Studies in

Religion/Sciences
Religieuses http://sir.sagepub.com/

Of myth and mantra: The slippery taxonomy of printed and oral Vrat
Kathas
Robert Menzies
Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 2007 36: 3
DOI: 10.1177/000842980703600101

The online version of this article can be found at:

http://sir.sagepub.com/content/36/1/3

Published by:

http://www.sagepublications.com

On behalf of:

The Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion

Additional services and information for Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses can be found at:

Email Alerts: http://sir.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts

Subscriptions: http://sir.sagepub.com/subscriptions

Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav

Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav

Citations: http://sir.sagepub.com/content/36/1/3.refs.html

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

>> Version of Record - Mar 1, 2007

What is This?

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

Of myth and mantra: The slippery
taxonomy of printed and oral
Vrat Kathas
ROBERT MENZIES

Summary: This paper examines how printed vrat kathas (stories asso-
ciated with Hindu women’s domestic rituals) present categories of myth,
mantra and their internal "oral logic." The paper will articulate three

things: (1) that vrat kathas deserve to be included in the more elevated
category of "myth" because of the way they function within the Hindu
women’s ritual structure and world-view; (2) these stories are modeled
on an understanding of mantra as a speech act; and (3) even when

printed, these stories maintain an "oral logic" in structure, presenta-

tion of narrative and intention. Thus, printed pamphlets can also qual-
ify, ironically, as "speech" acts. All of this indicates the difficulty inher-
ent in creating a water-tight taxonomy of genres and suggests that a
more
appropriate understanding is as localities on a continuum.
Résumé: Cet article examine comment les Vrat Kathas imprimés (his-
toires associées aux rituels domestiques des femmes Hindous) présen-
tent des catégories de mythes, de mantra ainsi que leur « logique orale»
interne. Ce document articulera trois choses : 1) Que les Vrat Kathas méri-
tent d’être inclus dans la plus haute catégorie de« mythe » grâce à leur
fonctionnement à l’intérieur da la structure des rituels de la femme
Hindou, et dans sa perception du monde; 2) Ces histoires sont modelées
sur la conception du mantra comme acte de paroles; et 3) Même à

l’écrit, ces histoires imprimés maintiennent une« logique orale » en

terme de structure, de présentation narrative et d’intention. Donc, ces

pamphlets imprimés peuvent aussi qualifier, ironiquement comme des

actes de « paroles » . Tout ceci démontre la difficulté inhérente dans la
création d’une taxonomie solide de genres, et suggère qu’une compré-
hension plus appropriée n’est qu’un point sur le continuum.

Robert Menzies has a limited term appointment in Hinduism in the department of Religion
at Concordia. Montreal, QC, H3G 1M8. e-mail: ramenzies@shaw.ca.

© 2007 Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion/ Corporation Canadienne des Sciences Religieuses

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

4

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 5

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 6

the oral and the written, but between the oral and the printed (Blackburn
and Ramanujan 1986: 24).
It is not always possible, however, to make such a dear distinction because
of the overlap in genres and in their dissemination. Frances Pritchett’s de-
scription of qissei literature in Urdu is a case in point. Despite being distrib-
uted in printed form, these romantic stories of high adventure and magic are
designed to be read aloud (Pritchett 1985: 155). Similarly, vrat kathris are
expected to be read and heard, otherwise the fruit of the vrat will be lost
(Wadley 1986: 229). This is a significant connection between these genres
because many qissri publishers also print vrat kathris. Qissri and vrat kathri
pamphlets are printed in small quantities and there is a rapid turnover based
on marketability. What sells is constantly reprinted and what does not sell dis-

appears. Because of rapid turnover and low market prices, the pamphlets are
printed on substandard paper and thus deteriorate quickly. This cycle of
poor quality paper and low prices is a result, I suggest, of this genre being pri-
marily oral. There is no real concern for a pamphlet lasting for many years.
Rather, pamphlets are tools. The intent is that a woman perform the vrat based
on the rules printed in the pamphlet, recite the story and put the pamphlet

