pp. 58–73; Lemuz and Paz, 2001; J. E. Mathews, 1992, p. 147). Here, ex-
cavations at two sites revealed sections of large sunken enclosures similar to, if
somewhat smaller than, those found at Chiripa (Albarracin-Jordan, 1996b, pp. 105–
110; J. E. Mathews, 1992, pp. 149, 558). By Late Chiripa, then, communities of
well-spaced site clusters, some focused on large villages with ceremonial build-
ings and platforms, were characteristic of the region. Settlement was most densely
concentrated on the Taraco Peninsula, where Chiripa, which may (Beck, 2002;
Hastorf, 1999a) or may not (Bandy, 2001) have been a primary ritual center, was
in any case not the only major center.
The Chiripa complex extended far beyond the Tiwanaku–Katari–Taraco re-
gion. In Santiago de Huata, a peninsula separating Lake Wiñaymarka from the
rest of Titicaca, Lemuz (2001) has defined three major settlement clusters dating
to the Middle Formative (Fig. 5). Early Formative 1 occupation, termed Kalake,
consisted of four sites with ceramics having certain technological similarities with
Early Chiripa, but with clear local differences (Fig. 5(a)). By the Middle Forma-
tive the number of settlements had increased by almost nine times, most clustered
around one or two large (3–5 ha) villages with sites in each cluster distributed
over a range of ecological niches (Fig. 5(b)). As on the Taraco Peninsula, several
settlements had platforms with sunken courts or plazas, as well as stone mono-
liths or sculptures depicting, or affiliated with, the Yayamama iconographic style
(Portugal, 1998a, pp. 75–90).
The Island of the Sun, not far to the northwest, incorporated similar pat-
terns (Bauer and Stanish, 2001; Stanish, 2003) (Fig. 6). Archaeologists found 10
sites dating to the Early Formative, many directly over Late Archaic occupations
(Fig. 6(a)). As elsewhere, Middle Formative settlement patterns were character-
ized by two size-tiers, and like most areas outside Taraco, larger villages such
as Titinhuayni were no more than 3 ha (Fig. 6(b)). Settlement formed three or
four clear clusters, with a particularly dense concentration of sites on the north tip
of the island. This is where, during the Late Horizon (A.D. 1450–1535), the Inca
maintained an elaborate ritual complex near a natural outcrop known as Titikala,
a sacred rock associated with Inca mythical origins. Although there is no clear
evidence for pre-Inca ritual activity here, this part of the island clearly had become
important by the Middle Formative.
Research on the Copacabana Peninsula, just south of the island, confirms the
ritual significance of major Middle Formative sites. S. J. Chávez and K. L. M.
Chávez (1997) revealed a dense landscape of settlement clusters focused on sites
with public architecture, which included raised platforms with sunken courts as
in Chiripa. Large sites were spaced 6 km from one another on average, appar-
ently serving as ritual centers for “temple dominions” (Albores, 2002, p. 105; S. J.
Chávez and K. L. M. Chávez, 1997, pp. 80–81). The research team has excavated
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132 Janusek
Fig. 5. Settlement patterns in Santiago de Huata during the Early Formative (A), Middle Formative
2 (B), Late Formative 1 (C), Late Formative 2 (D), and Tiwanaku (E) phases (adapted from Lemuz,
2001). Outlined areas (numbered I–IV) mark statistically defined settlement clusters for each period.
and reconstructed a sunken court at Ch’isi, a site perched over the lakeshore and
among the most prominent of the Middle Formative sites in Copacabana. Flanking
the narrow entrance to the temple was a pilaster carved with an anthropomorphic
figure in the Yayamama style (Portugal, 1998a, pp. 23, 30–31). Although many
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Fig. 6. Settlement patterns on the Island of the Sun during the Early Formative (A), Middle Formative
(B), Late Formative (C), and Tiwanaku (D) periods (adapted from Bauer and Stanish, 2001).
project results are unpublished, those available suggest that Copacabana was an-
other important node in the Chiripa cultural complex, perhaps as significant as
Taraco across Lake Wiñaymarka to the south.
Further away to the east and north, sites with Chiripa-style ceramics have
been located in the upper valleys in and around the city of La Paz, to the southeast,
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134 Janusek
and in altiplano and valley zones of the provinces of Larecaja and Muñecas, to the
north (Faldin, 1985, 1991; Paz, 2000). Portugal directed excavations at Titimani,
a major Formative site on the east-central shore of Lake Titicaca (Portugal, 1988,
1992, 1998a,b; Portugal et al., 1993), that exposed a raised platform with an inter-
nal, trapezoidal, sunken court, similar in many respects to that at Chiripa. Dating
to Late Chiripa, the platform contained numerous human burials and several small
enclosures interpreted as storage bins. The remains of a structure in one corner
of the mound appear similar to the final storage-ritual chambers at Chiripa (see
Portugal et al., 1993, pp. 81, 84). In the center of the court Portugal (1998a, pp. 42–
56) located a small rectangular enclosure that contained carved stone monoliths
and two offering caches. The monoliths depicted anthropomorphic beings with
Yayamama stylistic elements; each cach revealed several stone sculptures, imple-
ments, and figurines. Portugal’s research indicates that Titimani was an important
ritual center for this area of the basin during the Middle Formative.
Inhabitants of the southwestern Lake Titicaca Basin, in Peru, also partici-
pated intensively in the Chiripa network. Here, members of the Lupaqa Project
revealed numerous sites dating to the Early and Middle Formative periods. As else-
where, Early Formative settlement was characterized by a number of small (<1 ha)
sparsely distributed sites that, overall, favored low hills near streambeds and the
lake. Here and on the Island of the Sun many sites were on Late Archaic occu-
pations and maintained a distinctive ceramic assemblage, termed Pasiri, in which
fiber inclusions predominated (Bauer and Stanish, 2001, pp. 139–140; Stanish
et al., 1997, p. 40). By the end of the Middle Formative, occupation in the re-
gion had intensified, with the typical two-tier settlement patterns centered on a
few large villages, including Palermo and Ckackachipata (Fig. 1a). The site of
Tumatumani yielded ceramic assemblages that were largely locally produced, as
well as Chiripa and Qaluyu-style decorated wares. Chiripa-style techniques and
decoration, however, were far more common (Stanish and Steadman, 1994).
Patterns of interaction and influence were somewhat different farther north,
near Puno Bay. Here, archaeologists located one of the largest sites yet known
for this period in the southern basin, Incatunuhuiri (10 ha), as well as smaller
villages surrounded by dispersed hamlets (Frye and Steadman, 2001). A monu-
mental platform-plaza complex and sculptures with Yayamama characteristics in-
dicate that, like Titimani across the lake, the site was an important regional center
during the Middle Formative. However, ceramic analyses from the nearby center
of Camata yielded distinctive local assemblages with stylistic affiliations closer
to Qaluyu than to Chiripa (Steadman, 1995a,b). Ceramic patterns accord well
with the stylistic attributes of Yayamama sculptures from Incatunahuiri, which
are similar to sculptures from Pukara to the north (S. J. Chávez and K. L. M.
Chávez, 1975; Frye and Steadman, 2001). Apparently, this area formed an au-
tonomous frontier between the two influential cultural spheres of Qaluyu and
Chiripa.
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Chiripa: Emerging Perspectives
Recent research offers fascinating new perspectives on Chiripa and the Early–
Middle Formative phases of southern Titicaca Basin culture history. Early Forma-
tive settlements represent the first permanently settled villages in the southern Lake
Titicaca Basin. In most regions Early Formative settlements are directly on top of
(or near) Late Archaic sites, indicating strong demographic and economic con-
tinuities as societies became increasingly sedentary and their resource strategies
agropastoral at around 1500–1300 B.C.. Ceramic assemblages show similarities
among regions but vary in details of production from one area to the next. In most
areas Early Formative settlements were small (<1 ha) and well dispersed across
the landscape, favoring areas near natural springs and streams (Bauer and Stanish,
2001; Lemuz, 2001; Stanish et al., 1997). On the Taraco Peninsula, however, sites
were relatively large (up to 5 ha) and densely clustered, with ceremonial buildings
and courts in at least two sites (Chiripa and Alto Pukara) by 1000 B.C.. Emerging
complexity on Taraco may have been due in part, Bandy (2001) suggests, to the
rising lake and an attendant strain on available lands to settle and cultivate.
By the Middle Formative, Chiripa-related settlement networks were inextri-
cably tied to the lake, even if sites in any region occupied a range of microenviron-
ments, some relatively far from the lake edge itself. Overall settlement patterns,
coupled with lithic, faunal, and archaeobotanical analyses (Moore et al., 1999;
Whitehead, 1999b), indicate that productive strategies combined agrarian and
pastoral pursuits with fishing, hunting, and foraging. Settlement preference near
well-drained areas, in addition to remains of cultivated plants at Chiripa, includ-
ing chenopodium (quinoa) and tubers (Bennett, 1936; Browman, 1978b; Kidder,
1956; Whitehead, 1999b), highlight the importance of farming for Middle Forma-
tive Chiripa populations. High densities of stone hoes and hoe debitage also have
been recovered from many Middle Formative sites (Bandy, 2001; Janusek and
Kolata, 2003). Nevertheless, production in raised fields, hypothesized for the
northern and southwestern basins (Erickson, 1988, 1993; Stanish, 1994, 1999,
p. 123), does not appear to have been conducted in the southeastern basin during
the Early–Middle Formative (Graffam, 1990, 1992; Janusek, 2001; Janusek and
Kolata, 2003). Stanish (1999, p. 123; Bauer and Stanish, 2001, p. 143) suggests
that terrace agriculture may have been practiced on the Island of the Sun. Settle-
ment patterns and faunal analyses also indicate that, relative to contemporaneous
and later cultures, “carnivorous pastoralism,” or herding camelids for consump-
tion, played a relatively small role in local productive economies (Stanish, 1999,
p. 123; Webster, 1993; Webster and Janusek, 2003). As Moore et al. (1999, p. 106)
note of Chiripa, “the importance of camelid meat in the daily diet is swamped” by
that of fish and aquatic birds.
By the latter half of the Middle Formative (Late Chiripa 2500–200 B.C.),
the Chiripa interaction network thrived on far more than local subsistence and
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136 Janusek
kin-based distribution. Elaborate crafted items, such as decorated ceramics, metal

ornaments, and stone sculptures, point to well-developed artisanry and specializa-
tion. Just as significant, the far-flung appearance of a shared style of ceramic tech-
nology and decoration, like the common appearance of Yayamama iconographic
themes, indicates that humans, goods, and ideas traveled vigorously across the
Titicaca Basin. Given the lacustrine orientation of most Chiripa sites, boat travel
across the lake was a primary form of movement during the Early–Middle For-
mative periods. The drying of Lake Wiñaymarka late in the Middle Formative
provided opportunities for the expansion of land-based, circum-lacustrine trade
through the southern basin (Bandy, 2001). Bandy sees concrete evidence for this
in the sudden appearance of “olivine basalt” hoes on the Taraco Peninsula, which
appear to derive from a single quarry near Incatunahuiri 150 km to the north.
This hypothesis is unconfirmed by rigorous analyses, but it is highly plausible that
the vicissitudes of trade via boat or llama caravan had crucial impacts on social,
economic, and perhaps political changes in the basin.
Ceramic analysis provides important new evidence for interaction among sites
in the basin. Lee Steadman’s analyses in Chiripa, Tumatumani, and Camata indicate
that while stylistic attributes were shared across the southern basin, most ceramic
wares in any area were locally made (Stanish and Steadman, 1994; Steadman,
1995a,b, 1997). Further, in each area local “twists” on Chiripa style were com-
mon; in the western basin Qaluyu-related styles were particularly frequent, in-
creasingly so farther north. Overall, it appears the Chiripa complex consisted of
autonomous interacting communities in which material goods followed loosely
shared stylistic canons (Steadman, 1997). Ceramic data accord well with new
data regarding Yayamama style objects and iconography, which were, in part,
adopted independently of the Chiripa complex. Although a comprehensive study
of Yayamama stone iconography has yet to be published, increasing documen-
tation confirms the importance of shared religious ideology among communities
across the basin (e.g., Browman, 1997b; Portugal, 1998a; Steadman, 1997). The
interregional adoption of Yayamama values and practices began during the Mid-
dle Formative (or Late Chiripa) Period (K. L. M. Chávez, 1988; S. J. Chávez,
2002; Steadman, 1997). Across the basin, however, one finds local expressions of
Yayamama symbols in stone sculpture, ceremonial burners, and ceramic iconog-
raphy (K. L. M. Chávez, 1997). For example, an icon on many stone monoliths,
which may represent a cosmic center or origin point, is represented most com-
monly as circles in some areas of the basin, crosses in others, and checkered
crosses in yet others (Browman, 1997b). Decorated ceramic trumpets, on the other
hand, are relatively uniform at the sites where they appear (Steadman, 1997).
Given their relatively rare and restricted occurrence on the Chiripa mound at that
site, they were highly valued ritual objects crafted in very few locations. Overall,
the Yayamama religious tradition was a syncretic convergence of local religious
practices, myths, and cosmologies more than a uniform, standardized religion
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(K. L. M. Chávez, 1997). It formed an inclusive domain of cultural affiliation

