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New Discoveries in Sle lung bZhad pa’i rdo rje’s 1729 Journey to Pad+mo
bkod
Thomas Greensmith
Wolfson College
Trinity Term
May 2018
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gTsang po Gorges Pad+mo bkod - (Kindon-Ward: 2008:55)
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Acknowledgements
Firstly, I have to especially thank my father, mother, grandmother and grandfather. Without
their continual support emotionally and financially I simply would never have been able to
even contemplate attending a course for two years at Oxford. Any merit that I may have accrued
due to the efforts of these two years I especially dedicate to them and may they find peace and
happiness in this and all future lives. I must thank the Eleventh Sle lung sprul sku who has
never given up on encouraging me to learn the Tibetan language from the moment that I met
him. It was he who provided me with the inspiration to study about the great Fifth Sle lung. I
must thank my supervsoi Professor Ulrike Roesler. She is the most inspirational tutor anyone
could possibly want and she has provided me with a stability and calm that helped me pen the
following work. Finally, I leave my final thanks to Fjolla Krasniqi. Without her perpetual
support in the form of proof reading and critique, emotional support in times of self-doubt was
all contained within her infinite patience and selfless kindness I would never have enjoyed it
so much. I hope that anyone who may read this finds this most charismatic of individuals as
interesting as I do and I hope in some way it helps encourage more study and reflection on both
Tom Greensmith
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Table of Contents
v Introduction
1.1 Introductory Remarks………………………………………….. 6
1.2 General Literature Review …………………………………….. 7
1.3 Pad+mo bkod gTer ma ………………………………………… 11
1.4 Literary Qualities of the Text ………………………………….. 15
1.5 Methodology …………………………………………………... 17
v Chapter Three
3.1 The Tibetan Treasure Tradition ………………………………… 30
3.2 Hidden land gter ma …………………………………………… 32
3.3 Thematic Introduction ………………………………………….. 31
3.4 The Five Themes ……………………………………………….. 32
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v Chapter Seven – Opening
7.1 Sacred Geography ………………………………………….. 64
7.2 Cakras According to Sle lung ……………………………… 67
7.3 Taming the Numinous ……………………………………… 68
7.4 Ritual Process …………………………………………….… 70
7.5 The Mechanics of Practice ……………………………….… 72
7.6 Political Taming ……………………………………………. 74
7.7 Passing the ‘Baton of Mastery’ …………………………….. 76
v Conclusion …………………………………………………………… 83
v Appendices.
- Appendix A –
Pleasant and Truthful Words: Directions to the Supreme
Pilgrimage Site of Pad+mo bkod.
Sle lung bZhad pa’i rdo rje ……………………………………. 85
- Appendix B –
The Guide Book to the Hidden land of Pad+mo bkod.
’Ja’ tshon snying po - ………………………………………….. 112
- Appendix C –An Aspiration to Travel to the Hidden Land
of Pad+mo bkod
Sle lung bZhad pa’i rdo rje ……………………………………. 119
- Appendix D – Sangs rgyas gling pa ………………………….. 121
- Appendix E – Sle lung’s Travel accounts ……………………. 121
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༄༅ Dedicated to the memory of my teacher and friend Tshe ring Don grub༄༅
Introduction
In southern Tibet, at the end of the Himalayan massif where the gTsang po river carves through
the two magnificent mountains of gNam lcags ’bar ba and rGya la exists a region known as
Pad+mo bkod.1 Pad+mo bkod, a place of vertiginous mountains, hostile tribes and extreme
variations in climate has for some, proven to be a place of great spiritual significance. One such
person was the tantric Buddhist adept Sle lung rJe drung bLo bzang ’Phrin las bZhad pa’i rdo
rje (1697-1740), hitherto referred to as simply Sle lung. He travelled to Pad+mo bkod in 1729
recording the whole journey in his travelogue entitled “Pleasant and Truthful Words:
Directions to the Supreme Pilgrimage Site of Pad+mo bkod” (Sle lung 1983a).2 Sle lung, a
prolific author and master of both Ge lug pa and rNying ma traditions, was inspired to travel
to Pad+mo bkod following in the Tibetan treasure tradition (gter ma) that designates this region
as a hidden land (sbas yul). Having translated a great part of this text, it appears that this first
person account will provide a much needed bridge between the prophecies (lung bstan) section
found in hidden land treasure texts and the actuality of ‘opening’ (sgo ’byed), Pad+mo bkod’s
sacred sites. This is the overriding strength that this text provides when compared with other
forms of literature and the reason why I have selected it as my main text of analysis. I will
introduce who Sle lung was and why he was so important in the history of eighteenth century
Tibet. I will then describe the route from his residence in ’Ol kha through Kong po and into
Pad+mo bkod elucidating the overall journey he took. Since the hidden land genre finds its
source from the Tibetan treasure tradition I will present an examination of this topic thus
providing the context in which hidden land is found. From this point and through to my
conclusion I will follow a structure I call ‘The Five Themes.’ This structure provides a
convenient tool in which to examine Pad+mo bkod, its status and development as a hidden
1 There are two variations of the spelling of this hidden land; Pad+mo bkod and Pad+ma bkod. I have followed the way that Sle lung writes.
2 “gNas mchog pad+mo bkod du bgrod pa'i lam yig dga’ ’byed bden gtam la” (Sle lung 1983a).
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land, whilst at the same time examining Sle lung’s motivations and methods for opening the
locked doors of this most sacred of sites. In this way I hope to make the most of the greatest
Literature on Pad+mo bkod is mostly found in one of the following genres; original gter ma
text, personal travel accounts, academic exploration, aspirational prayers (smon lam) and ritual
practices. I will present an overview of the more relevant literature on the subject of hidden
lands, Pad+mo bkod and Sle lung. Such an analysis forms the basis of any thorough
examination of this region. First, I will present notable literature that has been written on hidden
land in general, then explore the different academic focus on Pad+mo bkod, finishing with
Hidden land literature, no matter the genre, began with the treasure revealer (gter ston) Rig
’dzin rgod ldem (1337-1408), who was the most prolific hidden land gter ma revealer (Ehrhard
2009:498). He discovered the ‘key’ to bringing to light the seven most important hidden lands
amongst many others (Orofino 1991:246). In particular, sBas yul spyi’i them byang sets the
In 1975, Aris’ expedition to a region of Northern Nepal describes his exploration to a sbas yul
known as sKyid mo lung (Aris 1975:43-82). An important study since it is one of the earliest
examinations of hidden land leading to his later publication entitled Bhutan (1979). Aris
examines the location of the hidden land Khan pa lung in Bhutan which led to a flurry of
academic research focusing on this sbas yul. He provides a translation of sections of the text
sBas yul mkhan pa ljongs kyi gnas yig padma gling pa’i gter ma.
3Found in Byang gter lugs kyi rnam thar ma ’ongs lung bstan, Gangtok (1983:464-96) translated by Sadar-Afkhami (1996:40-65). This does
not mean there are only seven hidden lands.
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Those influenced by Aris’ work include Reinhard (1978), who combined textual analysis of
two texts, sBas yul khan pa lung gi nas yig mthong ba don ldan bzhugs so and sBas yul mkhan
pa lung gi nub sgo lde mig both attributed to Rig ’dzin rgod ldem. He provides an English
translation and compared them to the local oral narrative (Reinhard 1978:5-35). Bernbaum
(1980) visited mKhan pa lung and through conversations with lamas (bla ma) concluded that
there are three levels of experience of a yogins journey; outer (phyi), inner (nang) and secret
(gsang ba). The outer is where the yogi enjoys sensory enjoyment of the land but gains no
spiritual insight, inner where the yogi gains some spiritual insight and the secret where spiritual
guide entitled sBas yul mkhan pa lung gi lam yig sa spyad bcas pa bzhugs so. It is a different
publication of the same text that both Reinhard and Bernbaum examined (Diemberger
1997:291). She analyses the description found in this travel guide focusing on its exact location
although does not provide a full translation. Orofino (1991) presents an excellent translation of
Rig ’dzin rgod ldem’s gter ma called sBas yul mkhan pa lung gis lam yig sa dpyad dang bcas
pa bzhugs so.
Brauen-Dolma (1985) utilised first person interviews with rNying ma lamas combined with
textual analysis of a gter ma called sBas yul ’bras mo ljongs kyi gnas yig phan yon dang bcas
pa discovered by the nineteenth century master ’Gyur med ’Jigs bral bstan ’dzin dpa’ bo (dates
unknown). He describes the search for paradisiacal lands arguing that it is tied to
millenarianism. He also presents an excellent summary of the prerequisites that those trying to
Childs (1999), taking a different approach to millenarianism and hidden lands, argues that sbas
yul were, above all, places where descendants of the Tibetan emperors (btsan po) could take
refuge in politically unstable times due to the fear of the Yuan Sakya patronage collapsing.
Whilst an interesting article it is limited since it only focuses on Rig ’dzin rgod ldem’s
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revelations during the fourteenth century. Ehrhard (1999b) examines the relationship between
the early royal period’s (c.600-c.900) sacred locations and the discovery of hidden land gter
ma.
Sadar-Afkhami (1996, 2001) has written the only PHD thesis published on hidden land
narrative to date. He provides a valuable translation of Rig ’dzin rgod ldem’s sBas yul spyi’i
them byang.
Sharpening the focus on Pad+mo bkod, early Western literature is replete with personal
exploration accounts. Examples include Bacot (1912) who travelled in Khams and ran into
Pad+mo bkod pilgrims, the English botanist Kingdon-Ward (1926) who collected seed samples
in Pad+mo bkod and the British military officer Bailey (1957) who mapped the inner gorges
of the Brahmaputra. The latter two accounts describe the flora, fauna and topography of
Pad+mo bkod and the surrounding areas in great detail. The French explorer Bacot (1877-
1965) made an important discovery during his expedition through Southern Khams (1909-
1910). He encountered a group of Tibetan refugees fleeing Chinese warlords and was given
the first guide book entitled Ma ’ong lung bstan snyig ma’i sems can la sbas yul padma bkod
kyi gnas yig to find its way into the West (Sadar-Afkhami 2001:2).4
academia. The aforementioned text given to Bacot (1912) influenced Stein (1988)5 who was
the first Western academic to present an in-depth analysis of the description of Pad+mo bkod
location of the central channel and cakras compared to later academic studies (Stein 1988:43-
4 Dudjom writes that “Rikdzin Dorje Thokme is probably to be identified with Bacot’s ‘grand lama nommé Sang-gye Tho-med” (Dudjom
1991:97).
5 This text was also supplemented with sTag sham Nus ldan rdo rje’s gter ma cycle rTsa gsum yi dam dgongs 'dus (Ehrhard 1999a:237).
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48). Ehrhard (1999a:234) describes the location of the hands, breast and feet as well as the
McDougal (2016) has translated and published three of bDud ’joms Drag sngags gling pa’s
(1871-1936) treasure texts about Pad+mo bkod; dGongs gsang zad med ye shes klong mdzod
las: dai wa ko Ta'i gnas yig ma rig mun sel, gNas mchog tsi t+ta spu ri'i gnas yig shel dkar me
long and rTsa gsum dgongs pa kun 'dus las: yang gsang pad shri gnas yig ma rig mun sel sgron
Vajravārāhī in lower Pad+mo bkod, Arunachal Pradesh. It also describes the transfer of four
pīṭha, Devakoṭa, Pretapurī, Lampāka and Lake Dhanakoṣa, to the same region (McDougal
2016:20/21, Sugiki 2009:523-524).6 Furthermore, it presents a new cakra called the ‘Deathless
Extreme Secret Place’ (’chi med yang gsang gnas). The text describes that at the end of the life
cycle of the earth, all classes of creatures will gather at the womb of the goddess Vajravārāhī,
in the form of seeds (sa bon). They will then be born again in the next cycle along with the
propagation of the texts hidden in Pad+mo bkod by Padmasambhava. Sanders (2016) collected
and recorded local oral narrative in the autumn of 2001, 2002 and 2008 and reports that the
Grothmann (2012a:21/52), focuses on the migration patterns of Pad+mo bkod into the modern
age, an important study which needs further research to determine the extent, that hidden land
narrative had on the net influx of migrators. She also conducts an interesting study of the lesser
known hidden land of Pachakshiri on the border of Pad+mo bkod (Grothmann 2012b:125-151).
Similarly, Xizang (1987) presents information on migration patterns to Pad+mo bkod across
the centuries which could provide extra information on millenarist migration patterns (Xizang
1987:19-72).
6 See Huber (2008) for a discussion on the transference of pīṭha to new locations.
7 Personal Communication – Sanders (2018)
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Ehrhard (1999b:240/57) presents a detailed account of the historical and political turmoil of
the eighteenth century that fuelled the rise in millenarism and subsequent hidden land
exploration. He presents a key relationship between Sle lung and the ruler Pho lha nas bSod
nams stobs rgyas (1689-1747) making a convincing argument that hidden land narrative falls
not only under millenarianism, but also sectarian claims to territory and missionary extension.
This is best read alongside Petech (1972) which remains the most comprehensive examination
Ehrhard (1999a:227/39) summarises the most important treasure discoverers from the
seventeenth through to the twentieth century connected to Pad+mo bkod. The notes contain
vital information on the various dharma histories (chos ’byung) that comment on important
aspects of treasure revealers related to Pad+mo bkod. Ehrhard’s forthcoming paper (2018)
adds vital new information on the treasure revealer Chos rje gling pa’s (1681-1720) travels in
Pad+mo bkod.
sBas yul pad+ma bko lam kyi yig bzhug (1979) which is part
of the treasure cycle rDo rje khro lod kyi sgrub skor. Sanders
Pad+mo bkod called gNas mchog padma bkod pa’i gnas yig
lung brten, which may pre-date ’Ja’ tshon snying po’s text
Plate 1 - ’Ja’ tshon snying po by some two hundred years. The colophon reads “[the]
Source: (Himalayanart.org. 2018a)
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emanation Sangs rgyas gling pa [1340–1396] revealed this gter ma from the cave of Mo che
shel gyi yangs ljongs.”8 Further research is needed to verify its authenticity (Sanders
2016:235).
bDud ’dul rdo rje (1615-1672) discovered the treasure text bDe chen pad+ma bkod kyi gnas
yig thos pa rang grol bzhugs so (1997)9 and according to Dudjom also discovered a text called
sBas yul padma bkod pa’i gnas yig (Dudjom 1991:815) the latter of which I could not locate.
sTag sham Nus ldan rdo rje’s (1655-1708) text titled gNas mchog dga' ba tshal gyi lo rgyus
snying po mdor bsdus, describes Pad+mo bkod with twelve outer territories, forty inner ravines,
sixteen secret [ravines] and the four cardinal bKo chung (sTag sham 1988:144).10 He also
revealed the treasure text Yi dam rTa mgrin dgongs ’dus las (n.d).
Rig ’dzin rDo rje thogs med’s (1746-1797) text Tshe sgrub ’od kyi drwa ba’i zab chos bdun
pa sbas yul sgo ’byed yid bzhin ’od ’phro’i skor gyi thob yig (1979-1985) describes the
protector deities of Pad+mo bkod’s heart cakra, the more secret geographical levels of Pad+mo
bkod and even hallucinogenic plants one may eat to clear away obstacles. Sadar-Afkhami
(2001) translates small sections and it would be an interesting text to further explore.
Lastly, aside from gter ma and academic examination, personal travel accounts are an
important source of information on hidden lands. Sle lung has written three travel accounts of
his own explorations to Pad+mo bkod; gNas mchog pad+mo bkod du bgrod pa’i lam yig dga’
’byed bden gtam la (Sle lung 1983a) and Bag yod kyi la sbas yul pad+mo bkod du bskyod pa’i
lo rgyus mdo tsam bshad pa ngo mtshar do shal (Sle lung 1982b) and Chu glang lo sbas yul
8 See Appendix D.
9 See Mayward (2016) for a full translation.
10 “De la phyi gling bcu gnyis nang sul bzhi bcu/ gsang gling bcu drug tu yod pa'i nang nas shar lho nub byang gi bkod chung bzhi ni/” (sTag
sham 1988:144).
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pad+ma bkod du chibs bskyod gnang skabs kyi tho sgrigs zhal bkod (Loden 2013:). The second
two of describes his journey there 1733 and last of which is Sle lung’s handwritten account
which has yet to be found. Sle lung’s first expedition account served as the inspiration behind
Baker’s (2004) expedition which has helped generate wider increased interest in Pad+mo bkod
and hidden land narrative. Sle lung also wrote a prayer to be in Pad+mo bkod called sBas yul
pad+mo bkod du ’gro ba’i smon lam bzhugs so in 1733 (Sle lung 1982b).11
There are two other travel accounts that bear similarity to Sle lung’s, both written in the
twentieth century. The first, the rnam thar of sGa rje Khams sprul rin po che ’Jam dbyangs don
grub (b1927), includes two accounts of his trips to Pad+mo bkod (Khamtrul 2009:184-204).
The second is Sangak’s biography of gter ston Pad rgyal gling pa (1924-1988). It is a short but
Shor’s (2011) biography of the gter ston brTul zhugs gling pa (1916-1962) attempt to open a
hidden land in Sikkim is a rich source of first person accounts. He collated oral accounts from
rDo bis dge bshes Shes rab rgya mtsho (1884-1968) wrote a treatise against Pad+mo bkod
called Padma bkod kyi gnas yig sun ’byin rdzun nag mun sel sgron me. He argued against
notions of pilgrimage and the Buddhist elite from the view of the creation of a Buddhist
socialist state (Sadar-Afkhami 2001:164-172). Buffetrille has translated and written an article
11 See appendix C.
12 This text is unavailable on BDRC.
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Finally, the most comprehensive study to date on Sle lung himself is Bailey’s (2016) PHD
thesis entitled ‘A Feast for Scholars: The Life and Works of Sle lung bZhad pa’i rdo rje.’
Bailey's thesis contains a detailed biography of Sle lung, an overview of his most important
works, and a detailed examination of two of his ritual texts, which he also translates. For a
general overview of the whole Sle lung lineage see Loden (2013) which also includes a
comprehensive appendix of all the collected works by the Fifth Sle lung (Loden 2013:110-
251).
In summary, the vast majority of Tibetan material on Pad+mo bkod is found in gter ma text
and Sle lung’s travelogue is the only personal account of exploration to Pad+mo bkod written
before the twentieth century known to me. I have not discovered a more detailed travel account
in any century on Pad+mo bkod or any hidden land. Since hidden land treasure texts are all
found within the prophecy section they follow a similar literary trope. In contrast, Sle lung’s
And so academic exploration on Pad+mo bkod has, in the most part, focused on two main
leitmotifs; Pad+mo bkod’s topography, including sacred geography of Pad+mo bkod as the
projection of Vajravārāhī, and the millenarist movement. Since most academic examination
includes gter ma Sle lung’s travel account will supplement the already well-trodden themes
highlighted, as well as opening new avenues of research. Read alone, Sle lung’s travelogue is
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Literary Qualities of the Text
The full Tibetan title of Sle lung’s text, written in September 1729, reads “Sbas pa'i gnas thams
cad kyi rgyal po gnas mchod pad+mo bkod du bgrod pa’i gnas tshul drang por brjod pa dga’
byed bden gtam. In English it reads “Pleasant Words of Truth: An Honest Guide of Travelling
to Pad+mo bkod, the King of all Sacred Hidden Lands” and is found in volume eight of Sle
This text is a first-person account of his exploration to Pad+mo bkod of which I have translated
twenty-seven out of fifty-three contiguous folios (pages 389-416) and included relevant later
sections (appendix A). The subject matter presents several themes woven together by the
presented as; songs of realisation (mgur ma), signs of realisation, visions, prophetic dreams,
medium (sku rten) possession, tantric rituals and spiritual instructions. Other passages describe
the practical actuality of hidden land exploration including; correct accoutrements, necessary
provisions, detailed geographic information including, climate, topography, place names and
regional geopolitics. Finally, the text includes some anthropologic, zoological and botanical
information as well as notable personages including other gter ston related to Pad+mo bkod,
The vastness of topic material and style of the text raises the question on how best to categorise
it within a literary type or genre. The simplest solution may be to follow the shorter title’s own
indication and designate it a lam yig.14 Newman translates lam yig as either “route description”
or “itineraries” (Newman 1996:485) and Wylie as “a guide book for pilgrims, whose
pilgrimage involves two or more countries” (Wylie 1965:18). Both descriptions to some extent,
address the purpose and primary contents of a lam yig, but they do not express the personal and
13 I have included the page number and line number from Tibetan folios. For example 492.2-493.3 indicates quote begins on page 492 line
two and finishes on page 493 line three.
14 The shorter title reads - gNas mchog pad+mo bkod du bgrod pa'i lam yig dga' 'byed bden gtam la (Sle lung 1983a:389).
15
inner spiritual accounts contained within it. I propose that ‘travelogue,’ which, to some extent,
incorporates ones’ own personal experiences and encounters whether spiritual or other, is a
Sle lung’s account is not only an instructional guide book but is also written as an
autobiography and it is this autobiographical style that renders the text more comfortably
within the genre of Tibetan literature known as rnam thar. These accounts, taking the form
emancipation of realised charismatic individuals such as Sle lung. Since rnam thar, is the
Tibetan translation of the Sanskrit word vimokṣa meaning “liberation” (Roesler 2015:43) the
recounting of his own spiritual emancipation within the text further supports its placement into
this category.
The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries heralded a great increase in the number of rnam thar
written and coincides with the time period of our author (Schaeffer 2010:263). Unlike Sle
lung’s text, they tend to follow a structured form beginning with the conception and birth
Like Sle lung’s text, rnam thar often include a three-fold division of presentation; the outer
(phyi), inner (nang) and secret (gsang ba) levels of experience. The external offers the outer
factual story, the internal the psychological story and the secret an account of higher spiritual
accomplishments (Hall 2012:38). Rnam thar are not only written for the precise detailing of
the mundane but also as a source of inspiration and instructional spiritual advice. Although
subjective, Sle lung’s text does include such inspiration and instruction, a notable example
15 Sle lung’s rang rnam (1983e) only covers his life up to 1724.
16
Therefore, since this text contains several literary genres, it would be appropriate to identify
the text as both lam yig and rnam thar. The text should not be read only as a simple travel
account, but also as a personal description of the spiritual realisation of a master who recounts
his work as a literary device in which to guide, instruct and enthuse future readers and
explorers. It contains personal asides and moments of honest reflection, a long way away from
To summarise, the whole exegesis of trying to categorise where this text best fits in terms of
genre might be deemed academic imputation and I propose that since it seems many Tibetans,
as Gyatso articulates, “write, edit and publish their autobiographies by themselves, for
themselves, in their own way,” this text is best read with this in mind (Gyatso 1998:102).
Methodology
The primary aim of my dissertation is to translate and examine Sle Lung’s travelogue (1983a)
with the following objectives: to broaden our understanding of Pad+mo bkod as a hidden land
and to gain further insight into the motivations, methods and role that Sle lung, a hidden land
‘opener,’ employed. For the purpose of this research and due to time constraints, I will utilise
relevant translated sections of this text and examine them vis-à-vis existing academic research.
Since the region of Pad+mo bkod and its identification as a hidden land is reliant on hidden
land gter ma, I will utilise two that existed when Sle lung travelled. The two include; ’Ja’ tshon
snying po (1979) and bDud ’dul rdo rje’s (1997) treasure texts, although where possible I will
consult others. I include a full translation of ’Ja’ tshon snying po’s gter ma text (appendix B)
since it demarcates the historical beginning of the hidden land of Pad+mo bkod and a valuable
source of information.
Chapter one presents a general overview of the Sle lung lineage and Sle lung himself.
Chapter two describes the location of Pad+mo bkod and the route Sle lung took. Chapter three
introduces gter ma and hidden land gter ma. I also introduce the structure of the rest my
17
examination called the ‘five themes’. The ‘five themes’ provide a convenient tool to examine
my stated aim. Chapters four to nine examine in more detail each of the five topics. Wherever
Finally, the examination of the text and interpretation of relevant sections will be guided by
the three levels of experience found in rnam thar; outer, inner and secret. The outer covers the
actual details of travel and Pad+mo bkod’s geographic and physical attributes. The inner covers
the thought process behind exploration to Pad+mo bkod and the secret an examination of his
personal spiritual experiences. Using this method of examination, I hope to cover all the
necessary topics to meet the aim of my dissertation in a clear and concise way.
18
Chapter One
The Protagonist
In the figure of Sle lung, we discover a breadth and depth of activity like no other in eighteenth
century Tibet. I will therefore present enough material to highlight a little of the impact he had
on Tibet in both the religious and political spheres of the eighteenth century. By doing so, I
hope to leave the reader with a sense of who this charismatic figure was, his achievements and
the wider historical context in which he made his arduous trip to Pad+mo bkod.
The name Sle lung finds its source from the Sle lung valley in ’Ol
kha and where rNam grol gling, the residence and temple of the
Sle lung sprul sku, is located. The Sle lung incarnation lineage is
nirmāṇakāya emanations.17
19
The Fifth Sle lung bZhad pa'i rdo rje
Plate 3 – Sle lung bZhad pa’i rdo rje Our protagonist, the Fifth Sle lung rJe drung bLo bzang
Source: (Loden 2013:60)
’Phrin las bZhad pa’i rdo rje was born in 1697. It was a time
the death of Ngag dbang bLo bzang rgya mtsho, the Fifth
In 1699, he was officially recognised as the Sle lung sprul sku with the Sixth Dalai Lama
Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683-1706) performing the hair cutting ceremony (skra phud
zhu ba) and giving him the name bsTan pa grub pa'i rgyal mtshan in 1702. Lelung's
autobiography gives a vivid account of the Dalai Lama during the event recounting;
“The Sixth Dalai lama was wearing a fine upper garment of pale blue, his hair to just
below his ears with a ring on every finger. Attendants stood on either side of him wearing
various unsightly costumes and holding quivers of arrows and bows” (Shakabpa
2010:395).
Lelung reports that Tsangyang Gyatso joked that he would give the young tulku the initiation
name of "Nun Tinkling Tārā" (a ne ting ting sgrol ma) before giving him the name Tenpa
In 1705 he took monastic vows from the Fifth Paṇchen Lama, Lobzang Yeshe (paN chen bla
ma 05 blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 1663-1737) and in 1708 was installed as the Abbot of
Chos ’khor rgyal monastery. It was during this period that he carried out his monastic studies
20
However, what made Sle lung somewhat atypical was that he was, early in his life, a non-
“I have un-fabricated pure vision toward all the accomplished [masters] without bias such
as the Sa skya, dGe lugs, rNying ma, ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud, Karma bKa’ brgyud, etc.
My mind has increased respect toward the holders of these [various] teachings and when
I think about this, I have pride in my own powerful realisations” (Bailey 2016:213)
Up to this point Sle lung had had numerous teachers, the foremost amongst them was his root
guru Dam chos bzang po (1677-1724). However, it was not until Sle lung chanced upon Chos
rje gTer bdag gling pa (1646 -1714) in the fire pig year 1707 at a public occasion at the Po Ta
la Palace in Lha sa, that he met the figure who would change his life.18 They met only
exchanging words of greeting. Sle lung later had many dreams where ḍākinīs came and told
him he must receive teachings from this treasure revealer.19 Due to the challenges of
sectarianism Sle lung found it difficult to receive teachings from him. Therefore, his root guru
Dam chos bzang po, when at sMin grol gling, received the full transmission of teachings on
the deity Jinasāgara Avalokiteśvara and his consort Guhyajñānaḍākinī from the treasure
revelations of gTer bdag gling pa from Pad+ma ’Gyur med rgya mtsho (1686-1718). He
specifically received the Guhyajñāna, or Secret Gnosis (gsang ba ye shes) "mother" section,
and was told of a prophecy, purportedly from gTer bdag gling pa himself that the Fifth Lelung,
was destined to uphold (and spread) this particular cycle. Dam chos bzang po then travelled to
mNga' ris grwa tshang where he then gave the teachings to Sle lung. He then passed the
teachings titled Thugs rje chen po bde gshegs kun ’dus yab yum to Sle lung (Bailey 2016:48).
21
Another gter ston called Chos rje gling pa impacted Sle lung’s life by giving him a gter ma
prophecy citing Padmasambhava’s prediction that his birth fitted with the name given to him
when he had his hair cutting ceremony as well recognising Sle lung as the incarnation of the
first Sle lung, Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan (1326-1401) (Bailey 2016:38). The prophecy reads;
“One having the name bsTan pa, an emanation of Mañjuśrī in the future, on the bank of
the moon plain [in] mDo smad, will sustain the dharma teachings and benefit many
beings. Also, the wondrous emanation of the bodhisattva [will] arise near the copper
valley. In order to release from obstacles [he] relies on peaceful and wrathful
Avalokiteśvara” (Bailey 2016:38).
In 1716-17, Sle lung went on many closed retreats dedicated to the same Secret Gnosis Ḍākinī.
According to tradition, miraculous signs such as a cascade of auspicious scarves and showers
of fresh myrobalan arjuna plants, with leaves and stems still attached, fell from the sky. Many
years later he would promote the Secret Gnosis Ḍākinī from gTer bdag gling pa’s treasure
cycle, Mahākaruṇika: Embodiment of the Sugata's Intention, and made her a stand-alone, self-
sufficient deity. Although this had begun with ’Gyur med rgya mtsho’s redaction of gTer bdag
gling pa’s cycle, Lelung established her as supreme deity wholly independent from her male
Sle lung’s life traversed both the spiritual and political. Regarding the latter he maintained
close patron-priest relationships (mchod yon) with every major central Tibetan ruler in the first
half of the eighteenth century, including Lha bzang Khan (d. 1717), Stag rtse pa Lha rgyal rab
brtan (d.1720), Khang chen nas Dā ching bha dur (d.1727), and, most significantly, Pho lha
nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (Bailey 2016:2). He lived during a time of great political movement
and leveraged these relationships trying to bring peace, reduce sectarianism and avert atrocity.
Although not a politician, he participated at the highest level of government. He was part of a
delegation on two separate occasions that tried to dissuade the Dzungar Mongols in their
invasion of Tibet and anti-rNying ma pogroms (1717-1720) (Bailey 2016:46). Post-war he was
22
active in trying to help re-build the main rNying ma monasteries destroyed during the Dzungar
violence. This included the reconstruction of the famous image of Padmasambhava that had
been at Khra ’brug Temple, and the installation of images of the eighty-four Mahāsiddhas at
the Rab brtan shar estate (Bailey 2016:62/63, Sørensen and Hazod 2005:79/80).