away until the next performance. Once it is known by heart, the pamphlet
can be discarded or passed to another woman. A second, and related, point

is that the stories and ritual requirements of these vrats could very easily be
learned from other women, so there is no market for more expensive pam-
phlets. Qissri pamphlets are printed on low quality paper because, again,
there is an expectation that they will be read aloud, shared with others and
then discarded as new stories are purchased.
In addition to the mercantile similarities between these genres is the
understanding of story itself. Both qissri and vrat kathri genres consider the
story to be one discrete grammatical unit and they often begin with a formu-
laic phrase reminiscent of oral tellers. Often this is the word &dquo;ekadri,&dquo; the
Hindi equivalent of &dquo;once upon a time.&dquo; Even when this is not the opening
phrase, the first sentence is usually a terse declarative sentence setting the
stage: &dquo;Once there was a widow,&dquo; for example. The qissri story uses simple
dedarative sentences, begins at the beginning, makes a linear narrative

’
through various episodes and ends at the end. Often these stories are with-
out grammatical markers or paragraph divisions (Pritchett 1985: 147, 53-
l54) . Many vrat kathripamphlets also omit punctuation within the story (Wad-
ley 1986: 220). Often there is punctuation in other sections of the pamphlet,
:~ .1~. ,.;aL; /:-:,,--.:--,i c-- ~,,~~~1~ wl~;, ;-a;--.-, .1~-. +1~- ~..~~,:~ ,,,--

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 7
1 was in the AIIS Hindi program in Banaras and I was billeted with the Tria-
pathi family, the matriarch of which was Git£. They were Brahmins origi-
nally from a village near Lucknow and had lived in Banaras for around 20
years. She had a basic education and so was not &dquo;illiterate,&dquo; but she did not
consider reading to be a key form ofliteracy for women. We got along quite
well, and many of our discussions, particularly those regarding women’s reli-
gion, were fruitfal for me. Gtk-didi did several vrats while I lived with her fam-
ily and on two occasions she borrowed a vrat pamphlet from me to perform
her ritual. For Div£l12 she decorated the house, cleaned the puja room and
made the necessary preparations for the vrat. The pfijei itself was very brief.
I was in the room next door and heard sounds from the pfijei room. This
turned out to be Git£-didi reciting the story in front of the image. Her rea-
sons for doing it alone were that the rest of us were busy and that it was,
after all, the woman’s responsibility. When I pressed her further, she said
that even if the devotee is alone while performing a vrat, the story is not to
be internalized. It must be spoken, whether told from memory or read from
a text. If there is an audience to share it, so much the better .. , but recitation
is crucial.
For Karv£ Cauth, Git£-didi again borrowed a pamphlet, and this time a
neighbour girl, to whom the story was unfamiliar, read it aloud with Gt£-didi
as the audience. The two of them did the whole vrat completely. They followed
the injunctions (vidhi) as printed in the pamphlet with Git£-didi following
the more severe prescriptions. The vidhi states that performers are to fast until
they see the moon and then do pfijei. Git£-didi neither ate nor drank until
she ate with her husband and son, at about 11:30 pm and she did the pfijei
in the afternoon with the girl. This is clearly long before moonrise. Git£-
didi fasted, but she insisted that the girl have tea, which included biscuits and
other snacks. Together they made the requisite painting on the wall, and
did the pfijei after afternoon tea. So, the fasting, ritual and wall-painting were
all done in some sort of modified fashion. But the prescription for &dquo;public
performance of the story&dquo; was followed to the letter. In both of these vrats
&dquo;reading&dquo; was synonymous with reciting. It was considered a verbal act, and
to read silently was not to read at all.
Of the eleven components of a vrat, four are key: upavas (fast) , pfijei (wor-
ship), katha (story) and sankalPa (statement of intent) (McDaniel 2003: 31;
McGee 1987: 128-241). These basic elements may have subdivisions. For
example, the pfijei may have several components, there may be certain dietary