through shared myths and ritual practices, though perhaps in greater measure
among relatively high-status groups and individuals in local regions than most
others. Much more work remains to be done regarding its origins, significance,
and local expressions.
What, then, was Chiripa? Unlike Yayamama, Chiripa was a cultural com-
plex limited by and large to the southern basin and consisting of characteristic
styles in household as well as ceremonial objects and practices. Clearly, it was
not a single, hierarchical political community or “proto-state” as some suggest
(Portugal, 1998b). There was no clear political, economic, or religious center
that stands out above other sites, only certain lakeside regions, most importantly
Taraco and perhaps Copacabana, which have particularly high densities of impor-
tant sites and settlement clusters. Constructed public or ritual places at large sites
across the basin, in relation to ritual items (trumpets and burners) and elaborate
iconography featuring mythical images, indicate that by the Middle Formative
ritual was a fundamental aspect of Chiripa culture and social relations. In this re-
gard a promising direction of future research is the significance of human burials,
in some cases elaborate interments, in Chiripa monumental structures (Portugal,
1998a, pp. 33–35; Steadman and Hastorf, 2001). According to some, ritual practice
and cosmology were fundamental to the rise of Middle Formative cultures such as
Chiripa and Qaluyu. With Copacabana in mind, S. J. Chávez and K. L. M. Chávez
consider major Chiripa centers and site clusters to represent distinct “temple do-
minions.” They do not discuss the potential role of political centralization, social
complexity, or emergent elites in an overt manner.
Social complexity and rising leaders are more central to other interpretations
of Chiripa and the Middle Formative. Cross-culturally, spiritual power and integra-
tive sociopolitical relations often go hand in hand (see Dietler, 1995; Earle, 1991;
Pauketat, 1994; Sahlins, 1985; Valeri, 1985, for chiefdoms). Following an evolu-
tionary perspective, two-tier settlement hierarchies characterized simple chiefdoms
and incipient ranking (Flannery, 1999; Wright, 1984). For Stanish (1999, p. 120),
the Middle Formative witnessed the rise of “moderately ranked societies” and
emergent elites. In this view the Lake Titicaca Basin comprised a number of com-
peting peer polities, with elite power focused in major local centers (Stanish et al.,
1997). Critical to the rise of elites and elite–commoner relations was sponsored
feasting (Stanish, 2003), what Dietler (1996, 2001) calls “commensal politics.”
Evidence in the southern basin is found in elaborate flat-bottom serving bowls, the
production of which also was sponsored by elites. Following this model, the rise
of social complexity in the Middle Formative was not coercive but consensual,
grounded in the tactics of persuasion and calculated generosity of competing elite
families. The sunken courts so common at large sites were spaces par excellence
for the competitive feasts that helped build the prestige and bolster the legitimacy
of ambitious and rising chiefs.
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138 Janusek
Nevertheless, in the Early–Middle Formative many areas incorporated mul-

tiple ritual–political centers. Taking this into consideration, Bandy (2001) sug-
gests that social ranking and political control probably emerged after (or at least
late in) the Middle Formative, and they were the ultimate consequences—not the
determinants—of the clustered, two-tier settlement hierarchies in regions such as
Taraco. In this scenario rising elites and emergent complexity were the long-term
consequences of increasing social tensions during the Early–Middle Formative.
Decreasing options for settlement dispersal and fissioning in the face of con-
sistent population growth, Bandy suggests, fostered the rise of relatively large
villages in tandem with integrative practices such as community ritual (as wit-
nessed in Yayamama symbols) and competitive feasting (as witnessed in elaborate
serving wares). New practices in turn encouraged the rising power of particu-
larly ambitious individuals and groups, some of whom took advantage of shift-
ing long-distance trade routes during the drying of Lake Wiñaymarka at around
450 B.C.
Chiripa was an interregional cultural complex characterized by a specific
range of productive adaptations, everyday practices, and worldviews. Emergent
complexity was tied to the intensification of interregional interaction, the devel-
opment of a pan-regional religious tradition, and quite possibly, a major environ-
mental shift that fostered these new patterns. At least by the end of the Middle
Formative, or Late Chiripa 2, it was characterized by prestigious community lead-
ers and high-status groups who obtained and employed, perhaps for relatively
exclusive rituals, symbols, and objects associated with a potent, far-flung religious
tradition. Beyond other characteristics, Chiripa and Yayamama were overlapping
domains of cultural affiliation, each corresponding with distinct domains of social
identification and cultural practice.
Wankarani: Recent Research
A distinct Early–Middle Formative complex developed along the lower

Desaguadero River to the south. Most recent research on Wankarani has been
conducted in coordination with Marc Bermann and the University of Pittsburgh
(Fig. 7). Survey in the regions of La Joya, on the Desaguadero, and Rio Kochi,
35 km to the west, reveals networks of settlement favoring lower hill slopes
(McAndrews, 1998, 2001). The sites are highly visible on the landscape, usu-
ally consisting of tell-like mounds of continuous occupation rising up to 6 m high.
Because of a tendency toward artifactual continuity across occupation sequences,
local chronological phases remain poorly defined. Throughout the Early–Middle
Formative periods, sites remained relatively small (<2 ha) and were regularly
spaced and widely dispersed across the landscape, a pattern characteristic of pas-
toral societies. Nevertheless, settlement locations, faunal remains, and associated
artifacts (including large quantities of basalt hoes) indicate that, in addition to
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Fig. 7. Location of Oruro and major Wankarani sites in relation to the Lake Titicaca Basin (from
Bermann and Estevez, 1993).
extensive grazing areas for camelid herds, groups also sought access to good farm-
land riverine resources (e.g., fish and birds; Bermann and Estevez, 1995; Rose,
2001a). In addition, McAndrews found that the size and length of occupation
at a site correlated positively. He suggests (McAndrews, 2001), as does Bandy
for Taraco, that smaller sites represented relatively new villages that fissioned
from larger “progenitor” villages as populations grew and social tensions became
intolerable.
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140 Janusek
Excavations at two settlements provide an idea of social and economic organi-

zation during the Early–Middle Formative periods in Wankarani-related settle-
ments, offering evidence for early social segmentation in the south-central Andes.
At La Barca and San Andrés, Early Formative villages located near the
Desaguadero River, excavations revealed groups of circular dwellings and their as-
sociated structures and activity areas (Bermann and Estevez, 1995; Rose, 2001a,b).
Groups of 2–4 contiguous or attached dwellings formed coresidential compounds,
and compounds clustered to form extensive residential zones (at San Andrés di-
vided by walls). House compounds incorporated small circular storage structures,
indicating that the resident group managed some of its own surplus. Each com-
pound appears to have housed a basic family or household group, and each cluster
may have housed an encompassing lineage segment.
Not surprisingly, ritual was an important part of domestic life in these early
sedentary communities. At both sites, some compounds incorporated a circular cer-
emonial or mortuary structure, and at La Barca, near some residential clusters were
larger sunken circular “temples” (Rose, 2001a), which reasonably enough may
have served community political gatherings and/or ceremonies. At San Andrés,
ritual activity was an integral part of residential life (Bermann and Estevez, 1995).
Found among residues of typical domestic activities near dwellings were frag-
ments of ceramic trumpets, one crafted in Yayamama style. Dated to the 12th and
13th centuries B.C., the presence of these items suggests that certain elements of
the religious complex may have originated very early, before the Middle Forma-
tive, and that they were more widely distributed than once thought. Inside one
dwelling, in addition, were three offering caches, each of which contained basalt
hoes, intact grinding stones, and (in at least two caches) clay anthropomorphic
figurines. Like basalt hoes found on many Wankarani site surfaces, the cached
implements came from natural basalt outcrops at Querimita, 150 km to the south.
Agricultural tools made from this nonlocal material, along with other domes-
tic items, were important components of domestic rituals conducted, perhaps, at
key times in the life cycle of the house (e.g., a reflooring event) or the resident
household.
Thus south of the basin another cultural complex, based on a distinct com-
bination of altiplano productive regimes and emphasizing pastoralism, had been
developing in Oruro. Unlike Chiripa, local settlements remained nonhierarchi-
cal and dispersed; monumental ceremonial architecture has not been recovered.
Rather, ritual activity was the affair of local domestic groups and communi-
ties. Continuities in artifacts and practices across Wankarani sites attest to wide-
ranging interaction and shared values. Nevertheless, leadership like ritual activity
was community-based rather than regional, most likely the domain of lineage
headmen who managed llama herds and caravans. Further research by Bermann
and colleagues promises to shed more light on this enigmatic cultural
complex.
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THE LATE FORMATIVE PERIOD
Background
Until recently the Late Formative was a virtual cipher in the scheme of lo-
cal prehispanic cultural development. As Lemuz and Paz note (2001, p. 105), it
has been the “most obscure, complex, and least understood” period in the Lake
Titicaca Basin. Relatively little is known of Pukara, an important polity that be-
tween 200 B.C. and A.D. 200, after Qaluyu, predominated in the northern Titicaca
Basin. The polity centered on the extensive site of Pukara, located 75 km north-
west of Lake Titicaca (K. L. M. Chávez, 1988; Kolata, 1983, p. 249; Mujica, 1978,
1985). Reminiscent of Chiripa, the site incorporated a raised architectural complex
centered on a sunken court flanked by small rooms. Surrounding the complex were
extensive residential areas (Klarich, 2002). Found at Pukara and at affiliated sites
in the Lake Titicaca Basin and in lower valley regions to the southwest (Goldstein,
2000; Mujica, 1985, 1987; M. A. Rivera, 1991; C. C. Rivera 2003) are Pukara
incised and painted ceramic wares (Chávez, 2002; Stanish and Steadman, 1994;
Steadman, 1995a). Carved in low relief on stone stelae throughout the northern
basin, Pukara stone iconography depicts anthropomorphic figures, fish, serpents,
lizards, and felines (S. J. Chávez, 1976, 1984; S. J. Chávez and Jorgenson, 1980).
Similar images decorated related textiles from the Azapa Valley in Chile (Kolata,
1993, p. 77; C. C. Rivera, 2003).
Conventional understanding of the Late Formative in the southern basin has
been even more obscure. Until very recently it was presumed that Tiwanaku
developed directly out of Chiripa and Wankarani cultures (Ponce, 1970, 1980,
1981). However, early excavations at Tiwanaku revealed deep strata with dis-
tinctive ceramic assemblages that Bennett termed “Early Tiahuanaco” (Bennett,
1934; Kidder, 1956) and that Ponce (1981, 1993), on the basis of excavations
under the Kalasasaya, later correlated with his Village (I–II) and Early Urban (III)
stages of Tiwanaku development. Tiwanaku I, Ponce suggested (1981), correlated
with decorated Kalasasaya-style ceramic wares, while Tiwanaku III correlated
with Qeya-style wares. However, little relating to these decorated wares (but see
Wallace, 1957) and almost nothing regarding Early Tiwanaku was known outside
of Tiwanaku itself. Tiwanaku’s I–III phases, by default, were considered to apply
to the southern basin at large (Ponce, 1981). A major problem was that decorated
ceramic vessels found at Tiwanaku, even though uncommon even there (Janusek,
2003a; J. E. Mathews, 1992), were considered to be diagnostic of the period. When
survey in the Tiwanaku Valley revealed only three sites dating to the later part of the
Late Formative, implying an inexplicable catastrophic demographic collapse from
the Middle Formative, it became clear that the conventional means of identifying
sites from the period were problematic. Now, on the basis of regional research and
careful analyses of nondecorated ceramic assemblages, we can speak confidently
P1: JLS
142 Janusek
of two phases, Late Formative 1 and 2 (200 B.C. – A.D. 300 and A.D. 300 – 500), for
many areas of the southern basin (Bandy, 2001; Janusek, 2003a; Lemuz, 2001).
Recent Research
In Late Formative 1, three-tier settlement clusters emerged in the Tiwanaku–