During the civil war between dBus and gTsang he was also part of a delegation that persuaded
the dBus faction to surrender, helping bring an end to the bloodshed (Bailey 2016:67). During
a meeting between the Seventh Dalai Lama sKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708-1757) and Pho lha
nas, Sle lung, acting as mediator between the two, facilitated the assurance that the dBus
faction’s leaders would be spared their lives. He reduced tensions between the two by placing
a statue of Padmasambhava and the protector goddess dPal ldan lha mo on each of their heads
During 1720-1740 he visited Tibet’s sacred places and hidden lands. Notwithstanding the focus
of this dissertation, he is also credited for making the holy mountain of Tsa ri (1719) a popular
place of mass pilgrimage (Huber 1999:155), as well as travelling extensively in Lho brag and
recognising, through dreams, the existence of a hidden land named ’Or mo lha sa (Ehrhard
1999b:242). He also opened rDo lung rdo rje gling and Spro lung in 1729.22
Finally, even though he died at the young age of forty-three he was a prolific writer. His
collected works total forty-six volumes. This rich and varied collection includes topics such as
his auto-biography, liturgical texts, stand-alone texts such as major works on protector deities
(dam can bstan srung rgya mtsho’i rnam par thar pa cha shas tsam brjod pa sngon med legs
bshad stod cha deb gzugs ldi li dpar ma la (Loden: 2013) and one extensive commentary on
the practice of Cakrasaṃvara. From 1729 Lelung began the project of compiling the Secret
Gnosis Ḍākinī treasure cycle (gsang ba ye shes kyi chos skor). He compiled a sixteen-volume
21 The dBus leaders were later executed and their skins stuffed and hung in Dar po gling Temple in Lha sa (Petech 1972: 148-149).
22 See appendix E for the full list of his travel accounts.
23
cycle (four times the length of the gter bdag gling pa‘s original treasure cycle Mahākaruṇika:
Embodiment of the Sugata's Intention) and was produced over the course of about nine years,
based on the dates found in the colophons of some of the individual texts which span the years
of 1729-1737 (Bailey 2016:86). He finally recorded countless texts from his own pure vision
(dag snang) (Bailey 2016:25). In his biography, he recorded his life events through the
combination of prose and poetry, often referring to scriptural authority through his knowledge
of traditional Buddhist scholasticism. In other places he utilizes allegory, metaphor and simile
combined with exacting detail. One such example includes his trip the rNying ma monastery
“We descended from the hill of Bya pho la nyag like turquoise peacocks skilled in the
expression of dance and on the ground transforming into very handsome youths putting
on a musical show with various singing and dancing girls, immortal maidens with the
rank of lordship. The ocean of the welcoming assembly was like a wondrous garland
of constellations, well dressed in robes, peaceful like a flock of ornamented swans” (Sle
lung 1983i:514)
In only forty-three years of life Sle lung left an indelible mark on the history of Tibet. It is
perhaps not surprising that he was posthumously declared to be a protector deity (srung ma)
called Drag shul dbang po who is focused on subduing the controversial spirit rDor rje shugs
ldan (Bailey 2016:230).23 This brief summary of Sle lung’s life only serves to highlight the
person he was, and throughout this exegesis I will present more salient points that will further
24
Chapter Two
Pad+mo bkod
Pad+mo bkod is approximately four-hundred kilometres east of Lhasa, at the point where the
upper stream of the gTsang po river loops in a clockwise direction through the end of the
Himalayan massif. Pad+mo bkod is situated either side of the crook where the river makes its
arching clockwise turn and squeezed between the two magnificent mountains of gNam lcags
’bar ba (7,756m) and rGya la (7,150m) (Kingdon-Ward 1926:325). With only eleven
kilometres separating the two giants it is believed that the river carves the deepest gorge in the
world.24 The whole of Pad+mo bkod is located between sPo bo from the north east, Kong po
25
Sle lung’s Route to Pad+mo bkod
On first glance Sle lung’s route appears to be circuitous and meandering, however it should be
noted that the path he took was guided by directions found in gter ma combined with
Sle lung’s mission began on the seventeenth day of the first Earth Bird month [1729].25 On this
day Sle lung received a prophecy, perhaps in a dream or vision, that he needed to open the
sacred secret door in the north-east of an outer stage site upon arriving at Pad+mo bkod (Sle
lung 1983a:394.5-394.5).26 The prophecy further stated that he was “under an injunction that
it was necessary to keep everything, inner and outer, with a seal of utmost secrecy” (Sle lung
1983a:393.2-393.3).27 Before leaving for Pad+mo bkod he writes that he had already been to
central Tibet to visit the three centres of Lha sa, bSam yas and Khra ’brug (map two) (chos
’khor gsum) performing many rituals for auspiciousness (Sle lung 1983a:393.3). Subsequently,
he and his travel companions left his residence rNam grol gling in ’Ol kha about a month later
on the second day of the second month (February) of the Earth Bird Year [1729] in great
secrecy. One group departed as if heading for Lha sa, another for gTsang and the third for Kong
po. They agreed to meet at mDa’ khur gzhung somewhere between Lha sa and Kong po. He
did not “let the secret out” about their mission and reasons for going to Pad+mo bkod (Sle lung
1983a:385.5) until reaching the agreed rendezvous.28 From there they went to lake Brag gsum
to make offerings to the protector spirit sKrag med nyi shar (Sle lung 1983a:393.1-393.2).29 It
was at Brag sum that he had a clear vision of Ge sar (Sle lung 1983a: 395.3)30 who gave a
25 See Sle lung (1983a:394.5-397.5) for the full translation of the prophecy.
26 “sNga sor sa bya zla ba dang po'i tshes bcu bdun gyi nub gsang lung la/ pad+mo bkod du slebs nas phyi gling gi byang shar gyi gnas sgo
'byed dgos par gsungs pa'i mjug” (Sle lung 1983a:394.5.394.5).
27 “gNas de nyid du thon kha'i bar du phyi nang thams cad la gsang rgya shin tu dam pa dgos pa'i bka' rgya dang bcas pa'i lung byung ba
26
guided explanation of opening the holy place of Zla ba gling in the north east. Zla ba gling
therefore appears to be Sle lung’s primary final destination in Pad+mo bkod (Sle lung
1983a:396.1).31
They then made further offerings at Brag dkar, Lha chu, and then on to Zho dkar and dKar Nag
in northern Kong po (map 3). From northern Kong po they went to Bu chu visiting gSer gyi
lha khang in southern Kong po (Sle lung 1983a:393.6-394.3).32 They then travelled north to ’O
thang (map three) and then south east, towards the village of Chab nag where he describes the
confluence of the Yar gyab river and river Seng, a place known as Si do bo spun gsum (Sle
lung 1983a:405.1-405.2).33
They then crossed the river travelling near to the villages of Chab nag, rGyal skor, and De mo
(map three) where there was a monastery in the vicinity the villages of Sum sbrag and Spro
lung34 which were both under the administration of the rGya la district chieftain (Sle lung
1983a:404.3).35 He eventually arrived at a village called mKhris pa (map four - Tri pe) from
which point it becomes difficult to identify the exact locations he passes through.
His colophon sums up they went to Blo khug, rTa Lung, dBang chen gling, Gzi lung Drang
rong, mThu rTsal gling and mKha’ ’gro dDud ’dul gling until reaching Pad+mo bkod chung
(maps one & four) (Sle lung 1983a:492.4-492.5).36 In total Sle lung’s journey to Pad+mo bkod
31 “Byang shar Zla ba gling gi gnas sgo 'byed pa'i thems byang gsal por gsung” (Sle lung 1983a:396.1).
32 “Zla grogs grwa slob sbyin bdag sogs ltos bcas thams cad la gsangs te nged lha sar 'thon rgyu dang /sku rten rdo rje 'dod dgu sogs rogs
byed kha cig ni kong yul/ dbu mdzad rdo rje mkha' lding sogs 'ga' zhig gtsang phyogs su 'thon rgyu'i zol sbyor gyi bkod pa bgyis/ mda' khur
gzhung du ma sleb kyi bar chabs cig par 'gro rgyu'i rtsis kyis sa bya zla ba gnyis pa'i tshes gnyis la rnam grol gling nas thon/ mda' khur
gzhung du 'byor nas tshang ma kong yul du bde thabs bsgrub pa'i phyir 'gro dgos tshul lab/[ ]brag dkar lha chu/brag gsum/ zho dkar nag
sogs byang kong phyogs kyi rim gro rnams legs par bsgrubs te bu chur 'byor/” (Sle lung 1983a:393.6-394.3).
33 “De nas thur zhig babs pa na klo'i grong chung rkang lnga dbang zhes pa yod/ yar rgyab gtsang po dang /seng gtam gyi chu 'phrad sa
yin/si do bo spun gsum zhes pa sngar gyi gnas yig rnying pa rnams nas/” (Sle lung 1983a:405.1-405.2).
34 This is most likely the same Spro lung that Sle lung later opened on his return from Pad+mo bkod (Sle lung 1983f).
35 “De'i thad kyi chab nag sribs kyi phyogs su sum sbrag dang spro lung zhes pa'i grong rgya la sde pa'i mnga' zhabs kha cig kyang yod/”
27
lasted about five months. The last date he specifically mentions in his travelogue is the tenth
In conclusion the route he took depended on three important factors. First, he followed
instructions found in the gter ma texts. Second, he received indications on which route to take
from his own prophecies through dreams and visions. Third, the route would have been
28
Map Three – (Sa bkra 1981)
29
Map Four - (Bailey 1957:8)
30
Chapter Three
The Tibetan Treasure Tradition
The Tibetan notion of hidden land finds its source exclusively from within the treasure text
tradition. It is therefore necessary to present an overview of the gter ma tradition, how the
narrative has been formed and how it translates into the hidden land treasure text tradition.
The gter ma tradition is centralised within the rNying ma school and is one of the three sources
of its scriptural production, the two others are oral transmission (bka’ ma) and pure vision
(Mayer 1994:534). It cannot be described as being of any one genre since the content is so vast
and varied. It is perhaps best described as a treasure cache, one which can contain various
objects (Gyatso 1996:147). Treasures include whole Buddhist cycles (gter skor), statues (sku)
dharma medicines (sman chos) and/or ritual implements such as vajra (rdo rje), kīlaya (phur
pa) and objects of clothing connected with Padmasambhava or one of his twenty-five disciples
(rje ’bangs nyer lnga). Although there are many classifications of gter ma,38 Gyatso succinctly
condenses the genre into two; those treasures that are physically hidden in places such as rocks,
mountainsides, trees, temples, images, lakes, statues and monasteries known as earth treasures
(sa gter), and those buried in the mind (dgongs gter) of the revealer (Gyatso 1996:148). It is
from within these categories that hidden land texts are mostly discovered as mind treasures.
There is a clear schema that is rigorously followed for a treasure and treasure revealer to be
considered authentic. The schema is as follows; firstly, the treasure must have been hidden in
the eighth century by Padmasambhava, from which the majority of gter ma originate.39 The
treasures are then prepared for burial in an aspirational empowerment ceremony (dbang bskur)
(Gyatso 1996:151). In this ceremony, a prophetic mandate is uttered indicating which of his
31
twenty-five disciples will rediscover them, which future incarnation and at which future time
(bka’ babs lung bstan). Lastly, the treasures are entrusted to the ḍākinīs (mkha’ ’gro gtad rgya)
and/or protector deities (gter bdag), who hold on to them until the time is right to release them
It is this predestined narrative that arguably differentiates it most from other revelatory spiritual
experiences and teachings such as pure vision and secret oral transmission (snyan brgyud). The
seemingly rigid categorisation served to legitimise the gter ma by connecting the treasures back
to the siddha Padmasambhava. It is important to note that the treasure revealer is not the author
but a messenger, albeit a spiritually accomplished messenger who, in the case of mind treasure,
had the seed planted back in the eighth century. In a later incarnation this messenger would
recover the treasure and propagate it to his karmically connected students. Treasure text
adherents therefore consider the text to have been written by Padmasambhava himself.
Notwithstanding individual opinion, in general gter ma is viewed with different bias by all four
schools of Tibetan Buddhism. A rough outline of opinion follows that rNying ma followers are
staunch adherents, dGe lugs pa and the Ngor pa branch of Sa skya are its fiercest critics and
the various bKa’ brgyud pa lineages and the remaining Sa skya sect somewhere in the middle
(Kapstein 2000:127/8). The Bon tradition (Bon po) has its own treasure tradition and modern
academics, in the most part, remain doubtful of gter ma but not of its impact on wider Tibetan
religious society. For the purposes of this examination the debate on gter ma authenticity is
best left to others and instead I shall focus more closely on the result of the treasure and not its
veracity.40
32
Hidden Land gter ma
“I myself, Padmasambhava, have spent three years and six months in this supreme place
called Pad+mo bkod, sealing it with my aspirations”
(bDud ’dul 1997:699.6 - 670.1) 41
In this section I will sharpen the focus specifically on hidden land gter ma. Hidden land gter
ma whilst adhering to the descriptions above, also retains its own schematic tradition. I will
present the overall hidden land narrative, the primary purpose of hidden lands, how they arose
and what conditions need to be met to fully qualify as a hidden land. For this purpose I have
examined hidden land gter ma that have been translated and published into English together
with my own translation of ’Ja’ tshon snying po’s gter ma and pertinent sections of bDud ’dul
rdo rje’s treasure text (1997).42 Through this examination it appears there exist five themes that
can be considered as a general structure on the formation of hidden land gter ma. I do not mean
to imply that a single unified form exists, but that there is a degree of coherence and synchrony
between them. I will then examine each point citing relevant examples from Sle lung’s travel
Thematic Introduction
The following five themes form a neat and convenient way to examine, in more detail, the
hidden land of Pad+mo bkod. Within each theme there are sub-categories which I shall present
1. The Treasure Map – Each and every hidden land must have at least one, although
several is common, gter ma revealed by any number of gter ston. They may take the
form of travel guide, guide book (gnas yig) or introductory certificate (thems byangs).
41 “bDe chen pad ma bkod mchog der: bdag 'dra rigs 'dzin par 'byung nyid: lo gsum zla drug bsdad pas smon lam rgyas btab mthus:” (bDud
‘dul 1997:699.6 - 670.1)
42 Published translations consulted; Sadar-Afkhami (2001:39-61), Orofino (1991:255-269), McDougal (2016:5/52), Aris (1979:63-70).
33
The one ‘opening’ the land follows the revelation which clearly describes its location,
which route to take, how the land appears, sometimes clearly and at others written in
poetic allegorical and symbolic language. Great emphasis is made on the description of
the four cardinal directions presenting a hidden land in the shape of a maṇḍala.43
2. The Narrative - The degenerate age narrative (rtsod ldan gyi dus, corresponding to
Sanskrit kaliyuga), is the key literary device in which gter ma and especially hidden
land gter ma is built upon. It explicitly emphasises the time, conditions, signs, reasons
and right time to make an attempt to open a hidden land (dus la ’bab). This is the
3. The Revealer & Travel Companions – The identification of the hidden land ‘opener’
is often, but not exclusively, mentioned by name in gter ma. Other methods of
4. Opening – Treasure texts partly describe which rituals and supplications should be
performed, which deity and/or guardians one should propitiate and the manner of
traversing the land. This includes preliminary rituals before entry as well rituals that
one must perform whilst there. Instructions are also given where one should build
enrich the land, hang prayer flags and construct monasteries or stūpas (mchod rten).
5. The Fruit - The qualities of the land are intricately described giving the explorer
confidence in the great abundance of food and resources, medicinal bliss inducing
herbs, curative hot springs, relics, further gter ma and meditation caves of the great
the continual sound of self-arising (rang byung) mantra recitation bubbling from rivers
43The term maṇḍala (dkyil 'khor) is used three times in Sle lung’s travelogue to describe the appearance of certain aspects of Pad+mo bkod.
For more information on maṇḍala see Martin (2009).
34
are all described. The ultimate boon of a successful trip to a hidden land includes
spiritual awakening (byang chub) and the pinnacle of realisation, rainbow body (’ja
lus).
35
Chapter Four
The Treasure Map
We might describe a hidden land gter ma as a kind of ‘treasure map’ with accompanying
commentary. It is the indispensable item that contains the signs and indications of when, where
and how to find/open a specific hidden land. They also explain the benefits of arriving there.
Thus, it is the first of the proposed five themes and without its existence there could be no
hidden land. The one leading, following the guidance of a gter ma, will then embark on their
mission to open the land. Each hidden land and gter ma has its own unique set of requirements
which are set out to varying degrees of detail, however as will be repeatedly shown in the
following chapters in Sle lung’s case, it appears that he relies more heavily on his own
In general, hidden land gter ma describe the topography and route that the one leading should
take. The one leading uses this document as a point of reference combined with their own
wisdom in the attempt to open the land. ’Ja’ tshon snying po’s gter ma (1979) provides an
example of the combination of clear geographic instructions, versus the more symbolic;
“Concerning the great place Pad+mo bkod specifically: east from bSam ye there is a
valley called Dwags po, and if you follow the main river there, there is a valley like a
scorpion on its back. Atop the tip of the tail is a place called rGya la, which is specifically
the holy place of Yamā. From there you can continue to follow the river, or, alternately,
cross over the Ku skar pass, where there is the great charnel ground Me ’bar. In the east
it is like a group of ungulates, at the base like scales climbing upward, behind is a
mountain like a brandished sword which it is shaped like an open flower. About seven
furlongs from there, there is a place where the gods and spirits gather, with many large
and small border stones, and then there are the four doors” (’Ja’ tshon 1979:439.1-439.6).
However, when reading Sle lung’s travelogue the question to what extent he relied on his own
intuition rather than instructions found in gter ma arises. He utilised one or perhaps several
36
hidden land treasure texts although only mentions sTag sham Nus ldan rdo rje’s gter ma, rTa
mgrin dgongs ’dus by name. Throughout the text he makes remarks such as; “in the prophecy”
(lung la), “in the introduction certificate” (thems byang du) or “it [the prophecy] clearly
mentioned” (lung du gsal ba bzhin). The description ‘the old travel guides’ (gnas yig rnying
pa rnams) appears five times within his text. The inclusion of the plural rnams suggests that
he consulted more than one gter ma text. The plurality might refer to instructions originating
from Rig ’dzin Chos rje gling pa since Sle lung mentions traveling to the gter ston’s revealed
treasures secret places (Sle lung 454.2-454.3).44 It is probable that Sle lung was aware of Chos
rje gling pa movements. The latter travelled and revealed treasures from rGya la (Dudjom
1991a:85) as well as prepared clarification of sacred sites and route descriptions of Pad+mo
bkod (Ehrhard 1999a:230). After renovating a small Pad+mo bkod shrine he set out to the inner
sanctum of Pad+mo bkod45 and perhaps Sle lung was referring to Chos rje gling pa’s journey
Sle lung’s account demonstrates that he combined existing gter ma with his own indications
coming through dreams (rmi lam), signs (rtags) and pure vision (dag snang). The following
“When I stayed in rGod tshang that evening I had a prophecy in a dream: Starting from
rGod tshang toward the south east there is Me lce ’bar ba which is the palace of tsaN+Di
ka. Its peak is perennially covered in snow which stretches down all the way up to the
river. When I investigated it was mentioned in the old travel guides as the conch door
described as an ancient snow mountain, whose glaciers meets the river which was the
mountain known as Kye rdor sdings. The dream clearly said I would need to reach there
on that day, I managed to go although it was a long journey (Sle lung 1983a:411.5-
412.1).46
44 “Rig 'dzin Chos rje gling pa'i gter byon sbas gnas su bgrod pa” (Sle lung 1983a:454.2-454.3).
45 Personal communication - Ehrhard (2018).
46 “rGod tshang du bsdad pa'i nub kyi gsang lung du/ rgod tshang nas brtsams pa'i shar lhor tsaN+Di ka'i pho brang ri bo me lce 'bar ba yod
pa dang / mi 'gyur ba'i gzer la ri de'i gtong thad du gtsang po la thug pa'i gangs yod tshul byung bas rtsad bcad dus gnas yig rnying pa rnams
nas dung sgo zhes gsungs pa'i srid pa'i gangs rnying gangs rtsa gtsang po la thug pa zhig 'dug pa de'i thad kyi kye rdor sdings zhes pa'i ri de
37
Therefore, whilst the existence of gter ma is an indispensable item, in Sle lungs case, it appears
that he relied heavily on his own spiritual realisation to open the land. I propose that the
repeated statement ‘as in the prophecy’ is ambiguous and equally refers to prophecies that he
received through dreams, rather than reference to a specific gter ma text. It is only when he
writes ‘the old travel guides,’ it is certain that he is referring to a specific gter ma text. Further
research is unequivocally needed to support this observation and should be combined with the
full translation of sTag sham Nus ldan rdo rje’s gter ma (n/d). If this proposal is later proven
to be accurate it could be argued that hidden land gter ma is the vessel which holds the
overriding narrative indicating the existence of a hidden land, the general form, direction on
how to arrive and the benefits of opening it. The details on how it should be opened is wholly
yin par 'dug pas de nyin de khar nges par slebs dgos pa'i lung gsal ba bcas lam bgrod thag ring yang thag bcad/” (Sle lung 1983a:411.5-
412.1).
38
Chapter Five
The Narrative
Having examined various hidden land gter ma texts, it is clear that the degenerate age narrative
is the key literary device in which the concept of hidden lands is presented. For the most part,
gter ma texts are reliant on the hiding of treasures by Padmasambhava. Often praised by the
epithet, ‘Buddha of the three times’ (dus gsum sangs rgyas gu ru rin po che), it implies that he
is both a Buddha and omniscient and therefore fully aware of what would be needed at any
point in the future. In fact, this is the overriding theme of all gter ma. Due to his foresight he
hid what would be needed at specific epochs to alleviate the suffering of sentient beings during
In brief, the degenerate age narrative posits that quarrel, conflict, war, confusion, and wrong
views take the upper hand, the quality of beings becomes poorer and even in the lands blessed
by the presence of dharma it will become difficult, if not impossible, for serious disciples to
have the leisure and tranquillity to devote themselves to practice. The main cause of decline in
both Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna sūtras point to two overriding reasons; invasion by foreign, non-
Buddhist powers and the incorrect behaviour on the part of Buddhists including debauchery,
religious sophistry and the eight worldly concerns (’jig rten chos brgyad) (Nattier 1991:120).47
The phrase the ‘final five hundred years’ (lnga brgya mtha’ ma’i dus) forms an almost
collective consciousness in Tibetan Buddhism, yet the actual details are seemingly less
emphasised. Nattier (1991), in a comparative study between Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna sūtras
translated numerous examples from Indian languages (Sanskrit, Pāli), Chinese, Japanese and
Tibetan. She discovered multiple examples of differing time periods of decline including; five
47 Nattier divides the failing of Buddhists themselves into the following seven categories. All except the first, are present in gter ma related to
hidden lands; “1.The admission of women into the monastic community; 2. Lack of respect toward various elements of the Buddhist
tradition; 3. Lack of diligence in meditation practice; 4. Carelessness in the transmission of the teachings; 5. The emergence of divisions within
the saṅgha; 6. The emergence of a false or counterfeit dharma; 7. Excessive association with secular society. (Nattier 1991:120).
39
hundred years, five thousand years and even ten thousand years after the Buddha’s parinirvāṇa
(Nattier 1991:27-62).
What to make of this obvious lack of accuracy, and what is its impact on the phenomenon of
hidden lands? It is appears to be form of literary trope in which all gter ma and especially
hidden land gter ma are presented. gTer ma text, taking the form of these predictions, tend to
describe the warmongers as duruSa armies, most closely associated with Turkish or Uyghur
Muslim hordes, Hor which are Mongol or Turkish armies and Sog po, referring only to the
Mongols;
“Brag long nyang will be blanketed by suffering and diseases, many diseases steaming
from the mouths of the people of Hor and Mongolia, medicine being of no help, the
majority will die. From the east dons and ghosts, from the south savage wild men and
barbarians, from the west the poisonous commerce of warfare, and from the north Hor
and Mongol Muslims spread!” (’Ja’ tshon 1979:436.4-436.6).48
For those of the eighteenth century these types of predictions would certainly have found fallow
land in their collective consciousness due to both passed-on memories of war as well as their
This narrative, despite its inaccuracies, is also in keeping with the overarching theory of
Buddhism and whilst a non-Buddhist may fret over such inconsistencies, a Buddhist may argue
that such notions are perfectly in keeping with the doctrine of impermanence, inexorable
change and inevitable demise. Any method that helps engender proper and long lasting
renunciation may be dismissed as skilful means (thabs shes) in the pursuit of right view (lta
ba).
48 “Brag long nyang du sdug bsngal nad rim 'thib: hor sog kha rlangs nad sna mang du yong: sman gyis mi phan phal cher 'chi bar 'gyur:
shar gyi phyogs nas gdon dang 'byung po dar: lho nas mi rgod can gzan kla klo dar: nub nas dmag 'khrug dug gi tshong 'dus dar: byang nas
hor sog du ru Sha pa dar:” (’Ja’ tshon 1979:436.4-436.6).
49 See chapter ‘Apocalyptic Expectations.’
40
Curiously, one of the earliest mentions of hidden land did not necessarily arise due to perceived
end times nor in the context of gter ma. Instead, Klong chen rab ’byams (1308-1364), in a
eulogy about the Bum thang area, provides one of the earliest known references to the term
sbas yul. He describes it as “a spiritual Arcadia where ideal geographical and human qualities
together conspire to create perfect conditions for religious life” (Aris 1979:63). Yet despite
Klong chen rab ’byams description, the degeneration narrative becomes the essential raison
d'être one would attempt to enter a hidden land. Rig ’dzin rGod ldem tellingly describes the
degenerate age as a “society where the destruction of temples is commonplace, law and order
disregarded, servants become the masters with hatred and disorder reigning supreme” (Orofino
1991:2). This marks the transformation of hidden land from a location that provides the perfect
conditions for religious life, to one that amounts to the perfect conditions for religious life
’Ja’ tshon snying po’s proto gter ma devotes a great deal of attention to this theme. In a text
totalling seven folios he dedicates three and a half exclusively to the forthcoming apocalypse
describing in great detail exactly what the signs of degeneration will be (’Ja’ tshon 1979:434.3-
439.3). As an example and perhaps a distillation of the signs and causes of decline, he clearly
describes that the end times will be due to the three poisons (dug gsum);
“In the future, at the fated time of the fortieth eon: Various torments will arise
proportional to the three poisons: famine and desperation arise from desire, proliferating
conflicts and war arise from hatred, multifarious contagions and plagues arise from
ignorance. At that time, sentient beings have no opportunities for happiness, and the
duruSa armies will spread in every direction. Alas! What a raging whirlpool of misery
although there are indeed sixteen greater and lesser hidden lands (’Ja’ tshon 1979:434.3-
435.3).”50
50“Da dung ma 'ongs skal dus bzhi bcu'i tshe: 'dod chags las gyur mu ge bkren pa dang: zhe sdang las gyur dmag 'khrug dar ba dang: gti
mug las gyur nad yams sna tshogs dang: dug gsum cha mnyam sdug bsngal sna tshogs 'byung: de dus sems can bde ba'i go skabs med du ru
Sha yi dmag ni phyogs kun g.yos: sdug bsngal rba klong 'khrug pa'i a tsa ma: sbas pa'i gnas lung che chung bcu drug mod:” (’Ja’ tshon
1979:434.3-435.3).
41
However, as with every prediction text the prophecy may not match the reality. Therefore, the
question naturally arises as to the extent in which the conditions in the eighteenth century were
Apocalyptic Expectations
In this chapter I will outline the extent to which Pad+mo bkod and hidden land explorers
depicted in the narrative. Since this is explicitly tied to the political situation in Tibet I will first
present the political upheavals of eighteenth century Tibet prior to examining individual cases
of exploration and the extent in which they influenced decisions to escape possible end times.
The rendering of this brief history of eighteenth century aims to depict the wider political
backdrop to Sle lung’s trip to Pad+mo bkod. It should be recalled that Sle lung was an important
42
figure in both the religious and political arenas. Special attention will be given to his
The year 1696 marked the end of the official reign of a leader who Petech describes as, “one
of the greatest men Tibet ever produced” (Petech 1972:8). Known as the Great Fifth (lnga pa
chen po), Ngag dbang bLo bzang rgya mtsho shepherded in a period of relative peace51 and
non-sectarian violence under a new regime known as the dGa’ ldan pho brang (Kapstein
2006:137). During his hegemony, in principle, Tibet was run by the Qoshot Mongols, but in
reality it was spiritually ministered to by the Fifth Dalai Lama and politically managed by his
second regent, Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705). However, in 1696 the regent made the
shock announcement that he had been hiding the Dalai Lama’s death for fourteen years and
rapidly announced the enthronement of the libertine Sixth Dalai Lama Tshangs dbyangs rgya
mtsho (1683-1706).
Meanwhile, in 1703 Lha bzang Khan had just risen to become the new leader of the Qoshot
Mongols after poisoning his own brother (Petech 1971:9). This new Khan wished to reassert
Qoshot power in Tibet and was opposed to both the regent and the Sixth Dalai Lama’s
behaviour.52 Relations between the regent and the Khan were never amicable and in 1705 it
descended into one of open warfare (Petech 1971:11). The Khan finally proved victorious with
Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho eventually being executed in 1705 (Petech 1971:12).
The Khan marked his reign by executing the heads of opposing monasteries and the flogging,
imprisonment and oppression of monks in gTsang, (Petech 1971:13). Even though the Khan
51 It should be highlighted that the Fifth Dalai Lama’s hegemony came to fruition during Gushri Khan’s (1582–1655) invasion of Tibet in
1641 coinciding with ’Ja’ tshon snying po’s discovery of the Pad+mo bkod gter ma (Van Schaik 2011:121, Karmay 2003:72).
52 See Shakabpa (2010:408) for a rare first person account by Sle lung describing the licentious behavior at the Sixth Dalai Lama’s court.
43
had grand plans for his place in history, he lacked any real power base and sought military and
political alignment with the Manchu Dynasty (1614-1912). Thus, we enter a period of a
weakened Tibetan state one which the leader of the Dzungar Mongols, Tshe dbang rab brtan
(1643-1727) would try to capitalise upon. The Dzungars, a confederation of several Oirat tribes
that emerged in the early seventeenth century, were a rival Mongol faction and initiated
arguably the bloodiest one of the most violent invasions in Tibetan history (1717-1720).
The Dzungar invasion comprised of pitched bloody battles, executions, enslavement and
outright war. Lha bzang khan was eventually defeated and executed, Lha sa sacked and its
people put to the sword. The Dzungars then initiated great religious persecution declaring the
rNying ma school outlawed and a violent pogrom took place in central Tibet. The two major
rNying ma monasteries of central Tibet, sMin grol gling and rDo rje brag were targeted and
razed to the ground with sMin gling Lo chen Dharma Śrī (1654-1717), ’Gyur med rgya mtsho,
rDo rje brag Rig ’dzin Padma ’phrin las (1640-1718) and other rNying ma leaders put to death
on the banks of the river sKyid chu (Petech 1972:32-66). Not only were institutions targeted
but the land itself was pillaged as the army swarmed across Tibet. The victorious Dzungars
behaved not as an occupation force but were instead more akin to a raiding party, pillaging
villages for food and resources, cutting down precious trees for firewood and even desecrating
the Fifth Dalai Lama’s tomb (Petech 1972:54). By the end of the Dzungar occupation five-
hundred and fifty rNying ma monasteries had been destroyed and countless people had suffered
(Petech 1971:83).