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

8

injunctions, and the story may be episodic (Wadley 1985: 63). Kathas are the
centrepiece of the vrat, not mere addenda, regardless of the other elements
involved. If the katha is not told or read, the rite is considered incomplete and
its value is lost (McDaniel 2003: 31; Tewari 1991: 4; Wadley 1985: 46). It is
important to note the &dquo;generic quality&dquo; of many of these stories and the uses
to which they are put. Vrats are performed to protect a woman’s family, and
often the narratives on that theme are either interchangeable or identical.
One of Tewari’s informants gave the identical story in two different contexts
and often the kathas told in a ritual have no connection to that particular vrat
(Tewari 1991: 56, n. 4). That is, stories can be &dquo;interchangeable&dquo; in that if one
does not know a specific katha, another can be told. As long as it is a vrat katha
it will achieve the same effect (Tewari 1991: 119, n.l). Thus, the logic is that
as long as the story is on the same subject as the vrat, it fulfils the narrative

requirement for that vrat.

This &dquo;interchangeability&dquo; hints at another crucial aspect of these stories:
eternality. In most cases there is no &dquo;origin&dquo; of the vrat given, nor is there a
first performance. The overwhelming trend is that the stories are merely
one performance of an eternally existing and eternally effective rite. Even

when the performers are divine, like Siva, Parvati and Ganesa, who figure
prominently in several vrats, there is no indication of an Ur-performance. The
vrats which are transmitted are those known to be effective in particular cir-
cumstances. Thus, we always seem to enter in the middle of the continuing

history of the vrat and our particular reading or hearing or telling is merely
one performance among many (McGee 1987: 226ff.).
This &dquo;eternality&dquo; could be considered an attempt at &dquo;elite emulation.&dquo;
This is the theory that those farther down the social spectrum emulate those
at the top as a means to improve their status. In vrat kathas, famous San-
skritic, pan-Indian figures appear, particularly in the frame stories locating
the performance in the epic past. However, it is equally easy to see that the
stories are not giving themselves a validity based on their relationship to San-
skrit characters. Rather, the opposite is true. Vrats are so effective that even
mythological figures perform them. The stories, therefore, do not validate
themselves through association with Sanskrit characters, but by claiming that
they are timeless; so old that even the ancient figures knew of them as even
more ancient lore, and so powerful that even deities perform them.
A few examples of such Sanskritic framing will suffice to make this point.
Siva, Parvaii and Ganesa are pan-Indian deities. In several stories associated
with the Ganesa Cauth Vrat3 Gaoe§a’s mother, Parvati, asks Ganesa about
the benefits and ritual rules of this monthly vrat. He explains all of this to her,
yet when the story is told it is narrated as if Ganesa and Parvati were nowhere
around. In the Haritdlikd story,4 Parvati performs austerities to gain Siva as
her husband. In the frame story, Parvati seems to have forgotten the details
and asks Siva to retell her her own story. Hindi vrat kathas are often narrated
by Ndrada, a mythological character who could be called the messenger of

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 9

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

10

vrat. She called it a kahani, reiterating that when not told within the vrat rit-
ual it is merely a secular story told for entertainment (manoranjan).
This contextuality indicates another important notion. Myths are pow-
erful cultural forces. The reason that these stories are so crucial for individ-
uals is simply that they are better than direct discourse at transmitting knowl-
edge. Many scholars agree that story is more likely to be the medium of
choice for Hindus to transmit their worldview (Gonda 1975:114-15; Narayan
1989: 5; Narayanan 1999: 34-36; Narayana Rao 1986: 132; Wadley 1986: 200).
Even those who critique Hindu patriarchal culture often use female myth-
ological characters to support their resistance to patriarchy (Kishwar and
Vanita 1984). Like Sanskrit myths, vrat kathas are peopled with deities to
provide a model of reality (Wadley 1976:166; Wadley 1985: 83ff ) , in that they
instill as well as articulate cultural values. George Hart argues that Indian lit-
erature deals not with reality but with archetypes of conduct in the emo-
tional and moral realms (Hart 1995: 169). With respect to vrat kathas I pre-
fer &dquo;paradigm&dquo; to &dquo;archetype.&dquo; While archetype is synonymous with prototype
as an original upon which things are to be modeled (Webster’s 1970: 46), a