Katari–Taraco region. Because survey in the Tiwanaku Valley was conducted prior
to critical refinements to the regional ceramic chronology, settlement patterns
here remain unclear. Nevertheless, it is clear that Tiwanaku emerged as a major
settlement, covering a maximum extent of at least 20 ha. Trapezoidal in form
and with a south stairway, the Tiwanaku sunken temple may have been first built
in Late Formative 1 (Janusek, in press). Early excavations under the Kalasasaya
exposed a primary Late Formative 1 occupation consisting of large foundations,
residential structures, and offering pits with elaborate Kalasasaya-style ceramic
vessels (Ponce, 1961, 1981). More recent excavations of the Proyecto Wila Jawira
exposed Late Formative 1 residential occupations at the nearby site of Kk’arana,
0.5 km northeast, including a residential area that incorporated both rectangular
and circular structures (Janusek, in press). Contemporaneous occupations have
been located at Kallamarka in the upper valley (Albarracin-Jordan et al., 1993;
Lemuz and Paz, 2001; Portugal and Portugal, 1975), Tilata in the middle valley (J.
E. Mathews, 1992), and Iwawe in the lower valley (Burkholder, 1997; Isbell and
Burkholder, 2002). However, the precise character of the occupations, and thus
the role and relative importance of each site, remains unclear.
In the Katari Valley, Lukurmata became a major center, incorporating dense
residential occupations in a saddle of a ridge known as Wila Kollu (Janusek and
Kolata, 2003, Fig. 6.4). Excavations revealed six superimposed occupations con-
sisting of residential surfaces and their associated refuse pits, hearths, activity
areas, and burials (Bermann, 1994, pp. 59–96). Other sites of importance in-
cluded Qeyakuntu in the lower piedmont and Kirawi in the floodplain or pampa.
Qeyakuntu is significant because it had decreased in extent to 3 ha from 5 ha in
the Middle Formative (Janusek and Kolata, 2003). This pattern, in which impor-
tant Middle Formative settlements decreased in size as other centers emerged, was
common in other areas of the southern Titicaca Basin at this time (Bandy, 2001;
Lemuz, 2001). Kirawi was first settled in the vast Koani Pampa, opening this low,
naturally marshy zone to human occupation and intensive farming (Janusek, 2001;
Janusek and Kolata, 2003). It was one of a small cluster of sites, the Quiripujo
Mound Group (Fig. 1(b)), that was settled near the source of major canals and other
hydraulic structures that may have been first constructed during this phase. Quite
possibly, occupants of these sites, in addition to fishing and marshland farming,
first built and used raised fields during this time (Janusek, 2001). The importance
of farming at Kirawi is indicated by the production of slate hoes in domestic
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contexts and the presence of human interments, both male and female, with slate
hoes as mortuary offerings. Also found at Kirawi were buildings with specific,
most likely ritual, roles (Janusek and Kolata, 2003).
On the Taraco Peninsula, important Middle Formative sites, including Chiripa,
decreased significantly in size and population (Fig. 4(b); Bandy, 2001) while sev-
eral small villages and hamlets appeared and other sites, including Waka Kala
(T-421), Chiripa Pata (T-4), and Kala Uyuni (T-232), increased in size and impor-
tance. Chiripa and Waka Kala, at the northeastern edge of the Taraco Peninsula, had
stone-faced sunken courts as well as carved sandstone monoliths. However Kala
Uyuni, located on the south edge of the peninsula, may have become the principal
settlement in the area. Bandy (2001, p. 176) suggests that it was the center of an
emergent polity that encompassed most of Taraco. In relation to nearby regions,
Taraco sites are notable for their relatively high quantities of elaborate Kalasasaya
wares.
In the Machaca region of the upper Desaguadero Basin to the south, Khonkho
Wankane emerged as a major center in Late Formative 1 (Janusek et al., 2003). The
site incorporated a trapezoidal sunken court linked by a corridor to an extensive
plaza (Fig. 8(a)). The floor and its overburden were littered with ceramic sherds
and splintered faunal remains from feasting activities characterized, most likely, by
commensal politics. Adjacent to the court was a walled residential complex with
at least one circular structure and, distributed around it, elaborate raw materials,
ritual items, and pieces of metal artifacts. Distributed around the main mound
were several sandstone monoliths in the unique Khonkho style, each depicting
an anthropomorphic being decorated with serpent-like, human-like, feline, llama,
and other mythical images (Fig. 8(b)–(d); Browman, 1997b; Portugal, 1998a). In
sum, during the Late Formative centers such as Khonkho Wankane emphasized
significant religious symbols, vibrant ceremonies, and integrated spaces dedicated
to regional ritual and political activities.
Still, cultural developments varied significantly across the basin. On the Island
of the Sun the number of sites decreased by almost 35% as population settlement
networks became more hierarchical, clustered around four relatively large set-
tlements of 2–4 ha, three of them with monumental constructions (Bauer and
Stanish, 2001, pp. 144–147; Stanish, 2003) (Fig. 6(c)). While most sites concen-
trated around terraced hill slopes, one group clustered near fossil-raised fields.
Chucaripupata, excavated by Matthew Seddon (1998) near the island’s north tip,
became one of three principal centers, indicating that Titikala had already become
a local shrine for island inhabitants (Bauer and Stanish, 2001, p. 147).
In the Juli-Pomata region Stanish and colleagues noted significant continuity
in relation to previous occupations. Palermo increased in size and clearly was the
largest center in the area. On its central platform was a sunken court (15 × 15 m)
and stone-walled enclosure (50 × 50 m) that, although apparently constructed
during Early Sillumoco, also dated to the early Late Formative (Stanish et al.,
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144 Janusek
Fig. 8. Map of the central part of the main mound at Khonkho Wankane (A) showing major architectural
features, including the (a) sunken temple, (b) residential compound, a Late Formative 2 double court
complex (c), and the location of major sculpted monoliths (“m”). Below are iconographic details from
two of the monoliths, including an anthropomorphic being (B), opposed felines (C), and a winged llama
below front-faced zoomorphic figures with serpentine bodies (D).
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1997, p. 73). Farther south, in the Ccapia area, Ckackachipata increased in size
and Kanamarka also may have become a major center. These and many smaller
settlements were located near fossil-raised fields and their hydraulic structures,
indicating that raised fields were built and used extensively by this time (Stanish,
1994; Stanish et al., 1997, p. 115). As on the Island of the Sun, settlement networks
had coalesced into a number of clear three-tier hierarchies focused on major sites
with monumental architecture.
In Santiago de Huata, across the lake, settlement density fell dramatically
in Late Formative 1 (Lemuz, 2001) (Fig. 5(c)). Overall, large sites decreased in
size as the number of small settlements increased slightly, forming loosely defined
clusters without clear centers or settlement hierarchies (Lemuz, 2001, p. 200). The
construction of monumental platforms, sunken courts, and plazas appears to have
decreased in intensity. Given the mountainous landscape in the region, productive
strategies here as on the Island of the Sun (Bauer and Stanish, 2001, p. 144) may
have included agricultural terraces. Ceramic assemblages, as in Juli-Pomata and
on the Island of the Sun, were mostly locally produced (Lemuz, 2001; Stanish
et al., 1997; Stanish and Steadman, 1994), manifesting distinct productive tech-
niques and stylistic properties in relation to those in the Tiwanaku–Katari–Taraco
region.
By A.D. 300, and initiating Late Formative 2, changes were afoot in many areas
of the southern basin. Settlement patterns in Juli-Pomata demonstrate significant
continuity (Stanish, 1999; Stanish et al., 1997), while in Santiago de Huata they
once again became more hierarchical (Lemuz, 2001, pp. 201–206) (Fig. 5(d)), co-
alescing as four settlement clusters. Many sites had platforms and sunken courts,
and some had stone monoliths and sculptures in the elaborate Khonkho style.
In the Katari Valley, Lukurmata became much more important. Excavations near
Wila Kollu exposed three superimposed occupations that included residential com-
pounds with special-purpose buildings and elaborate Qeya wares not found at other
sites in the valley (Bermann, 1994). A number of relatively small sites appeared
throughout the valley toward the end of Late Formative 2, most notably in the
Koani Pampa (Janusek and Kolata, 2003), where intensive farming may have be-
come more important (Janusek, 2001).
On the Taraco Peninsula, settlement density decreased sharply in Late
Formative 2 as large sites shrank and some small settlements disappeared. Only
one settlement cluster at the tip of the peninsula, the Santa Rosa Group, remained
significant as a regional center during Late Formative 2 (Bandy, 2001). At Iwawe,
a lakeshore settlement to the southeast, a thin stratum of crushed andesite suggests
that inhabitants were importing and working large andesite blocks and that the site
served as a regional port (Isbell and Burkholder, 2002; Ponce et al., 1970). All of
this occurred just as Tiwanaku itself expanded into a major settlement, approach-
ing 1 km2 and including extensive residential areas by the end Late Formative 2
(Janusek, in press). The sunken court and the central sunken court in the Kalasasaya
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146 Janusek
had been built by this time (Ponce, 1961, 1981). In Akapana East, 150 m from the
court, excavations revealed an area dedicated to distinctive local ceremonies em-
phasizing cleanliness and purity (Janusek, 1994, in press). Not only was Tiwanaku
the most extensive site in the southern Titicaca Basin, with extensive residential
areas, but many areas were dedicated to ritual activities.
The Late Formative South of the Basin
Although Ponce hypothesized that the Wankarani complex in Oruro continued