The Dzungar forces did not remain in power for long and in 1720 Chinese Manchu forces
reached Lha sa and ousted them (Petech 1972:68). In October, the Seventh Dalai Lama sKal
bzang rgya mtsho returned to Lha sa with great pomp and ceremony marking the beginning of
a new Qing protectorate. A new political system was enacted made up of two factions from
44
dBus and gTsang. The gTsang faction comprised of Khang chen nas bSod nams rgyal po, the
governor of mNga’ ris, and his friend, Pho lha nas. The dBus faction included the ministers
Nga phod pa rDo rje rgyal po (d.1728), Lum pa nas bKra shis rgyal po (d.1728) and a religious
official named sByar ra ba blo gros rgyal po (d.1728). There remained a strong Qing garrison
The persecution of the rNying ma sect did not stop with the defeat of the Dzungars. In 1726
the emperor Manchu Yongzheng (雍正 1678-1735) openly attacked the rNying ma school in
the form of an edict which had been issued at the instigation of the Tibetan minister Khang
chen nas (Ehrhard 1999a:244). It stated that apart from those at sMin grol gling and rDo rje
brag, the rNying ma teachings should be suppressed, its rituals halted and monastic ordinations
made the exclusive preserve of dGe lugs pa (Martin 1990:4-5).53 One could describe the edict,
if not quite the violent persecution of the Dzungars, certainly the cause of the slow and eventual
In 1727 Khang chen nas was stabbed and murdered at court by members of the dBus faction
and civil war ensued between dBus and gTsang led by Pho lha nas (Petech 1971:115). By the
end of the year the dBus armies had been responsible for dispersing the monks of bKra shis
lhun po, insulting the Fifth Pan chen bla ma Blo bzang Ye shes (1633-1737) and destroying
sNar thang monastery. Houses had been burnt, woman raped, monasteries looted and sacred
printing blocks even used as armour for their soldiers. Petech describes the dBus faction
behaving as “perfect barbarians” (Petech 1971:131). At the same time as the civil war dragged
on a smallpox epidemic was raging in the south of Tibet and even reached as far as bKra shis
lhun po (Petech 1971:123). The civil war dragged on until 1728, the arrival of the Qing army
53Pho lha nas vehemently opposed the edict and was a strong supporter of the rNying ma school receiving initiations from Mi ’gyur dpal gyi
sgron ma, the daughter of gTer dag gling pa (Ehrhard 1999b:244).
45
again in the capital and the permanent establishment of Ambans in Lha sa from 1728 until the
Thus, the years 1705 to 1728 marked a dark period in Tibetan history, one where the vast
majority of Tibetans, of all social strata, would have felt the impact of war, destruction, murder
and loss. The vast majority of hidden land gter ma makes reference to war, sectarian religious
persecution, Mongol invasion, destruction of sacred sites, plague and degradation of the quality
of life. The rNying ma school and their members had seen the greatest persecution and
perceived these events as the arising of end times as prophesied by Padmasambhava in hidden
land gter ma. Even the Jesuit priest, Ippolito Desideri (1684-1733) commented on the obvious
correlation between Padmasambhava’s prophecies and the reality of the time writing;
“Whoever compares these prophecies with what I have related concerning the
catastrophes that this unhappy Tibet suffered during my time will see that everything has
been fulfilled down to the minutest detail. This is factual evidence.” (Desideri Loc 7696
of 16266 Kindle edition).54
Desideri was not the only religious figure to come to this conclusion and as will be shown,
there is an undeniable correlation between a rise in hidden land exploration of hidden lands
The cataclysmic events of the eighteenth century, combined with the hidden land narrative had
a distinct impact on the rise of hidden land exploration. It appears that the escapees saw
themselves as the ones described in the prophecies. Chos rje gling pa, on witnessing the
destruction wrought by the Dzungars sought solace in the regions of Pad+mo bkod leaving for
Pad+mo bkod in 1718 (Ehrhard 1999a:230, Ehrhard 2018). Mi ’gyur dpal sgron ma (1699-
54See Desideri (location 7696 of 16266 Kindle edition) for the full description of the prophecies. Pomplun (2006) tentatively makes the case
that Desideri’s knowledge of gter ma may have come from Chos rje gling pa.
46
1769), gTer dag gling pa’s daughter, escaped to the hidden valley of ’Bras mo ljongs (Pomplun
2006:39). Blo bzang lHa mchod (1672-1747), a student of rDo rje brag Rig ’dzin Padma ’phrin
las, on hearing of the destruction of rDo rje brag monastery and the murder of his teacher, fled
to the “hidden sacred site” (sbas gnas) of Seng ge ri in 1718 (Ehrhard 1999a:242). Lastly, Rwa
ston gter ston sTobs ldan rdo rje (b.17th century) followed his teacher to the sacred hidden land
of the White Lotus (sBas yul Pad+ma dkar po) in light of the Dzungar invasion (Zhabs dkar
2001:xxviii).55 In each instance it should be recalled that like Sle lung, these individuals would
have been accompanied by a group of travel companions in fear for their lives.
Due to the continuous activities of ’Ja’ tshon snying po, bDud ’dul rdo rje, sTag sham Nus ldan
rdo rje and Sle lung, over time Pad+mo bkod became ever more revered as a place of solace
from invasion. rDo rje thogs med fled with thousands of families to Pad+mo bkod (Brauen-
Drolma 1985:251), rJes drung ’Jam pa byung gnas (1856-1922) fled the Qing general Zhao
Ergeng (1845-1911) (Hall 2012:66), sGam po pa O rgyan ’Gro ’dul gling pa, travelled to
Pad+mo bkod at the beginning of the war between Tibet and Nepal (1788–92) (Sadar-Afkhami
1996:7). Even into the twentieth century and the Chinese invasion of 1950 the displaced sought
solace in the regions of Pad+mo bkod including Pad rgyal gling pa (1924-1988) (Sangak 2016)
and Khams sprul Rin po che (Khamtrul 2009). The correlation between hidden land exploration
amongst gter ma adherents is undeniable. However, at the time that Sle lung departed for
Pad+mo bkod the civil war between dBus and gTsang had ended and Pho lha nas was
shepherding in a new era of relative peace. It is difficult to make the argument that Sle lung’s
55Incidentally he was also a student of Chos rje gling pa although the teacher mentioned here is Chos gling bDe ba'i rdo rje (b.17th century)
(Goodman 1992:137).
47
Sle lung’s Motivations
“By the powerful conjunction of the dependent arising of this place of emanations, May
all the invading enemies of snowy Tibet be averted, and may all the beings of the land
of Tibet be happy, and may the doctrine of the Buddha spread and increase!”56
(Sle lung1982b:2b.6-3a.1)
Through reading Sle lung’s account it appears as if he had one overall motivation for his
mission, to open the sacred sites of Pad+mo bkod. From this root all his other activities
sprouted. Beginning with the end, Sle lung’s colophon summarises that he established or
‘opened,’ both the main holy places and its secondary ones in Pad+mo bkod. He further stated
that everything went smoothly and auspiciously (Sle lung 1983a:492.6).57 This is an interesting
and perhaps misleading statement since his main aim, as explained to him by Ge sar, was to
open the holy place of Zla ba gling in the north east. However, shortly before the colophon he
writes “as per my task set out in the ḍākinī prophecy, I was not able to progress to north east
Zla ba gling” (Sle lung 1983a:491.3-491.4).58 What was Sle lung referring to when he stated
everything went smoothly and auspiciously and what did he hope to achieve by opening
Thus far I have not discovered any evidence that he was prophesied in any gter ma to open the
sacred sites of Pad+mo bkod. However and perhaps deliberately, he states in the opening verses
of homage that he himself believed he had permission directly from the ḍākinīs to open the
land;
56 “Sprul pa'i gnas 'di'i rten 'brel 'grig pa'i mthus/_gangs can bod kyi mtha' dmag kun bzlog cing /skye dgu thams cad bod zhing skyid pa dang
/thub pa'i bstan pa dar zhing rgyas par shog” (Sle lung1982b:2b.6-3a.1).
57 “gTso bor gyur pa'i gnas le lag dang bcas pa rnams gtan la phab ste bde thabs kyi rten 'brel rnams legs par bsgrigs pa” (Sle lung
1983a:492.6).
58 “bDag la skal bar mkha' 'gros lung bstan pa'i/ byang shar zla ba gling du bgrod ma thub” (Sle lung 1983a:491.3-491.4).
48
As was prophesied by the ḍākinīs” (Sle lung 1983a:390).59
Sle lung was certainly no stranger to such proclamations not only confidently declaring himself
as having permission from the ḍākinīs but also prophesising in 1722 that Blo bzang lHa mchod
should open the hidden land sBas gnas ’Or mo lha north east of Seng ge ri (Ehrhard 1999b:242).
Returning to the second question of what he hoped to achieve from spiritually opening the land,
it appears that in Sle lung, we find a new or different use of Pad+mo bkod beyond the usual
literary trope as a place of salvation in degenerate times. In bDud ’dul rdo rje’s treasure text
(1979) we find clues as to a new function. The first describes that “there are many treasure
places [in Pad+mo bkod] offering black magic as a means to defeat the heretics, causing them
and the Mongolian troops to retreat.” (bDud ’dul 1997:658.5).60 The second describes that
Pad+mo bkod will become like the charnel ground Ro Tang Nag po, putting an end to the
enemies of Buddha’s teachings” (bDud ’dul 1997: 664.3-664.4).61 These stanzas introduce the
theme that if the power of Pad+mo bkod were utilised, it could reverse the two causes of
decline, heretics in the form of religious sophistry and outward invasion through the use of
black magic. It appears as if Pad+mo bkod was a location from where to conduct tantric rites
as a means of defence.
These clues are supported in Sle lung’s text on two occasions where he clearly states his reasons
for embarking on his perilous journey to Pad+mo bkod. The first reads;
“Concerning the manner in which I, bZhad pa’i rdo rje ’phrin las dbang po, in the Female
Earth Bird Year [1729], entered into just such a place, especially exalted amongst all the
charnel grounds of India, Mongolia, and dBus gTsang: In the Earth Male Monkey Year
[1728]: as a means to ward off an impending border war in the Iron Male Dog Year
59 “mKha' 'gros lung du bstan pa bzhin/ kla klo'i grong gi sbas yul du/ lan cig chas pa'i lo rgyus rnams/ brjod byed tshig gi 'phreng bar spel/”
(Sle lung 1983a:390).
60 “Mu stegs ngan sngags hor dmag bzlog thabs dang: phung byed ngan sngags gter kha ngum yod:” (bDud ‘dul 1997:658.5).
61 “Dur khrod ro thang nag po lta bur 'gyur: bstan dgra ru hra lus ma las tshom la 'bebs:” (bDud ’dul 1997: 664.3 – 664.4).
49
[1730] it was necessary, that I myself, set off in the direction of the supreme site Pad+mo
bkod” (Sle lung 1983a:392.5-393.3).62
The significance of the two dates 1728 and 1730 and their relationship is somewhat ambiguous
“It was said in the prophecy, which will be clear later on whether it was true or not, in
order to bring peace I needed to perform all the necessary rituals of the land [Pad+mo
bkod] fully accomplishing it perfectly. It is said this will avert the malevolent foreign
invasion [in the Year of the] Dog [1730]” (Sle lung 1983a:491.5-491.6).63
It seems that he may have had a prophetic dream or at least some forewarning in 1728 that led
him to believe that there would be war in 1730 and that his primary motivation for travelling
to Pad+mo bkod [1729] was an attempt to avert such a calamity by opening the hidden land.
During 1727 and 1728 he had been occupied with a series of intense visionary experiences and
spent a great deal of time exploring other hidden lands in south and east Tibet (Bailey 2016:68).
Perhaps it was during these years he had a prophecy that led him to believe that he could, as he
later mentions to his companions in mDa’ khur gzhung, “go to Kong po to bring peace” (Sle
lung 1983a:394.2-394.3).64
Thus, just a few months after the execution of the rebel ministers and the exile of the Seventh
Dalai Lama sKal bzang rgya mtsho, Sle lung departed from Lha sa to undertake a journey to
Pad+mo bkod. The travelling to Pad+mo bkod to somehow bolster Tibet is perfectly in keeping
with the type of person he was having written during the Dzungar invasion that he had had a
62 “rGya hor dbus gtsang gi gnas yul dur khrod kun las khyad par du 'phags pa de lta bu'i gnas mchog tu sa mo bya'i lo bdag bzhad pa'i rdo
rje 'phrin las dbang po'i sdes ji ltar bgrod pa'i tshul ni/ sa pho spre'u'i lo lcags pho khyi'i mtha' dmag bzlog pa'i thabs su gnas mchog pad+mo
bkod du ngos kyis bskyod dgos pa” (Sle lung 1983a:392.5-393.3). Ehrhard (1999b:245) also interprets this extract as referring to the Iron Male
Dog year. He also interprets this section as implying that Sle lung meant to bring stability to the borders of Southern Tibet.
63 “bDe thabs rten 'brel gnas kyi bca' ka rnams/ tshems lus med par ji bzhin gnad 'gror bsgrubs/ gdug pa khyi yi mtha' dmag bzlog go zhes/
lung las gsungs so bden rdzun slad nas gsal/” (Sle lung 1983a:491.5-491.6). I have interpreted the reference to a dog to refer to the Year of
the Dog (1730). There is a text Sle lung (1983h) called “A Miraculous Mirror Ornament. Accounts of Victory Over Adverse Conditions in an
Iron Dog Year” which may provide further information.
64 “mDa' khur gzhung du 'byor nas tshang ma kong yul du bde thabs bsgrub pa'i phyir 'gro dgos tshul lab” (Sle lung 1983a:394.2-394.3).
Whilst the term bde thabs bsgrub pa may be read differently after discussions with Sle lung sprul sku he advised this is best read as “to bring
peace” rather than “find an easy way to”.
50
dream of a beautiful woman and a monk, who advised him to perform many offering rituals to
However, as one becomes more familiar with the character of Sle lung there always appears to
be multiple layers of intention and the martial application of Pad+mo bkod appears to be only
Political Motivations
As previously mentioned, Sle lung was involved at the highest level of politics and was the
spiritual teacher to the most important political persons of the eighteenth century. Arguably his
political relationships added another layer of incentive for his trip to Pad+mo bkod. To better
In 1726 Sle lung met with Pho lha nas, the future political leader of Tibet.65 During this meeting
Sle lung conferred both an empowerment and a list of important political advice. This meeting
signifies the moment that Sle lung became his lama, confidant and advisor (Ehrhard
1999b:244). In 1728, Sle lung also acted as an important mediator in the civil war between
dBus and gTsang which demonstrated his continual effort in engendering peace in Tibet.
“I arrived in Lha sa when the troops of gTsang had (just) reached Central Tibet. As the
opening provided by (this) lucky coincidence suited (the purpose of) the ruler bSod nams
stobs rgyas, I managed to pacify the disturbances between dBus and gTsang” (Ehrhard
1999b:245).
Thus, just after Pho lha nas had unified dBus gTsang Sle lung left for Pad+mo bkod the firm
supporter of Pho lha nas. During his trip he made the acquaintance of local tribal leaders
65The two had met before when Pho lha nas was Lha bzang Khan’s general and received teachings as part of a group of high ranking officials
but the meeting in 1726 marks a much more personal relationship between to two (Bailey 2016:43).
51
developing good relations especially in the rGya la region. He recounts that he met a chieftain
named Tshe ring dngos grub who led fifty officials and attendants to help them reach the hidden
place (Sle lung 1983a:411.3).66 Sle lung describes how he had received a prophecy that he
would meet two karmically linked people from Klo and that this chieftain was one of them (Sle
lung 1983a:411.5-411.6).67 A second rGya la chieftain helped him carry further supplies with
the support of one hundred and thirty helpers from Chab nag, rGyal skor and De mo (Sle lung
all of which was attended and sponsored by the rGya la chieftain (Sle lung 1983a:400.5-
Finally later in his journey Sle lung also gave a chieftain called dPa’ bo’s two sons an
empowerment where he exacts a promise from them to recite the Vajra guru mantra, as well
having the chieftain’s daughter take refuge with him (Sle lung 1983a:463.5).71 Since it appears
that all three chieftains were important individuals in the border or entry regions to Pad+mo
bkod, there is the implication that Sle lung was attempting a claim to territory through the
‘missionary extension’ of Buddhism. If Sle lung was attempting to bring stability to the
southern borders of Tibet in the name of Pho lha nas’s new government, the age-old tradition
of patron and priest (mchod yon) would have been an intelliegent approach to take and one that
had been in operation in Tibet since the thirteenth century (Van Schaik 2011:77). Evidence
such as Lha dbang rNam gyal and dPa bo’s two sons receiving tantric empowerments would
have meant they would be bound by their Vajrayāna commitments (dam tshig) towards their
lama and therefore under Sle lung’s spiritual guidance. It is likely that this would have
66 “rGya la sde pa tshe ring dngos grub dpon g.yog lnga bcu bskor dang bcas lam mchos dang / sbas gnas kyi rogs byed du 'byor” (Sle lung
1983a:411.3).
67 “gSang lung nas bdag dang sngon nas 'brel ba'i las can klo pa'i rigs kyi skyes bu gnyis dang 'phrad par 'gyur ba'i lung byung ba'i ya gyal
1983a-400.5-400.6).
70 See Appendix A (Sle lung 1983a:400.4-402.6).
71 “Kho pa'i bu bsod nams tshe dbang dang bkra shis don grub kyis gu ru'i bzlas pa byed par khas blangs/ bu mo zhig skra gcod dgos zhes pa
52
established a long-term bond and even if it did not necessarily mean that Sle lung would have
had a direct say in their politics, he would certainly have been a person of authority for them.72
In this way Sle lung was also following in the footsteps of bDud ’dul rdo rje and Chos rje gling
pa. The latter had already developed a strong relationship with the klo pa territories near
“the dharma to the people of Klo, who were like animals, and thus laid the foundations
for their predisposition towards it. The inhabitants of Klo themselves offered him their
trust and services, according to the customs of their country” (Ehrhard 1999a:230).
Since the three chieftains’ sphere of influence surrounded the western regions of Pad+mo bkod
it could explain the positive reception that Sle lung received there due to bDud ’dul rdo rje and
Chos rje gling pa’s previous activities. Perhaps rather than overtly political motivations, Sle
lung was merely continuing the groundwork laid down before him. It is clear that in the border
regions Sle lung was most welcome describing the inhabitants of Klo as offering him their trust
72 See ‘Political taming’ for more information on the importance of Sle lung’s relationship with the local leaders.
53
mantra. He had great faith in the three gems, different from the rest” (Sle lung
1983a:462.4-463.2).73
As it turns out it was regional politics that brought an end to his expedition in Pad+mo bkod.
Ka gnam, pa, the strongest ruler of the region,74 convened a meeting between thirteen Klo
villages, clearly upset by the encroachment of Sle lung and they put together a written
document not to let Sle lung pass (Sle lung 1983a:466.1-466.2).75 The document stated that
Pad+mo bkod belonged solely to the people of Ka gnam and was not a place that the inhabitants
of dBus and gTsang may enter (Sle lung 1983a:467.1).76 Ka gnam pa and his ability to rally
local support against Sle lung’s further entry seems to reflect his personal regional ambitions
combined with the strong tradition of independence of his people. Sle lung writes “at that time
Ka gnam pa was at the starting point of getting ready to have a war with the people of sPo bo”
and subsequently he may have been perceived as a threat to his plans (Sle lung 1983a:445.4-
445.5).77
Since it appears that Sle lung’s primary motivation for his mission to Pad+mo bkod was the
attempt to avert war, a friendly border region would have been considered a great coup since
Central Tibet was still endangered by attacks from the Dzungars and difficulties with Bhutan
were at a critical point (Ehrhard 1999b:245). Pho lha nas’s new government was still weak and
thus a safe southern border would have been a positive geopolitical outcome.
As a convenient bridge introducing Sle lung’s spiritual motivations we discover the dual
symbolic representation of both the political and spiritual. In 1726 Sle lung made it known to
73 "Tshes brgyad la dpa' bo'i khyim du nged cag 'khor bcas thams cad mgron du bos/pags pa'i stan kho na bting bar 'dug tu bcug nas/ja
dang/khre chang/khre thug/mdzo zho/khre tsam gyi tshogs zan/khre tshod kyi chan/sbrang rtsi/phag sha/skyem/sha sogs yul babs dang bstun
pa'i bza' bca'i bye brag sna tshogs pa'i tshogs 'khor bstabs/'di khul gyi klo rnams skad (khams spo bo'i skad) dang 'dres pa gsha' dkar gyi rna
cha btags pa phal cher ]mgo hril lus dang cha byad gnyis ka ngan pa sha stag tu 'dug/dpa' bo rang sha rgyags pa gzhan las bongs che zhing
rang bzhin drang ba rbad mgo can ma Ni rang 'dren pa/dkon mchog la dad pa che ba/dkyus dang mi 'dra ba zhig 'dug go/ (Sle lung
1983a:445.4-445.5).
74 For the history of the Ka gnam sde pa see Lo rgyus (1988:9-27), Schwieger (2002) and Ehrhard (2018).
75 “dGa' sde pa/ bya ra sa pa/ gtam po ba/ ko yu ba/ lung legs pa/ 'brug pa sogs ka gnam pa rang dang 'brel chags kyi klo grong tshan bcu
gsum thams cad bsdus te nged mi gtong ba'i gan rgya blangs/” (Sle lung 1983a:466.1-466.2).
76 “Pad+mo bkod 'di ka gnam pa kho na dbang ba las dbus gtsang gi mi yong sa min.” (Sle lung 1983a:467.1).
77 “De dus ka gnam pas spo ber dmag grabs mgo ma'i skabs su yod 'dug” (Sle lung 1983a:445.4-445.5).
54
Pho lha nas that Khang chen nas was an emanation of the spirit sKrag med nyi shar (Bailey
2016:64) although his merit was running out. According to Sle lung, Khang chen nas was
“wounding the doctrine of the Great Secret’s essence” (Ehrhard 1999b:244), which would have
been exacerbated by his support of rNying ma persecution. The description that his merit was
running out was accurate since within a year Khang chen nas would be brutally murdered.
Although he personally identified Pho lhas nas as the bstan spirit Yam shud dmar po, he kept
it secret until the end of the civil war in 1728 (Ehrhard 1999b:246/7).
Sle lung, following Ge sar’s instructions, made copious offerings to sKrag med nyi shar78 as
well as identifying Zangs skor in Pad+mo bkod as the abode Yam shud dmar po (Sle lung
1983a:416.1).79 He had already recognised the hidden land of ’Or mo lha sa as the palace of
the same deity in 1722 (Ehrhard 1999b:242). Perhaps Sle lung was trying to bring balance to
what had been a tumultuous and violent period in Tibet in both the physical and formless
realms. In sum, whilst I do not believe Sle lung’s primary motivation centred on political
manoeuvring, throughout his life he appears to make the most of all his interactions often
Spiritual Motivations
Sle lung’s travelogue it is replete with spiritual activity such as the concealing spiritual objects
to enrich the land (Sle lung 1983a:408.5),80 personal visions, spontaneous songs of realisation,
the discovery of signs of realisation from past masters81 as well as his own signs of realisation.
At one point he describes that he accidentally left six or seven footprints in the rock (Sle lung
1983a:415.4-415.5).82 Furthermore, he was also able to draw some sort of inspiration from the
well as Karma pa dBang phyug rdo rje’s (1556–1603) hand print (Sle lung 1983a: 406.4-407.2).
82 “Nged rang ni rkang rjes 'jog 'dod kyang med la/ bzhag pa yin nges kyi snang ba yang ma byung /bzhag song zer ba yang de kha thos pa
las dga' sdug gi snang ba gang yang med par hang sang nge ba zhig byung / zla bo rnams kyi zhabs rjes drug bdun zhig 'dug zer/” (Sle lung
415.4-415.5).
55
trip in the form of the writing of two short texts.83 He personally took the time to practise and
teach the generation stages of his personal yidam gSang ba ye shes, as well as guide his
companions on guru yoga (bla ma’i rnal ’byor). He describes giving the ḍākinī Pad+ma rol
mtsho and others the pointing out instructions on the nature of the mind (ngo sprod) and the
Sikkimese were busy practising yogic exercises (’khrul ’khor) (Sle lung 1983a:477.1-477.3).84
The journey itself induced great physical and cognitive challenges which, as Sle lung describes,
created the conditions for non-conceptual realisation to arise (Sle lung 1983a:405.5).85 He
“When one travels to these sacred mountains one naturally (experiences) resplendent
terror, and, (at the same time) is at ease, and in one’s stream of consciousness a new
spiritual experience of the conception-free (unity of) bliss and emptiness flares up”
(Ehrhard 1999b:427).
Since Sle lung was first and foremost an accomplished tantric lama no matter what activities
he undertook, whether in Pad+mo bkod or elsewhere, he always related to events from the
In conclusion, the paradoxical statement that Sle lung wrote depicting everything as going
smoothly and auspiciously, even though he did not reach Zla ba gling begins to make sense. It
appears that he was successful in opening some doors to Pad+mo bkod, he helped embed a
safer southern border and utilised the spiritual potency of Pad+mo bkod for himself, his travel
companions and wider Tibet. Sle lung’s final words of advice to bLo bzang lHa mchog
summarises the many layers of motivation he had for opening Pad+mo bkod; He asks the
rhetorical question; “What is the use to others of hidden lands? It is mainly the seizing,
83 “Nam mkha’i bcud len bdud rtsi’i thur ma (Sle lung 1983c) and Zhal gdams zab don gyi snying po” (Sle lung 1983d).
84 “'Bras ljongs pa rnams kyi 'khrul 'khor brgyab/mched lcam thams cad la gsang ye'i bskyed rim gyi zab khrid dang bla ma'i rnal 'byor yang
legs par phab/ rdo rje'i gnas lugs kyi bgro gleng kho nas dus 'da' ba dang /snga dgongs kyi sku rim dang dge sbyor la brtson par byas/ DA ki
ma pad+ma rol mtsho sogs 'dus pa nyung shas la sems khrid phab/” (Sle lung 1983a:477.1-477.3).
85 “De tsho'i thad du cung zad thang chad nyams dang shugs chung ba byung yang snang ba gar bzhag mi rtog par 'byams pa byung/” (Sle
lung 1983a:405.5).
56
protecting and spreading of hidden sacred sites” (Ehrhard 1999b:242). Seizing could include
both the opening of the land and the spiritual benefits for himself and his travel companions.
Protecting could explain his utilisation of the magical power of Pad+mo bkod to avert war.
Finally, the spreading could explain the conversion of the local people and the spreading of the
Chapter Six
The Revealer & Travel Companions
The motivations and activity of one man belies the fact that in actuality he was part of a group
of travellers who all underwent great hardship and possessed incredible bravery. Reading the
text it becomes apparent how important his travel companions were to the journey. Hidden
land exploration, whilst dependent on both gter ma and the leadership of the one ‘opening’, is
also determined by the activities of the whole group. In this section I will examine the extent
to which the travel companions played an active role in the opening of Pad+mo bkod. Since
Sle lung’s travel account places particular emphasis on the use of oracles (sku rten) I will also
Brauen-Dolma (1985) gives an overview of the qualities that all those wishing to enter hidden
lands must possess including; profound faith in the existence and blessings of the hidden land,
the possession of great merit (bsod nams), freedom from attachment to worldly affairs,
unreserved faith in a guide book and absolutely no attempt to be made without the permission
of the ḍākinīs or dharmapālas. The way will be full of obstacles physical, cognitive and
magical which, like a test of faith, must be overcome with practice and devotion (Brauen-
57
“[Pad+mo bkod] is beset by obstacles that are physically dangerous: wild animals, such
as venomous snakes, flies and insects, and all sorts of fanged and clawed beasts of prey,
pernicious wild savages, hateful barbarians and the like, along with fevers, diseases
causing edema and gout, blisters, tumours, and pustules. It is also rife with malicious
demons and spirits displaying various magical emanations. For individuals who are
confused about the crucial points of what should be adopted and what should be
discarded, who do not keep their samaya commitments, who are inordinately attached to
appearances, who are distracted by many thoughts, filled with doubts, enfeebled, it is
extremely difficult to reach this place” (Sle lung 1983a:391.4-392.1).86
Sle lung’s text describes him travelling with a core group of about forty adventurers who were
far more intrinsic to the successful opening than Brauen-Dolma may have envisaged. bDud
’dul rdo rje’s gter ma explicitly states that the entrance to Pad+mo bkod will not be opened by
those who follow the vinaya (bDud ’dul 1997:670.4-670.5).87 Sle lung’s travelogue clearly
supports the notion that it would be non-monastics who would be responsible for opening the
doors since Ge sar rgyal po commands him to ‘have a festival of the union pleasure method
[and] everyone should also take part in great bliss’ to open the sacred site of Zla ba gling (Sle
lung 1983a:395.6).88 He and his travel companions would have to participate in sexual
practices to assist in creating the right conditions to eventually open this sacred site. Sle lung
himself had already received the cycle of gSang ba ye shes which involved sexual yoga with a
female consort and he writes that he had taught numerous disciples this path to awakening
stating that most of his students had “attained control over their own psychic channels” (Loden
2013:67). Presumably, some of this group were included in his travel party and therefore an
86 “gCan gzan/ dug sbrul/ 'bu sbrang sogs mchu sder mche ba can gyi rigs dang / mi rgod gdug pa can dang / kla klo ma rungs pa sogs gzugs
can gyi 'jigs pa/ tshad nad/ rkang 'bam/ chu bur/ skrangs 'bur/ shu thor sogs 'du ba 'khrugs pa'i bar gcod dang / 'dre srin gdug pa can cho
'phrul sna tshogs par ston pas yongs su gang ba/ nyam chung zhing the tshom che la blo sna mang ba/ 'di snang gi rdos thag la lhag par chags
pa/ dam tshig la mi gnas shing / blang dor gyi gnad 'gag la rmongs skye bo rnams kyis shin tu bgrod par dka' ba/” (Sle lung 1983a:398.6-
399.2).
87 “'Dul khrims rab byung can gyis sgo mi 'byed/” (bDud ‘dul 1997:670.4-670.5).
88 “Thabs shes mnyam sbyor dga' ston gyi/ bde chen dag kyang kun gyis sbyor/ bsam gtan khang bu rmang du thing/rten 'brel shugs kyis 'grig
par 'gyur /zhes pa sogs byang shar zla ba gling gi gnas sgo 'byed pa'i thems byang gsal por gsung” (Sle lung 1983a:395.6). The current Sle
lung sprul sku explained that the term union pleasure method refers to sexual practice (las kyi phyag rgya).