paradigm is an &dquo;example&dquo; upon which things ought to be modeled (Webster’s

1970: 610). Paradigm is thus closer to Geertz’s &dquo;model for/model of&dquo; notion
which is so helpful in discussions of culture (Geertz 1966). The characters in
vrat kathas are examples individuals try to emulate, not the original from
which they are modeled. These characters reflect the life experiences of
their tellers and at the same time articulate patterns of behaviour both teller
and listener should copy. Thus Wadley’s use of the term &dquo;myth&dquo; for vrat kathris
is appropriate (Wadley 1985: 64) as it has a consistent structure and ideology
although the particular details may differ.
Even scholars who have a psychoanalytical bent consider vrats to be im-
portant socialization tools transmitting cultural knowledge (Kakar 1981).
There are symbols within these myths which need to be interpreted and
these symbols are ideals to which individuals attempt to conform. Commu-
nities and individuals propose modes and models of behaviour through story
and accept, modify or reject these modes and models based on what they need
as individuals and communities. Thus, these stories are both models of and
models for reality available to the individual and community and are reflec-
tive of the values of these individuals and communities. The content of a lit-
erary tradition reflects the needs of the community it serves and changes
over time to reflect the changing needs of this community (Blackburn 1989;

Flueckiger 1989; ). Vrat kathas maintain their oral nature while functioning
as paradigms (models of/models for) and myths for the women tell and

them.

Mantra as speech act

.

Vrat kathas, whether printed or oral, also function as mantras within vrat rit-
ual activities. Wade T. Wheelock follows J. L. Austin and J. R. Searle in defin-

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 11

ing a verbal utterance as a purposeful act and identifies four basic utterance
types in ritual (Wheelock 1989). They are: (1) presentation of characteristics-
identities and qualities of components; (2) presentation of attitudes-state-
ments of personal feelings about the situation; (3) presentation of inten-
tions-statements of commitment to action; (4) presentation of requests-
commands and petitions.
These four types of utterance demonstrate a different pattern of speech
act within ritual. They are still active, that is they are neither accidental utter-
ances nor incoherent grunts. Moreover they are either narrative and descrip-
tive statements (categories 1 and 2) which &dquo;identify reality&dquo; by describing the
physical characteristics of the universe, or are intentional statements (cate-
gories 3 and 4) which give the individual’s commitment to action and his/
her expected outcome. These conform to Geertz’s definition of ritual as
both a &dquo;model of&dquo; and &dquo;model for&dquo; reality. The narrative describes reality
and the descriptive statements indicate the reality desired and the commit-
ment to achieving it. In all cases these utterances are purposeful acts. They
are intended to describe either the existing reality, as understood in the par-
ticular ritual world-view, or the desired reality.
Like Wheelock, John Taber looks at a tradition and its view of mantras
as &dquo;speech acts&dquo; with a focus on intentionality. Rather than &dquo;do they have a

meaning?&dquo; the question is, &dquo;are they intended?&dquo; (Taber 1989: 145). Taber
points out that within the Mimamsa tradition the question was, &dquo;do not man-
tras contribute to the sacrifice as subsidiary sacrificial acts in themselves?&dquo; If

so, the meaning(s) of the syllables is irrelevant because only the result mat-
ters. This orientation on results is predictable from a philosophical school
which focusses on ritual. Taber indicates that what is interesting for mod-
em linguists is that Mimamsa regards intentionality as a feature of all language

(Taber 1989: 159).

