Notes PPM 208 - Regional organizations

Many of the most important developments in today’s world in terms of international

coordination and cooperation are taking place at the regional level.

Regional organizations: fewer members than other international organizations but

usually comprising a wider range of substantive issues.

Regional integration: defined by Ernst Haas as “a process whereby political actors in

several distinct national settings are persuaded to shift their loyalties, expectations and
political activities toward a new center, whose institutions possess or demand
jurisdiction over the preexisting national states”. States establish and empower
regional cooperation in the belief that peace, prosperity or some other variable in the
region depends on regional inter-state coordination.

Regional organizations usually closely reflect the prevailing security culture in their
region (for instance human security versus traditional security) and dominant regional
views on values such as sovereignty, transparency, democracy etc. Many regional
organisation create few formal obligations for their members and take little powers
away from sovereign states. Some regional organisations have more power over
members, however. For instance, the Court of Justice of the European
Community/Union has compulsory jurisdiction over Member States that are accused
of breaching rules of community law. The European Communities/ Union provides for
a considerable degree of transfer of sovereignty to the regional level. Nonetheless,
even EU members still call on sovereignty on a regular basis to ward off interference
in their internal affairs through regional processes.

The African Union

The African Union was formally established in 2002 in Durban, South Africa. Its
Constitutive Act was signed in Lomé, Togo, on July 11, 2000. The AU is the successor to
the Organization of African Unity (OAU) which ran from 1963 to 2002. Its headquarters
are in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The AU’s members are all African countries, except for Morocco, which is refusing to
join to protest against the admission of Western Sahara as a member under the name
Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic.

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Compared to particularly the EU, the AU is more of a forum for negotiations than an
actor. The AU has limited organizational autonomy but does have an intriguing
peacekeeping capacity that makes it an actor in its own right on the African
continent.

Financial constraints have so far, however, often impeded the AU from achieving its
full mandate as described in the Constitutive Act.

From OAU to AU
The Organization of African Unity was strongly shaped by support for self-
determination and independence, and support for pan-Africanism.

Pan-Africanism: a desire for greater solidarity and collaboration in order to

address the domestic and global challenges that confront the African
continent. The idea behind Pan-Africanism was and is that Africa can only be
free and a political power in its own right in the world if it is united.

In practice, however, after independence, adherence to sovereignty often sat

uneasily with the desire to see pan-African unification. The Charter of the OAU
reflected this tension as it included pan-Africanist discourse but a strict state-centric
legal form. The AU has inherited this dualism. Its Constitutive Charter also emphasizes
non-intervention, inviolable borders and the equality of all members. However, to the
principle of non-intervention the AU has also added the so-called principle of “non-
indifference”.

Mandate
To “achieve greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and the
peoples of Africa (Art. 3 (a)), to “defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and
independence of its Member States” (Art 3(b)), to accelerate the political and socio-
economic integration of the continent (Art 3(c)), to promote peace, security, and
stability on the continent (Art 3 (f));

Key organs
 Annual meeting of heads of governments (“the Assembly”) to set common
policies

o Article 7(1) The Assembly shall take its decisions by consensus or, failing
which, by a two-thirds majority of the Member States of the Union

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  More frequent meetings of Ministers, usually Foreign Ministers (“the Executive
Council”)

 a small “Peace and Security Council” to manage the AU’s peace operations

o governed by a Protocol appended to the AU’s Constitutive Act in 2004

 A Parliament

 The AU Commission, its bureaucracy

Key principles
Article 4 The Union shall function in accordance with the following principles:
(a) sovereign equality and interdependence among Member States of the Union;
(b) respect of borders existing on achievement of independence;
(c) participation of the African peoples in the activities of the Union;
(d) establishment of a common defence policy for the African Continent;
(e) peaceful resolution of conflicts among Member States of the Union through such
appropriate means as may be decided upon by the Assembly;
(f) prohibition of the use of force or threat to use force among Member States of the
Union;
(g) non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another;
(h) the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the
Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and
crimes against humanity;

(i) peaceful co-existence of Member States and their right to live in peace and
security;
(j) the right of Member States to request intervention from the Union in order to restore
peace and security;
(k) promotion of self-reliance within the framework of the Union;
(l) promotion of gender equality;
(m) respect for democratic principles, human rights, the rule of law and good
governance;
(n) promotion of social justice to ensure balanced economic development;
(o) respect for the sanctity of human life, condemnation and rejection of impunity
and political assassination, acts of terrorism and subversive activities;
(p) condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of governments.