58
This theme continues in the form of one of the most important travel companions for Sle lung,
not only in Pad+mo bkod but possibly his life. His main consort and principle medium rDo
rje skyab byed played a fundamental role in the opening Pad+mo bkod. The gter ston brTul
zhugs gling pa (1916-1962) explained that a female consort provides the link with the deepest
strata of the spiritual realms, acting as an intermediary and guide and to open a sbas yul, in
short, the consort must be with him (Shor 2011:77). It appears without the participation of
rDo rje skyab byed Sle lung would not have been able to open any of the doors. He makes her
“May the intentions of the one who opened this hidden land, bZhad pa’i rdo rje and the
mother of the victorious ones Lha gcig rDo rje skyab byed be accomplished just as they
were made and may they remain stable and firm for an ocean of eons! (Sle lung
1982b:2b.2-2b.3). 89
It is unusual and refreshing for a lama to praise his consort in this way and perhaps testament
rDo rje skyab byed was not the only travel companion to be of assistance and throughout the
journey Sle lung writes how active his travel companions were, dancing jigs, singing songs,
calling loudly the sound of So,90 singing spiritual songs, making supplication prayers and
playing instruments constantly (Sle lung 1983a:403.1-403.4).91 These types of activities had
the purpose of appeasing local spirits, distracting themselves from their own physical
“as a result [of the singing] our realisation was so clear and strong we experienced the
view without distractions, therefore we didn't feel we were negotiating a steep incline”
89 “gNas 'di'i sgo 'byed bzhad pa'i rdo rje dang/rgyal yum lha gcig rdo rje skyabs byed kyi/ thugs kyi bzhed pa ji bzhin 'grub pa dang / bskal
pa rgya mtsho'i bar du zhabs rtan shog” (Sle lung 1982b:2b.2-2b.3).
90 Personal Communication –rGen Tshe ring don grub ring – “Ki ki so so lha gyalo” - “Praise be to ye, the local [worldly] Gods of accomplishment!”
91 “Dom 'phrang sgangs su ma slebs kyi bar/ rkang bro/ glu gzhas/ rbad dang bswo sgra/ mgur dbyangs/ gsol 'debs/ rol mo'i sgra sogs rgyun
mi chad kyi ngang nas rig pa'i shugs shin tu che ba snang ba gtad med du 'byams pas gyen 'dzegs pa mi tshor ba byung/” (Sle lung 1983a:403.1-
403.4).
59
(Sle lung 1983a:403.1-403.4).92
It also appears that some of the companions were themselves more advanced spiritual
practitioners. Pad+ma bde chen predicted the existence of the marvellous palace of
Vaiśhravaṇa through dreams, (Sle lung 1983a:412)93 and rDo rje rin chen revealed a door in
the direction of rGod tshang mountain after having performed a feast offering (Sle lung 1983a
409.3).94 It is therefore clear that those travelling with Sle lung on this journey helped to
facilitate the right conditions for the ‘opening’ of Pad+mo bkod’s sacred sites.
Sle lung’s travel companions also included a group of unseen spirits that appears to follow his
every move. These spirits continually manifested during the journey through their chosen
medium. They appeared to support the creation of the right auspiciousness of the journey,
helped to tame the territory and provided assurance, protection and motivation. This seems to
be a unique quality of the Sle lung lineage and I have yet to find any other mention of the
specific use of oracles in the ‘opening’ of a hidden land. Therefore, I will briefly set out the
oracle tradition providing a little context followed by examining how Sle lung’s use of oracles
strongly influenced his trip to Pad+mo bkod.95 I wish to point out that the use of oracles also
appears to be an important ritual method in the ‘opening’ of Pad+mo bkod and it could have
been placed in the chapter ‘opening.’ It would be useful for the reader to keep this in mind
The term ‘oracle’ refers to a numinous being who possesses a human, and the word “medium”
to the person who is possessed acting as the mouthpiece of that deity (Sidky 2011:75). In the
92 “Dom 'phrang sgangs su ma slebs kyi bar/ rkang bro/ glu gzhas/ rbad dang bswo sgra/ mgur dbyangs/ gsol 'debs/ rol mo'i sgra sogs rgyun
mi chad kyi ngang nas rig pa'i shugs shin tu che ba snang ba gtad med du 'byams pas gyen 'dzegs pa mi tshor ba byung” (Sle lung 403.1-
403.4).
93 “Tshes bcu dgu'i nub mo pad+ma bde chen gyi rmi lam du/ rnam sras kyi pho brang ya mtshan pa zhig yod tshul gyi lung ston mkhan zhig
60
Himalayas there are roughly two strata of oracles. The first are those that channel lower ranking
worldly gods which are usually found within the local cult deities (Stein, 1972:188, Berglie,
1976:86) and those that channel more high ranking spirits such as gNas chung known as sku
rten. The spirits that possess the mediums in Sle lung’s account are found within the more high
ranking spirits. The main difference lies in the fact that the higher ranking spirits possess both
higher spiritual realisation and are for the most part, oath bound protectors.
The medium, on becoming possessed, becomes the receptacle or physical support for the
formless spirits who use the body as a means to communicate known as ‘wisdom descent’ (ye
shes) is said to be replaced with that of the spirit and temporarily projected to an alternate realm
of existence. The consciousness remains in a state of limbo until the spirit departs and it
subsequently returns (Sidky 2011:89). When in trance the medium has absolutely no agency
and observers note that there appears to be the “complete replacement or displacement of the
Numinous Companions
The use of oracles in the Himalayan ranges is common place and not in itself unusual.
However, in Sle lung’s travelogue there are over thirty references to the appearance of spirits
through their mediums and as will be shown it plays an important aspect of the whole journey.
Sle lung describes there being two principle mediums of the group, rDo rje skyabs byed96
(female) and rDo rje ’dod dgur (male). Even though Sle lung describes these as the two primary
oracles, in reality many other travel companions were possessed by several spirits during the
journey (fig.1).
96rDo rje skyabs byed was Sle lungs main consort and primary medium, known to primarily channel Nyi ma gzhon nu, Sle lung’s personal
protector (Bailey 2016:97). Curiously, Nyi ma gzhon nu does not appear in this text.
61
Sle lung’s text introduces a new concept that the oracles supported him in opening Pad+mo
bkod. He even described their use as ‘prophesied.’ He writes early on in the travel account that
the prophecy clearly mentioned that he needed to invoke sMan btsun chen mo97 through the
medium rDo rje skyabs byed. What the spirit then declares offers an insight into what appears
“O! Since I was sent alone to accompany you the Tantric Knowledge Holder to assist in
opening the sacred sites by the Great Accomplished Master, Padmasambhava, I will not
waver even a moment in carrying out your enlightened activities” (Sle lung 1983a:399.6-
400.1).98
Immediately following this declaration Nyi ma mun sel, manifesting again through rDo rje
skyabs byed, told the travel companions to follow Sle lungs instructions and not to break their
samaya (Sle lung 1983a: 400.2).99 This moment in the journey demonstrates that Sle lung’s
spirits were there to support his enlightened activities (phrin las) displaying their natural more
wrathful qualities.
The regional cosmos plays an important role since the spirit that manifests most frequently
during the trip was the yakṣhini tsaN+Di ka.100 Sle lung writes that if they were to recognise
rDo rje sman mchog as the official medium for tsaN+Di ka, the auspiciousness of their onward
speculative perhaps this is in part due to the fact that tsaN+Di ka’s palace was located in
Pad+mo bkod and thus her assistance more efficacious. The following extract demonstrates
97 “sMan btsun chen mo spyan 'dren dgos tshul lung du gsal ba bzhin/” (Sle lung 1983a:399.5) sMan btsun chen mo and rDo rje g.yun sgron
ma are the same deity with differing names (Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1956:190).
98 “Kye nga ni slob dpon chen po pad+mas rig pa 'dzin pa khyod kyi gnas sgo 'byed pa'i grogs su ched du mngags nas gtang ba yin pas/ phrin
las bsgrub pa la skad cig kyang g.yel ba mi byed/” (Sle lung 1983a:399.6-400.1).
99 “rTen de nyid la zhing skyong ma nyi ma mun sel phebs nas bran g.yog rnams la nged kyi ngag bkod dang mthun pa dang / dam tshig la
ngo lkog med pa dgos tshul sogs zhib rgyas su gsung/” (Sle lung 1983a: 400.2).
100 See Sle lung (1983g) describing the appearance of tsaN+Di ka.
101 “Lhag par rdo rje sman mchog sngar nas tsaN+Di ka kho la lhag par chags pas rten du 'dzugs dgos tshul dang / pad+mo bkod du 'gro
62
that geographic proximity as well as the use of the oracles assisted, not only in auspiciousness,
but perhaps also in the taming of malevolent spirits such as the vicious Nāgamāra;
“Even though it was the abode of Nāgamāra in front of tsaN+Di ka’s palace, we
petitioned tsaN+Di ka and three ging and performed an extensive blood sacrifice. Both
the male and female sku rten were possessed by the great yakṣhini tsaN+Di ka and g.Yu
sgron ma and Zhing skyong sku mched” (Sle lung 1983a:417.4-417.5).
The spirits also provided moral support in the way of both encouragement and chastisement.
On one occasion a secretary was worried he would not be able to bear the blisters on his feet.
A spirit manifests declaring that there was no need to worry and that they would meet face to
face again at the abode of Padmasambhava (Zangs mdog dpal ri). Sle lung remarks it happened
exactly as the oracle said (Sle lung 1983a:400.2-400.4).102 In way of comparison, sMan btsun
chen mo appears to use more wrathful methods by possessing rDo rje skyabs byed and beating
all of the group “running and jumping twice with a fierce expression” (Sle lung 1983a:409.1-
409.2).103 Although one cannot be sure of the exact motivations we might suppose she was
trying to help the companions make it through a tough period, one where more wrathful
methods were needed, or perhaps some of the group had broken their samaya.
In summary, Sle lung’s account explicitly shows the importance that the travel companions,
both seen and unseen, played in his attempt to open the hidden land of Pad+mo bkod. This
aspect should not be overlooked and despite the great importance of the existence of a hidden
land gter ma as well as the one leading the way, they should be seen as a vital ingredient in any
successful attempt to open a hidden land. Regarding Sle lung’s use of oracles, I would
recommend that this should take the form of a whole study in itself since they appear intrinsic
102“sKyon med/ slar zangs mdog dpal rir ngos phrad byas chog pa byed do/ zhes gsungs song bas/” (Sle lung 1983a:400.2-400.4).
103“Lam khar skabs shig na rdo rje skyabs byed la sman btsun chen mo gtum nyams can phebs nas thams cad la brdeg pa dang / mchong
rgyug sogs lan gnyis su mdzad/” (Sle lung 1983a:409.1-409.2).
63
not only to Pad+mo bkod, but his whole life. At the very least, it is an unusual accompaniment
to his efforts in ‘opening’ Pad+mo bkod and not, as yet, demonstrated in other hidden land
Figure One
A list of the named spirits and which mediums they possessed
64
Chapter Seven
Opening
lung’s main task was to unlock one or several of the cakras, it is therefore appropriate to begin
by describing the formation of these cakras. Sle lung attempts to unlock these cakras through
taming (’dul ba) the hostile elements of the cosmos with specific ritual mechanics which I will
subsequently examine. Lastly, I will explore the concept that once mastery of a region has been
Sacred Geography
The identification of Pad+mo bkod as taking the form of Vajravārāhī finds its source from sTag
sham nus ldan rdo rje’s treasure text rTa mgrin dgongs ’dus. Both Chos rje gling pa and Sle
lung consulted this text during their exploration to open the sacred sites of Pad+mo bkod
(Ehrhard 2018, Sadar-Afkhami 2001:147). In Sle lung’s case, his travelogue clearly describes
that he combined relevant sections from this gter ma with identifying the dharmacakra in the
65
heart of the deity and the sambhogacakra in her throat (Sle lung 1983a:468.1-468.3).105 Sle
Locating the cakras is the single most important factor in determining the
Sle lung’s description that Pad+mo bkod has inner, middle, and outer stage
Pad+mo bkod and how to gain entry.108 Notwithstanding all the preparatory
rites he had already performed in dBus gTsang and Kong po, he also
describes having to “open the sacred secret door in the north-east of an outer
Figure 3 – Five
stage site upon arriving at Pad+mo bkod.”109 This outer door refers to one cakras
of the four “gates of the sacred place” (gnas sgo bzhi). The description of the four gates is a
common method found in hidden land gter ma to indicate the location of a sbas yul. It describes
105 “sNgar yongs su grags par snying ga chos 'khor dang mgrin pa longs spyod kyi sa mtshams 'di yin mi 'dug kyang rig 'dzin nas ldan rje'i
gter byon rta mgrin dgongs 'dus kyi nang tshan pad+mo bkod kyi gnas yig dang lam yig dum bu khriTu bsdebs gung bsgrigs dus shin tu gsal
bar snang bas zla grogs rnams la 'di dang 'di'o zhes ngo sprad/” (Sle lung 1983a:468.1-468.3).
106 “Rang byung rdo rje phag mo'i sku'i bkod pa'i rnam pa can du mchis pa'i spyi bo bde chen gyi 'khor lo sogs 'khor lo lnga'i pho brang re
rer yang lte ba dang phyogs bzhi'i gling ste lnga lnga dang bcas pa phyi nang bar gsum gyi rim pa sku gsung thugs 'khor” (Sle lung
1983a:391.1-391.3). He also makes it known that it is a supine Vajravārāhī “Pad+mo bkod rdo rje phag mo gan rkyal du bzhugs pa'i dbyibs
su yod pa”(Sle lung 1983a:406.3).
107 Figures 2 and 3 were drawn following Sle lung sprul sku’s advice with reference to the travelogue.
108 The five cakras are; the crown (spyi bo bde chen gyi 'khor lo), throat (mgrin pa longs spyod kyi 'khor lo), heart, (snying ga chos kyi 'khor
lo) navel (lte ba sprul pa'i 'khor lo) and secret cakras (gsang gnas bde skyong gi 'khor lo).
109 See note 24.
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each hidden land as taking the form of a maṇḍala (Ehrhard 1997:269). For example, ’Ja’ tshon
snying po (1979) describes “the earth [in the shape of] an eight petalled lotus” (’Ja’ tshon
1979:440.5-440.6)110 and within the eight petalled lotus in each cardinal direction there are
located two regions. Pad+mo bkod and Pad+mo bkod chung are located in the western petal
Sle lung’s description indicates he had to gain access through the outer stage site. Once
accomplished, he could gain entry to the middle and inner stages (cakras). Whereas the outer
stage refers to the geographic location of Pad+mo bkod the inner stages of the sbas yul are only
available to those with spiritual insight and who have accomplished opening the outer doors
(Childs 1999:129).
Figure 4 – Common maṇḍala Construction explain the statement “[I] opened the main sacred
Martin (2009: Cover Page)
of Pad+mo bkod combined with the five cakras is a precise description indicating that Pad+mo
110 “Sa ni pad+ma 'dab brgyad yod” (’Ja’ tshon 1979:440.5) In this case the term maṇḍala (dkyil 'khor) is not used and I employ the word
maṇḍala loosely to covey a sense of the image yjr lotus, four gates and figure of Vajravārāhī may appear.
111 “Nub tu pad+mo bkod pa dang: de bzhin pad+mo bkod chung yod:” (’Ja’ tshon 1979:440.6-441.4). See bDud ’dul (1997:656.4-656.5) for
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bkod takes the wider form of a maṇḍala in the shape of a lotus. Within the lotus is a supine
Although there are differing descriptions in later gter ma on the exact location of the cakras,114
I will only mention those that Sle lung identify. He describes the crown cakra being located
north of rGya la and the throat cakra located at the confluence of the two rivers, Yar rgyab and
sPo pa (Sle lung 1983a:406.3-406.4).115 His 1733 prayer further describes the throat cakra
located at Nang sdings (Sle lung 1982b:3a.1). He travels towards Pad+mo bkod chung which
he describes as the western heart cakra where ḍākinīs gather (map one and four) (Sle lung
1983a:492.4).116 De’u Rin chen spungs pa (map one and four) is described as the centre of the
dharmacakra in the heart [of the deity]. Brag dkar bKra shis rdzong is described as the centre
of the nirmanacakra in the navel (Sle lung 1983a:486.1).117 As for the fifth cakra, he writes
that after consulting with those who knew the region,118 he would have to pass through the
secret cakra passing the centre of Gra yul hor kha and Klo nag. Then, he would reach close to
The five cakras of Vajravārāhī and their entry gates appear to be the most important sacred
sites of Pad+mo bkod. These cakras are the fabled doors that must be unlocked and determined
the route that all ‘openers’ took. It should be pointed out that the exact location of these sacred
sites appear to be fluid, transitory, and once opened or identified may close. Sle lung’s account
114 See Stein (1988), Ehrhard (1999a), Sadar-Afkhami (2001), Baker (2004), McDougal (2016) and Sanders (2016).
115 “De nas yar rgyab gtsang po dang /spo pa'i gtsang po 'phrad mtshams yan mgrin pa longs skyod kyi 'khor lo'o” (Sle lung 1983a:406.3-
406.4).
116 “Nub gling pad+mo bkod chung gi 'dus mdo mkha' 'gro gangs kyi ra ba'i mdun snying ga chos kyi 'khor lo” (Sle lung 1983a:492.4).
117 “sNying kha chos 'khor gyi lte ba de'u rin chen spungs pa dang lte ba sprul 'khor gyi lte ba brag dkar bkra shis rdzong” (Sle lung
1983a:486.1).
118 This comment implies that he spoke with others knowledgeable of the sacred geography and aware of the projection of Vajravārāhī onto
brgyud de/ gra yul hor kha sogs klo nag gi gzhung bshags nas phyin pa'i mon rdza yul dang nye ba'i cha yin 'dug” (Sle lung 1983a:397.6-
398.2).
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provides a fascinating insight into the process that those ‘opening’ the doors employed which
Throughout the journey, Sle lung focuses on specific ritual practices aimed at accomplishing
mastery of the land. This mastery is largely focused on more wrathful methods to tame
malevolent spirits. Since these spirits reside in a numinous realm it is therefore necessary to
For a Tibetan, the land and its topography are alive, animated, and often hostile. One may
perceive the ordinary land with one’s sense faculties taking in the flora, fauna, mountains, rivers
and nature. However, there is also an alternate landscape, one which remains the domain of
spirits, demons, and gods who are not easily perceived from the human sphere. The same land
one sees with the sense faculties takes on anthropomorphic qualities. The mountains are
inhabited by powerful gods (yul lha), other mountains may take the form of ministers (dpon
po), rivers the abode of klu (nāga) or the lakes the consort of the main mountain god. These
gods are not necessarily benevolent and if provoked may cause problems for human interlopers
(Forbes 1998:118). Provocations are largely sent from the eight classes of gods and spirits (lha
srin sde brgyad) and are considered, in some cases, contributing factors to illness.120 It all
amounts to a complex multi-layered cosmos, which humans are a part, but certainly not the
master.
Despite the fact that yul lha and the eight classes are powerful, through tantric ritual, they can
be manipulated, controlled and in some cases enlisted as guardians of the dharma. This process
is described as taming and through the successful taming of the most powerful spirits one
120 See Samuel (1993:162-163) for a full description of the eight classes of gods and spirits.
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becomes a master of that region. bDud ’dul rdo rje describes Pad+mo bkod as “a place of
worldly, arrogant gods and spirits” (bDud ’dul 1997:654.6-655.1)121 and it becomes apparent
through Sle lung’s account that the goal or key to ‘opening’ is the aforementioned taming of
Taming occurs through the activities of the one ‘opening’ the land and is applied through
extensive tantric ritual. Tibetan Buddhists believe that tantric deities (’jig rten las ’das pa’i lha)
are more powerful than the worldly gods (’jig rten pa’i lha) and as such the latter can be
overcome (Sidky 2011:76). This type of activity finds its precedent in the figure of
Padmasambhava who was invited by the emperor Khri srong sde bstan (742-c.800) to overcome
the fierce magical resistance put up by the intractable spirits when trying to propagate Buddhism
in Tibet. Padmasambhava roamed the Tibetan countryside and tamed the numinous adversaries
of Buddhism, subjugating and extracting the vows of any negative spirit to protect the dharma
(dam can) (Dargyay 1988:125; Tucci 2000:5-7). Sle lung’s travelogue identifies that
Padmasambhava had been active in Pad+mo bkod in a region known as gSang Lung and
because of its extraordinary qualities, bound under oath the guardian deities of Pad+mo bkod
Through his activities, the one ‘opening’ the land becomes the ‘master of that territory’ in
accordance with ḍākinī, guardians and subjugation of malevolent spirits (Ehrhard 1999b:246).
Sle lung’s text demonstrates that he focused, like Padmasambhava, on more wrathful practices
such as destroying (drag po) contained in the four types of activities (las bzhi).123 Figures such
as Sle lung use the four types of activities according to their enlightened understanding towards
both seen and unseen individuals and spirits. Wrathful activity is utilised towards those who
121 “De ni 'jig rten lha srin dregs pa can gyi gnas yin pa” (bDud ‘dul 1997:654.6-655.1).
122 “gSang lung du/ gnas de sngar slob dpon chen po pad+mas pad+mo bkod kyi lha srung rnams dam la btags pa'i gnas khyad par can yin
pas” (Sle lung 1983a:410.3).
123 Personal Communication - Cantwell (2018) Drag po is one of the four activities, the other three include pacifying (zhi ba), enriching (rgyas
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are less than receptive to more subtle methods of taming, in which arrogant gods and spirits
are included.124
Sle lung wrote no less than two hundred and fifty-seven individual ritual texts dedicated to
invoking and propitiating various dharma protectors who are utilised in supporting these types
sorcery rituals, mostly invoking various forms of rDo rje legs pa and therefore not only had the
necessary qualifications to perform such activities but also great confidence in their efficacy
(Bailey 2016:76). Once this numinous mastery has taken place through the correct propitiation
rites, yul lha can become allies and more harmful spirits subdued or converted to becoming
dharma protectors.
Ritual Process
Returning to the actual ‘opening’ of the land, Sle lung’s text is replete with specific ritual
practice that he performs throughout the journey. If we consider gter ma text as a treasure map
on how and where to travel, the ritual practices might be seen as the actual method in which to
accomplish the ‘opening’ of a hidden land. As Bailey writes Sle lung’s “charismatic career as
a religious savant was primarily directed toward ritual technologies for controlling, directing,
and employing a huge pantheon of dharma protectors” (Bailey 2016:159) and it is this
The sheer volume, breadth and complexity of Sle lung’s ritual activity is not explicitly written
in any gter ma that I have examined regarding Pad+mo bkod. ’Ja’ tshon snying po’s text
mentions performing one hundred gaṇacakras (tshogs), smoke offerings (bsang mchod) and
declaring the truth of the Buddha’s words at sBrang rtsi brag’ (’Ja’ tshon 1979:439.6),125 as
124 Ibid.
125 “sBrang rtsi brag la tshogs brgya btang: bsangs mchod bka' yi bden stobs brjod:” (’Ja’ tshon 1979:439.6).
71
well as the need to recite the mantra of Guru Rinpoche (’Ja’ tshon 1979:441.5-441.6).126 bDud
’dul rdo rje’s (1997) does not specifically mention practising any rituals to open the land.
The ritual process began long before Sle lung even travelled into Pad+mo bkod. Sle lung made
the deliberate effort to visit geomantically powerful locations, ‘places of realisation’ (sgrub
(btsan po) of the Yar lung dynasty (c.600-c.900) and past treasure revealers. This appears to
be part of a process in which visiting the geographic powerful spots such as the border taming
(mtha’ ’dul) and further taming temples (yang ’dul) imbued treasure revealers and hidden land
explorers with some sort of power. Through its geomantic potency it assisted in enabling them
to gain permission and the power to tame the wilderness and therefore open Pad+mo bkod
(Ehrhard 1999a:233). ’Ja’ tshon snying po discovered the first treasure texts related to Pad+mo
bkod at gSer gyi Lha khang in Kong po (Dudjom 1991:811, Ehrhard 1999a:232), a temple
constructed by Srong bstan sgam po pinning the right elbow of the supine demoness (Sørensen
and Hazod 2005:iv). bDud ’dul rdo rje, Chos rje gling pa and rDo rje thogs med all travelled
to and uncovered treasure works from a mtha’ ’dul temple known as mDung chu’i lha khang
(Ehrhard 1999a:230/233).
Sle lung, following in the same vein, visited the three doctrinal centres of Lha sa, bSam yas
and Khra ’brug, the three key dharmacakras of Central Tibet. He then travelled to Lake Brag
sum where there is one of Srong btsan sgam po’s one hundred and eight principal temples (A
numerous gter and surrounded by hidden sacred sites (Ibid:100). Following this he travelled to
126“Dus kun o rgyan dran par gyis: gu ru pad+ma si d+d+hi bzlas: rkyen ngan bar chad de yis sel: the tshom yid nyid ma byed par: (’Ja’
tshon 1979:441.5-441.6)
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Bu chu in the south, arriving at gSer gyi Lha khang and practised there for a total of ten days
During Sle lung’s journey he focused on more wrathful practices, especially those relating to
the dharma protectors (chos skyong). Before entering Pad+mo bkod he writes that according to
“perform feast offerings (tshogs) and fire offerings (me mchod) to the ḍākinīs as well as
feast offerings to the following dharma protectors; the eight great gZa’ chen brgyad
(Rāhula), Klu chen brgyad (the Eight Great Nāgas), the black Ma ning nag po
(Mahākāla), sTeng dpon nched lnga (the above Five Sibling Chiefs), rDo rje legs pa the
protector Go ra nag po and to g.Yu yi sgron ma. As instructed I performed all the rituals
elaborately in one go” (Sle lung 1983a:396.2-396.4).128
Not only does he perform feast offerings to create the auspicious circumstances between him
and the protectors but he also repeatedly reminds them of their oaths (dam bsgrags) to support
him in his enlightened activity (phrin las). If we recall the proclamation made by sMan btsun
The more wrathful practices did not stop there and included making “elaborate offerings to rDo
rje legs pa with a red offering (dmar mchod) of an immediately liberated black goat” (Sle lung
1983a:398.4).130 This is not a ‘ritual killing’ (Canty, 1997) where a live animal is replaced with
gtor ma, but one where Sle lung physically sacrificed a goat releasing its consciousness to a
pure land.131 This is further supplemented by the fact that Sle lung wrote that the prophecies
made it clear not to do any kind of animal sacrifice except in front of the mountain where
127 “Na mtshan khor yug zhag bcu'i bar rgyun chad med pa sogs mtha' rgyas su bsgrubs” (Sle lung 1983a:404.2).
128 “Tshogs dang me mchod dang/gza' chen brgyad kyi mtsho/klu chen brgyad kyi mtsho/ma ning nag po'i mtsho/steng dpon mched lnga'i
mtsho/rdo rje legs pa'i mtsho/go ra nag po'i mtsho/g.yu yi sgron ma'i mtsho/ de dag dkyus gcig par/cho ler gtan la phobs/ (Sle lung
1983a:407.3-407.5).
129 See note 96.
130 “Ra nag 'phral du bsgral ba'i dmar mchod” (Sle lung 1983a:398.4).
131 Sle lung sprul sku personal communication - According to Tantric theory no bad karma is accrued when performed successfully by an
73
tsaN+Di ka resides and gNam lcags ’bar ba (Sle lung 1983a:413.6),132 which is exactly where
As his journey draws him into the deeper recesses of Pad+mo bkod’s jungles, approaching the
western heart cakra of Pad+mo bkod chung, we witness the declaration of his wrathful power
and an insight into the tantric accomplishment with the support of dharmapāla. He fearlessly
threatened harmful spirits with his tantric power, staking claim to the mastery of this sacred site;
“At dusk I, the Tantric Knowledge holder bZhad pa'i rdo rje, who was blessed by Guru
Rinpoche, without much time will be arriving at the centre of the supreme sacred site of
Pad+mo bkod, therefore all of you eight classes of arrogant gods and demons from now
on behave yourselves. If you do not listen to me, there is no doubt that through the anger
of a wrathful deity it will crush you all to dust. I made the people proclaim this and
therefore from that night it was clearly efficacious, so the nights became smooth and I
had a comfortable peaceful sleep” (Sle lung 1983a:461.5-462.1).133
Each day of the journey was also filled with mixed practice. He gives a summary of the
practices they performed daily. A typical day would begin with morning refuge and bodhicitta
prayers, invoking the protector ’Od ldan dkar po, supplicating the warlike non-human bstan
spirits twenty one times, petitioning the dharma protectors through gaṇacakra, offering
extensive smoke offerings, performing the richness summons practice (g.yang ’gugs),
accomplishing the hūṃ sādhanā. They practised the winds of dza b+hir twenty one times daily
and on some occasions at least three times. In the evenings they would chant the seven line
prayer to Padmasambhava (tshig bdun gsol ’debs), followed by ‘the prayer which
spontaneously fulfils all aspirations’ (bsam pa lhun grub ma), prayers to the rigs ldan ma, the
offering of golden libations (gser skyems) as well as offering gtor ma to the peaceful and
wrathful riṣhis. Further practice in the evenings included performing tshi rtul ma one hundred
132 “Nged rnams kyis gsang lung du gang gsal gyi gnam lcags 'bar ba dang / tsaN+Di ka'i gnas ri'i mdun du ma gtogs dmar mchod kyi rigs
ma byas/” (Sle lung 1983a:413.6).
133 “Srod kyi dus la pad+mas byin gyis brlabs pa'i rig pa 'dzin pa'i bzhad pa'i rdo rje bdag gnas mchog pad+mo bkod kyi lte bar 'gyangs med
du 'byor rgyu yin pas khyed dregs pa sde brgyad thams cad da phyin chad nas bag yod par byos shig/ gal te de ltar mi byed na drag por khros
pas rdul du rlog par gdon mi za'o/ zhes skad kyi nga ro chen pos bsgrag tu bcug/ de nub nas ngo so thon par bag phebs la bde bar gnyid log
pa sogs 'jam ding gis song/” (Sle lung 1983a:461.5-462.1).
74
times, trig khrom ma twenty-one times, and the drang srong gi dmod pa invocation three
times.134 If Sle lung and his entourage practiced as he summarises, the whole journey was truly
Even the physical effort made by the travellers had the function of purifying negativities. Sle
“purify the destructive actions and downfalls that prevent one's entrance into the
maṇḍala, laid out in perfect accord with the preliminary practices which accumulate
wisdom and purify obscurations, blazing with the forceful energy of genuine realisation,
devotion and respect, weariness with saṃsāra and renunciation” (Sle lung 1983a:392.2-
392.5).135
Sle lung’s account demonstrated he followed in the approach and style set down by
Padmasambhava, subduing malevolent spirits and gaining mastery over key locations. Through
reading his account it becomes clear gter ma text did not instruct him in which practices to
implement. It further identifies the importance that the one leading had in this endeavour.