to thrive until it was incorporated into the Tiwanaku state in Tiwanaku V (Ponce,
1970, 1981), the true scenario for the region appears to have been more complex.
Test excavations at Jachakala, a site with Tiwanaku-style surface ceramics 2 km
from the Desaguadero River, revealed a set of distinctive ceramic assemblages
dating to the Late Formative, a phase called Niñalupita (Beaule, 2000; Bermann
and Estevez, 1993). Like Wankarani sites, Jachakala was located at the base of
a large hill, incorporated circular dwellings, and yielded high quantities of basalt
hoes. However, in addition to its unique ceramic styles, the site was large and,
unlike other known Wankarani sites, consisted of an artifact scatter with surface
architecture rather than a mound. Further, some of the structures were rectangular
rather than circular, a pattern unknown at Wankarani sites. Thus it seems likely that
a new cultural complex, historically derived from Wankarani but in many respects
distinct, was developing in Oruro during the Late Formative.
A distinct cultural complex may have occupied the region between Oruro
and Machaca (Pärssinen, 1999). Since systematic regional research has not been
conducted here, we know nothing about local settlement networks or sociopoliti-
cal developments. Nevertheless, excavations in Caquiaviri revealed fiber-tempered
ceramic assemblages dating to the Late Formative that while more closely related
to Titicaca Basin than to those to the south, were locally produced and showed dis-
tinctive productive and stylistic elements. Termed Pajcha Pata, these assemblages
may be associated with another polity, group of polities, or ethnic-like group, but
pending further research little can be posited.
New Perspectives on the Late Formative
Clearly, the Late Formative was a critical phase of regional development in and
around the southern basin. Overall, there was increasing nucleation in and around
large centers and an intensification of local settlement hierarchies. In most areas
several large settlements emerged, many of which had been important sites in the
Middle Formative phase. Numerous polities were developing, and in demograph-
ically dense areas, such as the Island of the Sun and the Tiwanaku–Katari–Taraco
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region, several polities appear to have coexisted within local landscapes. Just what
kinds of polities were emerging at this time, and in what processes or major events
were they grounded? What was the character of cultural similarity and interaction
among them? What respective roles did changing climate, shifting trade networks,
or religious ideologies play in regional developments?
At many sites monumental architecture and stone iconography were stylis-
tically similar, revealing intense interregional interaction in religious ideas. The
principal centers, with elements typical of the contemporaneous Pukara complex
in the northern basin, included walled platform enclosures and/or plazas and trape-
zoidal sunken courts incorporating regularly spaced pilasters. Some sites, largely
those with monumental architecture, also included monoliths depicting a new range
of symbolic imagery. A detailed chronology of stone iconography in the Titicaca
Basin remains to be published. Nevertheless, Tiwanaku, Khonkho Wankane, and
a few other sites with minimal prior occupations help us isolate the distinctive
elements of what I term the Khonkho iconographic style (previously described
by Browman, 1997b; S. J. Chávez and K. L. M. Chávez, 1975; Portugal, 1998a;
Rydén, 1947). Monoliths most commonly depicted a single anthropomorphic be-
ing with facial decoration or ornaments, arms crossed over the chest (left over
right), and associated zoomorphic mythical images (Fig. 8(b)). Each appears to
depict a deity or, more likely, a mythical apical ancestor. Meanwhile, excava-
tions in residential contexts at Tiwanaku, Lukurmata, and Khonkho Wankane con-
sistently yielded “hallucinogenic paraphernalia,” indicating that the ingestion of
mind-altering substances was important in local rituals (Bermann, 1994; Janusek,
in press). As before, specific religious symbols and ritual practices were critical in
forging social relations across the basin and within each area.
Nevertheless, in any region religious ideologies and ritual practices were
shared in the context of marked differences in role and status. In most regions,
mica- and sand-tempered wares became far more common than fiber-tempered
wares (Janusek, 2003a; Stanish and Steadman, 1994). New ceramic techniques
accompanied the appearance of Kalasasaya-style serving and ceremonial wares as
Chiripa wares disappeared. Kalasasaya-decorated vessels consisted of two broad
types, a red-painted assemblage, most commonly small serving bowls, and an
incision-zoned assemblage, mostly elaborate ceremonial wares. Whereas the for-
mer occurs in many sites, the latter is known largely from rare offering and mortuary
contexts in Tiwanaku (Ponce, 1970, 1993). In Late Formative 2, both Kalasasaya
assemblages were replaced by elaborate Qeya wares, which were even more se-
lectively distributed than incision-zoned wares. Assuming ceramic assemblages
reflect interaction networks, the most elaborate vessels became more restricted to
certain sites, groups, or activity contexts in Late Formative 2.
For example, in the Katari Valley during Late Formative 1, Kalasasaya incision-
zoned wares were found only in Lukurmata, along with figurines and some exotic
goods (Bermann, 1994, 2003). Kalasasaya red-painted wares were found at all
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148 Janusek
excavated sites, but they were far more common and more elaborate at Lukurmata
(Janusek and Kolata, 2003). This pattern intensified in Late Formative 2, when
elaborate Qeya wares appeared only in Lukurmata. Further, Qeya wares from
Lukurmata were distinct from those from Tiwanaku, pointing to local production
and, most likely, local social identity and regional affiliations (Bermann, 1994,
2003; Janusek, 2002). Research in the Tiwanaku Valley and on the Taraco Peninsula
reveals similar differential distributions (Albarracin-Jordan and Mathews, 1990;
Bandy, 2001; Mathews, 1992), attesting to regional socioeconomic differences
and, perhaps, political hierarchy. In support of this scenario, lithic analysis revealed
relatively few agricultural implements at the emerging centers of Tiwanaku and
Lukurmata and comparatively high quantities at many smaller nearby settlements
(Giesso, 2000; Janusek and Kolata, 2003). Farming was associated with relatively
small sites, suggesting an incipient division between urban and rural settlements.
The selective distribution of monumental architecture, sculpted monoliths, elabo-
rate wares, and agricultural tools together mark the emergence of different roles
in local political economies, tied to increasing status differences and social hier-
archies. Those most intensively involved with interregional networks, and those
who had greatest control over access to elaborate crafted goods, were ambitious
leaders and high-status groups (Bandy, 2001; Stanish, 1999, 2003).
On a comparative scale, productive strategies intensified and diversified. First,
the consumption of camelids began to form a more significant part of faunal diets, at
least in the Tiwanaku Valley (Webster, 1993; Webster and Janusek, 2003). Pastoral-
ism appears to have become a primary productive strategy at Khonkho Wankane,
farther south. In the southwestern basin and the Katari Valley, increasingly inten-
sive exploitation of low-lying pampa zones may have fostered the development
of raised field agricultural systems. On the basis of the location of occupations
near fossil-raised fields and their hydraulic structures, Stanish (1994, 1999, 2003)
suggests that raised fields were “intensively utilized” during the Late Formative. In
higher or more mountainous regions such as Santiago de Huata and the Island of the
Sun (Bauer and Stanish, 2001; Lemuz, 2001), however, agricultural intensification
may have fostered the development of terrace systems. As a caveat, most evidence
to date is indirect, based largely on the surface location of Late Formative sites
near relict fields, sites that also were occupied during later periods. Thus although
evidence for pre-Tiwanaku productive intensification, with different emphases in
different regions, is becoming more compelling, we await more concrete, direct
evidence.
In sum, relatively large centers with characteristic types of monumental/public
complexes and iconography emerged during the Late Formative period. Whereas
most major centers in the southwestern basin had been important centers in the
Middle Formative, in the Tiwanaku–Katari–Taraco region many important centers
were settled relatively late. This suggests significant sociopolitical reorganization
in the region that gave rise to the largest Late Formative sites and, eventually,
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Tiwanaku. Bandy (2001) suggests that increasing lake levels after 200 B.C., and a
corresponding shift in land trade circumventing the Taraco Peninsula, instigated
many of the profound changes that characterized Late Formative societies in the
area, including the importance of sites such as Kala Uyuni and Tiwanaku. Whatever
the case, the period witnessed the development of hierarchical multicommunity
polities characterized by what Stanish (1999) calls “markedly ranked societies.”
Numerous such polities coexisted, perhaps several in certain regions, each focused
on one or more major centers, together comprising a macroregion of peer–polity
interaction (Renfrew, 1986). These polities were most likely fluid in composition,
and each had networks of regional influence shifting according to environmental
and socioeconomic conditions (Bandy, 2001; Janusek, in press; Stanish, 1999,
2003). If analogies with Early Dynastic Mesopotamia (Pollock, 1999; Postgate,
1992) or Classic period Maya (Demarest, 1992; P. Mathews, 1991) civilizations
serve here, larger interregional polities and rulers most likely emerged for brief
periods. However, a state political system emerged only toward the end of this
period, at approximately A.D. 400.
As during the Middle Formative, increasing complexity and intensifying so-
cial differentiation occurred in the context of far-reaching interaction networks and
potent, shared ritual practices. Interaction networks were conduits along which po-
litical alliances were forged and sumptuary goods obtained, and rituals and feasts
were the contexts in which local community identities were forged and invigorated.
As before, interregional networks and shared practices also mapped wide-ranging
cultural affiliations. New stone iconographic styles such as Khonkho, in the south-
ern basin, and Pukara, in the north, represent an important dimension of such
networks and affiliations in potent religious expressions. While clearly developing
out of Yayamama, they form distinct styles that expressed new views on society
and the cosmos. With their emphasis on single beings that appear to represent api-
cal ancestors, Khonkho-style monoliths, best known at Tiwanaku and Khonkho
Wankane, most likely were concrete expressions of legitimacy and status for certain
groups. A key element of new ideals, in other words, was marked differentiation
in status among local groups, legitimized in part through representations of an-
cient actions and beings. Not surprisingly, some of the monoliths at Tiwanaku and
Khonkho Wankane, those apparently latest in the period, incorporate elements of
the Tiwanaku iconographic style that soon became dominant in the southern basin.
At some point in Late Formative 2, probably around A.D. 400, Tiwanaku
emerged from this network of interacting multicommunity polities as a settle-
ment beyond parallel, the primary demographic, cultural, and political center in
the basin. We cannot yet pinpoint the exact processes behind this transformation,
and because nearby settlements such as Kallamarka were also important centers
at this time (Albarracin-Jordan et al., 1993; Lemuz and Paz, 2001; Portugal and
Portugal, 1975), the question remains: “Why Tiwanaku?” Stanish (1999, 2003)
argues that particularly ambitious leaders or elite groups successfully
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150 Janusek
developed political strategies, including competitive feasts, that circulated obli-

gations while amassing wealth, prestige, and social power. Bandy (2001) cites a
shift in circum-Titicaca trade networks into the Tiwanaku Valley following rising
lake levels. I believe that competition among ceremonial centers and their associ-
ated high-status groups, each promoting a slightly distinct brand of cosmology, also
was critical (Janusek, in press). Nevertheless, to varying degrees, feasting, shifting
trade routes, prestigious ritual practices, and an elegant cosmology all must have
played important roles in Tiwanaku’s rise to prominence. Quite possibly, toward
the end of Late Formative 2, Tiwanaku and Khonkho Wankane, each with major
ceremonial precincts and massive sandstone monoliths, may have faced a political,
economic, and ideological “showdown” from which Tiwanaku emerged as the pri-
mary regional center. In any case, Tiwanaku’s success was, in great part, its ability
to incorporate diversity through the creation of a flexible, elegant cosmology and
a range of prestigious goods and practices that gave each group good material and
ideological reasons for being part of its overarching culture, network, and polity.
As critical as political unification was the establishment of an inclusive domain of
shared views and practices with which groups with diverse ideologies, productive
strategies, and “ethnic-like” identities identified.
THE TIWANAKU PERIOD
Over the past 16 years research has greatly expanded our understanding of
Tiwanaku. In and around Tiwanaku itself, most was conducted in affiliation with
Proyecto Wila Jawira, under the general direction of Alan Kolata. Kolata (1993,
1996a; Kolata and Ponce, 1992) has summarized some of this research, and much
is now published in a comprehensive two-volume series (Kolata, 1996b, 2003).
A revised chronology, based on 86 calibrated radiocarbon and AMS measure-
ments, stratigraphic excavations at multiple sites, and a comprehensive ceramic
chronology, allows to us to tighten the Tiwanaku period to a 650-year span of
A.D. 500–1150 (Janusek, 2003a; see also Alconini Mujica, 1993, 1995; Bermann,
1994; Burkholder, 1997). Although urban expansion began early, material culture
typically associated with Tiwanaku (e.g., red and black wares) appeared some-
what later than traditionally thought. Likewise, Tiwanaku settlement and material
culture, at least in the Tiwanaku core, continued somewhat later than once thought
(Janusek and Kolata, 2003). Ponce’s Tiwanaku IV and V phases hold for many sites
(Alconini Mujica, 1995, Bermann, 1994, 1997; Janusek, 1994, 2003a), and each
can be divided into two subphases, Early and Late. Late IV (A.D. 600–800) wit-
nessed urban expansion and sociopolitical development; Early V (A.D. 800–1000)
initiated a phase of sociopolitical, economic, and ideological consolidation; and
Late V (A.D. 1000–1150) was a long phase of socioenvironmental crisis, settlement
dispersal, and political disintegration.
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Recent Research
Settlement Patterns
Settlement density and urban nucleation increased significantly in the

Tiwanaku–Katari–Taraco region. Tiwanaku expanded into a regional center of over
6 km2 by A.D. 800, approximately sixfold over 300 years. Unlike some pristine
cities, Tiwanaku’s rise did not create a rural vacuum but rather corresponded with
a surge in population and settlement hierarchies in nearby hinterlands (Albarracin-
Jordan and Mathews, 1990; Bandy, 2001; Janusek and Blom, in Press). Combined
survey revealed over 450 sites in that part of the Tiwanaku–Katari–Taraco core
investigated to date (Albarracin-Jordan and Mathews, 1990; Bandy, 2001; Janusek
and Kolata, 2003), with an overall preference, as during the Late Formative, for
low-lying pampa and low piedmont zones. Settlement formed a four tier site-size
hierarchy, with Tiwanaku the primary center and Lukurmata an urban site clus-
ter covering 2 km2 , the nearest major regional center. Other sites included large
towns (10–20 ha), small towns and villages (3–10 ha), and small hamlets (under
3 ha). Important major towns included Kallamarka, in the upper Tiwanaku Valley,
and Lakaya, at the end of a direct route between Tiwanaku and the Koani Pampa
(Janusek and Kolata, 2003).
Tiwanaku settlement locations were highly continuous with those of the Late
Formative Period. In each region, sites formed clear clusters, in most cases focused
around relatively large towns. In many cases the boundaries between clusters
approximated those in previous phases (Albarracin-Jordan, 1992, 1996b; Bandy,
2001). K-Means cluster analysis isolated six macroclusters in the Tiwanaku Valley
for Tiwanaku V (Fig. 9; McAndrews et al., 1997); Bandy (2001) located a clear
boundary between Taraco and Katari. Discrete settlement clusters and regions
represent communities and polities incorporated into Tiwanaku’s regional orbit
that now formed local administrative units. By all accounts they continued to
thrive as semiautonomous sociopolitical communities under Tiwanaku hegemony
(Albarracin-Jordan, 1992, 1996a,b, 2003; Albarracin-Jordan and Mathews, 1990;
Bandy, 2001; Janusek and Kolata, 2003).
On the Island of the Sun many small sites disappeared as two sites became
important regional centers, Chucaripupata to the north near Titikala and Wakuyu to
the south (Fig. 6(d)). Bauer and Stanish (2001, pp. 147–154) hypothesize that while
Wakuyu emerged as the principal political center on the island, Chucaripupata
became an important center of ritual and pilgrimage for populations across the
basin. Seddon’s (1998) excavations confirmed that inhabitants of Chucaripupata
affiliated with Tiwanaku, and they revealed an important transformation at about
A.D. 800. During Tiwanaku IV the inhabitants, who buried their dead in local-style
tombs, used both locally made and imported Tiwanaku vessels, the latter in periodic
ceremonial feasts. At around A.D. 800 a walled temple complex was built over much
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152 Janusek
Fig. 9. Map showing major clusters of settlement in the Tiwanaku Valley in Tiwanaku V (adapted from
Albarracin-Jordan, 2003; McAndrews et al., 1997).
of the previous occupation, indicating that the site had become an important ritual
center. At about the same time a road was built linking the site to the south side of
the island (Seddon, 1998, p. 367); Bauer and Stanish (2001, p. 150) suggest the road
facilitated religious pilgrimage to Titikala. Underwater research on a submerged
offering place nearby revealed, among Inca ritual artifacts, Tiwanaku gold objects
and incense burners (Ponce et al., 1992; Reinhard, 1992a,b).
In Santiago de Huata, as on the Island of the Sun, the number of small sites de-
creased as populations concentrated in a small number of larger centers (Fig. 5(e)).
Nearest neighbor analysis revealed four clear site clusters that, as during the Late
Formative, concentrated near areas of fossil terrace agriculture. Lemuz (2001,
pp. 210–211) hypothesizes that terracing at this time was extended into high pas-
toral zones above 4000 m above sea level. At more than 15 ha, one site, Calvario,
appears to have become the most important center in the area, with a sunken tem-
ple similar to those at of other Tiwanaku regional centers, such as Kallamarka and
Lukurmata.
Similarly, in Juli and Ccapia small sites disappeared as a few larger centers,
most importantly Palermo and Ckackachipata, increased in size and, presumably,
relative importance (Stanish, 1999, 2003; Stanish et al., 1997). Overall, there
was significant continuity from the Late Formative as Tiwanaku incorporated “an
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already complex political and economic system dominated by the Late Sillumoco”
polity (Stanish et al., 1997, p. 54). Monumental complexes presumably continued
in use, and at Tumatumani a temple complex was rebuilt and expanded (Stanish and
Steadman, 1994, pp. 17–18). Judging from settlement location, land use patterns
were continuous as well, emphasizing a “mixed economy” of terrace and raised-
field farming strategies in addition to high-altitude pastoralism in puna zones
(Stanish et al., 1997, pp. 54, 116). Nevertheless, raised-field farming may have
intensified during this phase (Stanish, 1994).
Excavations at Tiwanaku: Monumental and Ritual Space
Monumental architecture in Tiwanaku has been the subject of numerous stud-