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Key obligations
Members have to

 Pay their dues to the organization (Art 23(1))

 Comply with the decisions and policies of the Union (Art 23(2))

The Assembly can impose political or economic sanctions for violations of these
obligations but the sanctions do not include the use of military force.

The “common policies” set for the organizations by the Assembly generally do not
constitute a legally binding obligation on members to comply.

Non-indifference
The OAU strongly emphasized sovereignty and adhered to a policy of strict non-
interference. The AU has adopted a much more interventionist stance than its
precursor and has embraced a spirit of “non-indifference” towards genocide, war
crimes and crimes against humanity in Africa.

Art. 4(h) the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision
of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide
and crimes against humanity

This principle was strongly promoted by the first Chair of the AU Commission, the former
President of Mali, Alpha Oumar Konare. Konare believed that, in keeping with the
philosophy of Pan-Africanism and continental solidarity, it was no longer tenable for
African countries to remain silent in the face of atrocities being committed in
neighbouring countries.

To make an intervention, the Assembly of the AU must decide in a regular or an

emergency meeting that it is necessary and that the situation on the ground qualifies
as one of the “grave circumstances” described in Article 4(h). The decision is taken
on a 2/3 majority vote basis.

The AU has taken an interventionist and active stance with regard to situations in
Burundi, Darfur, Somalia, Comoros, etc. and is actively involved in supporting other
peace operations around the continent.

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The AU’s embrace of the non-indifference principle was a ground-breaking
development. A similar move was made by the international community through the
UN General Assembly in 2005 with the adoption of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P).

Peace and Security Council

The Peace and Security Council (PSC) came into being in December 2003. It is
roughly modeled on the UN Security Council. It is composed of fifteen members
elected from the AU Assembly. Ten members are elected for two-year terms, five are
elected for three-year terms. Members have the authority to send “peace support
missions” in response to conflicts. The Council also has the authority to enforce the
“grave circumstances” provision of Art 4(h) of the AU Act.

Protocol on the Peace and Security Council

Article 1 states that the PSC is a “collective security and early-warning arrangement
to facilitate timely and efficient response to conflict and crisis situations in Africa”

The PSC aims to promote “peace, security and stability in Africa, in order to guarantee
the protection and preservation of life and property, the well-being of the African
people and their environment, as well as the creation of conditions conducive to
sustainable development.”

Article 7(1) In conjunction with the Chairperson of the Commission, the Peace and
Security Council shall:

 Anticipate and prevent disputes and conflicts

 Undertake peace-making and peace-building functions to resolve conflicts

where they have occurred

 Authorize the mounting and deployment of peace support missions

The Council decided on the modalities for intervention by the AU in a Member State,
following a decision to intervene by the Assembly. The Council can also make
recommendations to the Assembly with regard to intervention in a Member State in
respect of grave circumstances, namely war crimes, genocide and crimes against
humanity.

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The Council takes decisions through consensus, or if that is not possible through a two-
thirds majority vote. A simple majority vote is applied for procedural matters. No
member possesses veto power.

The Peace and Security Council can consult a Panel of the Wise comprised of five
African personalities for advice on matters pertaining peace, security and stability.

The missions draw from a standing force of military units provided by AU members, the
African Standby Force (ASF): Art 13(1) “In order to enable the Peace and Security
Council perform its responsibilities with respect to the deployment of peace support
missions and intervention pursuant to article 4 (h) and (j) of the Constitutive Act, an
African Standby Force shall be established. Such Force shall be composed of standby
multidisciplinary contingents, with civilian and military components in their countries
of origin and ready for rapid deployment at appropriate notice.”

The ASF is marked by high ambitions but challenges in terms of implementation. It is

supposed to be fully operational by the end of 2015. A study conducted by an
independent panel of experts at the request of the chairperson of the AU Commission
in 2013 concluded that it is unlikely that the ASF will achieve full operational capability
by the end of 2015. The panel recommended that to achieve full operational
capability by the end of 2015, a major effort would be needed over the following 18
to 24 months.

A continent-wide Early Warning System has been put in place to assist the PSC in its
prevention tasks.