Political taming
The term ‘master of the territory,’ includes the outer taming or conversion of the local
population and an intricate part of the process (Samuel 1993:196). The term klo pa is a
somewhat pejorative term used by central Tibetans to describe those living on the border
regions of Tibet. It is often translated simply as barbarians and depicts their non-Buddhist
heritage.
Whilst in Pad+mo bkod, bDud ‘dul rdo rje, Chos rje gling pa and Sle lung all participated in
activities to convert the local population. This entirely fits into the concept of ‘taming the
134For the full list of daily practices see Sle lung (1983a 407.2-408.2) in appendix A.
135“Lam 'phrang bgrod par dka' ba rnams kyis dkyil 'khor gyi nang du 'jug par byed pa la gegs byed kyi sdig ltung sbyong ba/ sngon 'gro'o
bsags sbyangs dang khrigs mthun par ston pa/ nges 'byung dang /skyo shas dang/mos gus dang/ yang dag pa'i rtogs pa btsan thabs su 'bar
byed pa/” (Sle lung 1983a:392.2-392.5).
75
wilderness.’ Through conversion the wild tribes became tamed and thus receptive to Buddhist
activity. More than that, this taming of the inhabitants in Pad+mo bkod and her border regions,
Had it not been for the support of the rGya la chieftains, on three separate occasions, it is
unlikely that Sle lung would have been able to travel as far as he did. As shown, Sle lung
converted or strengthened support in the entry regions of Pad+mo bkod through bestowing
However, in the end, his inability to ‘tame’ the most powerful leader of the region ultimately
ended his exploration. Sle lung’s interactions with local inhabitants depict the Pad+mo bkod
leader Ka gnam pa, as a tyrant. One day, a visitor called bSod nams Phun tshogs, told Sle lung
that he and the chieftain Tshe ring dngos grub had been scolded for entering Ka gnam pa’s
territory a year earlier. They had to offer materials and confess their faults in an act of
repentance (Sle lung 1983a:445.1-445.2).136 He also tells Sle lung that if they were to enter Ka
gnam pa’s territory and he responded by sending an army, they would be reduced to dust (Sle
lung 1983a:445.2).137 In the end, as Sle lung writes, Ka gnam pa’s aggression ultimately
“The auspicious circumstances and conditions and opportunities did not allow us to reach
these [sacred] places…We tried every means possible, but the Ka gnam representatives
were too frightened to let us pass. All the doors have now been closed and, in the end we
have decided to return the way we have come” (Baker 2004:173).
Thus, it was the lack of ‘mastery’ over humans and not the numinous that led to the ultimate
136 “sDe pa ka gnam pa 'dis na ning sde pa tshe ring dngos grub gnas su slebs pa la brnyas nas nged tsha zhang rnams la bka' skyon phab/”
(Sle lung 1983a:445.1-445.2).
137 “Nged rnams la'ang dmag byung nas sa mi bcag pa zhig byas 'ong” (Sle lung 1983a:445.2).
76
ending of his journey. However, it is possible that Sle lung did not perceive the premature
conclusion to his mission negatively and instead viewed the process from the perspective of
Taking a step back from the details set out in Sle lung’s account, it appears as if there is an
intricate web of interconnectedness between many masters who either uncovered gter ma
regarding Pad+mo bkod and/or gained mastery over her sacred sites. The identification of one
with the permission from the ḍākinīs does not have be written in gter ma. Furthermore, once
mastery of a region has occurred, it can even be handed over from one karmically connected
master to another. What follows is a brief overview of the interdependence between the most
well-known masters connected with Pad+mo bkod up to and including the end of nineteenth
century.
’Ja’ tshon snying po, sent bDud ’dul rdo rje into the wilderness to discover treasures and
convert the non-Buddhist tribes. bDud ’dul rdo rje, following this advice, extracted a gter ma
on Pad+mo bkod and then subsequently travelled to Pad+mo bkod to fulfil the wishes of his
master. sTag sham Nus ldan rdo rje was both a student of bDud ’dul rdo rje and a teacher to
Chos rje gling pa. sTag sham Nus ldan rdo rje identified Chos rje gling pa as the ‘master of his
teaching’ and identified him as one who would open Pad+mo bkod. (Ehrhard 1999a:230,
Sadar-Afkhami 2001:147). As Chos rje gling pa travelled in Pad+mo bkod he identified sacred
sites and like Sle lung, his journey was meticulously based on the treasure cycles of sTag sham
Chos rje gling pa had previously prophesied that Sle lung should rely on peaceful and wrathful
Avalokiteśvara, as well as identifying him as the undisputed incarnation of the first Sle lung,
77
Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan. According to Chos rje gling pa’s rnam thar, sTag sham Nus ldan
rdo rje prophesied that people would gain great benefit if Sle lung were taught the ‘Drop of
Dakini Mind Essence,’ one of sTag sham’s treasure revelations (Loden 2013:67). Sle lung
openly describes using Tag sham Nus ldan rdo rje’s treasure texts as a point of reference as
well as traveling to the hidden place of Chos rje gling pa in Pad+mo bkod. Sle lung’s aspiration
prayer of 1733 (1982b) was written for the great householder of ’Or shod dPal rgyal138 in Kong
po who were the landed nobility from this region. This ‘great householder’ was also Chos rje
gling pa’s main sponsor (sbyin bdag) during his years there.139 There is also a hitherto
unexamined relationship between Sle lung and bDud ’dul rdo rje, the former penning a three-
“You, who is emanated from the vajra secret mind, the heart of all the Buddhas. Due to
the power of your aspiration prayers to help all sentient beings I pray to you, Great Uncle
bDud ’dul” (Sle lung 1982c 12b.2-12b.3).140
This passing of the baton continues into the nineteenth century with, who bDud ’joms ’Jigs
bral ye shes rdo rje (1904-1987) calls, ‘The Three awareness holders’ (sbas yul rig ’dzin rnam
gsum) (Dudjom 1991:957). The three include Rig ’dzin rDor rje Thogs med (1746-1797), Chos
ling Gar dbang ’Chi med rdo rje (b.1763) and sGam po pa O rgyan ’Gro ‘dul gling pa (b.1757),
the latter two were masters of rDor rje Thogs med’s teachings. In particular, sGam po pa was
especially active in opening more regions in Pad+mo bkod after having received teachings
The identification of those with permission from the ḍākinīs excluding gter ma is shown in
alternative hidden lands. In 1722 Sle lung prophesied that Blo bzang lHa mchod should open
138 “dPa' bo'i khyu mchog 'or shod o rang gi khyim bdag chen po dpal rgyal” (Sle lung 1982b:3a.1).
139 Personal Communication - Ehrhard (2018). The importance of benefactors (sbyin bdag) in the exploration of Pad+mo bkod should be
researched more thoroughly.
140 “Dus gsum rgyal ba kun gyi thugs rdo rje'i/ gsang ba thugs las sprul pa'i bka'i pho nya/ smon lam dbang gis 'gro ba'i don mdzad pa/ rdo
rje bdud 'dul zhang blon chen por bstod/” (Sle lung 1982c:12b.2-12b.3).
78
a hidden land in Seng ge ri known as sBas gnas ’Or mo mo lha sa (Erhard 1999b:241). The
master Rwa ston gter ston stobs ldan rdo rje (b.17th cent.) was told by Chos gling bDe ba’i rdo
rje (17th cent.) that he was sent (to a hidden land) because he was “the master (of this site)”
(Ehrhard 1999b:246).
In summary, the passing of the mastery of a region through the selection of a chosen successor
or successor demonstrates that although the existence of a specific hidden land must occur from
a gter ma text, the one destined to ‘open’ it was not. Identification such as this should not be
viewed as atypical, one need only recall the declaration that Sle lung should rely on peaceful
and wrathful Avalokiteśvara a gter ma text by Chos rje gling pa. Therefore, hidden land
‘openers’ are identified by other masters, prophecies and ḍākinīs. However they had to rely on
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Chapter Eight
The Fruit
“In six months one will spontaneously transform into a body of light”141
’Ja’ tshon snying po
(’Ja’ tshon 1979:443.6)
Having discovered that hidden land gter ma describe in detail the reasons one would want to
escape and find refuge in a place such as Pad+mo bkod, the fifth and final theme instead
describes all that is desirous and bountiful. What follows is a brief examination of the benefits
one will discover on successfully arriving at a hidden land written in gter ma compared with
All Pad+mo bkod gter ma describe it as an environment with a great abundance of resources.
bDud ‘dul rdo rje’s gter ma declares that “As for provisions such as wealth, possessions and
resources, there is no need to bring anything other than mules and donkeys (bDud ’dul
1997:668.2-668.3).”142 Whilst this does not specifically mention food it implies that one need
not be concerned about preparation. Read alongside ’Ja’ tshon snying po’s (1979) gter ma
“There is fruit about the size of a horse’s head, of wheat and barley grains the size of an
apricot stone and radishes and turnips so heavy people can barely lift them. There is no
need to grind salt, it is the same as nectar and has the same potency as gods’ food” (’Ja’
tshon 1979:443.4-443.5).143
Interestingly, in Sle lung’s text we discover both the refutation of the lack of a need to prepare
alongside evidence that Pad+mo bkod was bountiful. Sle lung demonstrates his practicality by
describing how he spoke to people who had already travelled to Pad+mo bkod discovering that
141 “Zla ba drug la lhun grub 'od lus 'gyur:” (Sle lung 1983a:443.6).
142 “mThun rkyen longs spyod nor rdzas ni: bong dre 'u ma gtogs sna tshogs khyer:” (bDud ‘dul 1997:668.2-668.3).
143 “Shing thog 'bras bu phal cher rta mgo tsam: nas gro so ba 'bru rnams kham rtsig tsam: la phug nyung ma mi yis theg tsam yod: tshwa
rdor mi dgos bdud rtsi dag dang mtshungs: lha yi zhal zas dag dang nus pa mnyam:” (’Ja’ tshon 1979:443.4-443.5).
80
traditional Tibetan clothes would not protect them from “the danger of insects and
invertebrates” (Sle lung 1983a:398.2).144 He also explains, contrary to bDud ’dul rdo rje’s
instructions, that not only were they not able to have pack animals but they carried a great
amount of provisions since they needed the help of one hundred and thirty local helpers to carry
it all.145
Sle lung’s travelogue also treats us to detailed descriptions of fruits and trees, which for a
Tibetan, would have been thoroughly unfamiliar and perhaps considered bountiful. He
describes an edible unopened flower, shaped like a heart which tasted like walnuts and the size
of a human head (Sle lung 1983a:457.6-458.1).146 He portrays a number of trees whose fruits
were plentiful such as one called Ta la, which had many layers of skin layered like rolls of
paper with an edible centre (Sle lung 1983a:457.5-457.6).147 There were others called
kaṇḍakari trees on which grew an orange coloured fruit which had a delicious taste and another
called a dbo se tree which had fruit like pi pi ling (piper longum) (Sle lung 1983a 458.1-
448.2).148 There were wild sweet potatoes which were highly edible and about the thickness of
ones’ forearm which could be made into thug pa or soup (Sle lung 1983a:403.6-404.1).149 bDud
’dul rdo rje’s text explains that “there are palm leaves to use for making houses and shelter”
(bDud ’dul 1997:663.1).150 Sle lung’s text concurs by describing sword shaped leaves, two and
a half cubits long, each side had around fifty leaves which protected from the rain underneath
so much so that one could build a hut with them (Sle lung 1983a:458.5-458.6).151
144 “gNas su 'gro myong rnams kyis/ 'bu sbrang gi 'jigs pa bsrung phyir dor ma dang phyu pa sogs dgos tshul zer ba bzhin/ mngon chung gi
nyer bsdogs bgyis/” (Sle lung 1983a:398.2).
145 See note 66.
146 “Me tog kha ma bye ba'i dus snying gi dbyibs can du yod pa/ nang gi ge sar zos na ro star kha 'dra ba/ 'di dus 'bras bu ma smin pa 'dug
kyang star kha tsam du ma phung por 'dril ba mi mgo tsam pa'i tshod du chags pa” (Sle lung 1983a:457.6-458.1).
147 “Ta lar grags pa'i shing dbyibs ldum pa 'dra ba shun pa phyi nang rim pa mang po shog dril du byas pa'i nang snying lha ba lta bu dkar
1983a 458.5-458.6).
81
Aside from the nutritional resources, hidden land treasure texts on Pad+mo bkod also depict a
land with healing qualities. ’Ja’ tshon snying po’s gter ma states that;
“Even (if) a single drop of water and piece of herb is eaten, chronic illnesses and suffering
etc will become appeased, the unclear sense faculties become clear and even old men will
transform their body’s into that of youths (’Ja’ tshon 1979:442.6-443.1).”152
Sle lung makes no mention of discovering curative herbs, but does describe a liquid which he
perceives as Vajravārāhī’s secret urine (sindūra), a dripping, curing medicine for chronic
Lastly and perhaps the greatest boon of any hidden land is the promise of awakening (byang
chub) and the pinnacle of spiritual accomplishment, rainbow body. In ’Ja’ tshon snying po’s
“From amongst the sixteen hidden lands this great Pad+mo bkod, whoever, hears and
recalls it, [their] karmic obscurations will be cleansed. [Merely] taking seven steps in the
direction of this [Pad+mo bkod] one will certainly be born human. In respect to this,
[after] observing seven prostrations, one will become a non-returner and no longer
wander in saṃsāra. If one certainly arrives and abides here, you will obtain rainbow
body” (’Ja’ tshon 1979:442.4-442.6).153
Through these types of descriptions the potency of hidden lands to stimulate spiritual growth
combined with the signs of degeneration has doubtlessly encouraged the great effort needed to
travel to such faraway lands. The potency of hidden lands as a location of spiritual
emancipation continues to this day with a popular saying amongst hidden land adherents that
one day of practice in a hidden land is equivalent to one year in any other location.154 Hidden
lands are supposed to provide a location where one has the freedom to practice Buddhism
152 “Chu thig gcig dang rtswa nyag zos pa yang: gcong nad la sogs sdug bsngal zhi bar 'gyur: dbang po mi gsal ba rnams gsal bar 'gyur:
rgan po rnams kyang gzhon nu'i lus su 'gyur:” (’Ja’ tshon 1979:442.6-443.1).
153 “sBas lung bcu drug nang nas pad+mo bkod chen 'di: gang gis thos dang dran pas las sgrib dag: 'di yi phyogs su gom pa bdun 'bor na'ang:
'chib 'gyur tshe de ru nges par skye: 'di la dmigs nas rkyang phyag bdun 'tshal na: 'khor bar mi 'khyams phyir mi ldog par gyur: gang zhig
gnas 'dir nges par sleb gyur na: 'ja' lus rdo rje'i sku ni thob par 'gyur:” (’Ja’ tshon 1979:442.4-442.6).
154 Personal communication – mKhan po Nyi ma don 'grub (2017).
82
without the fear of reprisal. Sadly, for Sle lung’s group of travellers, this freedom never
materialised due to the militant Ka gNam pa. Yet Sle lung never planned to remain in Pad+mo
bkod and instead his journey was one to open the sacred sites for future use rather than settle
there. He makes his intention clear early on when he writes “as it was a long distance and hard
to traverse and so on, I realised certainly I would not return to my place (dbus) until the fourth
Returning to the spiritual boons, it is extremely difficult to ascertain whether these types of
spiritual descriptions are accurate. As we have discovered, Sle lung describes the arising of
non-conceptuality, recounts his own visions and dreams and records the spiritual experiences
of his companions. On reflection it does not appear to be critical to determine the spiritual
efficacy of a location and instead reflect on whether Sle lung and those in his cohort believed
in such pronouncements. In my mind there can be little doubt that the whole group implicitly
trusted the prophecies of Padmasambhava, Sle lung’s leadership and the possibility of spiritual
emancipation through the accumulation of merit and wisdom (ye shes). His spontaneous song
of realisation perhaps best sums up his and his companions’ state of mind;
“East of Lhasa the land of Pad+mo bkod, in the second heavenly realm of Khecarī,
One who has left his homeland behind, a yogi who has renounced attachment and desire,
I am going ahead to discover the sites as [per] the advice of the lamas and ḍākinīs.
All the patrons from here, keep up with your good health.
Us vajra brothers and sisters, our hearts sincerely entrust in the deities of the three roots.
We will take the journey with joy, whatever happens such as illness, death, or happiness
we do not hold any hope or fear”
(Sle lung 1983a:401.3-401.4).156
155 “Nges pa rnyed pas sa thag ring zhing bgrod dka' ba sogs nas khyi lo zla ba bzhi pa'i nang du ma gtogs dbus su mi 'khor bar yid thag
chod/ (Sle lung 1983a:397.7-398.2).
156 “Shar phyogs pad+mo bkod pa/dag pa mkha' spyod gnyis par/pha yul rgyab tu bskyur ba'i/rnal 'byor chags med zhen med/bla ma mkha'
'gro'i bslab bya/ gtan la 'bebs par chas 'gro/'dir bzhugs yon sbyor thams cad/sku khams bzang ba gnang zhu/nga cag rdo rje'i spun grogs/ blo
de rtsa gsum lha la/kha zhe med par gtad nas/nyams dga'i ngang du chas 'gro/na dga' shi skyid yin pas/re dogs gang yang mi 'dug” (Sle lung
1983a:401.3-401.4).
83
Conclusion
Having translated part of Sle lung’s account of his mission to Pad+mo bkod in 1729, as I had
hoped, it has provided a wealth of information. The richness is found in the description of
hidden land exploration from a first person perspective. Most significantly Sle lung wrote it
from the perspective of one ‘opening’ a hidden land. Although hidden land gter ma provided
vital ingredients such as location, right time to depart and the motivation for wanting to travel
to locations such as these, there remains an aperture between prophecy and experience. Sle
lung’s account provides the bridge between the almost standardised literary trope of prophecy
versus his recounting of fantastical reality. Sle lung’s account not only describes the specific
ritual mechanics on how he opened the sacred sites of Pad+mo bkod but also describes the day
to day practicalities of the whole mission. His words brings gter ma alive from the perspective
of a Buddhist master famed for tantric accomplishment. Having reflected on the details of the
text, I am left with one overriding conclusion. His account demonstrates that any successful
attempt to open the doors of a hidden land is reliant on the ripening of causes (rgyu) and the
(rten ’brel). Throughout his account we never lose sight he was the engine propelling the whole
endeavour with his determination, one identified by the ḍākinīs and decisions he made based
on his own prophecies. However, like any highly tuned engine, output depends on the sum and
quality of its parts. The whole cast found in the form of his companions (seen and unseen),
political allies and adversaries are all contained within the plot that gter ma provides. These
are the auspicious or inauspicious circumstances that determined success. Sle lung appears to
be adaptable whose every action contained the tripartite approach of outer, inner and secret.
Outer considerations included the physical hardships that he and his companions faced
travelling, the relationships he developed with the local leaders and survival in the hostile
terrain. The inner describes the ritual practices, personal prophecies and clarity of which
practices would be most efficacious in the pursuit of ‘mastery of the land.’ Lastly, the secret is
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contained within his person such as the arising of non-conceptual awareness. I have shied away
from examining whether invisible doors in the form of cakras, tantric accomplishment, spirit
possession and the receiving of prophecies through dreams exist. Instead, I have focused on
Sle lung’s words describing how he attempted to attain mastery of a sacred land. In the process
of academic rigour it is easy to lose sight of the fact that Sle lung and all those involved were
real people, facing real challenges who made a journey to the limits of their world. His
travelogue allows the reader, no matter their motivation, to grasp and unveil the sense of what
it meant to open a hidden land in the eighteenth century. Concerning future research, Sle lung’s
four travelogue’s related to Pad+mo bkod (1982a, 1983a, 1983b, 1983f) should be fully
translated which will provide a suitable conclusion on his relationship to this region. Appendix
E is a list of other sacred land texts that Sle lung has produced. They will doubtless be a treasure
trove of information. In my own way I hope that I have drawn aside a part of the veil of secrecy
without dispelling any of the wonder surrounding the hidden land of Pad+mo bkod, what it
means to ‘open’ the doors and lastly Sle lung himself. To finish I would like to leave it to one
of the ‘crazy ones’ (smyon pa) who lost his own life in his uncompromising pursuit of
‘Don’t listen to anybody. Decide by yourself and practise madness. Develop courage for the
benefit of all sentient beings. Then you will automatically be free from the knot of attachment.
Then you will continually have the confidence of fearlessness and you can try to open the
Great Door of the Hidden Place”
brTul zhugs gling pa
(Shor 2011:vii)
85
Appendix A
N.B. Where I have discovered a spelling mistake I have kept the original and place in Tibetan
brackets what I believe to be the correct spelling.
གནས་མཆོག་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་0་བ1ོད་པའི་ལམ་ཡིག་དགའ་འ6ེད་བདེན་གཏམ་ལ། ཞེས་6་བ་བ;ག་སོ།།
Pleasant and Truthful Words: Travel Guide to the Supreme Pilgrimage Site of Pad+mo bkod
By Sle lung bZhad pa’i rdo rje
།ཨེ་མ་ཧོ།
མཁའ་ལ་འཇའ་@ར་ཤར་བ་ཡི། །མཚན་དཔེའི་D་འEལ་རོལ་གར་མཁན།
རང་རིག་G་གHམ་I་ཚJགས་ལ། མི་Kེད་Lས་པའི་ཡིད་Mིས་འ0ད། (Sle lung 1983a:390.1-390.2)
How amazing!
With a mind of undivided reverence I bow
To the assembly of deities of the three roots, reflexive awareness,
Performers of the illusory dance of the major and minor marks,
Like a rainbow appearing in space!
།དེ་ཡང་e་བོད་Mི་མཚམས་\་\ོའི་1ོང་fེར་དང་Rེས་H་འgེལ་བའི་]ས་གནས་Wན་Xི་eལ་པོ་གནས་མཆོག་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་ཅེས་1གས་པ་རང་Uང་hོ་Rེ་ཕག་མོའི་jའི་བཀོད་པའི་
aམ་པ་ཅན་0་མཆིས་པའི་Tི་བོ་བདེ་ཆེན་Xི་འཁོར་ལོ་སོགས་འཁོར་ལོ་kའི་ཕོ་gང་རེ་རེར་ཡང་@ེ་བ་དང་Kོགས་བཞིའི་lིང་[ེ་k་k་དང་བཅས་པ་Kི་ནང་བར་གHམ་Xི་རིམ་པ་j་
གHང་Qགས་འཁོར་Xི་mལ་0་མཆིས་པ་དཔའ་བོ་དང་མཁའ་འ1ོ་དམ་ཅན་e་མཚJ་ཐམས་ཅད་nིན་@ར་འ0་ཞིང་oག་p་བ;གས་པ། (Sle lung 1983a:391.1-
391.4)
86
Moreover, that sovereign of all hidden lands, associated with the ignoble villages on the border
of Tibet and India, the supreme place renowned as Pad+mo bkod. It has the aspects of a self-
arisen physical manifestation of Vajravārāhī (rDo rje phag mo), with the cakra of great bliss at
the crown of the head, and so forth, and each of the palaces possesses five islands which are in
the centre and four cardinal directions and each of the five islands possess inner, middle and
outer stage sites as presenting as the chakra of exalted body, speech, and mind. All the oceans
of oath-bound protectors, ḍākinīs and vīras are amassed like clouds and always remain.
ལེགས་པར་བoགས་ཤིང་ད…ད་དེ་གཏན་ལ་ཕབ་པ་ན། ས་hོ་རི་gག་†ོན་ཤིང་u་‡ང་ལ་སོགས་པ་རེ་རེ་ཡང་j་དང་ཞིང་ཁམས་ངོ་མཚར་བའི་བཀོད་པ་€་ཚJགས་H་འཆར་ཞིང་།མི་
oག་པ་དང་། ˆག་བ‰ལ་བ་དང་། [ོང་བ་དང་། བདག་མེད་པ་[ོན་པར་6ེད་པའི་‚་མ་འབའ་ཤིག་p་འཆར་བ། (Sle lung 1983a:392.2-392.3)
When one has come to certainty through analysing and investigating well, each and every piece
of earth, rock, and stone, each mountain, cliff and thicket of trees, each pond and river, and so
forth, [all] will appear as the various amazing displays of pure lands and the body of the deity.
Everything will appear solely as the lama and expresses impermanence, suffering, emptiness,
and non-self.
ལམ་འcང་བ1ོད་པར་དཀའ་བ་aམས་Mིས་དMིལ་འཁོར་Xི་ནང་0་འŠག་པར་6ེད་པ་ལ་གེགས་6ེད་Mི་vིག་‹ང་Œོང་བ། ‰ོན་འ1ོའོ་བསགས་Œངས་དང་•ིགས་མQན་པར་[ོན་
པ། ངེས་འUང་དང་། „ོ་ཤས་དང་། མོས་Lས་དང་། ཡང་དག་པའི་oོགས་པ་བཙན་ཐབས་H་འབར་6ེད་པ། (Sle lung 1983a:392.2-392.5)
The narrow paths, difficult to traverse, will purify the destructive actions and downfalls that
prevent one's entrance into the maṇḍala, laid out in perfect accord with the preliminary
practices which accumulate wisdom and purify obscurations, blazing with the forceful energy
of genuine realisation, devotion and respect, weariness with saṃsāra and renunciation.
e་ཧོར་དsས་གཙང་གི་གནས་^ལ་0ར་•ོད་Wན་ལས་fད་པར་0་འཕགས་པ་དེ་@་sའི་གནས་མཆོག་p་ས་མོ་6འི་ལོ་བདག་བཞད་པའི་hོ་Rེ་འcིན་ལས་དབང་པོའི་vེས་ཇི་@ར་
བ1ོད་པའི་mལ་ནི། ས་ཕོ་nེ•འི་ལོ་•གས་ཕོ་fིའི་མཐའ་དམག་བ‘ོག་པའི་ཐབས་H་གནས་མཆོག་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་0་ངོས་Mིས་བ„ོད་དགོས་པ་དང༌། དེ་དག་གི་ཆ་“ེན་0་ཀོང་^ལ་
†ོན་པའི་ཚལ་Xི་L་xའི་”བ་གནས་aམས་H་ཚJགས་དང་མེ་མཆོད། གེ་སར་Xི་ཞབས་Mིས་བཅགས་པའི་དབེན་གནས་aམས་H་གེ་སར་Xི་མཆོད་པ། gག་གHམ་མཚJ་མོ་ཆེ་སོགས་
{ག་མེད་ཉི་ཤར་Xི་གནས་aམས་H་བ0ད་མགོན་ཆེན་པོའི་གསོལ་མཆོད་སོགས་རིམ་1ོ་oེན་འgེལ་Xི་རིམ་པ་མཐའ་ཡས་པ་6ེད་དགོས་པ་དང༌། གནས་དེ་ཉིད་0་ཐོན་ཁའི་བར་0་
Kི་ནང་ཐམས་ཅད་ལ་གསང་e་ཤིན་p་དམ་པ་དགོས་པའི་བཀའ་e་དང་བཅས་པའི་Zང་Uང་བ་བཞིན། (Sle lung 1983a:392.5-393.3)
Concerning the manner in which I, bZhad pa'i rdo rje 'phrin las dbang po in the Female Earth
Bird Year [1729], entered into just such a place, especially exalted amongst all the charnel
grounds of India, Mongolia, and dBus gTsang: In the Earth Male Monkey Year [1728]: as a
means to ward off an impending border war in the Iron Dog Year [1730] it was necessary,
that I myself, set off in the direction of the supreme site Pad+mo bkod.
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As in the prophecy, to facilitate that, in the practice places of the guru (Padmasambhava) in the
forests of Kong po performing feasts and fire offerings, in the solitary places trod upon by the
feet of Gesar, performing Gesar offerings. At the great lake of Brag gsum, and such places, the
dwelling places of sKrag med nyi shar making offerings and invocations to the great Maranatha
(sKrag med nyi shar), and the necessary acts of worship and service with endless layers of
interdependent connections. In those very places, until emerging, I was under an injunction
that it was necessary to keep everything, inner and outer, with a seal of utmost secrecy.
ཆོས་འཁོར་གHམ་Xིས་དsས་པའི་དsས་གཙང་གི་དབེན་གནས་ཡང་དབེན་aམས་H་མཆོད་པ་ཚJགས་དང་བཅས་པ། རིས་མེད་Mི་དགེ་འ0ན་aམས་ལ་བWར་[ི་ཞབས་ཏོག་Kག་
འXེད་དང་བཅས་པ། ཕོངས་ཤིང་ཉམ་ཐག་པའི་„ེ་བོ་Hམ་[ོང་0་ལོངས་པར་ཟང་ཟིང་དང་དམ་•ས་Mི་Œིན་པ། •ིད་པའི་I་གཉན་aམས་གཙJ་བོར་–ར་པའི་vེ་བeད་~ེགས་པ་
aམས་ལ་གསེར་„ེམས་དང་བསངས་Mི་མཆོད་པ། མདོས་གཏོར་མQན་•ས་Mིས་བ—ང་བ། གHང་རབ་བ\གས་པ། ~ང་•ོང་དང་མཁའ་འ1ོའི་གཏོར་འsམ། ལས་བཞིའི་Œིན་•ེག་
སོགས་eབ་ད˜ང་བ„ེད་པའི་རིམ་1ོ་aམས་ནོར་•ས་ལ་ཕངས་མེད་Mི་Yོ་ནས་ལེགས་པར་བ”བས། (Sle lung 1983a:393.3-393.6)
I made offerings with groups in the most isolated hermitages of dBus gTsang amidst the three
centres (Lha sa, bSam yas and Khra ‘brug). I made gifts and rendered service and respect to
the members of the sangha without sectarian bias, and donated various material goods and
sacred substances to three thousand destitute beggars. I made smoke offerings and libations to
the worldly gods and spirits, especially those haughty ones of the eight classes. I thoroughly
accomplished what I could through unstinting offerings of wealth, such as performing
fulfillments with the appropriate substances, gtor ma, and thread-crosses (mdos gto), reading
scriptures, offering the 100,000 gtor ma of the sage (drang srong) and ḍākinīs, and performing
fire pujas of the four activities (las bzhi).
Once we arrived at mDa’ khur gzhung, I told everyone that we had to go to Kong po to bring
peace. Completing paying homage extensively at such places as Brag dkar, Lha chu, Brag
gsum, Zho dkar and dKar nag in Northern Kong po, we arrived at Bu chu. I performed an
extensive consecration with Lord Amitāyus, “Drawing Out the Pure Essence” practice. I
offered a ceremony requesting may Jowo the Lord Buddha, abide at this site. I poured forth
great waves of generosity of dharma teachings and various material goods to nearly ten
thousand individuals, consisting of both monks and laypeople both high and low, performing
thirty ḍākinī pujas, twenty one pujas to Nyi ma gzhon nu, and one thousand offerings to the
Jowo the Lord Buddha. Practicing day and night continuously for a total of ten days.