Harvey Alper, filtering the Kashmiri Shaivite philosopher Y~*emardja
through the thought of Patrick Sherry, gives characteristics of utterances
(Alper 1989). An utterance: (1) is a learned activity; (2) is both a context- and
rule-dependent activity; (3) may be compared to a move in a game. In all of
these, linguistic coherence is not an issue. Rather, the meaning of the utter-
ance is outside the linguistic dimension in the intention of the utterer. Utter-
ances are action, verbalized and intentional. Using Sherry’s model of speech

acts as locating (when one says it), relating (what one does saying it) and val-

idating (the evaluation of the truth of the assertion), Alper approaches the
question from another angle. His conclusion is the same, however, that
mantras are located in time, related to actions and validated by the practitioner
as being true within the ritual context.
Ellison Banks Findly states that mantras are &dquo;speech&dquo; because they are pro-
nounced, and this is their meaning (Findly 1989). Ritual speech is performa-
tive speech. Her argument is that &dquo;the term mantra, as developed in the late
Rgvedic era, represents a new view of ritual speech, which is performative and
agentive and, perhaps more importantly, a move away from the earlier focus
Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014
12

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 13

speech speaks to some human state, then this is a consistent &dquo;truth&dquo; which
needs unpacking. It is a symbolic truth rather than a literal one, and to that
extent, and that extent only, conforms to the paradigm. This is supported by
Alper’s statement that &dquo;an assertion implicit in a metaphoric (or mythical)
utterance earns no exemption from the ordinary standards of epistemology.
Its truth or falsity may, in principle, be evaluated in a straightforward, con-
ventional manner&dquo; (Alper 1989: 277). This is, however, a particularly difficult
area for historians of religion, in that we do not seek the literal &dquo;truth&dquo; of a
faith claim. Rather we seek to see what the faithful define as true. To that
extent, we can posit, tentatively at least, that these are true for the believer,
and therefore true.
Taber’s analysis of the Mimamsa understanding of language as inten-
tional could also be applied to vrat kath5s. They are grammatically correct lin-
guistic units, but their recitation within the vrat performance is required. A
vrat without a story is incomplete regardless of whether the story conveys
information. But in fact, they do convey information. If fundamental truths
are most easily expressed through narrative, then the story paradigms con-

vey information. It is a different information than Taber had intended, how-

ever.

Kxmar#a had a distinctly different view of mantras than the one we are
proposing for vrat kathas. Alper summarizes it by saying that Kxmar£ja
accepted mantric utterance as a specialized linguistic instrument that could
be used to attain spiritual liberation (moka). Its very utterance was a redemp-
tive cognition as it somehow explodes natural human delusion in one moment
of disclosive cognition. Ksmaraja’s goal was liberation rather than the mun-
dane one of health, prosperity and sons found in vrat kathas, but there is
still an intention. The cognition is also different. For Ksmaraja cognition
appears to be &dquo;gnosis,&dquo; an intuitive understanding of the reality of the world.
Cognition through vrats is the more mundane reiteration and transmission
of a particular worldview through the paradigms found in the stories.
If the purpose of the vrats, as many of the stories claim, is a &dquo;pure heart&dquo;
or &dquo;devotion&dquo; in addition to mundane benefits, the use of a story to trigger
this feeling in the individual is similar to the use of a mantra to trigger clar-
ity of consciousness. These appear to be merely different expressions, one the-
istic, the other non-theistic, for similar phenomena. From the above we see
that mantras have several characteristics. They are continuous verbalizations,
purposive, units within other units, used outside of the ritual context and a
&dquo;model for&dquo; generating thought. We may examine each of these in detail.
Jan Gonda points out that one of the stipulations for the effectiveness of
a mantra is the &dquo;insistence upon uninterrupted murmuring&dquo; (Gonda 1980:

215). The mantra must not be broken, and if it is to be repeated a specified

number of times the whole recitation is looked upon as one unit. This is
how we may interpret Sankhayana ~-hyasutra 4.8.14: &dquo;Let him (the practi-
tioner) recite uninterruptedly&dquo; the OM mantra. We saw how vrat kathas are

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 14

&dquo;’~&dquo;’..Il ,IJ ...a r ~,.