AU peace missions

The AU has launched peacekeeping missions of its own but these have been seriously
hampered by financial constraints. The AU is still far from being able to fully train,
deploy and manage a large peacekeeping operation of its own. The African Pace
and Security Architecture comprises a “Peace Fund”, which is partly financed from
the AU's budget and partly by voluntary contributions from AU member states and
fundraising efforts. Between 2008-2011African states provided only 2 percent of the
budget for the African Union’s Peace Fund. This means that at a time when the AU
was seeking to assert its independence and autonomy, international donors provided
98 percent of the funding. The heavy reliance of donor funding makes it difficult to
institute “African solutions to African problems/challenges”.

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Recent years have seen more cooperation with the United Nations. For instance the
peacekeeping mission that was deployed to the Sudanese region of Darfur in 2008
was a hybrid AU-UN mission. In 2009 the UNSC for the first time authorized the use of
the UN’s peacekeeping budget to provide logistical support for a peace operation
conducted by a regional organization namely the AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM)

Examples of Peace Operations conducted in Africa by Regional Organizations

Organization Peace Operations

African Union Burundi (2003-2004), Sudan (2004-

present), the Comoros (2006, 2008),
Somalia (2007-present), African-Led
International Support Mission in the
Central African Republic (AFISM-CAR),
African-led International Support Mission
to Mali (AFISMA)

Economic and Monetary Community of Central African Republic (2002-2013)

Central African States

Economic Community of West African Liberia (1990-9, 2003), Cote d’Ivoire

States (2002-2002), Guinea-Bissau (1998-9),
Sierra Leone (1997-2000)

European Union Democratic Republic of Congo (Artemis

2003, 2006)

Intergovernmental Authority on Somalia (2005) [authorized but never

Development deployed]

Southern African Development Lesotho (1998-1999), Democratic

Community Republic of Congo (1998-2002)

Unconstitutional changes of government

According to Art 4 (p) of the AU Charter: “The Union shall function in accordance with
the following principles: condemnation and rejection of unconstitutional changes of
governments.”

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The PSC Protocol states in Article 7(g) that the Council “shall institute sanctions
whenever an unconstitutional change of government takes place in a Member State
as provided for in the Lomé Declaration”

Countries where unconstitutional changes of government have taken place are

(temporarily) suspended from membership. Examples are Madagascar, suspended
after the 2009 political crisis; Guinea-Bissau, suspended after the 2012 coup d’état;
and the Central African Republic, suspended after the conflict in 2012-2013.

The AU’s position on unconstitutional changes of government was confirmed and

refined by the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, adopted
by the AU summit in 2007. It strengthens to a large extent the penalties to be applied
in cases of unconstitutional change of government. In addition to the suspension of
the country concerned, the Charter provides the following measures:

 non-participation of the perpetrators of the unconstitutional change in the

elections held for the return to the constitutional order and the ban on them
from occupying senior positions in the political institutions of their state,

 their trial by the competent bodies of the AU,

 the possibility for the AU Assembly to apply other forms of sanctions,

including economic sanctions.

Furthermore, the Charter provides for the possibility of the imposition, by the AU
Assembly, of sanctions against any state party that foments and supports an
unconstitutional change of government in another state.

Economic integration
Economic integration at the continental level is a work in progress. Currently there are
multiple regional blocs in Africa, also known as Regional Economic Communities
(RECs), many of which have overlapping memberships. Zimbabwe is for instance a
member of COMESA and SADC.

The African Economic Community was founded through the Abuja Treaty, of 1991,
which entered into force in 1994. It envisions the creation of a continent-wide Customs
Union by 2019 and a Common Market by 2023.

The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) is an economic development

program of the African Union. It was adopted at the 37th session of the Assembly of

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Heads of State and Government in July 2001 in Lusaka in Zambia. It was intended to
provide a compelling comprehensive vision as well as a policy framework for
accelerating economic co-operation and integration among African countries. It
held commitment to good governance, democracy, human rights and conflict
resolution to be of crucial importance to the achievement of economic
development.

In essence, NEPAD initially proposed a new type of development partnership between

the African continent and the internationally donor community. Under this partnership
the continent was to receive more aid, more private investment and fairer
international trade terms in return for commitment and adherence to human rights,
democracy and good governance. However, the agenda was criticized by African
academics and civil society for being top-down and lacking popular support (for
instance Bond 2002). The agenda was also condemned for reiterating the same liberal
and neoliberal development models that had previously already required the
continent to integrate into world markets. These models were accused of having
exacerbated Africa’s international marginalization and having had a devastating
social impact on African societies.