ies (Conklin, 1991; Couture, 1993, 2003; Couture and Sampeck, 2003; Escalante,
1997; Kolata, 1993, 1996a, 2003b; Kolata and Ponce, 1992; Manzanilla, 1992;
Portugal, 1992; Protzen and Nair, 2000, 2002; Prümers, 1993; Vranich, 1999).
Conklin (1991, p. 290) observed that, grounded in “an obsession with the hori-
zon,” Tiwanaku monumental “building intended to convey religious imagery and
to impress.” Monumental architecture emphasized solidity, mass, and grandeur,
and it drew people through monolithic portals, down narrow passages, and toward
intimate inner sancta where dramatic rituals were performed. Numerous massive
stone portals (Stübel and Uhle, 1892), like the well-known Gate of the Sun, em-
phasize the importance of ritual passage through Tiwanaku’s built landscapes.
Tiwanaku was to be experienced, not beheld from afar (Protzen and Nair, 2000,
2002; Vranich, 1999), and part of the experience was a sense of grand spatial order.
All Tiwanaku architecture followed a uniform alignment oriented a few degrees off
of the cardinal directions, grounded, it appears, in visual pathways with celestial
cycles (e.g., the daily solar path) and terrestrial features (e.g., the peak of Illimani
to the east) (Kolata, 1993, 1996a, 2003b; Kolata and Ponce, 1992). Paths of move-
ment led people toward particularly important ritual places, including two major
complexes built early in the Tiwanaku period, Akapana and Pumapunku. Massive,
well-worn stairways leading up onto each terraced platform suggests use by large
numbers of people. During Tiwanaku V, however, access to the Pumapunku may
have been restricted to high priests (see Vranich, 1999, pp. 231–232), who would
have become exclusive “interlocutors with the divine” (Kolata, 1993, p. 164).
The Akapana, a seven-tier terraced platform standing 15 m high, was first built
in Early IV near the Sunken Temple and Kalasasaya (Alconini Mujica, 1993, 1995).
On the basis of the templates of earlier platform structures but considerably larger
and more elaborate, it may have been built over several construction episodes.
The foundation terrace, consisting of beveled and fitted andesite blocks, differed
greatly in style from superimposed revetments, which may have been covered
with sheets of metal lamina or elaborate textiles during elite ceremonies (Kolata,
1993). The main stairway scaled the Akapana’s west side (Manzanilla, 1992). On
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154 Janusek
top of the structure was a late complex (Late IV – Early V) of storage buildings
surrounding a paved patio, all with ashlar masonry foundations (Alconini Mujica,
1995; Kolata, 1993; Manzanilla, 1992). Associated with six elaborate burials, one
with ritual objects as offerings, the complex may have been occupied by some
of Tiwanaku’s principal religious specialists (Kolata, 1993). On and around the
base of the Akapana, excavations exposed a series of complex offerings (Alconini
Mujica, 1993, 1995; Kolata, 1993; Manzanilla, 1992; Manzanilla and Woodard,
1990). Deposited as separate events throughout Tiwanaku IV and V, the offerings
included hundreds of smashed serving and ceremonial vessels, several llamas,
and 23 humans. While two humans showed evidence for violence and possibly
represent sacrificed prisoners of war (Blom et al., 2003; Kolata, 1993), the others
appear to have been disposed as wrapped, secondary bundles (Blom et al., 2003).
Several hundred meters to the southeast, the Pumapunku, considered
“Akapana’s Twin” (Kolata and Ponce, 1992), was a distinct complex perched on a
massive, modified escarpment and attached to an extensive plaza on its east side
(Kolata, 1993, 2003b; Kolata and Ponce, 1992; Vranich, 1999). Like the Akapana,
its initial construction dates to Early IV, and its principal stairway scaled up the
west side, funneling people through a walled passage to an inner sunken court
(Vranich, 1999). Unlike the Akapana, the Pumapunku emphasized horizontal ex-
panse over height, measuring 0.5 km east–west. Further, its plan mimicked the
nested moldings carved onto Tiwanaku’s monolithic gateways, several of which
stood here (Protzen and Nair, 2000; Vranich, 1999). The Pumapunku also expe-
rienced multiple construction phases, manifested in superimposed green and red
floors, but it was never completed (Vranich, 1999). Monumental construction in
Tiwanaku was an ongoing process, and ritual complexes such as Akapana and
Pumapunku were never truly “finished.”
Akapana and Pumapunku were two of several significant ritual complexes
that thrived during the Tiwanaku period. Inside the Sunken Temple, perhaps the
oldest edifice at the site, the Bennett Monolith was erected, one of the most elegant
visual expressions of Tiwanaku period mythical imagery (Kolata, 1993). Incorpo-
rating stone sculptures from the past and present, the temple, an ancient ritual
space and microcosm of esoteric cosmic principles, now juxtaposed monoliths
from multiple eras, presenting relicts from pre-Tiwanaku cultures as Tiwanaku
“cultural patrimony” (Janusek, in Press; Kolata, 1993). To its west the Kalasasaya
was enlarged and embellished (Ponce, 1961, p. 22), and on its platform stood the
Ponce Monolith, an imposing portrait of an impassive humanlike ancestor or deity
holding a ceremonial drinking vessel, or kero, in one hand and what appears to
be a stylized snuff tray (see Torres, 1985) in the other. Hewn from a single an-
desite block, the monolith most likely was hauled overland from the lakeshore
near Iwawe (Isbell and Burkholder, 2002; Ponce et al., 1970). Reconsidering
the results of early excavations in the Kalasasaya (Bennett, 1934; Ponce, 1961,
1981), I have suggested that much of the outer platform was built in Tiwanaku IV
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(Janusek, in press), while the sunken court it surrounds may represent an earlier,
Late Formative version of the structure. In sum, by Late Tiwanaku IV the core of
Tiwanaku was a built landscape comprising several major ritual centers, all instan-
tiating similar spatial and symbolic principles but each highly distinct from the
others.
Further, built ritual environments were not restricted to Tiwanaku’s central
core. In Akapana East, a complex of adobe buildings associated with impeccably
cleaned and elaborately patterned surfaces, first built in Late Formative 2, was
renewed as a place for esoteric ritual activities during Early IV (Janusek, 1994,
in press). Evidence for these activities includes small basins with pulverized bone
and shallow geometrical depressions. Due south of the Akapana, and on a visual
path with Mount Kimsachata, a smaller terraced platform known as Mollokontu
was constructed during Late Tiwanaku IV (Couture, 1993, 2003). Bounded by an
outer revetment with a unique scallop at its northern tip, the platform included
high quantities of quartz and obsidian fragments (Giesso, 2000), which were in-
tentionally placed in fill to accentuate the platform’s sacred status as a miniature
icon of a mountain (Couture, 2003). Near each of these places were residential
compounds, highlighting their likely significance as ritual places tended by, and
created for, local kin-based groups or more inclusive barrios.
Excavations at Tiwanaku: Residential Space
For the first time, we have a portrait of residential activity, social organi-
zation, and urban change in Tiwanaku. In Tiwanaku IV residential populations
increased precipitously, and by A.D. 800 Tiwanaku was a bustling urban center
of at least 6 km2 and some 10,000–20,000 people (Janusek and Blom, in press;
Kolata, 2003a). The city grew through the planned construction and occupation
of walled, uniformly aligned residential compounds (Janusek, 1994, 1999, 2002,
2003b, in press). Each compound housed several dwellings and their associated
activity areas; several adjacent compounds in some cases formed larger urban bar-
rios. Between them, streets and open canals provided arteries of movement and
drainage. Compounds appear to have housed suprahousehold kin-based groups
similar to the micro-ayllus so common until recently throughout the highland An-
des (Abercrombie, 1998; Platt, 1987; Rasnake, 1988). Some compound groups
differed in status. West of the Kalasasaya the Putuni area, first occupied at the end
of Late Formative 2, housed a relatively high-status group by Late Tiwanaku IV
(Couture, 2003; Couture and Sampeck, 2003). Unique about the compound, aside
from high quantities of sumptuary items and serving wares, was its association
with a mortuary complex with highly elaborate burials and a monumental sub-
terranean drainage network that efficiently drained runoff and waste toward the
Tiwanaku River (Janusek, 2003b).
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156 Janusek
Excavations in several areas of Tiwanaku, most extensively east of the Akapana,

indicate that compound groups differed in a range of other social and economic
characteristics (Janusek, 1999, 2002, 2003b). Some plied specific trades. The in-
habitants of Ch’iji Jawira, an urban barrio at the east edge of the site, crafted vessels
largely for nonelite populations (C. C. Rivera, 1994). Compound groups also var-
ied in stylistic assemblages of valued items, the composition of their diets (M. F.
Wright et al., 2003), and a variety of other activity patterns (e.g., Escalante, 1997,
2003). In addition, some of the deceased were buried under house floors and pa-
tios. Each group maintained distinct arrays of social and economic networks and
a coherent, enduring social identity. In some cases, groups apparently affiliated
with regions outside of the altiplano, suggesting the possibility that they, or some
of their members, had migrated from distant places (Janusek, 1999, 2003b). Inso-
far as interregional caravan trade was intensifying during this period (Browman,
1981; Kolata, 1992; Nuñez and Dillehay, 1995), regular movement to and colo-
nization of an emerging ceremonial and economic center such as Tiwanaku is a
likely scenario.
After A.D. 800, and initiating Tiwanaku V, much of Tiwanaku’s urban core
was restructured in a series of massive projects of urban renewal. The Putuni
residential complex was razed and, upon placing in it offerings of human bundles
and camelids, a monumental complex was built directly over it (Couture, 2003;
Couture and Sampeck, 2003; Kolata, 1993). The complex formed an integrated
architectural ensemble consisting of a platform structure with a central courtyard,
the Putuni, nestled into one corner of which was an elite residence attached to
paved outdoor corridors and plazas. In Akapana East, earlier residential areas and
middens were covered by massive compounds and a sunken court dedicated to the
production and conduct of elite-sponsored ceremonial feasts (Janusek, 2003b, in
press). Found in patios, corridors, and plazas in Putuni and Akapana East, and in
fact throughout Tiwanaku and at other sites at this time, were significantly higher
incidences of large jars for storing and fermenting alcoholic beverages (Couture,
2003; Janusek, 2003b, in press; J. E. Mathews, 1992). Tiwanaku V witnessed
intensification in the production and ceremonial consumption of food and drink,
which in the urban core, most likely, was often sponsored by elite groups and
political factions.
Excavations at Lukurmata and in the Katari Valley
Just as Tiwanaku was becoming a major ceremonial city, Lukurmata expanded

into an urban center of 1.2 km2 surrounded by a cluster of attached settlements that,
together, formed a metropolitan cluster of approximately 2 km2 . Lukurmata’s pri-
mary monumental complex, Wila Kollu, was a platform and sunken court complex
on top of a natural hill sculpted into a massive pyramidal platform of superimposed
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terraces (Bennett, 1936; S. O. Rivera, 1989). Major construction began in Early