We have seen that mantras have are purposive. We have also noted the
crucial elements of a vratabove. The sankalpa (declaration of intention) is the
initiatory rite of a vrat. By this rite the devotee is bound to vrat performance
until the udyapana (concluding ceremony) is completed. The sankalPa is
also a speech act, and in McGee’s presentation it is a rather formulaic act: a
kind of a contract with the non-human realm. Here one’s intention is stated,
and it is to be &dquo;framed within a larger formula.&dquo; It need only be uttered once
to initiate the rite, but may be restated in truncated form before each per-
formance, particularly if it is an annual vrat. Here an obvious speech act ini-
tiates vrat performance.
In a dear connection to the Vedic sacrifice,japa (meditational recitation)
and homa (fire sacrifice) appear to be transformed and opened up to women,
and Sudras (McGee 1987: 145-52). The obvious connection ofjapa to Vedic
mantras is important here. The superiority of mental japa over external
recitation ofvedic mantras is stated explicitly. The external mantras become
internalized as a concentration on the divine. Mantra thus moves from a
sacrificial orientation to one of devotion. However, also important is the
bhakti (devotionalist) issue of the inclusion of women and Sudras. Ostensibly,
they were prohibited from hearing Vedic mantras, and their participation in
Vedic sacrifice was limited. However, as Findly points out, mantras have an
inherent power regardless of who speaks them and the mediation of the
Vedic priest becomes superfluous (Findly 1989: 16-17). This would give
access to the mantras to those formerly forbidden. In the bhakti context they

were allowed to not only hear and participate, but actually lead ritual (vrat)

performance and utter &dquo;mantras&dquo; as japa. In fact, within the vrat context,
the &dquo;internalization&dquo; ofjapa would be unusual. Rather, the presumption is of
an external recitation, often in groups, as an element within the puja. They
are a second purposive speech act within the vrat ritual context.
The third important form of purposive utterance is story. Vedic stories
are not associated with priests but with kavis (&dquo;poets&dquo;) who were primarily com-

posers of songs and stories. These kavis had a place created for them in the
ritual (Findly 1989: 24ff.). Thus, mantras are associated with a literary tradi-
tion within the ritual, and therefore have a natural relationship with story. That
is, Vedic ritual absorbed into itself the stories and their composers who
already existed in the cultural milieu. &dquo;Story&dquo; became another ritual utterance
existing side by side with mantra.
All four ofwheelock’s types of ritual utterance-presentation of charac-
teristics, attitudes, intentions and requests-are components of vrats, but in
a greatly modified form. Wheelock asserts that the presentation of character-

istics is one in which, for example, the deities are described: &dquo;O Siva, you

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 15

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

16

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 17

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 18

-~.
1 ,

have within them certain mores that the listener absorbs through repetition,
and the repetition of various stories into which the numerous cultural values
are encoded.
Vrat kathas also function as mantras in this context. Vrat stories are didac-
tic in the true sense of the word: they are &dquo;intended to convey instruction and
information as well as pleasure and en tertainmen t.&dquo; What makes them most
significant is that they are narrative. Cultural messages are encoded within
the dramatic action of the stories. This combines with the belief in the effi-
cacy of ritual, and of mantra within and without specific ritual contexts, to
provide a cultural understanding of the word as powerful, and the recita-
tion and hearing of these stories as beneficial. For example, the ideal wife is
one who bears sons, protects her husband through the bearing of male prog-

eny, maintains the domestic domain, including the hearth and the economic
realm, and protects the family members physically and spiritually through her
virtue and adherence to vrats. These ideals are encoded in the stories in
many different combinations, and their repetition over time, in turn, social-
izes the participants to accept these values and this worldview. Thus they
&dquo;generate&dquo; thought in that they remind the participants of the &dquo;thought&dquo; of
the symbol of a virtuous wife.