NEPAD exists largely outside of the regular AU structures. The NEPAD Secretariat is
based in Midrand, South Africa.

Southern African Development Community

A subregional organization of fifteen members in Southern Africa
Replaced the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) in
1992 when it merged with the so-called “Frontline States”, which was an organization
aimed at achieving majority rule in South Africa.

The Southern African Development Community Treaty

 The SADC Treaty is a framework agreement establishing the institutions and
structure of the community. It provides for the adoption of “protocols” across
a wide range of political, economic and social policy areas in which
cooperation is deemed necessary or useful in terms of regional integration and
development.

o Cooperation has been established in areas as diverse as shared

watercourse systems, illicit drug trafficking, energy, transport,

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 communication and meteorology, tourism, trade etc. However, not all
signed protocols have entered into force.

o Example: 1996 Trade Protocol aimed at the establishment of a Free

Trade Area through elimination of tariff barriers and quantitative
restrictions

 The SADC Free Trade Area was initiated in 2000; its original
members were the SACU countries (South Africa, Botswana,
Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland). It was achieved in August
2008. That same year Mauritius, Zimbabwe, and Madagascar
joined the SADC FTA. In 2008 Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania,
and Zambia joined, bringing the total number of SADC FTA
members to 12. Angola, DR Congo and Seychelles are not yet
participating.

 In 2008, SADC joined with the Common Market for Eastern and
Southern Africa and the East African Community to form the
African Free Trade Zone, including all members of each of the
organizations.

Bodies
Since an institutional overhaul in 2001, SADC has become more effective and
coherent as an organization. The main SADC institutions, are:

 Summit of Heads of State and Government

o The Summit operates on a troika system, with a current chairperson, an

incoming chairperson (or deputy chair), and an outgoing chairperson,
who advises the current and deputy chair. Every year the Summit elects
an incoming chair from among its ranks. Each position is held for one
year.

 Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation (OPDS)

 a Council of Ministers

 various Commissions to guide and coordinate cooperation and integration

programmes and policies,

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  a Standing Committee of Senior Officials,

 a Secretariat based in Gaborone,

 SADC National Committees

 an Executive Secretary: currently Dr Stergomena Lawrence Tax

 a Tribunal (currently suspended)

A key SADC organ is the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation (OPDS)
in which political and security cooperation is institutionalized

 2001 Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security

 its key objectives relate to military and defence issues, crime prevention,
intelligence, foreign policy, human rights and democracy

 based on a commitment to conflict prevention, conflict management, conflict

resolution and peacebuilding

SADC Mutual Defence Pact

Launched on 26 August 2003, the Pact is a collective defence treaty, which commits
members to (albeit unspecified) mutual assistance against attack.

Article 6:

1. An armed attack against a State Party shall be considered a threat to regional

peace and security and such an attack shall be met with immediate collective
action.

2. Collective action shall be mandated by Summit on the recommendation of the

Organ.

3. Each State Party shall participate in such collective action in any manner it deems
appropriate.

4. Any such armed attack, and measures taken in response thereto,

shall immediately be reported to the Peace and Security Council of the African
Union and the Security Council of the United Nations."

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As remarked by Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa: "this will be our way to show
our commitment to, and application of, the concept of African solutions to African
problems".

Before this pact was signed, SADC members had undertaken two collective defence
missions, which received after the fact endorsement:

 In response to the joint Rwandan and Ugandan military intervention in the

Democratic Republic of Congo in 1998, Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe, sent
forces to assist the besieged regime of Laurent Kabila, which might be seen as
collective defence in the sense of Article 51 of the UN Charter. While the mission
had no formal SADC mandate, it was granted endorsement after the fact.

 In 1998, South Africa and Botswana launched an intervention in Lesotho,

officially in order to avert a military coup. This intervention equally received a
SADC mandate of sorts after the fact, though the mission is widely considered
not to have been very successful.

As far as genuinely multilateral military activities are concerned, the Pact envisions
collaboration in military training, joint exercises, exchange of intelligence and joint
research activities.