Tiwanaku IV (Bermann, 1989a, 1994), and the platform and court complex incor-
porated certain spatial, architectural, and ideological principles found at Tiwanaku
(Bermann, 1994; Kolata, 1993). Other aspects of the complex, including a number
of associated offerings contexts (Bermann, 1989, 1994), were unlike those known
to date from that site.
Excavations outside Wila Kollu revealed a variety of ritual places and resi-
dential areas. Excavations in K’atupata, a broad platform southeast of Wila Kollu,
revealed an early prepared floor of cobbles packed in plaster (Janusek, in press).
Entirely free of debris, the complex was in some respects similar to the contem-
poraneous ritual area in Akapana East at Tiwanaku. Excavations on a saddle just
below Wila Kollu revealed, over many superimposed Formative occupations, a
terrace compound enclosing a number of domestic patio groups (Bermann, 1994,
1997, 2003). Each patio group incorporated a specialized structure, presumably
for storage, and maintained subfloor burials, including a double-chamber variety
unknown at Tiwanaku. Excavations in Lukurmata’s Misiton sector, first occupied
at the end of Late Formative 2, revealed a neighborhood of compound groups spe-
cialized in crafting llama-bone panpipes (Janusek, 1993, 1999, in press). Tiwanaku
ceramic wares predominated in all excavated ritual and residential areas, in relation
to a range of ritual and domestic practices also common at Tiwanaku. However,
all also included a range of stylistically distinct “Lukurmata wares,” locally pro-
duced and in many cases associated with offering and mortuary styles unknown at
Tiwanaku (Bermann, 1994; Janusek, 1999, 2002).
Tiwanaku V brought substantial transformations to Lukurmata and the Katari
Valley, but of a very different nature from those witnessed at Tiwanaku. Settlement
density decreased precipitously at Lukurmata (Bermann, 1994, Janusek, in press),
as it did at the town of Qeyakuntu (Janusek and Kolata, 2003). Meanwhile, smaller
settlements in the Koani Pampa, including those comprising the Quiripujo Mound
Group, were occupied by mobile tentlike structures that apparently housed rotat-
ing field guardians, known as kamani. Extensive excavations in fossil-raised-fields
throughout the Koani Pampa, which generated 35 radiocarbon dates (Kolata and
Ortloff, 1996a; Seddon, 1994), indicate that settlement changes corresponded with
an intensification of agricultural production in the valley floodplain after A.D. 800.
The floodplain is low, close to the lake, and prone to seasonal flooding, and so, as
indicated by extensive agro-archaeological research in the region by Kolata (1985,
1986, 1991, 1996) and colleagues (Binford and Kolata, 1996; Ortloff and Kolata,
1989, 1993), is better suited for intensive raised-field production than many nearby
valleys. Assuming dates from raised-field beds reflect the chronology of construc-
tion and use, 24% were built during Tiwanaku IV, 64% during Tiwanaku, and the
remainder (12%) in post-Tiwanaku phases (Janusek and Kolata, 2003). Thus set-
tlement reorganization apparently corresponded with agricultural intensification
throughout the valley. Quite possibly, urban deflation at Lukurmata, located at the
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158 Janusek
west edge of the pampa and better positioned for a productive strategy balancing
lake and pampa, was in part related to a demographic shift to sites such as Lakaya,
which were closer to raised-fields and their primary sustaining features, such as
trans-pampa causeways.
Excavations at Other Sites
Recent excavations at a number of other sites detail Tiwanaku influence and

occupation in its political and cultural heartland. Excavations at Iwawe revealed
that, rather than an artificial monumental platform, the site consisted of accumu-
lated occupations and middens (Burkholder, 1997; Isbell and Burkholder, 2002).
Further, as at other sites, at Iwawe Tiwanaku ceramic assemblages comprised a
distinctive range of forms and iconographic depictions; most burial offerings in-
cluded vessels outside of Tiwanaku corporate style. A collusion of such patterns
indicates that Tiwanaku culture was not homogeneous but highly diverse, exhibit-
ing local resistance to the dominant “civil ideology that promoted state authority”
(Isbell and Burkholder, 2002, p. 224).
In the Machaca region, the ceremonial center of Khonkho Wankane and its
settlement network were incorporated into Tiwanaku’s expanding polity (Janusek
et al., 2003). In contrast with predominant conceptions of the site, however, much of
the early monumental complex was abandoned. Monumental construction shifted
to a smaller mound, just to the north. In one sector of the main mound, residents
specialized in producing some valued good that remains to be determined, a Late
Formative local trade that now served Tiwanaku’s broader political economy. At
least as important at this time was Iruhito, a settlement on the upper Desaguadero
River. Iruhito was an extensive settlement with monumental constructions and ce-
ramic assemblages very distinct from those found either at Khonkho or Tiwanaku.
In Machaca as elsewhere, local expressions of Tiwanaku material culture were
distinctive.
Specialized Analyses
Specialized analyses in the heartland have further refined our understand-

ing of Tiwanaku culture and society. Faunal analysis demonstrates a major shift
in productive strategies and consumption practices after the Middle Formative
period (Webster, 1993; Webster and Janusek, 2003). In the Late Formative and
Tiwanaku periods faunal assemblages included significantly greater quantities of
larger camelids, most importantly the domesticated llama, raised in part for con-
sumption, more than smaller camelids such as alpaca, which was highly valued for
its fine wool. Bones of butchered camelid bodies were fashioned into a variety of
implements ranging from scrapers and personal adornments to musical instruments
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and psychotropic paraphernalia (Bermann, 1994; Janusek, 1993, 1994). Camelids

also became important as sacrificed ritual offerings. Fetuses were buried under
dwelling floors and walls (Bermann, 1994; Janusek, 1994, in press), and adult
llamas were included with offering deposits at the base of the Akapana and under
the Putuni and surrounding edifices (Webster and Janusek, 2003).
Giesso’s (2000, 2003) comprehensive lithic analysis indicates that certain
types of stone-tool production intensified during the Tiwanaku period. While most
lithic production was a generalized household task, in the Tiwanaku period the
production of certain tool types became more specialized and perhaps “attached”
to elite groups and interests. First, high-quality basalt from Querimita in southern
Oruro and obsidian from the Colca Valley in Peru was far more common in and
near Tiwanaku’s urban core than it was in other areas or sites, suggesting that their
distribution was controlled by elite groups. Second, chert and obsidian projectile
points, some of the most elaborate and standardized Tiwanaku tools, were crafted
by specific households or residential compounds. Giesso (2003) hypothesizes that
households produced projectile points as a “tax” or labor obligation to state leaders,
possibly under state supervision and explicitly for the purpose of warfare, ritual,
and otherwise. Further, Giesso and colleagues established that most obsidian (76%)
in the Tiwanaku heartland derived from a single source in the Colca Valley and
the remainder from nine other Andean sources (Brooks et al., 1997).
Lechtman’s (1997, 1998, 2003) analysis of metal objects reveals that metal-
smiths in the region created a variety of copper alloys and bronzes, including
copper–arsenic, copper–tin, and most commonly, copper–arsenic–nickel. The last,
a resilient alloy used for items ranging from rings and tupu pins to knives, nails,
and architectural cramps, is rare elsewhere in the Andes and other ancient world re-
gions (Lechtman, 2003). Architectural cramps made from this ternary alloy, unique
to Tiwanaku monumental construction, tightly clamped worked stones together,
and they included both cramps cast in situ and cramps hammered into shape. Tin
bronze became more common in Late Tiwanaku V and post-Tiwanaku phases,
once Tiwanaku monumental construction had slowed and eventually ceased. Nev-
ertheless, various metals and alloys were produced simultaneously in the Tiwanaku
Period, suggesting diversity and experimentation in the political economy of metal
working.
Archaebotanical analysis at heartland sites revealed that among crops the
high-altitude grain chenopodium (quinoa) was most frequently represented, fol-
lowed by tubers (potatoes, oca, ulluco) and maize (M. F. Wright et al., 2003). The
first two crop types were produced in local altiplano field systems, while maize
was acquired through colonization of and long-distance trade networks to lower
valley zones to the east and west (Anderson and Cespedes Paz, 1998; Bandy et al.,
1996; Browman, 1981; Céspedes Paz, 2000; Goldstein, 1989). Though a highly
valued resource, maize was most frequent in certain residential areas of Tiwanaku,
in particular those in the urban periphery that also demonstrated affiliations with
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160 Janusek
lower valley regions in other goods (Janusek, 1999, 2002; C. C. Rivera, 1994,
2003). Apparently, maize was acquired through local socioeconomic networks,
and its distribution followed local connections more than status differences. Status
was represented more subtly in relatively low frequencies of plant and crop re-
mains or relative “cleanliness” in relation to other residential areas. In Tiwanaku V,
relatively high maize kernel to cob ratios in some sectors of the urban core sug-
gest that maize was externally provisioned for the production of fermented maize
beverages to support elite-sponsored feasts (M. F. Wright et al., 2003; see also
Janusek, 2003b, in press).
Most fascinating have been conclusions of comprehensive bioarchaeological
research conducted by Blom (1999, in press; Blom et al., 1998, 2003; Janusek
and Blom, in press). Her research, which involved analysis of all excavated hu-
man remains in Tiwanaku-affiliated sites of the southern Titicaca Basin, includes
comparisons of both nonmetric genetic traits and cultural body modifications.
Statistical comparison of suites of genetic traits demonstrates that altiplano popu-
lations colonized the Moquegua Valley of southern Peru to build maize-producing
centers such as Chen Chen (Blom et al., 1998; Goldstein, 1989). In the heartland,
Tiwanaku populations practiced two forms of cranial modification, an elongated
head shape and a flattened “fronto-occipital” shape (Blom, 1999, in press; Janusek
and Blom, in press). While the flattened type characterized Moquegua populations
and the elongated type most Katari Valley populations, both occurred in Tiwanaku,
a place of convergence for head-shape styles and, thus, macro-identities.
Tiwanaku Hegemony: Strategic Incorporation and Local Continuity
In line with emerging evidence from the heartland, research around the Lake
Titicaca Basin and Oruro indicates that Tiwanaku hegemony was complex. In the
northwestern basin, Tiwanaku influence was highly discontinuous and apparently
strategic. Along the west bank of Puno Bay were numerous Tiwanaku-affiliated
sites, including Estevez Island, an extensive settlement with a monumental terraced
platform and elaborate Tiwanaku ceremonial wares (Stanish, 2003). South of this
area, however, between the island and the Ilave River, were very few Tiwanaku-
affiliated settlements. The northern end of Titicaca similarly has a highly discontin-
uous pattern of Tiwanaku-affiliated settlement (Plourde and Stanish, 2001). In this
region, a local polity, or more likely several polities, had developed out of Pukara
in Late Formative 2 and thrived contemporaneously with Tiwanaku. Termed Late
Huayña culture, this sociopolitical network apparently coexisted and interacted
with Tiwanaku, whose leaders strategically established enclaves in or adjacent to
local polities (Stanish, 2003).
In Oruro, south of the Tiwanaku heartland, we find a different but equally
complex scenario. Here, Tiwanaku-style artifacts such as ceramic serving wares
are found at sites such as Jachakala alongside local assemblages that developed out
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of Late Formative occupations (Bermann and Estevez, 1993). Further, domestic

forms and other artifact assemblages at these sites present a great deal of continuity
with Late Formative occupations. At Jachakala, intracommunity status differences
appeared relatively early, before the appearance of Tiwanaku-style ceramics ar-
tifacts and other material culture (Beaule, 2000). Changes during the Tiwanaku
period involved the intensification of social differences that had developed long
before Tiwanaku was an object of local interaction and affiliation. Sites pertaining
to Late Jachakala apparently formed an autonomous cultural complex or polity
that interacted intensively with groups in the Tiwanaku heartland.
Tiwanaku: Emerging Perspectives
Interpretations of Tiwanaku sociopolitical organization and historical dynam-