Conclusion

Vrat kathas maintain a particular oral model even when circulated as printed
pamphlets. They sometimes include frame stories, often appear as one long
grammatical unit and are often printed by the same presses which print
other &dquo;orally influenced folk genres.&dquo; Vrat kathas are also myths in that they
transmit cultural and religious paradigms and are stories of both Sanskritic,
pan-Indian deities and local, folk-deities. Finally, kathas function in vrats the
way mantras function in the Sanskritic rituals. The observations made here
will, it is hoped, continue a trend toward reevaluation of many categories in
South Asian cultural anrl relioioii; sturlips- Ga.teYorie; are imnortant hpl1ris-

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 19

1 Karvā Cauth (Clay Pot’s Fourth) is performed on the Dark 4th of Kartika. The deity wor-
shiped is Karva Mata (Lady Clay Pot) for the protection of husbands. It is also known as
Karak Caturthi.
2 Divālī (Festival of Lights) is performed on the 14th of Dark fortnight of āśvina. There are
various theories on its origin. Regardless, currently it is a festival where Hindus light
lamps and venerate Lakşsmī (Fortune) for economic prosperity in the coming year.
3 Ganeśa Cauth is performed monthly on the 4th day of the Dark fortnight to Ganeša to
obtain progeny and remove family difficulties. It is sometimes called Sankata Caturthi (Dis-
tressful 4th).
4 Haritalika is done on the Bright 3rd of Bhādrapada to Siva and Pārvatī for the acquisition
of a woman’s suhāg.
5 There is limited space here to recount the many Hindi stories in which this occurs. For
framing in Kannada stories, see Hanchett 1988: 81-84. Here, as in the Hindi stories, the
person with a problem is a woman, Draupadi, and the resolution of her problem is vrat
performance.
6 Chah Vrat ("Sixth" Vrat) is performed on the 6th of the lunar fortnight for the protec-
tion of sons.

11 lll lNd
c:1HHHÕ
person with a
-.-c..-....

Vrat Kathās
Chgth.
nd Varanasi: Thākur Prasād and Sons, Bookseller.
Divāl
.
ī
nd Delhi: Anand Prakashan.
Ggneśa Cauth.
n.d. Varanasi: Thakur Prasad Pustak Bhandar.
Haritālikā.
n.d. Varanasi: Sāvitrī Thākur Prakāśan.
Karvā Cauth.
n.d. Varanasi: Thākur Prasād and Sons, Bookseller.
Alper, Harvey P.
1989 "The cosmos as Śiva’s language-game: ’Mantra’ according to Ksemarāja’s
ś
travimar In Harvey P. Alper (ed.), Mantra, 249-94. Albany, NY: State
ā
Śivas
."
ī
in
University of New York Press.
Blackburn, Stuart and A.K. Ramanujan
1986 "Introduction." In Stuart Blackburn and A. K. Ramanujan (eds.), Another Har-
mony: New Essays on the Folklore of India, 1-37. Berkeley: University of Califor-
nia Press.
Blackburn, Stuart H.
1989 "Patterns of development for Indian oral epics." In Stuart H. Blackburn,
Peter J. Claus, Joyce B. Flueckiger and Susan S. Wadley (eds.), Oral Epics in
India, 15-32. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