Article 9 highlights three areas of mutual interest -

a. The training of military personnel in any field of military endeavour and, to that
end, [...] joint military exercises in each other’s territory.

b. Exchange military intelligence and information in all relevant matters subject to

any restrictions or otherwise of national security.

c. Joint research, development and production under license or otherwise of

military equipment, including weapons and munitions, and to facilitate the
supply of, and/or the procurement of defence equipment and services among
defence-related industries, defence research establishments and their
respective armed forces.

Joint training in peacekeeping activities has taken place and military exercises have
been conducted. No actual joint deployments have, however, taken place, and this
seems to presuppose the participation and leadership of South Africa. (It is doubtful

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whether SA is willing to play such a role or whether this would be accepted by other
members.)

So far SADC’s contribution to regional security is mostly in the field of ‘soft’ measures.
SADC has, for instance, taken some steps to address the problem of small arms
proliferation in the region. It is also conceivable that SADC may continue to play a
role in protecting democracy, thereby helping prevent conflict. SADC for instance
responded when Madagascar’s president was forcefully removed in a coup in March
2009, not only refusing recognition to the usurpers, but also suspending the country
from all SADC institutions. The country was allowed to return to full membership in
January 2014.

Has SADC contributed to the formation of a “security community” in Southern

Africa?
A security community: concept developed by Karl Deutsch in 1957 and further
developed by others such as Emmanuel Adler and Michael Barnett:

A ‘security community’ is defined as a situation where a group of people(s) have

reached a level of integration and a sense of community and common identity that
is strong enough for them to enjoy “dependable expectations of peaceful change”.
This means that they can have a real assurance that disputes between them will be
settled by means other than the use of force. States that comprise a security
community regard the threat and actual use of force between themselves as
unthinkable and in fact do no longer engage in preparations for fighting one another.

Deutsch saw three major preconditions:

1. Compatibility of the major values relevant to decision-making

2. An ability among the members to respond to each other’s needs, actions and
communications quickly, adequately and without resorting to violence

3. Mutual predictability of behaviour

Assigned readings:

Yes:
 Franke, B. 2008. “Africa's Evolving Security Architecture and the Concept of
Multilayered Security Communities”. Cooperation and Conflict, 43:3, pp. 313-
340.

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  Ngoma, N. 2003. “SADC: Towards A Security Community?” African Security
Review, 12:3, pp. 17-28

No:
 Nathan, L. 2013. “Synopsis of Community of insecurity: SADC’s Struggle for
Peace and Security in Southern Africa.” African Security Review 22:3, pp. 181-
189.

The European Union

Headquartered in Brussels, Belgium

Currently has 28 members

The EU has powerful central authorities including a bureaucracy and a legal system
to regulate relations between the center and the member states. This strong
administrative and legal authority at the center sets the EU apart from other inter-state
organizations. In some areas the institutions of the EU create rules that are directly
enforceable in member states. The EU thus tries to reconcile the tension between
sovereignty and inter-state commitments and institutions by empowering the centre
and even removing states entirely from the decision chain
Theoretical perspectives on European regional integration
 Functionalism (David Mitrany) saw integration as a technical process. In se
functionalism was both an analysis and a prescription. It emphasized the
creation of institutions in Europe that appealed to the interests and ultimately
also attracted the loyalties of individual actors. Functionalism focused on the
technical demands for international governance. It stated that as the problems
and challenges facing states were becoming more international, the scope for
global governance was expanding. Hence there was a growing technical
need for greater international cooperation. Functionalism predicted a decline
in nationalism and in the importance of the nation-state. Corporations,
foundations, professionals, elected officials etc. would perceive their
economic interests and self-identity as increasingly linked to European
institutions rather than their nation-states.
 Neofunctionalism (Ernst Haas and Leon Lindberg) saw integration as a political
process and put emphasis on the role of the state. It rejected the notion that
technical tasks or the search for welfare could be separated from politics and