ics have been remarkably divergent. Kolata (1991, 1993, 2003c) has developed a
coherent interpretation of social, economic, and political relations in the Tiwanaku
core region; Tiwanaku cities, in particular Tiwanaku, were tightly controlled cen-
ters of elite power and authority (Kolata 1993, 1996b, 2003c; Kolata and Ponce,
1992). They formed inviolable built landscapes fashioned by elites who appro-
priated “images from the natural world and [merged] them with their concepts
of hierarchical social order” (Kolata, 1996, p. 233). Most potent among genera-
tive natural forces were those relating to agricultural fertility and production. The
Tiwanaku state, for Kolata (1993), originated as alliances between three ancient
ethnic groups; Uru, specialized in lake resources, Aymara, specialized in herding,
and Pukina, farmers who developed complex raised-field farming systems. Most
important for the nascent state and its urban centers were intensive raised-field sys-
tems, in which state leaders consistently produced enormous surpluses to fund state
projects (Kolata, 1986, 1991, 1996; Mathews, 1992, 1997). Raised-field produc-
tion, most importantly in the Koani Pampa, was organized as four-tier settlement
hierarchies to feed a highly centralized but ultimately precarious state.
Increasing evidence for social and economic diversity in the heartland has
helped refine this model. On the basis of “household archaeology” at Lukurmata,
Bermann (1994, 1997, 2003) found that changes in residential areas did not al-
ways correspond with state formation or consolidation. In many respects, local
community practices and interests weighed heavier than Tiwanaku state strate-
gies and transformations in affecting local livelihoods and social organizations.
Albarracin-Jordan, on the basis of evidence for discrete settlement clusters in the
lower Tiwanaku Valley, hypothesized that Tiwanaku formed a loosely centralized
“segmentary state” (Albarracin-Jordan, 1992, 1996a,b; McAndrews et al., 1997).
From as early as the Middle Formative settlement in the valley formed relatively
coherent clusters that, he argues, corresponded with distinctive productive regimes,
raised-field systems in the north section of the valley and sunken basins (qochas)
in the south. Much like later polities in the south-central Andes, Tiwanaku in its
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162 Janusek
core formed a nested hierarchy of semiautonomous sociopolitical groupings; more

than political centralization, the fundamental integrative mechanism was religious
ideology, which “provided a common ‘language’ among the different levels of
authority” (Albarracin-Jordan, 1996b, p. 205).
Evidence for polities thriving alongside areas of Tiwanaku control in and
around the Titicaca Basin supports elements of such interpretations. Societies in
the northern basin, which developed out of the Late Formative Pukara polity, ap-
pear to have been autonomous throughout the Tiwanaku period. Erickson (1988,
1993) suggests that raised-field systems near Huatta, at the north edge of the
Puna Bay, were directly managed by local kin-based groups (though Kolata et al.,
2000, point out that the chronology of raised-field construction in the region re-
quires refinement). Societies in Oruro, with similar histories of pre-Tiwanaku
sociopolitical complexity, also appear to have remained semiautonomous during
the Tiwanaku period. On the basis of increasing evidence for a varied mosaic
of Tiwanaku influence and control, Stanish (2002, p. 188; 2003) notes that be-
cause of relatively “limited means,” state leaders “selectively incorporated certain
areas around the basin.” Thus Tiwanaku was an incorporative more than it was
a transformative state, simultaneously employing multiple strategies of regional
control and influence (Browman, 1997a; Janusek, in press). This scenario of state
development and imperial incorporation resonates well with the “corporate” po-
litical strategies discussed by Blanton et al. (1996) and the “hegemonic” impe-
rial strategies discussed by Luttwak (1976) and others (D’Altroy, 1992; Hassig,
1985).
Ongoing research in areas more distant from Lake Titicaca strengthens this
hypothesis. In certain valleys far from the heartland, such as Moquegua in southern
Peru (Goldstein, 1989, 1993), Azapa in northern Chile (Berenguer et al., 1980;
Berenguer and Dauelsberg, 1989), and Cochabamba in central Bolivia (Anderson
and Céspedes Paz, 1998; Céspedes Paz, 2000), Tiwanaku either established directly
controlled enclaves or maintained intensive influence (Kolata, 1992, 1993). In
Moquegua (Bandy et al., 1996; Goldstein, 1989) and most likely Cochabamba,
sites were dedicated to producing and processing the lowland crops such as maize
that supported sponsored ceremonies and increasingly hierarchical relationships
both at home and abroad. In many regions, however, relations with Tiwanaku were
far more tenuous (Beaule, 2000; Berenguer and Dauelsberg, 1989; Higueras-Hare,
1996), mediated in part through long-distance circuits of llama caravans that had
developed long before the Tiwanaku period (Browman, 1981, 1997a; Dillehay and
Nuñez, 1988; Nuñez and Dillehay, 1995). While Tiwanaku groups undoubtedly
sponsored many such circuits (Kolata, 1992, 1993), many were sponsored by
communities and polities distributed across the altiplano and nearby valleys. Such
a group of polities included Icla, in south-central Bolivia, which thrived on the
vibrant interaction and trade that developed during the Middle Horizon (Janusek
and Blom, 2003).
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Further, it is now clear that, contrary to Ponce’s early claims, Wari thrived
alongside Tiwanaku as an independent state. Most researchers agree that Wari,
largely unlike Tiwanaku, “was an empire that established political and economic
sovereignty over vast regions and large populations” in what is today Peru
(Schreiber, 2001, p. 92). Although Tiwanaku and Wari “shared primary icons
and apparently worshipped the same principal” staff deity (Williams and Nash,
2002, p. 244), fostering an early confusion between the civilizations (Uhle, 1903),
careful analysis reveals significant differences between them in politicoreligious
iconography, architecture, and strategies of political control (Cook, 1994; Isbell,
1991; Schreiber, 2001). Nevertheless, the nature of the overall interaction between
the two states remains unclear. Provocative evidence for tension and possibly pe-
riodic local conflict comes from the upper Moquegua Valley, just north of the
Tiwanaku enclave, where at around A.D. 650 Wari established an occupation on
the summit of Cerro Baúl to define its southwestern imperial frontier (Moseley
et al., 1991; Williams and Nash, 2002). Tiwanaku and Wari settlement systems
coexisted for almost four centuries, each centered in its respective area of the val-
ley. Throughout this period, predominant interactions between Tiwanaku and Wari
populations shifted from hostility over water use to more diplomatic interactions
among elites—a strained détente—that were realized in ceremonies conducted
atop Baúl (Williams and Nash, 2002).
Parallel with regional shifts elsewhere, transformations in the Titicaca Basin
heartland adds to Tiwanaku’s interpretive complexity (Bermann, 1990, 1994;
Janusek, 1994, 2003b; Ponce, 1981; Seddon, 1998). Excavations in residential
areas indicate that, during Tiwanaku IV, local social groups and communities main-
tained vigorous social identities, organized diverse social and economic networks,
and in some cases clearly managed distinct forms of craft production (Bermann,
1994, 1997; Janusek, 1994, 1999; C. C. Rivera, 1994, 2003). At other sites in
the southern basin (Seddon 1998), and even at sites in distant regions such as
Moquegua in southern Peru (Goldstein, 1989), local groups appear not to have
been controlled by Tiwanaku elites as much as they actively affiliated with its
prestigious cosmology, social principles, and material culture. Local groups were
not in some primordial sense “Tiwanaku”; they actively crafted a Tiwanaku cultural
identity. In fact, the influx of groups to Tiwanaku, their use of Tiwanaku elabo-
rate Tiwanaku goods, and their participation in the overarching political economy
afforded the state its legitimacy and power.
Facing a highly diversified sociopolitical landscape, state leaders throughout
Tiwanaku IV emphasized incorporative strategies of integration in the heartland.
These included three interwoven policies (Janusek, 2002). First, craft production
and vast productive regimes, such as raised-field farming in the Katari Valley, re-
mained socially embedded practices (Janusek, 1999). That is, direct power over
production was left in the hands of local groups at various social scales. Sec-
ond, state leaders promoted a convincing suite of ideologies, expressed in urban
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164 Janusek
landscapes and objects used in everyday life. By all accounts, material expressions
of state culture were vigorously adopted by many local groups, in part because they
expressed sacred principles or symbols, and in part because they served local tour-
naments of status and identity. Third, framing relations between elites and nonelites
was an etiquette of reciprocal obligation, as manifested in abundant Tiwanaku serv-
ing wares, large storage jars, and massive refuse deposits found across Tiwanaku
and affiliated sites (Janusek, 2003b, in press; cf. Isbell and Burkholder, 2002).
Sociopolitical relations involved rituals of consumption and commensal politics,
lively theaters in which, over time, social debt accrued to guests just as did prestige
to recurring feast sponsors.
Identification with the state and participation in its vibrant political economy
was clearly desirable. Like earlier religious traditions and polities, Tiwanaku was
as much a political network and economic system as a locus of cultural affiliation,
through which, in part, groups crafted and negotiated local social identities. It was,
as Anderson (1983) would say, a prestigious “imagined community.” Ruling elite
undoubtedly promoted the idea of Tiwanaku as a macrocommunity, employing
terms and images drawn from the intimate realm of domestic and community lives.
Still, the ubiquity of Tiwanaku valued goods and the widespread participation of
diverse groups in the centralizing political economy indicate that this compelling
state culture was promoted not just by rulers but, to varying degrees, by everyone.
And with good reason, for participating in Tiwanaku’s religious, economic, and
social spheres fortified local wealth, status, and identity. Paradoxically, state power
resided in widespread acceptance and internalization of Tiwanaku state culture,
which in turn fortified local group identity and power
After A.D. 800, sociopolitical dynamics changed in many regions and in many
domains of social life (Janusek, in press). Up to this time, social interactions and
ceremonial practices simultaneously invigorated state and local power. During Ti-
wanaku V the Tiwanaku urban core was devoted to state-sponsored ceremonies,
production was intensified in the Katari Basin, inciting critical changes in local
settlement networks, and regions such as the Island of the Sun (Bauer and Stanish,
2001; Seddon, 1998) and Moquegua (Goldstein, 1989) became state-administered
provinces. Although many sites, like peripheral sectors of Tiwanaku, appear to
have gone relatively unaffected, many sites and regions experienced an intensifi-
cation of state activity and control. Apparently, Tiwanaku rulers and elite groups
began to assert greater control over key resources and local socioeconomic net-
works by developing transformative strategies of administration and resource ap-
propriation. Mounting evidence attests the creation of a more tightly centralized
political economy. The trajectory behind this transformation, however, indicates
that change was not simply masterminded by elites, it emerged out of social rela-
tions and interactions that had been shaped over centuries, implicating intentional
activity—agency—among diverse groups, elite and commoner, throughout the
southern Titicaca Basin.
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State Fragmentation and Post-Tiwanaku Cultural Developments
Many recent models of Tiwanaku state collapse attribute partial cause to

a long-term drought that began in the 11th century B.C. and lasted several hun-
dred years (Binford et al., 1997; Kolata et al., 2000; Kolata and Ortloff, 1996b;
Moseley, 1997; Ortloff and Kolata, 1993; cf. Erickson, 1999). Evidence for de-
creasing precipitation in this region, which comes from both ice cores at the
Quelccaya glacier and sediment cores in Lake Wiñaymarka, points to a severe,
long-term drop in rainfall that lasted several hundred years. The drought con-
ditions represented in mutually supportive cores would have caused the lake
edge to recede and water tables to drop dramatically in low flat agricultural
basins like the Koani Pampa, stranding inland raised-field systems and other agri-
cultural features, including sunken basins. Nevertheless, some researchers dis-
agree. Erickson (1999), in particular, argues that to hinge Tiwanaku collapse
on environmental shift is “neo-environmental determinism.” Taking his caveat
to heart, I argue that to have had a profound effect on regional sociopolitical
development, environmental shift must have exacerbated already volatile social
conditions.
Recent data in the Moquegua region and the southern Titicaca Basin in-
dicate that drought conditions exacerbated an already-fragmented sociopolitical
landscape. Already by the 10th century in Moquegua, Williams and Nash ar-
gue (Williams, 2002; Williams and Nash, 2002) that groups heretofore closely
affiliated with Tiwanaku, and some possibly descendants of immigrants from
the altiplano (Blom, 1999; Blom et al., 1998), appear to have asserted auton-
omy to control local productive systems. Even in the core, mounting evidence
suggests that “the seeds of Tiwanaku’s collapse were sown during [its] apogee”
(J. E. Mathews, 1997, p. 259). During Tiwanaku V in the Tiwanaku Valley there
was a significant increase in the size of secondary villages and in the number of
smaller hamlets, a situation that may have encouraged decentralized control of
local productive systems (J. E. Mathews, 1992, 1997) and the increasing power
of local corporate groups (Albarracin-Jordan, 1992, 1996a,b,c). Lukurmata and
other large Katari Valley sites had experienced significant demographic decline
as early as the ninth century, just as local production intensified (Bermann, 1994;
Janusek, in press; Janusek and Kolata, 2003), changing the very cultural and politi-
cal foundation of Tiwanaku. In Tiwanaku, the elite residence attached to the Putuni
complex was razed in the 10th century (Couture and Sampeck, 2003), at the same
time large-scale construction in monumental complexes appears to have ceased.
Thus hypothesized drought conditions descended on a volatile sociopolitical situ-
ation and a fragile productive economy. Once drought set in after A.D. 1000, res-
idential areas were abandoned sequentially, but sectors of Tiwanaku, Lukurmata,
and other sites were occupied by Tiwanaku-affiliated populations until A.D. 1150.
Tiwanaku collapse was a long and most likely periodically violent process of state
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166 Janusek
disintegration caused by mutually reinforcing processes of environmental deteri-