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‰་སོར་ས་6་‘་བ་དང་པོའི་ཚ•ས་བŸ་བ0ན་Xི་£བ་གསང་Zང་ལ། པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་0་šེབས་ནས་Kི་lིང་གི་6ང་ཤར་Xི་གནས་Yོ་འ6ེད་དགོས་པར གHངས་པའི་མŠག་p། རི་བོ་ཚང་
ཚbང་འ•ིགས་པ་ཞིག །རོང་གHམ་དོག་མོས་གཤམ་ནས་བoེན། Iོ་་6ང་£བ་Mི་Yོ་གHམ་ལ། །gག་ནགས་dང་•་ཆོ་ལེ་བ། །མི་¤ེང་œས་འདེབས་ངང་པ་ནི། །u་ལ་}ས་6ེད་@་sའི་
mལ། །མཚJ་མོ་མ¥ྜ་ལ་Iམ་མཐིལ་འ~། ། ནག་རིང་ཞིག་ལ་བoགས་པ་ན། །འ1ོ་དོན་„ོང་བའི་oེན་འgེལ་ཡོད། །Zག་ནག་ར་ རོག་ཙb+ྡ་k་། ར་•ག་ཤ་གHར་o་དམར་Xི། ཤ་ཚbལ་
Œར་dོས་དང་བཅས་པ། །ཉེ་བར་བvོགས་ནས་དེ་x་མཆོད། །གནོད་Œིན་དམར་པོས་འcིན་ལས་བ”བ། །ཅེས་པ་དང་། (Sle lung 1983a:394.5-395.3)
Previously, on the seventeenth day of the first Earth Bird month at dusk, having received a
prophecy [that indicated] I would need to open the sacred secret door, an outer stage in the
north-east upon arriving at Pad+mo bkod and that there will be a 'Dense thicket mountain, that
is supported from below; three narrow gorges. Around the three doors of the North, South and
West, outstandingly there are; cliffs, forests, meadows, and crags. You will find swans bathing
in the water making a cacophony, sounding like a solitary wailing man. There will be a
maṇḍala lake shaped like the sole of a boot which will be long and dark. When you examine it
you will meet auspicious signs that you will be able to carry out beneficial works for sentient
beings. Prepare a mixed ingredient [offering] (spos) of; black sheep and goats, the five citta,
goat's blood and meat as well as red horse’s fatty meat and offer it at the site. Then the red
yakṣa will accomplish the (dharmapālas) activities!" and thus…
“The place where, I Ge sar dwell, in the sacred hermitage of the north-east border, a
broad plain with a lake, which is supported by a narrow gorge. A rock mountain, Pad+ma
spungs Maradamaka stupa, ornamented with a sun and moon disc. Medicine water, the
warm river. A home which has the fruits of medicine, there will be a joyful sacred site,
which has, a treasure of wish fulfilling precious objects. At that site, hide a treasure vase
and offer your aspirations. Supplicate me and listen to my liberation story. Do a length
of practice on view without distractions. Also have a festival of the union pleasure
method. Everyone also should take part in the great bliss [method]. Focus should be
based as the foundation of the house. Auspicious situations will arise by its own force.”
Ge sar clearly gave a guided explanation of opening the holy place of Zla ba gling in the north
east.
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According to the prophecy of the third day of the third month, the emanation wheel of the
navel, the hidden land of the ḍākinī’s soul lake and soul cliff known as the great Golden
Tortoise, as well as the charismatic power site of the three hundred and sixty deities.
In the prophecy of the 5th of the month, since one needs to create an auspicious situation of
northeast Ge sar gling and Zla ba gling, one should perform feast offerings and fire offerings
to the ḍākinīs as well as feast offerings to the following dharma protectors; the eight great gZa’
chen brgyad (Rāhula), Klu chen brgyad (the Eight Great Nāgas), the Black Ma ning nag po
(Mahākāla), sTeng dpon nched lnga (the above Five Sibling Chiefs), the rDo rje legs pa the
protector Go ra nag po and to g.Yu yi sgron ma. As instructed I performed all the rituals
elaborately in one go.
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without exception are cleared. Recite the three syllables OM A HUM and The Quintessence of
Dependent Relationship mantra (Pratītyasamutpādahṛdaya). Through having offered
substantial mantra [recitation] (there is) the arising of earth, water, fire and wind [to] each and
every one of the elements’ miraculous powers, imagine that all the elements and their powers
are pacified. Visualising this is certainly also important” Since you find very clearly in the
introduction guide
རེ་ཞིག་གི་བར་e་ལ་སེང་གཏམ་ནས་ཡར་›ོག་`འི་ཆ་དེ་ཁ་བXིས་ཏེ་ཐོན། རི་བོ་གནམ་•གས་འབར་བ་ཞེས་པ་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་Mི་£བ་Yོ་¹ང་དམ་ཅན་„ེས་s་ཆེན་པོའི་ཕོ་gང་མཁའ་
འ1ོའི་འ0་གནས་fད་པར་ཅན་དེའི་འ1མ་0་hོ་Rེ་ལེགས་པར་གསོལ་ཁ་ཆེན་མོའི་བཤོས་s་མཁར་ཐབས་eས་པ་དང་བཅས་པ་དང་། ར་ནག་འcལ་0་བOལ་བའི་དམར་
མཆོད། བeགས་བ¬ན། བསངས་Mི་མཆོད་པ་སོགས་བ”བ་དགོས་mལ་ཐེམས་6ང་0་གསལ་@ར་ཆད་མེད་0་བ”བས། དེར་ཡོད་ཐོག་མཆེད་1ོགས་gན་དང་བཅས་པ་aམས་ལ་
པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་0་འ1ོ་དགོས་པའི་`་“ེན་འgས་s་དང་བཅས་པ་ཞིབ་ཆར་བཤད་དེ་གསང་བoོལ། ཚང་མ་‚ོ་བག་•ོ་Kིར་གནས་ནང་0་Áག་ཙམ་བ„ོད་པ་ལས་ཆེར་མི་ཐོགས་པའི་
ཆད་6ས། e་ལར་འ6ོར་ནས་དགོངས་པ་ཡང་ཟབ་Mི་±ཾ་”བ་དང་། ལོ·¸ི་ཡིའི་མནན་•ེག་སོགས་མཐའ་eས་H་6ས། (Sle lung 1983a:398.2 -398.5)
For the time being, we left planning to come back from rGya la seng gtam. The mountain
known as gNam lcags 'bar ba, the western gate of Pad+mo bkod, which is the palace of the
great oath bound protector (rDo rje legs pa), also a special site where ḍākinīs gather. Near the
point I made a great petition with elaborate offerings to rDo rje legs pa with a red offering
(dmar mchod) of an immediately liberated black goat, brgyags brngan offering to the
protectors, smoke offerings (bsangs mchod) and so on inclusively according to the instruction
guide.
I let the secret out by telling in detail to close friends, attendants on top of my companions
about the cause and reasons and what the fruition will be so they would relax and be accepting.
I mentioned as if we needed to just enter into the sacred site and which would not take a very
long time. Once we had reached rGya la we performed many rituals including fully finished
Hum sādhanā of dGongs pa yang zab, a sādhanā of Lo Tri Vajrapāṇi subduing practice and
burning practice.
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named as bTsan rgod and set together. At ‘O thang there suddenly appeared bDe chen Nyi
ma who possessed special qualities and was born in the Monkey Year. Therefore, she would
be able to lead the path for the fellow companions. At ‘Or shod we decided to name bTsan
rgod Kun bzang, who was descended from Sangs rgyas gling pa and set off.
‰ར་ཧཾ་Zང་0་ཡོད་པའི་མི་1ངས་Mི་[ེང་0་•ོགས་ཆེན་Vལ་པའི་jའི་ཞལ་šོབ་རས་པ་Wན་བཟང་བདེ་ཆེན་མཆེད་1ོགས་གHམ། Âབ་ཆེན་སངས་eས་Ãན་Âབ། aམ་
དག །རིགས་›ན་མ་པ+ྨ་རོལ་མཚJ་དཔོན་གཡོག །མ་ཆེན་hོ་Rེ་Ãན་པོ་སོགས་འ1ོ་བར་ཐག་བཅད། (Sle lung 1983a:399.3-399.4)
In addition to the number of people already in haM lung there were a number of people
including; rDzogs chen sprul sku’s student Ras pa kun bzang bde chen and his two relatives,
[there was also] Grub chen sangs rgyas lhun grub, Nam dak, Rigs ldan ma pad+ma rol mtsho
with her attendants and [finally] the cook rDo rje lhun po who had all resolved to go.
“O! Since I was sent alone to accompany you the Tantric Knowledge Holder to assist
opening the sacred sites by the Great Accomplished Master, Padmasambhava. Therefore,
I will not waver even a moment in carrying out your enlightened activities. I would offer
a gesture of gratitude when yourself and companions have returned to your place safely
again”. To the same medium the Land Protector Nyi ma mun sel manifested and told to
all the remaining companions “[to] follow as my [Sle lung’s] instructions,” also in depth
“not to break samaya.”
གནམ་•གས་འབར་བ་ནས་e་ལའི་བར་zང་ཐང་0་ཡོངས་(ཡོང་)་པ་དེ་ཁར་ªང་ཡིག་zང་པར་u་sར་ཤར་ཏེ་འ1ོ་མི་ཕོད་པར་–ར་པས་ཡིད་{ག་ནས་གནས་H་མི་ཕེར་བ་འ~་
;ས་སོང་བས། „ོན་མེད། šར་ཟངས་མདོག་དཔལ་རིར་ངོས་cད་6ས་ཆོག་པ་6ེད་དོ། །ཞེས་གHངས་སོང་བས། རང་ཡང་ཇི་འ~་ཡོང་¼མ་པ་Uང་ཡང་། šར་བསམས་ཚ•་ཇི་@ར་
གHངས་པ་@ར་དོན་ལ་གནས་པ་Uང་ངོ་། (Sle lung 1983a:400.2-400.4)
We came on foot from gNam lcags 'bar ba up to rGya la. At that point, one secretary informed
an oracle that he was scared of being not able to bear the blisters that had developed on his feet
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and felt he could not walk any further. The oracle said; “No need to worry, we will meet face
to face again when you reach The Glorious Copper-Coloured Mountain (Zangs mdog dpal ri).”
As a result, I also doubted how it was going to be, [however] when I reflect back it had
happened exactly as the oracle said.
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Us vajra brothers and sisters, our hearts sincerely entrust towards the deities of the three roots.
We will take the journey with joy, whatever happens such as illness, death, or happiness we do
not hold any hope or fear,
Being a bla ma or leader, having a narrow mind as well as relatives, friends and monasteries
are shackles, a rope that knots for this and future lives,
Which we yogis and yoginis do not possess, therefore whatever we face we are happy with it
If we are able to return we would be happy, if we die on the journey we are also happy
Staying behind there is nothing to attach to.
If I die there is nothing to hold on to.
If you want to challenge us, come along as we are.
At the very least I will pray to see your good face once again”
I sang and danced whatever came to mind. The three sounds of Hung, Bhyo, Phat mantras
whistling tune, flute, gong and damaru, made the atmosphere very vibrant…
ངེད་ནས་རས་པའི་ཆས་hོག་བདེ་བདེ་འ~་བར་šོབ་དཔོན་ཆེན་པོས་6ང་Kོགས་~ག་པོ་བཀོད་uང་0་ཟབ་གཏེར་0་]་བར་མཛད་པའི་hོའི་Kག་ ར་སོགས་ཉེར་མཁོའི་དམ་•ས་
ཡོ་6ད་Mིས་གཏམས་པའི་•ེས་པོ་†ིད་མི་uང་བ་ཞིག་དང་། zང་lིང་œར། u་ཤིང་གི་འཁར་བ་ལག་p་ཐོགས། (Sle lung 1983a:402.6-403.1)
I was in suitable and comfortable cotton clothes and a reasonably heavy pack filled with a
profound treasure stone phur ba, which was hidden in northern Drag po bkod chung by Guru
Rinpoche and indispensable requisites [such as] sacramental substances and carrying a wooden
staff and a thigh bone trumpet.
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Until we reached up on the narrow gorge, we danced a jig, sung, called loudly and [made the]
sound of So, sang spiritual songs, made supplication prayers, and made instrumental sounds
unceasingly, as a result our realisation was so clear and strong so we experienced the view
without distractions and therefore we didn't feel we were negotiating a steep incline.
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On the mountainside, the bottom corner of the village mKhris pa, there is a fearsome resting
cave, the residence of Guru Rinpoche, that was formed when ’Ja’ tshon snying po invoked and
called on rDo rje gro lod to reside there.
འདིའི་ཐད་Mི་ཉིན་Kོགས་ལ་gག་གཡང་ནག་པོ་Yོ་¹ང་lང་རི་འཇོག་པོ་ཞེས་པ་གནས་པ་ཞིག་ཡོད་པ་གནས་ཡིག་ནས་གHངས་པའི་•གས་Yོ་ཞེས་པ་དེ་ཡིན་པར་འ0ག །gག་རི་
དེའི་ད6ིབས་u་•ིན་•ོས་པ་འ~་བ་ཡོད། (Sle lung 1983a:404.6-405.1)
Opposite the sunlit side, there is a dark coloured cliff, known as the gate keeper gLang ri ’Jog
po, who resides there. It must be the iron gate mentioned in the guide book and the shape of
the cliff appears like an enraged Makara157
དེའི་ཐད་Mི་རིའི་Yང་དེར་Kག་འཚལ་Yང་ཞེས་པ་དེར་I་བསངས་དང་བoན་གསོལ་བཏང་། པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་Mི་I་‡་གཞི་བདག་མཁའ་འ1ོ་aམས་ལ་ཆེད་༼་ཆེ༽མཐོ་བOགས་པས་དེ་མ་
ཐག་ཆར་ཟིམ་ཞིག་lོ་sར་0་བབས། དེ་ཉིན་གཞན་མ་ཚ་1ང་¼ོམས་ཞིང་ལམ་བ1ོད་བདེ་བར་Uང་། (Sle lung 1983a:405.3-405.4)
Opposite the cave there is a mountain called Phyag ’tshal sgang, and in that place I made smoke
offerings and brtan gsol? I shouted aloud praising the ḍākinīs, local guardians, gods and nāgas
of Pad+mo bkod, [when] suddenly a misty rain immediately descended and on that day, the
temperature was mild and it was easy to pass.
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Kག་འཚལ་Yང་ནས་སེང་གཏམ་Xི་Kོགས་H་ཁ་6ང་ལ་བ@ས་ཏེ་Kིན་པ་ན་མཚJ་མ་མ་[ེང་[ེང་གི་ཐད་ནས་u་ཆར་ཆེན་པོ་འབབ་པ་འཇིགས་H་xང་བ་འ0ག དེ་ཚJའི་ཐད་0་Ÿང་
ཟད་ཐང་ཆད་ཉམས་དང་|གས་uང་བ་Uང་ཡང་€ང་བ་གར་བཞག་མི་oོག་པར་འ6མས་པ་Uང་། དེ་ནས་ཕར་ཙམ་Kིན་པ་ན་L་xའི་གཟིམས་ ག་འཇའ་འོད་ ག་པར་1གས་པ་
ཕ་བོང་0མ་s་གཅིག་པ་Gེར་†ོན་ཤིང་དང་། འོག་p་œང་sའི་aམ་པ་ཆེར་མེད་པ་ཞིག་ཡོད། དེར་བསམ་པ་Ãན་Âབ་མ་སོགས་གསོལ་འདེབས་¡ོན་ལམ་ལེགས་པར་བXིས། (Sle
lung 1983a:405.4-406.1)
When I turned looking north and went to Seng gtam from Phyag ’tshal sgang, [I saw] terrifying
great rain fall at Lake ma ma sTeng steng. At that those places, I had little strength and felt
worn out but my mind was calm and non-conceptual. When I went a little way away there was
a cave widely known as ’Ja’ ’od phug pa (the rainbow light cave) the resting cave of Guru
Rinpoche, there was a piece of boulder, the top covered by trees and there was not much of a
hollow. In that place, I thoroughly performed the prayer which spontaneously fulfils all
aspirations.
In the secret prophecy, it mentioned a sacred site of mDung dmar can, which is a mountain
called Khri srong lde btsan that joins to rTse rdum side of the mountain. We raised a red flag
banner and requested to perform glorious activities and reminding the oracles about their oaths.
That night, we stayed in the top most part of a temple.
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aམ་1ོལ་lིང་ནས་ཐོན་ནས་མ་འཁོར་Xི་བར་0་ནང་རེ་བཞིན་འ0ས་པ་ཐམས་ཅད་Mིས་„བས་སེམས་‰ོན་0་འ1ོ་བའི་Yོ་ནས་འོད་›ན་དཀར་པོར་གསོལ་མཆོད་དང་། བཙན་
གསོལ་ཉེར་གཅིག་རེ། £བ་མོ་ཚbག་བ0ན་གསོལ་འདེབས་‰ོན་0་འ1ོ་བས་བསམ་པ་Ãན་Âབ་མ། རིགས་›ན་གསོལ་འདེབས། གསེར་„ེམས། ~ང་•ོང་ཞི་•ོའི་གཏོར་མ། (Sle
lung 1983a:407.2-407.3)
Since leaving rNam grol gling and until we returned all the people who had gathered, every
morning, we were doing refuge and bodhicitta prayers followed by practicing the invocation
of ’Od ldan dkar po. Also supplicating the btsan twenty one times and in the evenings we did
the [following] preliminaries; The Seven Line prayer (tshig bdun gsol ’debs) [of Guru
Rinpoche], followed by The Prayer Which Spontaneously Fulfils all Aspirations (bsam pa lhun
grub ma) and prayers to the Rigs ldan ma. Also, golden libations as well as gtor ma to the
peaceful and wrathful riṣhis.
ཙ¥ྜི་ཀ །ག^་Oོན་མ། ཞིང་„ོང་j་མཆེད། hོར་ལེགས། གིང་གHམ། གེ་སར་དཔོན་‚ོན། གནོད་Œིན་ཆེན་པོ། འོད་›ན་དཀར་པོ། ¬མས་པ་O་Oོག །ཚJང་དཔོན་eལ་པོ་I་དབང་
ཞེས་པ་hོར་ལེགས་པའི་Vལ་གyགས་ཞིག་དང་། གནོད་Œིན་ཆེན་པོ་~ེད་ཞོན་མ་\ོ་^ལ་0་ཨ་པོར་1གས་པ་aམས་Mི་གསོལ་མཆོད་དང་། ཆད་མཐོ་བOགས་པ་aམས་
དང་། (Sle lung 1983a:407.3-407.5)
We performed petition offerings to the following dharma protectors; tsaN+Di ka, g.Yu sgron
ma, the Protector Family (Zhing skyong sku mched), rDor legs, the three Ging, King Ge sar
and Ministers (Ge sar dpon blon), the Great Yakṣa, ’Od ldan dkar po, Ngams pa sgra sgrog,
the merchant king named Lha dbang, an emanation form of rDo rje Legs pa and the great
Yakṣha who rides a Dremong also in Klo yul known as A Po.
ཉིན་མོ་—བས་གང་ཡིན་0་I་བསངས་eས་པ་གཡང་འLགས་དང་བཅས་ཆག་མེད་Mི་ཐོག་འདི་ནས་བyང་ནང་པར་དགོངས་པ་ཡང་ཟབ་Mོ་±ཾ་”བ་བ‘ས་པ་དང་བཅས་པ་
དང་། £བ་མོ་ཚb་Çལ་མ་བe་G། Öིག་•ོ་‰ར་རས་uང་པསམ་མ་ཉེར་གཅིག །~ང་•ོང་གི་དམོད་པ་ཚར་གHམ། ཛ་བྷིར་Xི་½ང་ཉེར་གཅིག་ནས་གHམ་Xིས་Øང་མཐའ་6ས་པ་
aམས་ཆག་མེད་0་བXིས། ནང་པར་དེ་ཁའི་ ་u་བOལ་ཏེ་†ོན་ཤིང་གི་གསེབ་p་;གས་ནས་Kིན་པས་ཉིན་‰ོན་མ་ལས་Mང་རིག་པ་|གས་ཆེ་ཞིང་། ཚང་མ་Iག་པར་nོ་བས་
བ„ོད། (Sle lung 1983a:407.5-408.2)
All the time during the day we were doing extensive smoke offerings and the Richness
Summons (practice) (g.yang ‘gugs) without fail. On top of that, from this point in the morning
we were reciting the extremely profound hung accomplishment [sadhana]. Also every evening
practicing tshi rtul ma one hundred times, trig khrom ma twenty-one times, and drang srong
gi dmod pa invocations three times. We performed the winds of dza b+hir [practice] twenty
one times daily and some occasions at least three times. In the morning, having crossed over
the river near the mountain and entered amidst the forest we even found our minds clear and
stronger compared with earlier days. Everyone took the journey with joy.
—བས་ཤིག་ལམ་འcང་ཤིན་p་གཟར་བ་ཞིག་ན་j་oེན་པར་གནོད་Œིན་ཆེན་པོ་དང་འོད་›ན་དཀར་པོ་ཕེབས་ནས་དXེས་ཉམས་Mིས་འཕར་འ•བ་མཛད། དེའི་“ེན་Xིས་རང་ཡང་
Å་བ་དང་—ད་ཆེན་པོ་འདོད་འདིད་པ་Uང་། (Sle lung 1983a:408.2-408.3)
On one occasion, on an extremely treacherous and precipitous path, there was the form of a
terrible yakṣa and ’Od ldan dkar po bounding with joyful expressions. Due to that, I even
wanted to weep [in joy] loudly.
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vེ་བeད་Yང་འོག་མ་ཞེས་པའི་ནགས་•ོད་Mི་vིངས་uང་ཞིག་འ0ག་པ་དེར་གསེར་„ེམས་ ལ། དེའི་ཐད་Mི་@ག་དེར་vེ་བeད་Yང་གོངས་མ་ཞེས་པ་གནས་ཡིག་¾ིང་པ་aམས་
ནས་གHངས་པའི་ས་གནད་ཆེ་ས་ཞིག་འ0ག་པ། དེར་གཏེར་དང་ས་གནད་གསོ་བའི་oེན་]ས། ¡ོན་ལམ་བཏབ། (Sle lung 1983a:408.4-408.5)
We offered golden libations where there is a small cavity in the forest called sDe brgyad sgang
’Od. With regards to that, what is known as Der sde brgyad sgang gongs ma. There is an
important place mentioned from the old guide books, and in that place, and I concealed spiritual
objects to nourish the land made aspiration prayers
བསངས་མཆོད་Mི་0ས་hོ་Rེ་རིན་ཆེན་Xིས་གཏམ་ཚལ་Xི་ཐད་Mི་རི་wོད་ཚང་གི་Kོགས་H་བ[ན་པའི་ངོགས་དེར་ཚ•་དཔག་མེད་Mི་j་ཤིན་p་ཆེ་བ་j་6ིང་༼་6ིངས༽་པོའི་ཐད་0་
ནགས་uང་ཞིང་། པད་གདན་དང་འོད་—ོར་ལ་ནགས་ཆེ་བ་ཐོག་ཚད་k་བŸས་Mང་མི་ཚད་པ་ཤིན་p་གསལ་བ་དང་། དེའི་eབ་ནས་Kེད་གyགས་Mི་aམ་པར་འཐོན་པའི་Oོལ་
དཀར་རང་6ོན་དང་། j་oེན་པས་wོད་ཚང་གི་ཐད་དེར་རི་ནོར་s་¨ངས་པ་འ~་བ་དེའི་ངོགས་H་ ཨོ་eན་ཆེན་པོ་བཞེངས་[བས་j་མདོག་སེར་པོ་ཞལ་གཡོན་0་གཟིགས་
པ། Kག་ན་ཚ•་sམ་དཀར་པོ་བ€མས་པ་ལས་u་`ན་འཛགས་པ། hོ་Rེ་‘་བས་ཚ•་དཔག་མེད་རང་6ོན་Xི་ཐད་ནས་མར་Kིན་པའི་gག་ནག་པོ་ཞིག་གི་ངོགས་ལ་གནས་བoན་Xི་aམ་
པ་j་མདོག་དཀར་པོ་བཞེངས་[བས་ཚ•་དཔག་མེད་Kོགས་ལ་ཐལ་མོ་Œོར་བ་ཞིག་དང་། དེ་ལས་j་བོངས་ཆེ་བའི་I་›ེམ་གཉིས་ཞལ་nོད་Mི་mལ་0་བ;གས་པ་མཐོང་བ་aམས་
བ[ན་Uང་བས་ཞིན་p་གསལ་བར་འ0ག (Sle lung 1983a:409.3-410.1)
At the time of performing smoke offerings, rDo rje rin chen, showed a door in the direction of
the rGod tshang mountain and in front of gTam tshal. In that place to the side, there was an
very big statue of Amitāyus and a small tree directly in front of it. It was adorned with a lotus
nimbus of light and there was a bigger tree more than fifty? Behind, White Tārā spontaneously
appeared [in a kind of half form]. The sculptor made, directly in front of rGod tshang [where
there] was a mountain like a heaped jewel, built a yellow statue of the Great Master of O rgyan
which was facing to the left. In the hand of the statue was holding a white longevity vase, out
of which water was dripping. rDo rje Zla ba, in front of the naturally appearing Amitāyus and
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on the surface of a black rock, carved a white statue in the style of a mendicant with a white
body, hands folded in devotion in the direction of Amitāyus from that the statue was large and
there were the two statues [made from] clay, facing one another, having seen that it was
extremely clear and everyone could see.
བདག་གིས་wོད་ཚང་གི་གཡས་Kོགས་Mི་gག་ངོགས་དཀར་པོར་ཛJ་ཀའི་aམ་པ་œར་པོ་ཅན་གཡོན་Kོགས་H་ཁ་བ@ས་པ་ཤིན་p་གསལ་བཞིག་མཐོང་[ེ་གང་ཡིན་ཁ་ཚJན་མ་ཆོད།
(Sle lung 1983a:410.2-410.3)
I vividly saw on the right side an extremely clear figure of a ZoKi with a load facing to the left
at Brag ngogs dkar po which is on the right side of the rGo tshang [although] I could not be
sure what it was.
དེའི་£བ་གསང་Zང་0། གནས་དེ་‰ར་šོབ་དཔོན་ཆེན་པོ་པ+ྨས་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་Mི་I་¹ང་aམས་དམ་ལ་བཏགས་པའི་གནས་fད་པར་ཅན་ཡིན་པས་Kིས་འUང་aམས་Mིས་པ+ྨོ་
བཀོད་0་འ1ོ་བ་ལ་འདིར་བ0ད་བཙན་‡་གHམ་Xི་གསོལ་ཁ་དགོས་པ་གལ་ཆེ་mལ་Xི་Zང་ཡང་Uང་ངོ་། (Sle lung 1983a:410.3-410.4)
That evening in gSang Lung in the past, since it was such an extraordinary place, Guru
Rinpoche bound under oath the guardian deities of Pad+mo bkod. [Thus], for later generations
of pilgrims in order to go to Pad+mo bkod, according to the prophecy, it is important to petition
nāga, btsan and māra here.
100
We climbed the side of a steep mountain known as sKu ’bum, then descended from above and
that night I made offerings to tsaN+Di ka
གསང་Zང་ནས་བདག་དང་‰ོན་ནས་འgེལ་བའི་ལས་ཅན་\ོ་པའི་རིགས་Mི་„ེས་s་གཉིས་དང་འcད་པར་འ–ར་བའི་Zང་Uང་བའི་ཡ་Xལ་གཅིག་ཡིན་པར་འ0ག (Sle
lung 1983a:411.5-411.6)
According to the secret prophecy, I was told that I would meet two people from Klo, with
whom I have karmic connections from previous lives it seems that the (rGya la chieftain) is
one of the people.
101
apart from the solitary border people we [also] found there was no custom whatsoever of any
kind of Tibetans going on pilgrimage [to this place].
\ོ་པ་ཁེར་“ང་ལས་བོད་པའི་གནས་མཇལ་བའི་རིགས་Mང་གཏན་ནས་འ1ོ་•ོལ་མི་འ0ག །\ོ་པ་ཚJ་རང་གི་•ོལ་ལ་ཨ་ཕོའི་oེན་གང་ཡོད་Mི་སར་མི་1ངས་དང་མmངས་པའི་ཤིང་
མཇེ་རེ་འsལ། ཆེ་བ་6་ཕག་ནས་uང་བ་Yོ་ངའི་བར་Xི་དམར་མཆོད་Mང་མི་1ངས་དང་མmངས་པ་གཏོང་•ོལ་འ0ག་ནའང་། (Sle lung 1983a:412.5-
412.6)
I found that Klo tribal people, according to their own custom, wherever the head of family
lives, there they make an offering of a wooden erect penis according to the number of
inhabitants or the second custom was to kill and offer, according to the number of inhabitants,
hens, pigs and if [neither of these] eggs.
‰ར་Zང་0་དེ་ཉིན་ཙ¥ྜི་ཀ་ཕོ་མོ་ཐམས་ཅད་ལ་0ས་གཅིག་p་ཕེབས་པར་གHངས་པ་བཞིན་གནས་རི་མེ་•ེ་འབར་བ་མཐོང་མཚམས་H་དང་པོར་བཙན་wོད་ལ་ཙ¥ྜི་ཀ་~ག་པོའི་
aམ་པར་ཕེབས་ཤིང་། དེ་ནས་དགའ་ཆགས་Mི་གཉེར་པ་དཔལ་འ6ོར། hོ་Rེ་གོ་ཆ། j་oེན་པ་གཉིས། oེན་•ས་Mི་sད་མེད་གཉིས། པ+ྨ་རོལ་མཚJ། aམ་དག །hོ་Rེ་རིན་ཆེན། Wན་
བཟང་བདེ་ཆེན། hོ་Rེ་I་•ས་སོགས་ཐམས་ཅད་ལ་ཞི་~ག་གི་aམ་འ–ར་€་ཚJགས་པའི་Yོ་ནས་ཕེབས་པའི་གཅིག་བyང་ནས་བ„ོད་0ས་གཅིག་ཤོར་བས་ (Sle lung
1983a:413.2-413.5)
Just as was mentioned in a prophecy of the past, on that day all the male and female tsaN+Di
ka would come, as soon as we saw the mountain Me lce ’bar ba first of all we saw tsaN+Di ka
appear in a wrathful form possessing bTsan dgod, and then the keeper of dGa’ chags named
dpal ’byor and rDo rje go cha, the two mediums, two woman with ritual objects, Pad+ma tol
mtsho, Nam dag, rDo rje rin chen, Kun bsang bde chen, rDo rje lha rdzas etc were all possessed
in all kinds of peaceful and wrathful forms, I caught one them (perhaps with mantras or
something) [although] one escaped.