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 power. For integration to occur it must be perceived by elites as in their interest.
Functionalism stated that integration happens as a result of:
o domestic political pressure to improve regional institutions (political
spillover)
o inherent links between issue areas so that integration in one area
necessitated integration in another area (functional spillover)
o upgrading of common interests by relying on integrative institutions to
work out mutually beneficial issue linkages
o initiatives for further integration taken by the supranational institutions
that oversee the integration process: as these institutions become more
powerful and more independent of member states they will promote
further integration: technocratic automaticity
 Neofunctionalism looked at the evolution of integration within existing
institutional and organizational structures rather than at the development of
new structures.
 The strength of functionalist arguments waxed and waned with the degree of
progress towards integration in Europe
o Weak in the 1960s and early 1970s
o Stronger at the time of the Single European Act or the Maastricht Treaty
Key treaties
The project of European integration has proceeded through a series of treaties, with
each new agreement extending the previous:

o Treaty Establishing the European Coal and Steel Community (1952): creating
the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC)

o Robert Schuman (French foreign minister) proposed establishing a

European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) on 9 May 1950, taking up
an idea originally conceived by French political economist and
diplomat Jean Monnet. In countries which had once fought each other,
the production of coal and steel would be pooled under a common
High Authority. In other words, the raw materials of war were turned into
a platform for reconciliation and peace.

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 o Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (Rome, 1957): establishing the
European Economic Community (EEC) among six European countries
(Belgium, Germany, France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands)

o Treaty on European Union (Maastricht, 1992): changing the EEC into the
European Union

o Treaty of Lisbon (2009): reframing the relationship among EU institutions and

between EU institutions and EU citizens

o Gave the European Council a permanent President and created the

post of High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security
Policy.

o In the 1970s the American diplomat Henry Kissinger famously asked: "If I
want to call Europe, who do I call?", expressing frustration at the fact
that since the EU was an intergovernmental body, no single entity was
qualified to speak on its behalf. The creation of these two positions
attempted to fill that gap.

Key organs
 European Commission

o the executive organ and also the bureaucracy of the EU

o represents the common EU interest

o has direct regulatory power within member states on many issues

o 28 Commissioners appointed by each of the member states, including

the Commission President and the High Representative of the Union for
Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, who is one of the Commission’s vice-
presidents

o Responsible to the Parliament: a motion by the Parliament to dissolve

the Commission would require all Commissioners to resign

o The Commission enjoys a substantial degree of independence in

exercising its powers. Its job is to uphold the common interest, which
means that it must not take instructions from any national government.
As ‘Guardian of the Treaties’, it has to ensure that the regulations and

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 directives adopted by the Council and Parliament are being
implemented in the Member States. If they are not, the Commission can
take the offending party to the Court of Justice to oblige it to comply
with EU law. The Commission has also been given a right of initiative
which empowers and requires it to make proposals on the matters
contained in the Treaty, either because the Treaty explicitly provides for
it or because the Commission considers it necessary.

 European Parliament

o Directly elected by EU citizens

o Representing the people of Europe: its purpose is to integrate

democratic accountability into the EU legislative process

o Has authority of co-decision with the Council: its powers have in recent
years been increased in the interest of democratic oversight

 The Council of the European Union or the Council of Ministers

o Comprised of ministers from all EU members, representing their

governments

 The composition depends on the issue being discussed so that it

sometimes meets as a body of foreign ministers, sometimes as
agriculture ministers, sometimes as transport ministers and so on.

o The EU’s main decision-making body

 According to the Lisbon Treaty, the Council has to take its

decisions either by a simple majority vote, a ‘qualified majority’
vote or unanimously, depending on the subject to be decided.

 In the qualified majority vote a Council decision is

adopted if a specified minimum number of votes are cast
in its favour. The number of votes allocated to each EU
country roughly reflects the size of its population.

o The Member States with the largest populations

have 27-29 votes, the medium-sized countries have
7-14 votes and the small countries 3 or 4 votes.

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 o With the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon a
new system known as “double majority” was
introduced. It will enter into force on 1 November
2014. In accordance with the Treaty, the new
qualified majority corresponds to at least 55% of the
members of the Council, comprising at least 15 of
them and representing at least 65% of the
European population. A blocking minority may be
formed comprising at least four members of the
Council.

 The need for unanimity in decision-making has in recent

years been decreased so as to facilitate decision-making.
Unanimity is still important questions such as taxation,
amending the Treaties, launching a new common policy
or allowing a new country to join the Union.

 Many Council decisions must now be approved by the

Parliament as well, a system known as “co-decision”.

o The Member States take it in turns to hold the Council Presidency for a
6-month period.