oration and sociopolitical fragmentation.
There has been substantial disagreement about the causes and trajectory
of state collapse. Many ethnohistorians and linguists (Bouysee-Cassagne, 1987;
Cerrón-Palomino, 2000; Espinoza, 1980; Gisbert et al., 1987; Torero, 1970, 1987)
have argued for discontinuity between Tiwanaku and post-Tiwanaku periods, sug-
gesting that migrating waves of Aymara-speaking groups replaced Tiwanaku pop-
ulations (for a summary of competing hypotheses, see Browman, 1994). Many
archaeologists, on the other hand, support the position that post-Tiwanaku popu-
lations were descendants of earlier local populations, arguing that no significant
immigration took place in the last millennium (Albarracin-Jordan, 1996a, pp. 294–
296; Browman, 1994; Janusek, 1994, in press; J. E. Mathews, 1992, pp. 190–191;
Pärssinen 2002; Stanish et al., 1997, pp. 12–14).
How does new research bear on this question? Major changes included signifi-
cant demographic decline and a radical shift to highly dispersed settlement systems
in the Tiwanaku–Katari–Taraco region (Bandy, 2001, pp. 239–247). Settlement
patterns in this and nearby regions witness a dramatic increase in the number of
small sites as many old centers shrank significantly (Albarracin-Jordan and Math-
ews, 1990; Bandy, 2001; Janusek and Kolata, 2003; Stanish, 2003; Stanish et al.,
1997). In the Tiwanaku and Katari Valleys, the number of sites increased by three
times that during Tiwanaku V, while Tiwanaku decreased to 3% and Lukurmata
to 10% of its Tiwanaku period extent. Sites clustered around settlements of 3–
12 ha, forming the kin-based ayllus typical of later highland Andean sociopoliti-
cal organization. Associated with these communities were aboveground mortuary
chambers or towers that housed deceased ancestors and stem families (Hyslop,
1976; Isbell, 1997). Although settlements and cemeteries occupied new areas of
the Tiwanaku–Katari–Taraco region, including the now drier Koani Pampa, most
Tiwanaku sites continued to be occupied on a smaller scale. Combined evidence
points to migration out of old centers and some movement out of the region rather
than mass immigration as ethnohistorians have hypothesized.
Other important changes in society and culture included new ceramic assem-
blages and high-altitude fortresses or pukaras. Changes in ceramic assemblages
involved a new repertoire of serving wares (i.e., two types of small bowls) and
the disappearance of large storage jars and high-volume cooking ollas, the forms
most important for large-scale feasting in state centers. Many other patterns of
ceramic production and use continued with minimal changes (Janusek 2003a).
High-altitude fortresses functioned as temporary refuge sites in times of mili-
tary danger (Stanish et al., 1997). Military danger is a key assumption in models
of violent migration into the region during the Late Intermediate period. How-
ever, pukaras are not found in all regions (Stanish et al., 1997, p. 118), and they
appear most frequently at boundaries between areas (such as the Tiwanaku and
Katari Valleys) that had formed discrete sociopolitical units during the Tiwanaku
period (Bandy, 2001, pp. 233–235; Janusek, in press). The locations of refuge sites
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support the hypothesis that threat of conflict was largely internecine rather than
external.
Together, new patterns define the emergence of new polities and confeder-
ations that interacted, competed, and sometimes fought with one another. Rather
than immigration into the region by new groups, evidence collectively supports
the position that conflict developed out of old social tensions and followed deep
social rifts with histories dating to—perhaps even predating—Tiwanaku hege-
mony. Tiwanaku was a diverse society, and its long-term stability was, in part, a
function of its ability to promote an attractive vision of the cosmos and society,
a vision that groups adopted, internalized, and reformulated. Political unity was
grounded in incorporative strategies, a dominant ideology emphasizing reciprocal
obligation, a prestigious cultural affiliation, and general well-being. Incorporation
in Tiwanaku’s hegemonic web had to remain attractive in order for its increasingly
hierarchical structure to remain appealing. In Tiwanaku V, as rulers increasingly
implemented transformative strategies of control over certain local groups and re-
gions, the Tiwanaku world became burdensome and, perhaps, openly exploitative.
Aggravated by a long-term drought, such a situation incited many to erase their
affiliations with the state.
Tiwanaku state collapse, apparently the product of mutually reinforcing so-
cial and environmental forces, involved political fragmentation and the end of a
cultural tradition. In the Tiwanaku–Katari–Taraco regions, at least, it also involved
significant demographic decline (Bandy, 2001). Nevertheless, it was eventually a
process of innovation in settlement strategies, productive economies, ceramic ves-
sels, and mortuary practices. I have suggested that collapse was simultaneously
a cultural revolution that corresponded with shifting political alliances and pro-
ductive strategies (Janusek, 1994, in press). Regional analysis in the Machaca and
Pacajes regions points to demographic increase in drier areas south of the old
Tiwanaku core (Janusek et al., 2003; Pärssinen, 2002). It was in Pacajes, in fact,
that a new political center eventually emerged and where productive strategies had
always, of necessity, emphasized pastoralism. Thus the Late Intermediate period
may have been “a chaotic and dangerous time . . . involving considerable localized
conflict, population relocation and even famine” (Bandy, 2001, p. 243), but re-
search points not to mass immigration into as much as strategic emigration out of
the Tiwanaku core to areas where pastoralism had always been most successful.
Changing climate and increasing factionalism favored new centers and regions, es-
pecially those with an incumbent interest and expertise in the productive strategies
that now were required to make a living in the precarious, dynamic altiplano.
CONCLUSIONS
Recent research in the Lake Titicaca Basin offers stimulating hypotheses

for comparative research regarding the prehistoric rise of complexity and archaic
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168 Janusek
state development. Emerging perspectives emphasize two critical dimensions of

sociopolitical complexity and its transformations. First, they detail the long phases
preceding and leading to state development and collapse, offering insight into
some of the key elements and processes involved in major sociopolitical transfor-
mations. Evidence points to a conjunction of environmental, socioeconomic, and
ideological forces in fostering major historical changes. Recent paleoecological
research isolates major environmental shifts that affected cultural developments,
including Tiwanaku’s rise to power and its eventual collapse. Such regional pro-
cesses must be understood with reference to highly dynamic political strategies,
trade networks, and diverse productive systems that characterized the region at any
time. Also playing dynamic roles were myths, beliefs, and ritual practices—that
is, religious ideology. Religious ideology, expressed in ceremonial spaces, stone
monoliths, ritual paraphernalia, and in the residues of ceremonies and feasts, was
critical in all phases for both fostering interregional interaction (e.g., Chiripa and
the Yayamama Tradition) and promoting local differences (e.g., competition be-
tween Tiwanaku and Khonkho Wankane). An elegant cosmology, potent rituals,
and awe-inspiring ceremonial places were critical to Tiwanaku’s rise to power, and
its collapse, instigated in part by a conjunction of ecological changes and social
tensions, involved the production of new values and rites.
Second, recent research opens our eyes to local social differences and their
profound influence on regional developments. Differences among regions involved
various cultural domains, including local environment, conjunctions of productive
regimes (e.g., lacustrine, agrarian, pastoral), and access to valued resources (e.g.,
obsidian, basalt hoes). Most significant, environmental, productive, and economic
differences were closely tied to social and ideological differences. Chiripa sites,
focused on fishing and farming, included elaborate temple complexes and partici-
pated in more widely shared Yayamama rituals. Wankarani sites, in an arid region
favoring pastoralism, remained small and widely dispersed and were focused on do-
mestic and village-based rituals. Different environments, productive regimes, and
forms of social interaction corresponded with local religious complexes and expres-
sions of social identity. Nevertheless, across the southern basin similar practices
and household artifacts, such as constituted Chiripa and Wankarani, and shared
symbols and ritual practices, as comprised the Yayamama tradition, represented
far-reaching economic and ideological networks and more inclusive domains of
cultural affiliation and social identification.
Like Chiripa and the Yayamama tradition, Tiwanaku was grounded in ritual
practice and ideological prestige; after A.D. 500 it also formed an inclusive domain
of cultural affiliation. For the first time, however, Tiwanaku involved the political
unification of diverse groups and ideologies. As Tiwanaku developed, state lead-
ers emphasized incorporative strategies of resource exploitation and control, out
of which transformative strategies developed for specific regions and forms of pro-
duction after A.D. 800. As in the past, in the Tiwanaku period different regions of
P1: JLS
the altiplano, with their distinct ranges of microenvironments, productive regimes,

and local resources, remained home to groups with local ritual foci and distinct
social identities. Social identities, grounded in distinct productive and ideological
practices, remained vibrant throughout Tiwanaku hegemony, possibly serving to
instigate, in the face of environmental deterioration and increasingly exploitative
state leaders, state collapse. Attention to diversity serves to de-center our per-
spective on Titicaca Basin prehistory, both through time, from Chiripa through
Tiwanaku, and across society, from household groups to the basin at large.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I dedicate this paper to the memories of Karen Mohr Chávez and Max Por-
tugal Ortiz, pioneers in the archaeology of the Lake Titicaca Basin. I thank Gary
Feinman and Douglas Price for the invitation to write this paper, and Gary, Kathy
Schreiber, and three anonymous reviewers for making helpful comments on its
drafts. I thank Alan Kolata for inciting my interest in past cultures of the region
and for providing academic and logistical support for my research projects over the
years. Much of the research summarized here was supported by grants to him from
the National Science Foundation, the National Endowment of the Humanities, and
the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. Some of the research relat-
ing to Tiwanaku and Lukurmata was funded by the National Science Foundation
(BNS#9021098) and a Fulbright-Hayes Fellowship from the U.S. Department of
Education. Research in the Machaca region was funded by Vanderbilt University
and the Curtiss T. and Mary G. Brennan Foundation.
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Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 12, No. 2, June 2004 (

Tiwanaku and Its Precursors: Recent Research

incorporated diverse social groups, overlapping economic and ideological net-

Fig. 2. Chronological chart for the southern Lake Titicaca Basin.

PREHISPANIC ENVIRONMENTAL SHIFT

In a precarious environment such as the Andean altiplano, human societies and

THE EARLY AND MIDDLE FORMATIVE PERIODS

By the 1940s archaeologists realized that Tiwanaku, though clearly pre-Inca,

of a potent, ecumenical religious tradition (K. L. M. Chávez, 1988). Associated

and burners, and elaborate mythical iconography (Burger et al., 2000; K. L. M.

Chiripa: Recent Research

Members of the Taraco Archaeological Project (TAP; Hastorf, 1999a), who

Chiripa: Emerging Perspectives

kin-based distribution. Elaborate crafted items, such as decorated ceramics, metal

(K. L. M. Chávez, 1997). It formed an inclusive domain of cultural affiliation

Nevertheless, in the Early–Middle Formative many areas incorporated mul-

Wankarani: Recent Research

A distinct Early–Middle Formative complex developed along the lower

Excavations at two settlements provide an idea of social and economic organi-

THE LATE FORMATIVE PERIOD

In Late Formative 1, three-tier settlement clusters emerged in the Tiwanaku–

The Late Formative South of the Basin

Although Ponce hypothesized that the Wankarani complex in Oruro continued

New Perspectives on the Late Formative

developed political strategies, including competitive feasts, that circulated obli-

THE TIWANAKU PERIOD

Settlement density and urban nucleation increased significantly in the

Excavations at Tiwanaku: Monumental and Ritual Space

Monumental architecture in Tiwanaku has been the subject of numerous stud-

Excavations at Tiwanaku: Residential Space

Excavations in several areas of Tiwanaku, most extensively east of the Akapana,

Excavations at Lukurmata and in the Katari Valley

Just as Tiwanaku was becoming a major ceremonial city, Lukurmata expanded

terraces (Bennett, 1936; S. O. Rivera, 1989). Major construction began in Early

Excavations at Other Sites

Recent excavations at a number of other sites detail Tiwanaku influence and

Specialized analyses in the heartland have further refined our understand-

and psychotropic paraphernalia (Bermann, 1994; Janusek, 1993, 1994). Camelids

Tiwanaku Hegemony: Strategic Incorporation and Local Continuity

of Late Formative occupations (Bermann and Estevez, 1993). Further, domestic

Tiwanaku: Emerging Perspectives

Interpretations of Tiwanaku sociopolitical organization and historical dynam-

core formed a nested hierarchy of semiautonomous sociopolitical groupings; more

State Fragmentation and Post-Tiwanaku Cultural Developments

Many recent models of Tiwanaku state collapse attribute partial cause to

disintegration caused by mutually reinforcing processes of environmental deteri-

Recent research in the Lake Titicaca Basin offers stimulating hypotheses

state development. Emerging perspectives emphasize two critical dimensions of

the altiplano, with their distinct ranges of microenvironments, productive regimes,

Erickson, C. L. (1988). An archaeological Investigation of Raised-Field Agriculture in the Lake Titicaca

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF RECENT LITERATURE

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