20

Findly, Ellison Banks

1989 "Mántra kaviśast
:
á Speech as performative in the Rgveda" In Harvey P. Alper
(ed.) Mantra, 15-47. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Flueckiger, Joyce Burkhalter
1989 "Caste and regional variants in an oral epic tradition." In Stuart H. Blackburn,
Peter J. Claus, Joyce B. Flueckiger and Susan S. Wadley (eds.), Oral EPics in
India, 33-54. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Geertz,Clifford
1966
"Religion as a cultural system." In Michael Banton (ed.), Anthropological
Approaches to the Study of Religion, 1-46. London: Tavistock Productions.
Gonda, Jan
1975 Vedic Literature. Vol. I, fascicle 1 of Jan Gonda (ed.), A History of Indian Lit-
erature. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
1977 The Ritual Sutras. Vol. 1 fasc. 2 of A History of Indian Literature, Jan Gonda
(ed.). Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
1980 Vedic Ritual: The Non-Solemn Rites, Handbuch der Orientalistik, Abteilung 2,
Band 4, Abschnitt 1. Leiden: E.J. Brill.
Hanchett, Suzanne
1988 Coloured Rice: Symbolic Structure in Hindu Family Festivals. Delhi: Hindustan
Publishing.
Hart, George L.
1995 "Archetypes in classical Indian literature and beyond." In David Dean Shul-
(ed.), Syllables of Sky: Studies in South Indian Civilization in Honour of
man

Velcheru Narayana Rao, 65-182. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Kakar, Sudhir
1981 The Inner World: A Psycho-analytic Study of Childhood and Society in India. Ox-
ford: Oxford University Press.
Kishwar, Madhu and Ruth Vanita, eds.
1984 In Search of Answers: Indian Women’s Voices from Manushi. London: Zed Books.
McDaniel, June
2003 Making Virtuous Daughters and Wives: An Introduction to Women’s Brata Rit-
uals in Bengali Folk Religion. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
McGee, Mary
1987 Feasting and Fasting: The Vrata Tradition and its Significance for Hindu Women.
ThD dissertation, Harvard University.
Narayan, Kirin
1989 Storytellers, Saints and Scoundrels: Folk Narrative and Hindu Religious Teaching.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Narayana Rao, Velcheru
1986 "Epics and ideologies: Six Telugu folk epics." In Stuart Blackburn and A. K.
Ramanujan (eds.), Another Harmony: New Essays on the Folklore of India,
131-64. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Narayanan, Vasudha
1999 "Brimming with bakti, embodiments of shakti: Devotees, deities, performers,
reformers and other women of power in the Hindu tradition." In Arvind
Sharma and Katherine K. Young (eds.), Feminism and World Religions, 25-77.
Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Downloaded from sir.sagepub.com at EMORY UNIV on May 25, 2014

 21

Ortner, Sherry B.
1989 High Religion: A Cultural and Political History of Sherpa Buddhism. Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press.
Pritchett, Frances W.
1985 Marvelous Encounters: Folk Romance in Urdu and Hindi. Riverdale, MD: River-
dale.
Smith, Brian K.
1989 Reflections on Resemblance, Ritual and Religion. New York and Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Staal, Frits
1990 Ritual and Mantras: Rules without Meaning. New York: Peter Lang.
Taber, John
1989 "Are mantras speech acts? The Mīmīmsā point of view." In Harvey P. Alper
(ed.), Mantra, 144-64. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Tewari, Laxmi
1991 The Splendor of Worship: Women’s Fasts, Rituals, Stories and Art. Riverdale, MD:
Riverdale.
Wadley, Susan S.
1976 "Brothers, husbands and sometimes sons: Kinsmen in north Indian ritual."
Eastern Anthropologist 29,1.
1985 Shakti: Power in the Conceptual Structure of Karimpur Religion. Delhi: Munshi-
ram Manoharlal.

1986 "The kathā of Śakat: Two tellings." In Stuart Blackburn and A. K. Ramanu-
jan (eds.), Another Harmony: New Essays on the Folklore of India, 195-232.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Webster’s Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary
1970 Toronto: Thomas Allen & Sons.
Wheelock, Wade T.
1989 "The mantra in Vedic and Tantric ritual." In Harvey P. Alper (ed.), Mantra,
96-112. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.