 The European Council

o The gathering of EU heads of State and Government plus the President

of the European Commission: the EU’s top political institution

o A direction-setting and conflict-resolving body set above the Council of

Ministers

 The European Council also tackles current international problems

via the ‘common foreign and security policy’, which is a
mechanism for coordinating the foreign policies of the EU’s
Member States.

o Meets four times per year

 Court of Justice

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 o The judicial authority of the EU

o Hears cases on whether EU member states and EU institutions are acting

properly within EU law

Success and failures

There have been successes and failures in the European integration process. Among
the successes are the fact that the EU has managed to establish and consolidate
peace in a previously warn-torn region and policies such as the Single Market. On the
other hand, in areas such as common defence and military policies (which are areas
of so-called “high politics”, which are vital to the very survival of the state), a gap
between statements and reality remains. Among the failures it is also interesting to
note that major new treaties that were concluded among EU states have often been
rejected by European citizens in popular referenda. For instance, a draft EU
Constitution, signed in October 2004, which would have replaced all the existing
treaties was rejected by two national referendums in 2005.

Sometimes to achieve success, the EU has had to divide itself in multiple tracks so that
opposition of some members to new provisions does not hold back others. For
instance:

The Schengen-zone
In June 1985, five of the 10 Member States signed the Schengen Agreement under
which their national police forces undertook to work together, and a common asylum
and visa policy was established. This made it possible to completely abolish checks on
persons at the borders between the Schengen countries, regardless of nationality.
Today, the Schengen area is made up of 26 European countries, including four which
are not members of the European Union (Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway and
Switzerland).

The Euro-zone
The euro is the single currency shared by 18 of the 28 Member States of the European
Union. It came into use for non-cash transactions in 1999 and for all payments in 2002,
when euro notes and coins were issued.

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 o A Monetary Union: A group of nations that actively coordinate their monetary
policies. Members of a monetary union might for instance adopt a common
currency.

The adoption of the Euro as a common currency was a major innovation in

integration. The euro gives consumers in Europe considerable advantages. Travellers
are spared the cost and inconvenience of changing currencies. Shoppers can
directly compare prices in different countries. Prices are stable with an important role
being played in this regard by the European Central Bank, whose job it is to maintain
this stability. Moreover, the euro has become a major reserve currency, alongside the
US dollar.

Each of the new EU Member States is expected to adopt the euro once it meets the
necessary criteria. In the long run, virtually all EU countries should join the euro area.

o Of the “old” members Denmark, Sweden and UK did not sign up so far

The euro’s success notwithstanding it is far from clear whether the rules that underpin
the European Monetary Union (EMU) are sustainable. The Greek financial crisis in 2010
showed that enforcing fiscal discipline (that is limiting budget deficits) is a challenge
for many members and also that governments behave strategically and even
deviously in constructing their spending and borrowing decisions to conceal violations
of the agreed rule. The tensions between the common interest and commonly agreed
upon rules on the one hand and the national interests and the tenets of sovereignty
on the hand may pose serious challenges to the stability of the Union in the long run.
The key issue for the future is how to achieve closer coordination and greater
economic solidarity between the Member States, which need to ensure good
governance of their public finances and to reduce their budget deficits.

Customs Union
Under a Customs Union, a group of nations agree both to tariff-free trade within their
collective borders and to a common set of external trade barriers. A Customs Union
involves giving up a degree of sovereignty in order to achieve greater economic
integration. The unified trade structure allows for the scrapping of border inspections
or customs fees. In a Customs Union, member nations do retain the right to impose
some nontariff trade barriers such as health and safety standards.

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The European Economic Community (EEC) as created by the Treaty of Rome of 1957
was a Customs Union. It made it possible to abolish customs barriers between the
member countries and to apply a common customs tariff to goods from non-EEC
countries. The objective of establishing a customs union was achieved on 1 July 1968.

Single market or internal market

The Single European Act (1987) established the goal of establishing a single market
and set out a timetable for completing the European single market by 1 January 1993

A single market is an advanced stage of economic and political integration. In a

single market, nontariff barriers are eliminated together with tariff barriers, creating an
even more fully integrated market. There is freedom of goods, services, people and
capital. These four freedoms represent significant limitations on national sovereignty
but also have significant benefits for economic activity. Freedom of goods entails that
a product that is deemed safe to be sold somewhere in the Union, can be sold
anywhere in the Union. Freedom of services for instance entails that the qualifications
of service providers such as lawyers, architects, accountants, engineers and
pharmacists are recognized across the Union so that they can offer their services in
other markets than their home market. Free movement of people requires a unified
immigration policy. Free movement of capital requires harmonized national financial
and banking regulations. The European institutions have broad authority to harmonize
national regulations on issues such product labelling, marketing, manufacturing,
investment policy, competition policy, and many other areas of government
authority.