102
།Iག་པར་hོ་Rེ་¡ན་མཆོག་‰ར་ནས་ཙ¥ྜི་ཀ་ཁོ་ལ་Iག་པར་ཆགས་པའི་༼པས༽་oེན་0་འ-གས་དགོས་mལ་དང་། པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་0་འ1ོ་བའི་oེན་འgེལ་ལ། གཡའ་བཟང་། „ིད་1ོང་
མཆོད་ཁང་། ཏེ•་ར། ¡ན་Zང་། བསམ་lིང་aམས་ནས་ཙ¥ྜི་ཀ་ཆེད་0་གདན་འ~ེན་དགོས་mལ་Uང་བ་བཞིན་གདན་~ངས་0ས་oེན་0་ ལ། (Sle lung
1983a:413.6-414.2)
Since tsaN+Di ka appeared to be particularly attached to rDo rje sman mchog for a long while,
he ought to be appointed as the medium and for the sake of auspiciousness for our onward
journey to Pad+mo bkod, as according to the suggestion that tsaN+Di ka should be invoked
and invited by propitiating her at g.Ya’ bzang, sKyid grong mChod khang, Te’u ra, sMan lung
and bSam gling. When we carried it out, tsaN+Di ka appeared and was formally appointed to
the medium rDo rje sman mchog.
དེའི་“ེན་Xིས་འོལ་དགའ་ནས་འཐོན་`འི་‘་བ་གHམ་བཞི་ཙམ་ནས་ཁོ་པ་1ང་བར་བoེན་པའི་I་ནད་~ག་པོས་བཏབ་ཅིང་ཐབས་ཅི་6ས་Mང་མ་ཕན་པར་མལ་0་Zས་པར་དེ་
0ས་Kི་eར་གཙང་0་འ1ོ་`འི་ཁོངས་H་ཡོད་པས་ཐམས་ཅད་Mིས་མི་ཕེར་༼འཕེར༽་གཞིར་བཞག་p་6ད་༼6ས༽་འ0ག་ནའང་། འོལ་དགའ་ནས་ཐོན་པ་ནས་བyང་ ཁ་འཛ•མ་དགོས་
དང་། ¡ན་གཏོང་དགོས་སོགས་ཅི་ཡང་མ་དགོས་པར་གཞི་མེད་0་~ག (Sle lung 1983a:414.2-414.4)
Due to that (being possessed), about three or four months before leaving ’Ol dga, he [rDo rje
sman mchog] suffered from a severe form of divine illness rooted in a phlegm disorder.
Whatever remedies we tried there was no benefit and he was bed ridden. And at that time since
he was very ill he was listed amongst those who were to return to gTsang and everyone had
assumed he would not be in the condition to make it. However since he left ’Ol dga’, [rDo rje
sman mchog] without the need to be mindful of what he ate, or the need for any kind of medical
treatment, he recovered perfectly and there was no trace of illness.
།ཕན་mན་ཐམས་ཅད་ཤིང་ནགས་Mིས་ཁེངས་ཤིང་། ནམ་མཁའ་མིག་གིས་མི་མཐོང་བའི་གཤོངས་ཐིག་p་ཕ་བོང་Â་བཞི་•ིའི་aམ་པ་གཅིག་“ང་[ེང་u་~ེགས་གང་ཙམ་པའི་dང་
གིས་6ིལ་པོར་fག་པ་ཞིག་འ0ག་པ་ (Sle lung 1983a:414.4-414.5)
On either side it was full of forest and in valley from where you cannot see the sky, there was
a square boulder in the form of a throne, and on it there was algae and to some degree and it
had solidified (ice) on the surface.
དེའི་ས་Kོགས་H་གནོད་Œིན་གང་བ་བཟང་པོར་aམ་•ས་o་བeད་Mིས་བ—ོར་བ་འཇའ་nིན་ངང་„འི་•ོད་0་༼འ•ིས་H༽འ•ིས་H་ཤིན་p་གསལ་བ་མཐོང་ཞིང་། jའི་བཀོད་པ་ཕན་
mན་Xི་ཤིང་ནགས་Mིས་མི་Oིབ་པ་€ང་བ་གཉིས་ཀ་གོ་མ་འ~ེས་པར་འཆར་བ་མཐོང་བས་ས་^ལ་དེ་aམ་•ས་Mི་གནས་^ལ་0་ངོ་འcོད། (Sle lung
1983a:414.5-415.1)
In that area, there was Yakṣa called gNod sbyin which was being encircled by Vaiśhravaṇa
with his eight horses, and all around the sky there were rainbows and whiteish grey clouds
which I clearly saw and since I saw both physical manifestations of the Yakṣa and Vaiśhravaṇa,
which were not obscured by the forest on either side, I confirmed this was the holy place of
Vaiśhravaṇa
དེར་ཡིད་€ང་ཕ་བོང་~ེག་པ་ཅན་དེའི་[ེང་0་མཆོང་འདོད་པ་ལ་འཛbན་པ་མ་;གས་པ་ཞིག་Uང་བའི་ངང་། དེ་ཁའི་[ེང་0་šེབས་ནས་Iམ་རས་ཟོམ་ཞིག་Xོན་ཡོད་པས་u་~ེག་དེ་
ལོགས་གཅིག་ནས་ ད་པར་1ོགས་aམས་Mིས་ཧབ་ཐོབ་@་sའི་མ་Zས་པར་བ|ས་སོང་བའི་ངང་ངེད་Mིས་gོ་འ•བས་པས་Ú་Ûིའི་[ེང་0་འ•བས་པ་བཞིན་ནེམ་ནེམ་6ེད་པའི་
€ང་བ་Uང་། འgི་ཆོས་Mིས་Mང་དེ་ཁོ་ན་བཞིན་མཐོང་འ0ག །དེར་པ+ྨ་བདེ་ཆེན་Xི་༼་Xིས༽་j་ཞབས་Mིས་ཞབས་Rེས་འཇོག་པ་€ང་སོང་། ཐམས་ཅད་Mིས་བ@་བར་ཤོག་ཅིག་ཟེར་
103
ནས་—ད་ཆེན་པོས་འབོད་ཅིང་མཆི་མ་འ6ིན། ལེགས་Âབ་དང་ཆོས་མཛད་གཉིས་ཀ་དེའི་“ེན་Xིས་Å་ཞིང་བeལ་བའི་aམ་འ–ར་6ེད། ངེད་རང་ནི་zང་Rེས་འཇོག་འདོད་Mང་
མེད་ལ། བཞག་པ་ཡིན་ངེས་Mི་€ང་བ་ཡང་མ་Uང་། བཞག་སོང་ཟེར་བ་ཡང་དེ་ཁ་ཐོས་པ་ལས་དགའ་ˆག་གི་€ང་བ་གང་ཡང་མེད་པར་ཧང་སང་ངེ་བ་ཞིག་Uང་། ‘་བོ་aམས་Mི་
ཞབས་Rེས་ªག་བ0ན་ཞིག་འ0ག་ཟེར། (Sle lung 1983a:415.1-415.6)
In that way on top of the mossy boulder I wanted to jump on top of it, but without having any
grasping thoughts I remained in that state. Having landed on top of the boulder and because I
was wearing a zom ba. From one side of that mossy boulder, I took off my boots, all my friends
were kind of scrambling to remove it from me and since I was dancing I had the feeling of
bouncing up and down as if dancing on thick grass. ’Dri chos had also seen exactly like that.
In that place, Pad+ma bde chen saw she had left footprints and shouting loudly “everyone come
to look at the footprints!” and she cried. Legs grub and Chos mdzad were both crying and
almost fainted. I myself not wishing to leave a footprints and also did not have the recognition
at the time. Although I heard [someone] saying I had left a footprint, I did not have any positive
or negative thoughts arising in my mind however, I was quite shocked. The travel companions
said they were six or seven footprints.
104
ཚ•་རིང་ནོར་sར་hོ་ཆེན་པོ་ཞིག་འཕོག་པས་མནར་Mང་ཞག་སའི་བར་0་ཉེས་„ོན་མེད་པར་འfོལ་ཞིང་‘་1ོགས་ཕལ་ཆེར་Xིས་ལམ་འcང་བ1ོད་བཀའ་བ་དང་། ས་ཐག་རིང་བ་
བཅས་e་ལར་šོག་ན་འགབ་mལ་ཟེར་Mང་Mང་‰ར་ནས་གསང་Zང་0་བབས་པ་དང་། འོད་›ན་དཀར་པོ་དང་ཞིང་„ོང་མ་སོགས་ནས་Mང་ཞལ་Xིས་བཞེས་པ་བཅས་གནས་H་མི་
ཕེར་བ་མི་ཡོང་འ1ོ་¼མ་[ེ་ཐག་བཅད། (Sle lung 1983a:423.5-424.1)
The path now is very steep and difficult. My attendant Tshe ring nor bu was hit by a falling
stone but at least we reached our night’s resting place. The others complained that the way is
too dangerous and our destination too far away; that it would be better to return to rGya la. But
due to the prophecies I received, the deities ’Od ldan dkar po and Zhing skyong ma promised
to assist, I resolved that if we are unable to reach our destination, it would be better not to
return.
105
དེ་£བ་sང་wལ་ནས་\ོ་པ་བསོད་ནམས་ ན་ཚJགས་ཅན་འ6ོར་ནས། ‚་མ་fེད་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་ལ་ཕེབས་`་ཡིན་ན་ཅི་ལབ། vེ་པ་ཀ་གནམ་པ་འདིས་ན་ནིང་vེ་པ་ཚ•་རིང་དངོས་Âབ་
གནས་H་šེབས་པ་ལ་བ¾ས་ནས་ངེད་ཚ་ཞང་aམས་ལ་བཀའ་„ོན་ཕབ། དངོས་པོ་ ལ་ནས་བཤགས་པ་6ེད་དགོས་པ་Uང༌། ད་རེས་Mང་fེད་6ོན་ན་མི་དགའ་`་ཨེ་ཡིན། ‚་མ་
རང་མི་གཏོང༌། vེ་པར་བཀའ་བMོན་ན་ཐམས་ཅད་སེམས་ˆག་པ་ཞིག་དང༌། (Sle lung 1983a:445.1-445.3)
That night, a klo pa called bSod nams Phun tshogs having arrived said’ “Guru, why you are
going to Pad+mo bkod? Last year, the chieftain Tshe ring dngos grub having entered the sacred
site, was scolded by the chieftain Ka gnam pa and we had to offer materials and confess our
faults. Don’t you think it’s better that you don’t go? I am not going to let you go I am not letting
you go, if the leader told us off, then everyone will be sorrowful.”
ངེད་aམས་ལའང་དམག་Uང་ནས་ས་མི་བཅག་པ་ཞིག་6ས་འོང༌། ‚་མ་fེད་སེམས་ཞིབ་མོ་ཐོངས། ཡར་ལོག་ན་མི་དགའ་བ་ཨེ་ཡིན། ཞེས་ཐབས་€་ཚJགས་Mི་Yོ་ནས་བཀག་ཆ་6ེད་
ཅིང་འ0ག །དེ་0ས་ཀ་གནམ་པས་dོ་བེར་དམག་1བས་མགོ་མའི་—བས་H་ཡོད་འ0ག (Sle lung 1983a:445.3-445.4)
If he sends an army to us we will be reduced to dust. Lama you should consider carefully, isn't
it better you return back?” Saying such things he tried many different methods to stop me
going. At that time Ka nampa was at the starting point of getting ready to have a war with
people of sPo bo.
106
[Mantras such as] proclaiming the four activities of Guru treasury of good qualities and
smoothly proclaiming the convent of agreement, the secret abode, going gradually and we
travlled to Rig ’dzin Chos rje gling pa’s revealed treasures secret places. Even though we
gradually calmed the storm [by doing the above] the mountains were shrouded in mist and we
could not clearly see what was there.
Kིས་ཡར་›ོག་0ས་བ@ས་པ་ན་གནས་ཡིག་ནས་གHངས་པའི་མ1ིན་པ་ལོངས་Tོད་Mི་འཁོར་ལོའི་@ེ་བ་]ས་གནས་Mི་བདག་པོའི་ཕོ་gང་ཆགས་པའི་ས་^ལ་0་འོས་པ་དེ་དང༌།
ཤེལ་དཀར་Zང་པ། པ+ྨ་•ོང་ཆེན་ཞེས་པ་Âབ་ཐོབ་བeད་Ÿ་G་བཞིའི་ཕོ་gང་བཅས་ཤེལ་དཀར་ལ་འདི་དང་ཕན་mན་0་འ0ག་ཅིང༌། (Sle lung 1983a:454.3-
454.5)
When we turned back up, as was said in the travel guide it was described as the centre throat
chakra of enjoyment, which is fit to be a place attached to the palace of the master of secret
places which is called the white crystal valley, Pad+ma rdzong chen. This white crystal valley
is the palace of the eighty four mahāsiddhas.
མ་¡ོས་པའི་ལོ་ཏོག་ཡོད་པར་གHངས་འ0ག་པ་ཡིན་ནམ་¼མ་[ེ། ཇི་@ར་Mང་eང་ནས་བ@ས་ན་ཞིང་འ~་བ་ལ།འ•ིས་H་Kིན་0ས་འཇག་མས་གང་བའི་བར་མཚམས་aམས་†ོན་
ཤིང་གི་vོང་པོ་•ང་མ་བµགས་པ་@་sས་གང་བ་དང༌།ཕ་བོང་དོ་ཆད་ནང་ནས་u་—ོར་Xི་hོ་འཁོར་བ་འ~་བའི་O་ཡོད་པ་གཅིག་བཅས་འ0ག (Sle lung
1983a:454.5-454.6)
When it was mentioned in the guide about these spontaneously arising uncultivated crops, if
one looks from a distance they look like fields but when you go up close the space it is actually
full of wild grass and it also full of willow trees which looks as if they have been planted there
was a stone making the sound similar to that of a turning water wheel.
107
full of many different types of insects, some have poison and some do not, such as an insect
that has many limbs and five teeth like an iron snake.
པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་Mི་\ོ་པ་aམས་ཏ་ལར་1གས་པའི་ཤིང་ད6ིབས་Üམ་པ་འ~་བ་|ན་པ་Kི་ནང་རིམ་པ་མང་པོ་ཤོག་~ིལ་0་6ས་པའི་ནང་¼ིང་I་བ་@་s་དཀར་པོ་ཟ་xང་བ་དང༌། མེ་
ཏོག་ཁ་མ་6ེ་བའི་0ས་¼ིང་གི་ད6ིབས་ཅན་0་ཡོད་པ། ནང་གི་གེ་སར་ཟོས་ན་རོ་[ར་ཁ་འ~་བ། འདི་0ས་འgས་s་མ་¡ིན་པ་འ0ག་Mང་[ར་ཁ་ཙམ་0་མ་ ང་པོར་འ~ིལ་བ་མི་
མགོ་ཙམ་པའི་ཚJད་0་ཆགས་པ་འདབ་མ་ག;་འདོམ་Kད་དོ་ཙམ་„ེས་པའི་གང་ཡོད་Gེ་མོར་eས་པ་དང༌། བ་x་རའི་vོང་པོ། ཀ¥ྜ་ཀ་རི་འgས་s་ཁ་དོག་དམར་སེར་རོ་བŸད་དང་
›ན་པ་དང༌། དབོ་སེའི་འgས་s་པི་པི་ལིང་འ~་བ། (Sle lung 1983a:457.5-458.2)
There is a Pad+mo bkod klo pa tree called ta la which looks like the shape of a ldum pa and
has many layers of skin, outer and inner like a roll of paper. Inside the centre marrow is like a
white substance that you can eat. Also there was a flower which, when not opened, is shaped
like a heart and when you eat the stamens they taste like walnuts. At this time, although they
had not yet matured they were like a walnut with many of them sticking together and as big as
a humans head. The leaves were two and half bow lengths and all the tops were spread. Ba ru
ra trees (beleric myrobalan). There were kaṇḍakari trees which grows fruit an orange colour
and which had a delicious taste. Also, there was a tree wo dbo se its fruits were like Pi pi ling
(piper longum).
108
\ོ་པ་དཔའ་བོས་ཚ•་¹ངས་དང༌། Wན་དགའ་ཞེས་པའི་མི་གཉིས་བH་བར་མངགས།་ hོ་ལེབ་Mི་dོས་ཕོར་བXིས་ཏེ་dོས་ཤིང་གི་0ད་པ་དང་བཅས་ཏེ་བH་བར་Uང༌། དེ་ནས་མི་རིང་
བར་དཔའ་བོ་རང་ཇ་ཆང་དང་བཅས་Uང༌། བH་བ་བXིས་ཏེ་Kག་དང་Lས་འ0ད་བXིས། (Sle lung 1983a:459.6-460.1)
dPa’ bo sent Tse srung and Kun dga’ to receive us, they were using stone tile as a censer and
smoke from burning fragrant trees and came to receive us. dPa’ bo himself brought tea and
chang and greeted us with veneration…
།ཚ•ས་ªག་བ0ན་གཉིས་ལ་‰གས་wོད་ལོ·¸ི་པ་ལའི་Yོ་ནས་མནན་•ེག་འཕང་བ་eས་པར་བXིས། མཁའ་འ1ོའི་མེ་མཆོད། བeགས་བ¬ན་དང་ཆ་¼ོམས་‰ོན་0་འ1ོ་བའི་Yོ་ནས་
བཀའ་ནན་རབ་བRིད་Mི་ཆད་མཐོ་བOགས་པ་aམས་བXིས་0ས། (Sle lung 1983a:460.3-460.4)
On the 6th and 7th we performed a fire, suppression and will cast through practicing sNgags
rgod lok+t+ri also the same number of ḍākinī’s fire offering and brGyags brngan, followed
by performing a consecration and words of reminding the oath bound oracles.
•ོད་Mི་0ས་ལ་པ+ྨས་6ིན་Xིས་བ¢བས་པའི་རིག་པ་འཛbན་པའི་བཞད་པའི་hོ་Rེ་བདག་གནས་མཆོག་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་Mི་@ེ་བར་འXངས་མེད་0་འ6ོར་`་ཡིན་པས་fེད་~ེགས་པ་vེ་
བeད་ཐམས་ཅད་ད་Kིན་ཆད་ནས་བག་ཡོད་པར་6ོས་ཤིག །གལ་ཏེ་དེ་@ར་མི་6ེད་ན་~ག་པོར་•ོས་པས་Íལ་0་¢ོག་པར་གདོན་མི་ཟའོ། །ཞེས་—ད་Mི་ང་རོ་ཆེན་པོས་བOག་p་
བŸག །དེ་£བ་ནས་ངོ་སོ་ཐོན་པར་བག་ཕེབས་ལ་བདེ་བར་གཉིད་ལོག་པ་སོགས་འཇམ་དིང་གིས་སོང༌། (Sle lung 1983a:461.5-462.1)
At dusk I, the Tantric Knowledge holder bZhad pa’i rdo rje, who was blessed by Guru
Rinpoche, without much time will be arriving at the centre of the supreme sacred site of
Pad+mo bkod, therefore all of you eight classes of arrogant gods and demons from now on
behave yourselves. If you do not listen to me, there is no doubt that through the anger of a
wrathful deity it will crush you all to dust. I made the people proclaim this and therefore from
that night it was clearly efficacious, so the nights became smooth and I had a comfortable
peaceful sleep etc.
ཚ•ས་བeད་ལ་དཔའ་བོའི་fིམ་0་ངེད་ཅག་འཁོར་བཅས་ཐམས་ཅད་མ1ོན་0་བོས། པགས་པའི་[ན་ཁོ་ན་བཏིང་བར་འ0ག་p་བŸག་ནས། ཇ་དང༌། •ེ་ཆང༌། •ེ་Qག །མཛJ་ཞོ། •ེ་
ཙམ་Xི་ཚJགས་ཟན། •ེ་ཚJད་Mི་ཆན། tང་Gི། ཕག་ཤ །„ེམ། ཤ་སོགས་^ལ་བབས་དང་བâན་པའི་བཟའ་བཅའི་6ེ་gག་€་ཚJགས་པའི་ཚJགས་འཁོར་བ[བས། འདི་œལ་Xི་\ོ་aམས་
—ད་༼ཁམས་dོ་བོའི་—ད༽་དང་འ~ེས་པ་གཤའ་དཀར་Xི་a་ཆ་བཏགས་པ་ཕལ་ཆེར་མགོ་¤ིལ་Zས་དང་ཆ་6ད་གཉིས་ཀ་ངན་པ་ཤ་[ག་p་འ0ག །དཔའ་བོ་རང་ཤ་eགས་པ་གཞན་
ལས་བོངས་ཆེ་ཞིང་རང་བཞིན་~ང་བ་Ðད་མགོ་ཅན་མ་ཎི་རང་འ~ེན་པ། དཀོན་མཆོག་ལ་དད་པ་ཆེ་བ། ད«ས་དང་མི་འ~་བ་ཞིག་འ0ག་གོ (Sle lung
1983a:462.4-463.2)
On the 8th dPa’ bo invited my travel companions and I to his house. He let us sit down on laid
leather cushions and then threw a feast of tea, millet beer, millet soup, dzo yoghurt, dough
made of millet tsampa, beer made of khre tshod, honey, pork, drinks, other meat and
miscellaneous food provided, according to whatever was available in their land. This area of
Klo their spoken language a mixture with Khams and sPo bo. They wore earrings of nickel and
most of them were shaven headed. Both their clothes and physicality were impoverished. dPa’
bo himself, was chubby and bigger in stature, naturally honest, fringe hair headed, and all the
time reciting the mani mantra. He had great faith in the three gems, different from the rest.
ཚ•་དབང་དགོས་ཟེར་བ་བཞིན་ཡང་གསང་e་ཅན་Xི་ནང་ཚན་L་x་བདེ་ཆེན་དབང་Àག་དང་གསང་བདག་¼ན་བ`ད་Mི་ནང་ཚན་བ0ད་Gི་ཐིག་པའི་6ིན་¢བས་6ས། ཁོ་པའི་s་
བསོད་ནམས་ཚ•་དབང་དང་བÊ་ཤིས་དོན་Âབ་Mིས་L་xའི་བ‘ས་པ་6ེད་པར་ཁས་‚ངས། s་མོ་ཞིག་{་གཅོད་དགོས་ཞེས་པ་@ར་གµག་ ད་‚ངས། མིང་བ0ད་འ0ལ་མཚJ་མོར་
བཏགས། (Sle lung 1983a:463.4-463.6)
As requested I had given a long life empowerment [called] guru bDe chen dbang phyug a
blessing from Yang gsang rgya can and bDud rtsi thig pa a blessing from the ear whispered
lineage of gSang bdag Vajrapāṇi. I made dPa' bo’s sons, bSod nams tshe dbang and bKra shis
don grub, promise to do the Vajra Guru mantra and also as requested I cut his daughter’s hair,
the crown of the head and gave her the name bDud ’dul mtsho mo.
109
དཔའ་བོའི་‚་Gི། མར་དང་•ེ། ßག་མའི་ཞགས་པ། e་äགས་བཅས་6ིན་Uང་བ་ལས་བཞིའི་oེན་འgེལ་Xི་•ས་H་འ0ག་པར་ལ་ཉེ་བཟང་བར་སེམས། (Sle lung
1983a:463.6)
dPa’ bo offered the following material; musk, butter, millet, bamboo ropes and antelope skin.
[which] I thought were very useful substances for performing the four auspicious activities (las
bzhi).
fིམ་aམས་ལ་མེ་ཏོག་གཏོར་འདི་Kོགས་Mི་\ོ་aམས་འཚJ་བ་ཡོང་0ས་གང་ཡོང་ཟོས། མེད་0ས་ཤིང་ཟན་སོགས་ངན་ངོན་ལ་རེ་བ་མ་གཏོགས་ཆས་གསོག་འཇོག་གི་རིགས་མི་6ེད་
ཅིང༌། •ེ་1ོ་མ་ཙb་ཙb་aམས་ཁ་ཟས་Mི་གཙJ་བོ་6ེད། 6་ཕག་དང་མཛJ་མོ་བoེན་པ་ལས་ར་Zག་སོགས་Yོ་Àགས་གཞན་aམས་བ[ེན་པའི་•ོལ་མི་€ང༌། ^ལ་•ོལ་Xི་དམར་ཐབ་ལ་མི་
འཛ•མ་ཞིང་u་ཐབ་ལ་ཤིན་p་འཛ•མ་པ་དང༌། ཐབ་བXིས་པའི་|ལ་Xི་རས་མ་aམས་ལ་འགོམ་0་མི་འŠག། འགོམས་པའི་ཤིང་མེར་བ•ེག་པ་ལ་ཡང་ཤིན་p་འཛ•མ་པར་6ེད། ངེད་
aམས་Mིས་བོད་Zགས་གང་ཡིན་ལས་^ལ་0ས་དང་བâན་པའི་འཛ•མ་ཆ་མ་Qབ་Mང་ཉེས་„ོན་ཆེ་བའི་རིགས་གཏན་ནས་མ་Uང༌། བབས་ནས་ས་0ག་ཅེས་ས་¢ངས་Mི་འEལ་Xིས་
Zས་ཐམས་ཅད་ཟ་འEག་དང་ཐོར་པ་འཆར་བ། དོན་མེད་0་{ངས་པ། Ÿང་ཟད་ƒ་ཁ་Uང་བ་aམས་|་ཐོར་དང་{ངས་པོ་ཆེན་པོར་འ1ོ་བ་སོགས་འ0ག་[ེ། ངེད་ངོ་གཡོག་aམས་
ལ་ཟ་འEག་ཙམ་ལས་གཞི་ཆེ་བ་མ་Uང༌། ནོར་s་zང་པ་གཉན་{ངས་Mིས་བབས་•ི་ཙམ་Uང་སོང༌། (Sle lung 1983a:463.6-464.5)
They throw flowers on the houses. [On] this side of klo, when they have a lot of food they eat
it all, when they do not have [much] they rely on shing zan and other bare necessities. However,
they do not save any food for the future. Their main food is millet, wild sweet potato and rats.
They keep chickens, pigs and dzo mo and it seems they do not keep goats and sheep and so on
as livestock. In their tradition, it seems they were not very conscientious about dropping meat,
blood or skin etc in the cooking hearth, however they were very conscientious about the chu
thab. Where there were remaining droppings on the cooking remnants the klo pa will not let
you step over them. They were also very conscientious not to burn wood that had been stepped
over. The companions and I only managed to follow the rules that were known in central Tibet,
we were not very conscientious according to the local people’s customs, however there were
not any noticeable faults at all. Generally, there was an earth poison which causes itching all
over the body and spots appeared without reason, swelling. When you have a little wound it
grows and swells greatly. However, the travel companions and I only had little itches but did
not get any major problems. The secretary Nor bu’s feet were swollen and caused some
problems.
དགའ་vེ་པ། 6་ར་ས་པ། གཏམ་པོ་བ། ཀོ་^་བ། Zང་ལེགས་པ། འ»ག་པ་སོགས་ཀ་གནམ་པ་རང་དང་འgེལ་ཆགས་Mི་\ོ་1ོང་ཚན་བŸ་གHམ་ཐམས་ཅད་བˆས་ཏེ་ངེད་མི་གཏོང་
བའི་གན་X་(e་) ‚ངས། (Sle lung 1983a:466.1-466.2)
All those the thirteen villages that had established a link with Ka gnam pa such as dGa’ sde pa,
bYa ra sa pa, gTam po ba, Ko yu ba, Lung legs pa, ’Brug pa etc. put together a written document
not to let me pass.
རོང་གི་ལམ་འcང་བ1ོད་དཀའ་བས་མ་གཏོགས་¼ིང་ཁ་ཆོས་འཁོར་Xི་@ེ་བ་དེ•་རིན་ཆེན་¨ངས་པ་དང་@ེ་བ་Vལ་འཁོར་Xི་@ེ་བ་gག་དཀར་བÊ་ཤིས་•ོང་སོགས་Mང་འདི་ནས་
རི་Yོ་ཙམ་ལས་ཡོང་ཐེབས་མི་འ0ག །རི་བོ་གནམ་•གས་འབར་བ་གནས་དེ་དག་གི་£བ་མཐིལ་པོ་རང་0་འ0ག །‰ར་ཡོངས་H་1གས་པར་¼ིང་ག་ཆོས་འཁོར་དང་མ1ིན་པ་
ལོངས་Tོད་Mི་ས་མཚམས་འདི་ཡིན་མི་འ0ག་Mང་རིག་འཛbན་ནས་›ན་Rེའི་གཏེར་6ོན་o་མ1ིན་དགོངས་འ0ས་Mི་ནང་ཚན་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་Mི་གནས་ཡིག་དང་ལམ་ཡིག་0མ་s་•ིå་
བvེབས་Lང་བOིགས་0ས་ཤིན་p་གསལ་བར་€ང་བས་‘་1ོགས་aམས་ལ་འདི་དང་འདིའོ་ཞེས་ངོ་nད། (Sle lung 1983a:467.6-468.3)
Not only are the footpaths in the gorges difficult to traverse, precisely such [sites] as De’u Rin
chen spungs pa, the centre of the dharmacakra in the heart [of the deity], and Brag dkar bKra
shis rdzong, the centre of the nirmanacakra in the navel, cannot be reached from this point;
one would even emerge from the crevice in the mountain. [For] the mountain of gNams lcags
110
‘bar ba it is as a principle place of its own to the west of these sites. That this [i.e the present
location] is the border between the Dharmacakra in the [heart of the deity] and the
Sambhogacakra in his throat, did not [formerly] exist as a widespread [notion], but since it has
become fully clear at this point in time, now that I have brought into mutual agreement the
[pertinent] sections from [the cycle] rta mgrin dgongs ’dus which has appeared as a treasure
work of Rig ’dzin Nus ldan rdo rje - that is, the compiled fragments containing place and route
descriptions for Pad+ma bkod - I made this known to my travelling companions.
འgས་†ོངས་པ་aམས་Mི་འ}ལ་འཁོར་བeབ།མཆེད་•མ་ཐམས་ཅད་ལ་གསང་ཡེའི་བ„ེད་རིམ་Xི་ཟབ་•ིད་དང་‚་མའི་aལ་འ6ོར་ཡང་ལེགས་པར་ཕབ། hོ་Rེའི་གནས་Zགས་Mི་
བ1ོ་lེང་ཁོ་ནས་0ས་འདའ་བ་དང༌། ‰་དགོངས་Mི་j་རིམ་དང་དགེ་Œོར་ལ་བGོན་པར་6ས། Ï་ཀི་མ་པ+ྨ་རོལ་མཚJ་སོགས་འ0ས་པ་Øང་ཤས་ལ་སེམས་•ིད་ཕབ། (Sle
lung 1983a:477.1-477.3)
The ’Bras ljongs pa were practicing yogic exercises ('khrul 'khor). In the mornings and
evenings, I performed my own practices and gave teachings of gSang ba Ye she, the profound
generating stage practices, and Guru Yoga (bla ma’i rnal ’byor) to assembled dharma sisters
and friends. I passed the time with discussions of rDo rje’i gnas lugs. For the ḍākinī, Pad+ma
rol mtsho and several others, I gave the pointing out instructions on the nature of the mind (ngo
sprod).