The single market is a work in progress: some sectors (in particular services of general
interest) are still subject to national laws.

Enlargement
From a Community of originally six countries the Union had expanded and nowadays
comprises 28 members. This first enlargement, from six to nine members, took place in
1973, with Denmark, the United Kingdom and Ireland joining. In 1981, Greece joined
the Communities, followed by Spain and Portugal in 1986. Three more countries —
Austria, Finland and Sweden — joined the European Union in 1995, bringing its
membership to 15.

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When the Soviet empire crumbled in 1991, the formerly communist countries of
Central and Eastern Europe expressed an intention to join the EU. Eight of them (the
Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia and the three Baltic states
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania), joined the EU in 2004, along with the Mediterranean
countries Cyprus and Malta. Bulgaria and Romania followed in 2007. Croatia joined in
2013, bringing the EU’s membership to 28.

The process of EU enlargement is still ongoing. A number of countries are at different

stages of preparation for possible future membership. This includes Turkey, which
applied for EU membership in 1987.

Each treaty admitting a new member requires the unanimous approval of all Member
States. In addition, in advance of each new enlargement, the EU must assess its
capacity to absorb the new member(s) and the ability of its institutions to continue to
function properly.

Common Agricultural Policy (CAP)

Established in 1962 in a European Economic Community of 6 members

Originally:

 Guaranteed prices for agricultural products within the Community

 Export subsidies and import duties for trade in in agricultural products with the
outside

 The programme is the most expensive scheme in the EU. In 1970, when food
production was heavily subsidised, it accounted for 87% of the budget.
Nowadays it still accounts for more than 40% of its annual budget. Agriculture
generates just 1.6% of the EU’s GDP and employs only 5% of EU citizens. Critics
therefore allege that the EU is overspending on agriculture.

While the CAP was instrumental in reducing Europe's reliance on imported food, it
quickly became one of the EU’s most controversial policies. It was accused of making
Europe's food prices among the highest in the world. The CAP also encouraged over-
production, and the creation of "mountains" and "lakes" of surplus food and drink.
These surpluses were commonly dumped on world markets at subsidized prices. The
CAP was therefore accused of having damaging effects for foreign farmers and

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perpetuating inequalities in global food distribution. Combined with import tariffs on
food, the subsidies made it harder for developing countries to compete.

Radical reform began in the 1990s. The aim was to break the link between subsidies
and production, to diversify the rural economy and to respond to consumer demands
for quality rather than quantity in the form of safe food and high standards of animal
welfare and environmental protection. In 1992 the CAP shifted from market support to
producer support. Price support was scaled down, and replaced with direct aid
payments to farmers. They were encouraged to be more environmentally-friendly. The
reform coincides with the 1992 Rio Earth Summit, which launches the principle of
sustainable development. In the mid-1990s the CAP began to focus more on food
quality. From year 2000 a focus on rural development was added to the policy
priorities of the CAP.

Drivers behind the CAP reform were

 WTO requirements

 International and domestic criticism

Since 2003 the link between subsidies and production has been cut completely.
Farmers are more market-oriented and receive an income aid. Direct payments to
farmers have thus largely replaced price support. In exchange, they have to respect
strict food safety, environmental and animal welfare standards.

In 2013 the budget for direct farm payments (subsidies) and rural development - the
current twin "pillars" of the CAP - is 57.5bn euros, out of a total EU budget of 132.8bn
euros (that is 43% of the total). Most of the CAP budget is direct payments to farmers.
The two-pillar payments system is likely to stay. Currently direct payments and price
support (pillar one) account for more than 70% of the CAP budget, while rural
development (pillar two) gets less than a quarter. On average, pillar one payments
provide nearly half of farmers' income in the EU.

Large agri-businesses and big landowners receive more from the CAP than Europe's
small farmers who rely on traditional methods and local markets. About 80% of farm
aid goes to about a quarter of EU farmers - those with the largest holdings. According
to farmsubsidy.org, a group campaigning for EU transparency, major beneficiaries
include rich landowners such as the British royal family and European aristocrats with
big inherited estates.

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