Colophon
ཅེས་]ས་པའི་གནས་ཐམས་ཅད་Mི་eལ་པོ་གནས་མཆོད་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་0་བ1ོད་པའི་གནས་mལ་~ང་པོར་བRོད་པ་དགའ་6ེད་བདེན་གཏམ་ཞེས་6་བ་ འདི་ནི་ས་མོ་6འི་ལོ་མཁའ་
འ1ོས་ཇི་@ར་Zང་བ[ན་པ་བཞིན་0་འབད་Gོལ་ཆེན་པོས་མ1ིན་པ་ལོངས་Tོད་Mི་འཁོར་ལོ་ལས་བwལ་ཏེ་6ང་lིང་ཟངས་འgོག་དང་། £བ་lིང་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་uང་གི་འ0ས་མདོ་
མཁའ་འ1ོ་གངས་Mི་ར་བའི་མ0ན་¼ིང་ག་ཆོས་Mི་འཁོར་ལོའི་ཆ་ལས་‚ོ་œག་གི་བར་0་བ„ོད་དེ། o་Zང་དབང་ཆེན་lིང་། གཟི་Zང་~ང་•ོང་མQ་Gལ་lིང་། མཁའ་འ1ོ་བ0ད་
འ0ལ་lིང་aམས་གཙJ་བོར་–ར་པའི་གནས་ལེ་ལག་དང་བཅས་པ་aམས་གཏན་ལ་ཕབ་[ེ་བདེ་ཐབས་Mི་oེན་འgེལ་aམས་ལེགས་པར་བOིགས་པ་ལས་རིམ་Xིས་རང་གནས་H་
šེབས་ཏེ་དUག་པས་ དUག་པའི་ཉ་བའི་དཀར་པོའི་Kོགས་Mི་དགའ་བ་དང་པོར་ཞིང་‰གས་Iན་„ེས་Mི་Ï་ཀི་ཐམས་ཅད་nིན་@ར་འ0་ཞིང་དགའ་བཞིའི་ལོངས་Tོད་ལ་དXེས་
དLར་རོལ་པའི་ཕོ་gང་ཟངས་མདོག་དཔལ་རིའི་ཉེ་འདབས་Ãན་Âབ་ཡང་Gེའི་Yོམ་ཁང་yང་འŠག་aམ་རོལ་p་འདོད་ཡོན་Xི་¿ོས་u་དང་ཚད་Qབ་དམ་པའི་ཞལ་Zང་གི་གར་
111
ཆང་གཉིས་ཀས་Iག་པར་¿ོས་པ་གངས་རིའི་†ོངས་H་དང་མི་མQན་པའི་བÇལ་;གས་Mི་çོན་Tོད་རང་བབས་H་„ོང་བ་གཞད་པའི་hོ་Rེ་མཁའ་འ1ོ་དགའ་བའི་ལང་ཚJའམ་
ཆགས་པ་hོ་Rེ་ངེས་མེད་Wན་p་`ས་~ང་གཏམ་Iག་པར་Æས་པ་བདེ་ལེགས་H་–ར་ཅིག། །། གཅིག་;ས། ། (Sle lung 1983a:492.2-493.3)
Thus; this guide is called; “Pleasant words of truth; a honest guide of travelling to Pad+mo
bkod, the king of all holy hidden lands.” Thus, in the Female Earth Bird Year, in accordance
with the ḍākinī prophecy, through great effort and resources, I crossed over the throat cakra
and went to the Copper Wilderness in the northern Continent (Zangs ’Brog), the western heart
cakra of Pad+mo bkod chung where the ḍākinīs gather and from there I travelled up to Blo
Khug. From there I travelled mainly to rTa Lung, dBang chen gling, gZi Lung Drang Srong
mThu rtsal gling and mKha’ ’Gro ddud ’dul gling. I established both main holy places and its
secondary ones and since everything went smoothly and auspiciously, in due course we
returned to our respective homes. I wrote this account on the auspicious day of the waxing full
moon of the 9th month, where all the ḍākiṇīs simultaneously, embodying the merit field and
mantra field, gather like clouds. In this is symbolic meditation house, which is the unity of
wisdom and method, the top most of Lhun grup yang rtse near the glorious copper coloured
mountain palace when the host of ḍākinīs enjoy the riches of the four joys. This absolute
statement of truth, [I] bZhad pa’i rdo rje, joy of the ḍākinīs also known as Chag pa rdo rje who
aimlessly wanders everywhere, who naturally sustains crazy behaviour, conduct which is
incompatible with the methods of the land of the snows and especially intoxicated by sensory
pleasure and the intoxicating strong drink of the oral transmissions of the reliable noble
masters. May it be beneficial.
112
Appendix B
༄༅]ས་^ལ་པ+ྨ་བཀོ་ལམ་ཡིག་བ;གས༔
The Guide Book to the Hidden land of Pad+mo bkod
’Ja’ tshon sNying po
ཨེ་མ་ཧོ༔ བདག་འ~་མཚJ་„ེས་པ+ྨ་འUང་གནས་ནི༔ གHམ་[ོང་ཉེར་བeད་e་གར་u་བཞིན་Øལ༔ བe་དང་བŸ་གཅིག་དs་x་བོད་0་བvད༔ ¬་ཡབ་•ིན་^ལ་གདོང་དམར་
ཆོས་ལ་བµད༔ „ེ་འ1ོ་སེམས་ཅན་ཐམས་ཅད་བདེ་ལ་བཀོད༔ (’Ja’ tshon 1979:434.3)
How amazing! One such as myself, the Lake born Padmasambhava, [in] 3028 wandered
throughout India like water. For 111 years I stayed in Uru Tibet, In the cannibal country
Chamara I led the red-faced into the Dharma, establishing all beings, each and every one, onto
the path of peace.
ད་0ང་མ་འོངས་—ལ་0ས་བཞི་བŸའི་ཚ•༔ འདོད་ཆགས་ལས་–ར་È་གེ་བÊེན་པ་དང༔ ཞེ་vང་ལས་–ར་དམག་འ}ག་དར་བ་དང༔ གཏི་Èག་ལས་–ར་ནད་ཡམས་€་ཚJགས་དང༔
0ག་གHམ་ཆ་མཉམ་ˆག་བ‰ལ་€་ཚJགས་འUང༔ དེ་0ས་སེམས་ཅན་བདེ་བའི་གོ་—བས་མེད་0་x་ཥ་ཡི་དམག་ནི་Kོགས་Wན་གཡོས༔ ˆག་བ‰ལ་Ð་\ོང་འ}ག་པའི་ཨ་ཙ་
མ༔ ]ས་པའི་གནས་Zང་ཆེ་uང་བŸ་ªག་མོད༔ (’Ja’ tshon 1979:434.3-435.3)
Furthermore, in the future, at the fated time of the fortieth eon various torments will arise
proportional to the three poisons: famine and desperation arise from desire, proliferating
conflicts and war arise from hatred, multifarious contagions and plagues arise from stupidity.
At that time, sentient beings have no opportunities for happiness, and the duruSa armies will
spread in every direction. Alas! What a raging whirlpool of misery although there are indeed
sixteen greater and lesser hidden lands.
དེ་aམས་Wན་p་gོས་ནས་ཐར་བ་ལ༔ ལས་ངན་དབང་གིས་འgོས་མི་ཤིན་p་Øང༔ `་ཡོད་aམས་ནི་སེར་€འི་ཞགས་པས་ཟིན༔ s་ཡོད་aམས་ནི་གཅིག་གིས་གཅིག་བê་6ེད༔ wན་
wོན་aམས་ནི་འ1ོ་བའི་བསམ་པ་ཞི༔ 6ིས་པ་aམས་ནི་gོས་Mང་ལམ་མི་¾ེད༔ 0ད་འ1ོ་aམས་ནི་རང་བཞིན་•ོག་དང་gལ༔ „བས་མེད་སེམས་ཅན་ལས་ངན་¡ིན་པ་ལ༔ (’Ja’
tshon 1979:435.3-436.1)
Because of the power of bad karma, there will be very few escapees. The wealthy will be caught
by the noose of avarice and those in debt will sell each other out. The elderly will lose the will
to go, the young will flee but will be unable to find the path, the animals will just up and die.
Such is the ripening of bad karma for beings without refuge!
Kི་ནང་གསང་བའི་ངན་oགས་འདི་aམས་Mང༔ ཏི་སེའི་གངས་ལ་‚ོ་sར་ëད་xད་འUང༔ མངའ་རིས་^ལ་ཁམས་ཐོག་དང་སེར་བས་བཤིག༔ བོད་དང་e་ནག་མཚམས་H་ས་
གཡོས་འཇིགས༔ བལ་^ལ་È་[ེགས་བ[ན་པ་མང་0་འཕེལ༔ དsས་གཙང་དམ་•ི་བ0ད་དང་འUང་པོས་འ0ལ༔ (’Ja’ tshon 1979:436.1-436.3)
There are also the following outer, inner, and secret bad omens: the occurrence of sudden
avalanches on Kailash, destructive lightning and the region of mNga’ ri will be destroyed by
hail. Terrifying earthquakes on the border of Tibet and China, the threat of tīrthika doctrines
in Nepal, dam sri demons and ghosts will overrun dBus and gTsang.
མདོ་ཁམས་Kོགས་H་མེ་ཡི་འཇིགས་པ་འUང༔ སེམས་ཅན་•ི་cག་གསོན་བ•ེག་གཞོབ་p་འ1ོ༔ 6ར་žགས་¼ལ་ལ་མི་çོན་fི་çོན་མང༔ gག་ལོང་ཉང་0་ˆག་བ‰ལ་ནད་རིམ་
འཐིབ༔ ཧོར་སོག་ཁ་¢ངས་ནད་€་མང་0་ཡོང༔ ¡ན་Xིས་མི་ཕན་ཕལ་ཆེར་འཆི་བར་འ–ར༔ (’Ja’ tshon 1979:436.3-436.5)
In the area of mDo khams there will be danger of wildfires, tens of thousands will be burnt
alive and wander the scorched earth. There will be many mad dogs and humans in Byar, Dwags
and sNyal. Brag long nyang will be blanketed by suffering and diseases, many diseases
steaming from the mouths of the people of Hor and Mongolia, medicine being of no help, the
majority will die.
ཤར་Xི་Kོགས་ནས་གདོན་དང་འUང་པོ་དར༔ Iོ་ནས་མི་wོད་ཅན་གཟན་\་\ོ་དར༔ £བ་ནས་དམག་འ}ག་0ག་གི་ཚJང་འ0ས་དར༔ 6ང་ནས་ཧོར་སོག་0་x་ཥ་པ་དར༔ ནམ་
མཁའི་མཐོངས་ནས་ཐོག་སེར་གནམ་hོ་མང་༔ ས་གཞི་འོག་ནས་ཁོལ་sར་ས་གཡོས་མང་༔ —ར་མ་འོད་ཅན་འོད་དཀར་ཡང་ཡང་འཆར༔ མེ་I་འོད་དམར་བར་€ང་གང་བར་
འཆར༔ (’Ja’ tshon 1979:436.5-437.1)
From the east dons and ghosts, From the south savage wild men and barbarians, from the west
the poisonous commerce of warfare, and from the north Hor and Mongol duruSapas spread!
113
From the open sky there will be many bolts of lightning, hailstones, and meteorites. The ground
will ripple with many earthquakes. Shining stars and white lights will appear again and again.
The red light of the god of fire will appear to fill the sky.
Gི་ཤིང་ལོ་ཐོག་མི་¡ིན་ནད་Mིས་fེར༔ È་གེས་མི་ཐོག་Lད་པ་ཡང་ཡང་འUང་༔ ཆར་u་མི་¼ོམས་Yང་གཤོང་ཆེ་བ་དང་༔ ས་hིབ་gག་ཉིལ་u་]ོས་མེ་ད1་མང༔ དེ་@ར་Uང་ཚ•་
ནད་oགས་འདི་aམས་ཡོང་༔ མི་aམས་གyགས་uང་vིག་¬མས་ཆེ་བ་དང་༔ གང་Qབ་ངན་Tོད་½ང་འmབ་བཞིན་0་ལངས༔ (’Ja’ tshon 1979:437.1-
437.3)
The orchards and fields will be blighted and bear no fruit. Due to famine, generations of
families will be ruined again and again. Rain will fall unevenly, and there will be great
depressions and ridges in the earth. The ground will collapse and rock faces will crumble, the
rivers will overflow, and there will be many threats of fire. When these things occur, the
[following] signs of illness will come: people will be physically small, with a great capacity
for destructive actions, and will debauch themselves as much as possible, like a rising storm.
eན་ཆས་མཚJན་ཆ་€་ཚJགས་དེ་ཚ•་དར༔ མི་གསར་—ད་གསར་ཆས་གསར་Gིས་H་ཆེ༔ ཆས་གོས་མཐའ་ཡི་eན་aམས་དsས་H་དར༔ དsས་Mི་རབ་Uང་ཆ་Zགས་མཐའ་ལ་དར༔
(’Ja’ tshon 1979:437.3-437.4)
At that time ornamentation and weaponry will spread, there will be a great number of new
people, new languages, and new things. The jewelry and costumes of the borderlands will
spread into the centre of the country, while the appearance of the fully ordained of the centre
of the country will spread to the borderlands.
མདོ་‰གས་གཉིས་Mི་ཆ་Zགས་དེ་0ས་འ}གས༔ གསར་ཆོས་མང་པོ་s་^ག་འmབ་འmབ་འUང་༔ འ~་མིན་བ[ན་བཅོས་ས་[ེང་fབ་པར་འ–ར༔ oོག་གེའི་རང་བཟོས་ཐེག་ཆེན་
དད་པ་ཡལ༔ ཆོས་པའི་གyགས་བ¾ན་བ0ད་Vལ་ཤིན་p་དར༔ Âབ་པ་ཐོབ་པའི་མི་ནི་ཉིན་—ར་ཙམ༔ (’Ja’ tshon 1979:437.4-437.6)
At this time the appearance of both sūtra and mantra will be disordered, new doctrines will
arise like a swirling blizzard, and various commentaries will cover the surface of the earth.
Confidence in the Mahāyāna will fade in the face of individual fabrications of sophistry.
Demonic emanations that appear to be dharma will greatly increase, while individuals who
attain accomplishment will be as rare as stars in the daytime.
114
The teachings will be confused [as the confused people] don’t understand the [correct] ordering
of them. [On] the inside they will be disordered and the outside will be a Chinese person. All
these are the secret signs of these people’s appearance
དེ་0ས་རི་‡ང་Wན་p་ཐམས་ཅད་འ}ག༔ ཕོ་མོ་„་སེར་6ོལ་སོང་ཐམས་ཅད་འ}ག༔ I་•ིན་vེ་བeད་མི་མ་ཡིན་Mང་འ}ག༔ Kི་x་དེ་Iར་འ}ག་པས་ནང་སེམས་འ}ག༔ G་
འ}ག་½ང་འ}ག་0ག་u་འQང་བ་འ~༔ „ེ་འ1ོ་ཐམས་ཅད་རང་ལ་ཡིད་མི་ཆེས༔ དེ་ནི་0་x་ཥ་ཡི་ཆོ་འEལ་ངེས་པར་ཡིན༔ ༼ཐེམ་ཐེམ༽(’Ja’ tshon
1979:438.4-438.6)
At that time, all the countryside will be in complete turmoil! All the men and women, lay and
ordained, and the livestock will be in turmoil! The eight classes of gods and demons, even the
kinnara, will be in turmoil! As there is fighting externally amongst the gods, internally the
mind will be in turmoil! The channels and winds will be in disordered, as if one had drunk
poison! All beings will not trust in themselves. This is definitely the sorcerous power of the
duruSa.
115
དེ་ནས་aམ་དག་འཇའ་ཚJན་lིང་0་šེབ༔ བÊ་ཤིས་oགས་དང་•ས་བeད་གསལ༔ གནམ་ས་ཐམས་ཅད་dོས་~ིས་འmབ༔ u་O་ཐམས་ཅད་x་Zའི་O༔ ཏིང་འཛbན་རང་|གས་„ེ་
བའི་གནས༔ དེ་ནས་ལ་uང་འཇོག་པ་མ༔ (’Ja’ tshon 1979:440.3-440.5)
Then the completely pure will arrive at ’Ja’ tshon ling, auspicious signs and the clear eight
substances and everywhere will be swirling with the good smell of incense and the murmuring
the streams with be the rulu mantra and is a place where samādhi arises spontaneously. Thus,
settle in La Chung ’jog pa ma.
116
me, there is nothing more than the welfare of beings and whatever one wishes will be
spontaneously accomplished
117
texts, temples and prophecies as gter ma. I concealed many sacred substance(s,) representations
of body, speech, and mind, and [hid] a mixture of many [treasures] for the protection of and to
repel [obstacles] from threats. In the future may those treasures be taken out by a my [heart]
son.
118
Whatever ups and downs, happiness and suffering occurs, always recall the great master of O
rgyan, everything that is related with [Guru Rinpoche], big or small, one will be satisfied. Even
amongst [other] manifestation, he is truly the supreme emanation, out of all the different kinds
of blood he is the very heart blood, and from the centre of the sky, the sun and the moon is the
[very] essence.
Colophon
]ས་^ལ་བŸ་ªག་གི་ནང་ནས༔ པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་པའི་ལམ་ཡིག་ཆེ་uང་གཉིས་ཀ༔ L་xའི་”བ་གནས་ཀོང་རོང་ ག་པ་ནས་གཏེར་[ོན་འཇའ་ཚJན་¼ིང་པོས་གདན་~ངས་པའོ།
(’Ja’ tshon 1979:446.6-447.1)
119
“From amongst the sixteen hidden lands, both more important and less important travel guides
of Pad+mo bkod, The gter ston ’Ja’ tshon sNying po revealed this terma from the sacred place
where Guru Rinpoche practiced the dharma in a cave in the valley of Kong po.” This
'Realisation Cave', in Kong 'phrang, is where he is said to have uncovered the cycle rDo rje gro
lod rtsal gyi sgrub skor, together with a route description and prophecies for Pad+mo bkod.
Appendix C
༄༅]ས་^ལ་པ+ྨོ་བཀོད་0་བ1ོད་བའི་¡ོན་ལམ་བ;གས་སོ།
An Aspiration to travel to the Hidden Land of Pad+mo bkod
120
Of the four elements and noxious vapors— And may all who strive overcome them without
obstruction! May the fortunate ones of snowy Tibet come together And spread the heart of the
theory and practice of the Buddha's doctrine!
121
ཅེས་ལའང་དཔའ་བོའི་Á་མཆོག་འོར་ཤོད་ཨོ་རང་གི་fིམ་བདག་ཆེན་པོ་དཔལ་eལ་Xིས་]ས་^ལ་ཆེན་པོ་དཔལ་eལ་Xིས་]ས་^ལ་ཆེན་པོ་པ+ྨ་བཀོད་མ1ིན་པ་ལོངས་Tོད་Mི་
འཁོར་ལོའི་ཆ་ལས་གནས་ནང་vིངས་Mི་”བ་[ེ་པ+ྨ་འོད་lིང་གི་འ0ས་པ་aམས་ལ་`ན་0་བµགས་ཆོག་པ་དགོས་mལ་Xིས་བjལ་མ་མཛད་པ་བཞིན་རིག་པ་འཛbན་པ་བཞད་པའི་
hོ་Rེས་ཤིག་ཡོད་ཅེས་པ་u་མོ་lང་གི་ལོ་nེ•་‘་བའིདཀར་Kོགས་Mི་1ལ་ཚ•ས་དགེ་བར་པ+ྨ་ཡང་vོང་གི་ཁང་sར་ཤར་མར་nེལ་བའི་གེ་པ་ནི་hོ་Rེ་གསང་བདག་གོ། (Sle
lung 1982b:3a.1)
Colphon - Thus, having been requested insistently by the supreme lord of ḍākas, the great
householder of ’Or shod o rang, Pal rgyal, so that it might be practiced continuously in the
gatherings of Pad+ma 'od gling, the practice center of Nang sdings, the place with the aspect
of the cakra of enjoyment in the throat of Pad+mo bkod, the great hidden land, the Vidyādhara
bZhepa’i rDo rje said “I have one.” Dictated without obstruction at the little residence of
Pad+mo yang to the scribe, the Vajra Lord of Secrets, throughout the auspicious first half of
the monkey month in the year of the Female Water Ox 1733.
Appendix D
Sle lung bZhad pa’i rdo rje. 1983. “gNas mchog pad+mo bkod du bgrod pa'i lam yig.” In: Sle
lung rje drung bZhad pa’i rdo rje’i gsung ’bum. Vol 8. Pp.389-493. Sonam, T. and Tashigang,
D.L. Leh. (W22130). Title: Pleasant and Truthful Words: Travel Guide to the Supreme
Pilgrimage Site of Pad+mo bkod Synopsis: Sle lung’s first trip into Pad+mo bkod 1729.
______ 1983 “mKha’ spyod ’grub pa’i smon lam ’phrul gyi zhags pa” In: gsung ‘bum/ bZhad
pa’i rdo rje/. Vol.7. P.p407-414. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh. (W22130). Title: A
Mystical lasso. Synopsis: An aspiration prayer to actualise the pure Ḍākinī land prayers to the
ḍākinīs.
122
______ 1983 “mKha’ spyod kyi gnas yig la” ” In: gsung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje/. Vol.8.
Pp.1-33. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh. (W22130). Title: A Guide to the Pure Ḍākinī
Land: Synopsis : An account of a mystical experience and travel which took place in 1727.
______ 1983. “Spro lung dbang phyug gling gi gnas sgo gsar du phye ba’i lo rgyus rab snyan
dbyangs la” In: gSung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp.519-546. Sonam T. & Tashigang.
D.L. Leh. (W22130). Title: A Marvellously Melodic Tune: An Account of the Inauguration of
the Holy Place of Spro lung dBang phyug gling Synopsis: An account of the opening of the
hidden land, Spro Lung, on the return from Pad+mo bkod. Written at Yo dgon.
______ 1982. “Bag yod kyi la sbas yul pad+mo bkod du bskyod pa’i lo rgyus mdo tsam bshad
pa ngo mtshar do shal.” In: gSung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje/. Vol.5. Pp141-204. ⼤⾕⼤学图
bkod in the Female Earth Bird Year. Synopsis: Account of Sle lung’s second trip to Pad+mo
bkod.
______ 1983. “rDo lung rdo rje gling gi gnas gsar du rnyed pa'i lo rgyus go bde drang gtam
la.” In: gsung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje/. Vol.8. Pp.495-518. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L.
Leh. (W22130). Title: True Words Easy to Understand: Annals of the Newly Discovered Holy
Place of rDo lung rdo rje gling. Synopsis: An Account of a mystical experience and travel
which took place in 1727.
______ 1982. “sBas yul pad+mo bkod du bgrod pa’i smon lam bzhugs so.” In. gsung ’bum/
bZhad pa’i rdo rje/. Vol.7. Pp.515-520. ⼤⾕⼤学图书馆. 京都市. (W1CV2744). Title: An
Aspiration Prayer to Travel to the Hidden Land of Pad+mo bkod. Synopsis: An Aspiration
Prayer to be in Pad+mo bkod written in 1733.
______ 1983 “gNas mchog zangs mdog dpal ri’i gnas bshad kyi gtam la ’jug pa’i mtshams byor
bklags as yid ches la.” In: gSung ‘bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje.Vol. 8. Pp.35-55. Sonam, T. and
Tashigang, D.L. Leh. (W22130). Title: A Trust Inspiring Introduction: A Preface to a Description
of the Supreme Pilgrimage Site of Zangs mdog dPal ri. Synopsis: An explanation of a visionary
visit to the Zangs mdog dPal ri paradise of Guru Rinpoche written in 1729.
______ 1983 “Nas chen zangs mdog dpal ri’i gtsug lag khang gi gnas bshad ngo mtshar rad
gsal la” In: gSung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp.57-65. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L.
Leh. (W22130). Title: A Clear and Marvellous Guide to the Temples of the Great Pilgrimage
Site of Zangs mdog dPal ri. Synopsis: Account of the replication of a temple based upon the
author’s Zangs mdog dpal ri visions between 1727-1728 under the patronage of Mi dbang dGa
‘ldan bSod nams of Lha rgya ri.
123
______ 1983 “gNas chen zangs mdog dpal ri’i gnas rten gyi bkod pa las ’phros pa’i lo gyus
rags rim ngo mtshar dad pa’i ljon shing la.” In: gSung ‘bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp.109-
147. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh. (W22130). Title: A Marvellous Tree of Faith: A
General History of the Environment and the Inhabitants of the Great Pilgrimage site of Zangs
mdog dpal ri. Synopsis: More about the temple complex of Zangs mdog dpal ri modelled on
the author’s visions and its blessing bestowing objects written in 1728.
______ 1983 “gNas chen zangs mdog dpal ri’i cha shas las ‘phros pa’i gnas ri rnams kyi lo
rgyus DA ki dgyes pa’i glu dbyangs la.” In: gSung ‘bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp.149-
210. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh. (W22130). Title: A Song Delighting Ḍākinīs:
Histories of Holy Mountains Connected to Branches of the Great Pilgrimage Site of Zangs
mdog dpal ri. Synopsis: An account of the environs of the Zangs mdog dpal ri temple complex
written in 1729.
______ 1983 “mKha’ ’gro rdo’i mchod rten gyi lo gyus DA ki’i lam yangs la.” In. gSung ’bum/
bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp211-218. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh (W22130). Title:
A Vast Path to the Land of the Ḍākinīs: A History of a Dakinis Stone Stupa. Synopsis: An
account of the stone stupa in the environs of the Zangs mdog dpal ri complex, written in 1728.
______ 1983 “g.Yung drung ’khyil pa’i gsang phug rnyed pa’i lo gyus ngo mtshar ’khor lo la.”
In. gSung ’bum / bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp.219-224. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh
(W22130). Title: A Wonderful Circle: An Account of the Discovery of a Secret Cave of
Swirling Swastika. Synopsis: An account of the opening of a concealed cave in 1728 in the
Zangs mdog dpal ri complex.
______ 1983 “Sa sprel zla brgyad ’tshes lnga kyi nyin la glang po sna’i” In. gSung ’bum/ bZhad
pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp.225-232. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh (W22130). Title: A
Record of a Visit to Elephant Trunk Valley on the Fifth Day of the Eight Month of an Earth
Monkey Year. Synopsis: An account of bZhad pa’i rdo rje’s visit in 1728 to the gLang po sna
(Elephant Trunk Valley ) is south eastern Tibet.
______ 1983 “mTsho mgor bgrod tshul gyi lam yig nyams dga’ nyung gsal la” In. gSung ’bum/
bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp.243-255. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh (W22130). Title:
Very Brief and Enjoyable Directions to Tsogo. Synopsis: An account of a visit to mTsho sgo
ma ru rtse Pho brang in South Eastern Tibet. Written in 1728.
______ 1983 “gZi can dang u ma’i pho brang gsar du rnyed tshul gyi lo rygus Od ’bar snang
gsal la.” In. gSung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp.247-254. Sonam, T. and Tashigang,
D.L. Leh (W22130). Title: A Radiant Blaze of Illumination: Accounts of the Newly
Discovered Palaces of U ma and gzi can Synopsis: An account of the opening of the mystical
palaces of the protective deities gZi can rgyal po and U ma.
124
______ 1983 “Srid gsum zil gnon gyi gnas bshad la.” In. gSung ’bum / bZhad pa’i rdo rje.
Vol.8.Pp.281-326. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh (W22130). Title: Directions to the
Pilgrimage Site of Srid gsum zil gnon. Synopsis: An account of the finding and author’s
spiritual experiences connected with the complex known as Srid gsum zil gnon.
______ 1983 “gNas thor bu rnams kyi lo gyus ltad mo’grong khyer la.” In. gSung ’bum/ bZhad
pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp327-371. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh (W22130). Title: A City
of Entertainment: Histories of Scattered Holy Places. Synopsis: An account of the Sle lung’s
spiritual experiences and travels to the various mystical places of Tibet.
______ 1983 “ham lung gsang chen bkod pa’i gnas su brgod tshul gyi lam yig la.” In. gSung
’bum / bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.8. Pp373-388. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh (W22130).
Title: Directions to the Great Secret Ham Valley Kong po. Synopsis: An account of a spiritual
journey to a mystical place in Kong po.
______ 1983 “l+wa ba pa’i gzims phug dang dpal lha dang jag me’i gsang phug sogs ngo
’phrod pa’i lo gyus dran pa’i me long la” In. gSung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.9. Pp.1-27.
Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh (W22130). Title: A Mirror of Memory: An Introduction
to the History of the l+wa ba pa’s Residence, the Secret Caves of Pal Lha and Jag me. Synopsis:
An account of the discovery in 1729 of some holy caves in the Kong po area of southeastern
Tibet. Written with Indrapunya as scribe link
______ 1983 “mLha’ ’gro’i ’du gnas gri gug gsang lam gyi lo rgyus me tog ’phreng mdzes la”
In. gSung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.9. Pp.29-33. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh
(W22130). Title: A Garland of Beautiful Flowers: A History of Gri gug gSang lam, A Meeting
Place of Ḍākinīs. Synopsis: Phyi temple in Southeastern Tibet 1730. Written at ’Bri Lung the
old ’Ol dga ‘dul lung.
______ 1983 “lTal chung mkha’ ’gro’i dga’ tshal gyi gnas sgo gsar du phye ba’i lam yig bden
pa’i zings ldan la.” In. gSung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.9. Pp.203-219. Sonam, T. and
Tashigang, D.L. Leh (W22130). Title: Spirit of Truth: Directions to the Newly Discovered
Joyous Holy Garden of lTal chung Ḍākinī. Synopsis: An account of the opening of a sacred
place in the ’Ol dga’ area, iTal chung. This discovery took place in 1730.
______ 1983 “gSal dwangs ri bo che’i gnas zhal gsar du phye ba’i lo rgyus mngon sum snang
byed mig gi dbang po la.” In. gSung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.9. Pp.227-252. Sonam, T.
and Tashigang, D.L. Leh (W22130). Title: A Clear Visual Faculty: Annals of the Inauguration
of the Holy Site of gSal dwangs ri bo Che. Synopsis: An account of the opening of the sacred
place, gSal dwangs ri bo, in southeastern Tibet. The Story begins in 1729, written with rDo rje
Sa gzhi as scribe.
125
______ 1983 “gSal dwangs ri bo che’i gnas yig ’jug bde’i ’phreng ba la” In. gSung ’bum/
bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.9. Pp.253-270. Sonam, T. and Tashigang, D.L. Leh (W22130). Title:
A Convenient Entry: Directions to the Holy Site of gSal dwangs ri bo che. Synopsis: An
account of the journey to open the gSal dwangs ri bo, the sacred complex in Southeastern link
Tibet.
______ 1982 “gNas yig dang lo rgyus dpar du ’khod pa rnams kyi dkar chag bkod pa.” In.
gSung ’bum/ bZhad pa’i rdo rje. Vol.9. Pp29.34. ⼤⾕⼤学图书馆. 京都市. Title: A
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